Association for Jewish studies 2000-2001- 25

Front Matter Source: AJS Review, Vol. 25, No. 1 (2000 - 2001), pp. 70-162 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1566649 . Accessed: 17/07/2011 04:41 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

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AJS VOL.XXV,NO. 1 2000/2001

TheJournalof the AssociationforJewishStudies

:KEIE

2000/2001 ASSOCIATIONFOR JEWISH STUDIES WALTHAM, MASSACHUSETTS

AJS Review EDITOR:

JayM. Harris,HarvardUniversity ASSOCIATEEDITORS:

NehamaAschkenasy,Universityof Connecticutat Stamford YaakovElman,YeshivaUniversity RelaMintzGeffen,BaltimoreHebrewUniversity SaraR. Horowitz,YorkUniversity CornellUniversity GaryA. Rendsburg, MarshaL. Rozenblit,Universityof Maryland New YorkUniversity JeffreyL. Rubenstein, BOOK REVIEWEDITOR:

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JamesT. Robinson The AJS Review (ISSN 0364-0094) is publishedtwice annually by the Association for Jewish Studies. Manuscriptsfor considerationshould be sent to Prof. Jay M. Harris, Dept of Near EasternLanguagesand Civilizations, HarvardUniversity, 6 Divinity Ave., CambridgeMA 02138-2093. Books for review should be sent to Prof. MarcE. Saperstein,Judaic Studies Program, The George WashingtonUniversity, 2142 G Street,NW, Washington,DC 20052. ? 2001 by the Association for Jewish Studies MANUFACTURED IN THEUNITEDSTATESOFAMERICA

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Foundedin 1969,theAssociationforJewishStudies is a learnedsocietyandprofessionalorganization thatseeksto promote,maintain,andimproveteaching,research,andrelatedendeavors in JewishStudiesin colleges,universities,andotherinstitutions of higherlearning. TheAssociationforJewishStudiesis a constituent societyof TheAmericanCouncilof LearnedSocieties

Copyright ? 2001 No portion of thispublication whatsoever maybereproduced byanymeans the written of the forJewishStudies. without express permission Association

AJS REVIEW THEJOURNALOF THEASSOCIATION FORJEWISHSTUDIES VOLUMEXXV, NUMBER1, 2000/2001 Articles 1

BRAITERMAN ZACHARY

JosephSoloveitchikandImmanuelKant'sMitzvah-Aesthetic 25

JOND. LEVENSON Religious Affirmation and Historical Criticism

in Heschel'sBiblicalInterpretation 45

JEFFREY R. WOOLF

BetweenLawandSociety: Mahariq'sResponsumon "TheWaysof the Gentile" Review Essays 71

MATTGOLDISH New Approaches to Jewish Messianism

MosheIdel.MessianicMystics HarrisLenowitz.TheJewishMessiahs 85

SCHWARTZ, BENJAMIN z"l On Memory: Personal and Cultural

VeraSchwarcz.BridgesAcrossBrokenTime: ChineseandJewishCulturalMemory Book Reviews 97

Nehama Aschkenasy. Womanat the Window:

BiblicalTalesof OppressionandEscape Alice Bach. Women,SeductionandBetrayalin BiblicalNarrative ESTHER FUCHS

101

MeirBar-Ilan.SomeJewishWomeninAntiquity FONROBERT CHARLOTTE

104

EdwardLipiiski. SemiticLanguages: Outlineof a ComparativeGrammar ROBERT D. HOBERMAN

107

Daniel Sperber. The City in Roman Palestine HAYIMLAPIN

109

111 113

Dov Gera.Judaeaand Mediterranean Politics,219 to 161 B.C.E. ADAMPORTER MiriamPeskowitz.SpinningFantasies:Rabbis,GenderandHistory

ARYEHCOHEN

MalachiBeit-Ari6,ColetteSirat,andMordecaiGlatzer. Codiceshebraicislitterisexarati quo temporescriptifuerintexhibentes.Vol. 1:Jusqu'i 1020 MENAHEMSCHMELZER

118

JosephYahalom.PalestinianVocalisedPiyyutManuscripts in the CambridgeGenizahCollections WOUT JAC. VAN BEKKUM

120

NahemIlan. "MetzahAharon"Commentary on thePentateuch Rabbi Aharon Garish by BENJAMIN HARY

122

RobinR. Mundill.England'sJewishSolution: ExperimentandExpulsion,1262-1290 PAULBRAND

124

StevenB. Smith.Spinoza,Liberalism,and the QuestionofJewishIdentity HEIDIM. RAVVEN

129

LouisE. Newman.Past Imperatives: Studiesin theHistoryand TheoryofJewishEthics MILTONR. KONVITZ

131

DavidAssaf. Regal Way:TheLifeand Timesof R. Israelof Ruzhin ARTHURGREEN

133

IssacharBen-Ami.Saint VenerationAmongtheJews in Morocco MICHAEL M. LASKIER

137

JonathanFrankel.TheDamascusAffair: "RitualMurder,"Politics, and theJews in 1840 HILLEL J. KIEVAL

142

EdnaNachshon.YiddishProletarianTheater: TheArtandPolitics of theArtef 1925-1940 JACOBWEITZNER

144

RakhmielPeltz.FromImmigrantto EthnicCulture: AmericanYiddishin SouthPhiladelphia JOCHNOWITZ GEORGE

147

DavidAberbach.Revolutionary Hebrew,Empireand Crisis: FourPeaks in HebrewLiteratureandJewishSurvival JAMESS. DIAMOND

149

YaacovShavit.Athensin Jerusalem Translatedby ChayaNaorandNiki Werner. ELLIOT RABIN

152

GlendaAbramson.DramaandIdeologyin ModernIsrael NANCYE. BERG

155

DavidA. Brenner.MarketingIdentities: TheInventionof JewishEthnicityin "OSTund WEST" GABRIEL FINDER

159 KevinMacDonald. andItsDiscontents: Separation

Towardan EvolutionaryTheoryofAnti-Semitism MiltonShain.Antisemitism

ZEVGARBER

163

CollectedStudies

175

Books Received

HebrewArticle [1]

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CENTER FOR ADVANCED JUDAIC STUDIES

Universityof Pennsylvania Post-DoctoralFellowships2002-2003 ApplicationDeadlineNovember15,2001 JEWISH HISTORY AND CULTURE IN EASTERN EUROPE, 1600-2000

For much of the modemperiod,the Jews of EasternEuropeconstitutedthe humanreservoirof Jewishcivilization,the sourceof manyof the currentsthat andreligion,historians,and shapeJewishlife even today.Scholarsof literature expertsin alliedfields,stimulatedin partby the new accessibilityof long-hidden archivalmaterialsin EasternEuropeandthe formerSovietUnion,havebegunto re-envisionEast EuropeanJewryand its place in modemJewishhistoryand culture. In 2002-2003, the CAJS will sponsoran interdisciplinary seminar devoted to assemblingand placing in perspectivethe fruits of the new scholarship. Amongthe possiblequestionsthe seminarwill considerare:Whatarethe limits of "crisis"as an explanatory modelfor individualandcollectivechangeamong EastEuropeanJews? In whatways did EastEuropean Jewryremaina coherent entityacrossthe periodicrecastingsof politicalboundariesin the region?What werethe linesof influencebetweenJewsandtheirmostlySlavicneighbors?The seminarwill also considerneglectedissuesof genderandeconomiclife among EastEuropeanJews. Whathistoricalcontextsmadepossiblethe rise in Eastern withthe idealof the emancipated (maleor Europeof Jewishculturalmodernism, female)self at its center?Howhavethepioneeringfiguresof Jewishscholarship in EasternEurope,with their pronouncedpopulistbent, shapedthe field's intellectuallineage? How can attentionto the intersectionof elite andpopular as the rise of Hasidismas a mass cultureilluminatesuchepochaldevelopments movement,the political mobilizationof the Jewish 'silent majority'at the beginningof the 20thcentury,andthe renewalof Jewishnationalidentityin the USSRduringtheColdWar? candidatesin the humanities The Centerinvitesapplicationsfrompost-doctoral in the finalstagesof writing students and social sciences.Outstanding graduate their dissertationsmay also apply. Stipendamountsare based on a Fellows' academicstandingand financialneed with a maximumof $32,000 for the academicyear. A contributionmay also be made towardstravel expenses. Applicationdeadlineis November15, 2001. Awardswill be announcedon January15,2002. Applicationsareavailableon ourwebsite:www.cjs.upenn.edu or contact Administrator, FellowshipProgram CenterforAdvancedJudaicStudies PA 19106 420 WalnutStreet Philadelphia, Tel:215-238-1290* Fax:215-238-1540 email: [email protected]

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AJS Review VolumeXXV, Number1

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Joseph Soloveitchik and Immanuel Kant's Mitzvah-Aesthetic Author(s): Zachary Braiterman Source: AJS Review, Vol. 25, No. 1 (2000 - 2001), pp. 1-24 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1566650 . Accessed: 17/07/2011 04:42 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

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JOSEPH SOLOVEITCHIK AND IMMANUEL KANT'S MITZVAH-AESTHETIC by ZACHARY BRAITERMAN In the following pages, I will address the relationship between Jewish thought and aesthetics by bringing Joseph Soloveitchik into conversation with ImmanuelKant, whose Critique of Judgment remains an imposing monument in the history of philosophical aesthetics. While Buber and Rosenzweig may have been more accomplished aesthetes, Soloveitchik's aesthetic proves closer to Kant's own. In particular, I draw upon the latter's distinction between the beautiful and the sublime and the notion of a form of indeterminate purposiveness without determinate purpose. I will relate these three figures to Soloveitcchik's understanding of halakhah and to the ideal of performing commandmentsfor their own sake (li-shemah). The model of mitzvah advanced by this comparison is quintessentially modem: an autonomous, self-contained, formal system that does not (immediately) point to extraneous goods, such as spiritual enlightenment, personal morality, or social ethics. The good presupposed by this system proves first and foremost "aesthetic." That is, immanent,to the system. Supererogatory goods enter into the picture only afterwardas second-ordereffects. This proposed coupling of Kant and Soloveitchik involves two fundamental ironies. The first involves Kant, whose Religion Within the Limits of Reason Alone promoted a thoroughgoing critique of statutoryreligion. Indeed, scholars who trace Kant's impact on modem Jewish thought generally sidestep his understandingof statutes, not to mention his aesthetics. Insteadthey turn to the First and Second Critiques to explore epistemology and ethics. Kant, it would seem, offered no help in figuring why modem Jewish people (might) observe mitzvah. But what if a possible response appears in the Third Critique?Against AJS Review 25/1 (2000/2001): 1-24 1

2

ZACHARYBRAITERMAN

Kant,this wouldmeanlookingat the systemof mitzvotless as a juridicalbody of statuteand law. Halakhahin this respectwould fall underthe purviewof aestheticjudgments,providingthat the performanceof mitzvot occasions aestheticjudgmentand its attendantpleasures.This presentsan understanding of mitzvahthatbothKantandSoloveitchikwouldhaveresisted,butone thatis suggestedby readingboththinkersin tandem. Our second irony involves using Soloveitchikto examinethe aesthetic dimension of mitzvah when a fundamentalambivalencecharacterizeshis approachto the topic.On one hand,theological,cognitive,ethical,andaesthetic considerationsfall into a loose hierarchyin which the aestheticoccupiesthe lowestrung.In contrastto scientificcognitionandethics,aestheticlife provides the lowest level of humanculture.On the otherhand,the cognitiveand the ethical will share this bottom rung with the aestheticwhen they are all contrastedin toto againstrevelation.In otherwords,the combinedfruitsof Eitherway,the aesthetic culturepalein comparison to revealedcommandments. and even hidden threadthat will interestus most remainslargelysubordinate texts. Soloveitchik's throughout I will neverthelessarguethatpreciselythis aestheticthreadprovesto be a compelling,if unintended,legacy to modemJewishthought.Throughoutthe primaryliterature,readersfind explicitand interlockingtheological,cognitive, and ethicalclaimsaboutmitzvah:(1) The essence of mitzvahemanatesfrom andtherefore,halakhiccognitionequalscleaving divinewill andunderstanding; to the mindof God.' (2) Halakhahconstitutesan a priori cognitivegrid (on a par with thoseprovidedin the theoreticalsciences)by whichhalakhicpersons constitutereality.(3) Performingmitzvotmorallyrefinesthe individualand unifies the Jewish people into a covenantalcommunity.The tact accorded Soloveitchikthroughoutthe secondaryliteraturecannotobscurethe suspicion thatthesetheological,ethical,andevencognitivethreadsmayindeedfrayunder 1. Joseph Soloveitchik,"U-viqashtemmi-sham,"in Ish ha-halakhah,galui ve-nistar(Jerusalem: World Zionist Organization,1979), p. 204. See Rivka Horwitz,"Yalaso shel ha-Rav Solovaits'iklabavayah ha-datitu-le-mistorin,"and LawrenceKaplan, "Motivimqabbaliyyimbe-hagutoshel ha-rav Solovaits'ik:mashma'utiyimo 'ituriyim?"in 'Emunahbi-zemanimmishtanim:'al mishnatoshel ha-rav YosefDovSolovaits'ik,ed. Avi Sagi (Jerusalem:SifriyyatElinur),1996.

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acuteanalysesof these too muchcriticalscrutiny.Readerswill findparticularly claims in the work of Aviezer Ravitzky, David Singer and Moshe Sokol, ShalomCarmy,and especially LawrenceKaplan.2In the meantime,reading Soloveitchikagainstthe grain and in light of Kant's aestheticsuggeststhree simpler and perhaps more enduringclaims about mitzvah than the ones Soloveitchik's own explicit statementspresuppose.They are: mitzvot are beautiful,they are sublime,and one performsthemfirst andforemostfor their

own sakealone-not for the supposedspiritual, cognitive,andethicaleffects thatSoloveitchiktakesfor granted.3

Soloveitchik,Kant,andAesthetics Both Ravitzky and Singer and Sokol have noted the ambivalence Soloveitchik'sexplicitlystatedcommentsregardingaesthetics.This underriding ambivalencetakesthe formof qualifiedaffirmation,hostileparody,andrelative indifference.4 Note how he beginsPartThreeof TheHalakhicMind,affirming "homoreligiosus"as an aestheticcreature.AgainstMaimonides,Soloveitchik upholdsthe liturgicaluse of poetic elementand anthropomorphic metaphorfor the warmthand color they providethe God-humanrelationship.He describes the worshipper"lured on irresistibly,from time to time by grotesquely 2. Aviezer Ravitzky,"RabbiJ. B. Soloveitchikon HumanKnowledge:Between Maimonideanand Neo-KantianPhilosophy,"ModernJudaism6, no. 2 (May 1986);David SingerandMoshe Sokol, "Joseph Soloveitchik:Lonely Man of Faith," Modern Judaism 2 (1982); Shalom Carmy,"Pluralismand the Categoryof the Ethical,"in Exploringthe Thoughtof RabbiJoseph B. Soloveitchik,ed. MarcD. Angel; Lawrence Kaplan, "RabbiJoseph B. Soloveitchik's Philosophy of Halakhah,"Jewish Law Annual 7 (1988). 3. I stakethis argumentwith andagainstSingerandSokol. On one hand,Soloveitchik'sown explicit claims abouthalakhahsit at odds with modem philosophy.On the otherhand,the modernismunderlying Soloveitchik's implicit aestheticruns deeper than Singer and Sokol allow or even Soloveitchikhimself mayhave recognized. 4. Cf. Ravitzky, "RabbiJ. B. Soloveitchik on Human Knowledge,"p.186, n. 85. According to Ravitzky,the aestheticrealmmay includethe entireworld of "majesticman,"the entireworld of human culture,not excluding political and judicial leadership.On the other hand, accordingto Ravitzky, the aestheticis also seen by Soloveitchikas constitutinga primary,precognitivenaturalstage thatprecedes majesty.Cf. Singer and Sokol, "JosephSoloveitchik,"pp. 251-52. Singer and Sokol note Soloveitchik's affirmationandrejectionof aesthetics,but not the indifference.

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Afterall, homoreligiosus "moves and figurativeattributes." anthropomorphic in a concreteworld full of color and sound."5Having said this, however, Soloveitchikproceedsto describethe religiouspersonas a cognitivecreature, no longer swayed by the abstrusesentimentor ephemeralfeelings that characterizethe aesthete.6From this point on in The Halakhic Mind, Soloveitchiksays next to nothingpositive aboutthe religioussubjectas an aesthetic creature. Aesthetics and aestheticismnow assume pejorative connotations.In this text, as in others,aestheticsassumesa precognitivevalue, butone thatis overridden by ethics,cognition,andreligion.7 At worst, the notion of autonomousaestheticlife, unfetteredby moral constraint, constitutes a purely negative phenomenon. In the essay Soloveitchikdescribesthe biblicalNa'amahas the fairestof "Confrontation," womenseducingthe sons of the Nephilim.Herattractions provokean appalling disregardfor the divinenormprohibitingmen fromtakingthatwhichdoes not belongto them [sic]. In this deeplygenderedaccount,the aestheticheretakes the formof unethicized,unredeemed beautyinflicting"untoldharmupona holy nationand kingdomof priests."8For the most part,however,Soloveitchik's attitudeis nonplussed.He neithercondemnsnor affirmsaestheticlife. In "Uviqashtemmi-sham,"one finds Soloveitchikreferringto the aestheticin the same breathas ethics and speculation.This allows speculation,ethics, and facets aesthetics(alwaysin thatorder)to sit alongsideeachotheras interlinking of "ontologicalman." Taken together, they form into "a complete and variegatedtotality"that representsa rich gamut of ontologicalreligious experienceoveragainstrevelatoryexperience.9 5. Joseph Soloveitchik,The HalakhicMind:An Essay on Jewish Traditionand ModernThought

(NewYork:FreePress,1986),pp.39-40. 6. Ibid.,pp.40-41. ed. Shlomo "Mahdodekhmi-dod,"in Divrehagutve-ha'arakhah, 7. Cf. JosephSoloveitchik, of halakhic ha-Histadrut Shmidt(Jerusalem: ha-'olamit, 1981),pp.74-75.Inthisdescription ha-Siyyonit of ideasas if theywere"contents halakhic thehalakhist dimly"sensing" beginsaesthetically, cognition, intoa clearchainof sound,sight,andsmell."Thesefragmentary insightsarethenlinkedby thehalakhist cognitiveknowledge. Tradition 8. JosephSoloveitchik, "Confrontation," 6, no.2 (Spring-Summer 1964):7-8. 9. Soloveitchik, mi-sham," "U-viqashtem p. 153.Cf.p. 162.

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Given this ambivalence,thereis somethingimmediatelycounter-intuitive of mitzvahin termsof Soloveitchik'sunderstanding abouttryingto understand Kant'saesthetics.Indeed,Kantarguedthataestheticjudgment(a subjectiveact by which we assert that somethingis beautifulor sublime)does not work accordingto objectivelydeterminateconcepts or lawfulness.Halakhah,in contrast,formsan objectiveorderbasedon set concepts,principles,and laws. Onemustrespectbutnot overstatethis basic difference.Take,for instance,the description in Kant's Third Critique:"[an] aesthetic judgment . . . refers the

by whichan objectis given, solely to the subject;it bringsto our presentation, notice no characteristicof the object."'1In other words, aestheticsinvolves purely subjectivejudgmentsthat say nothing objective about objects. This of halakhahandits wouldthenseemto contradictSoloveitchik'sunderstanding objectifyingstructures.However,Kantcontinued,"[aestheticjudgment]brings of the object,but only the purposiveformin the to ournoticeno characteristic powersare determinedin their engagementwith the [way] the presentational aesthetic object.""Threepointsbridgethe gapbetweenKant'ssubject-oriented andthe objectivestructuresof halakhicconsciousness.First,whatKantcalled the presentational powers(includingthe Understanding qua seat of objective concepts) play an importantrole in forming aestheticjudgment.Second, aestheticjudgmentfalls under a particular,albeit indeterminateconcept of purposivenessby whichhumansubjectspresupposepurposesthatthey cannot fathom.Third,we will see belowthataestheticjudgments(eventhoughtheydo not operateaccordingto determinate concepts)assumethe formof statements whosesubjectholdsthemuniversallyvalid. Turningto Soloveitchikshows an understandingof mitzvahimplicitly reflectingthe very aestheticismthatit supposedlysupersedes.But we mustbe hedonismpolemically clear.By aestheticismwe do not meanthe untrammeled in "Confrontation." After most Soloveitchik all, artists,moreoften parodiedby thannot, attributemoral,religious,social, or politicalsignificanceto artistic 10. ImmanuelKant, Critiqueof Judgment,translatedby WernerS. Pluhar(Indianapolis:Hackett, 1987),p. 75. 11. Ibid.

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creation. Instead, we follow Kant's distinction between aestheticjudgment per se and "the agreeable." By the latter Kant meant "what the senses like in sensation."12This includes purely subjective liking, as in the case of a particular person's happeningto enjoy certainwines, the color violet, or the sound of wind instruments.These, according to Kant, are merely agreeable,but not technically beautiful, since they cannot compel universal assent.13In contrast, aesthetic means the human mind making judgments about the beautiful and the sublime. It means sense intuition combining with concepts of the Understanding and ideas of Reason to form those judgments. These judgments are autonomousvisA-vis the real world of physical objects. At the same time, the human subjects who make these judgments do not hold them as subjective whim. According to Kant, you expect me to agree with you when you judge something to be beautiful or sublime (as opposed to merely "agreeable").Aesthetic judgments fall underthe forms of universal validity but indeterminatelawfulness. As such, they escape the determinatedefinitions that one expects from the sciences. The universal sense of lawfulness these judgments assume is aesthetic, not cognitive. The same holds true of the descriptionsof mitzvahthat follow.

The Beautiful In one of his five derashot (sermons) delivered to the Mizrachi movement, Soloveitchik attacks non-Orthodox Jews for wanting to enjoy the aesthetic beauty of Judaism while ignoring its halakhic discipline. Judaism is said to combine the aesthetic spirit of Sarah with the disciplined spirit of Abraham. Soloveitchik compares non-halakhic Jews to the scoffers in the Midrash who ridiculed Sarah'sdelivering Isaac. Thesearethe mockersof the generation,sincetheirentiresystemis mockery. TheJewishsoul requiresthatthey approachAbrahamas well as Sarah..... Of muchmajestyand course,thereis muchbeautyin Judaism,muchspiritedness,

12. Ibid.,p. 47.

13.Ibid.,p. 55.

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depth.However,the beginningof wisdom:[Judaism]is a way of life of selfcontrolandself-discipline.14 No doubt, this sharp distinction between beauty and discipline makes more polemical sense than theoretical. Soloveitchik makes use of it in order to challenge non-halakhicJews to accept "Abraham"along with "Sarah"or reject both in toto. But in drawing this line in the sand between beauty and discipline, he misrepresentsboth. Indeed, in his own thought,the beauty of Jewish life lies precisely in halakhic discipline. Soloveitchik refers repeatedly throughoutHalakhic Man to the beauty of mitzvot and of the behavior of those who study and uphold them. In one passage, he compares halakhic system building to the mathematicalelegance of scientific constructs. Soloveitchik explicitly states that these latter surpass the works of Leonardo da Vinci and Michelangelo. One can safely assume that he thought no less of halakhah.To be sure, he respects the dictum attributedto R. Jacob in Pirqe Avot that "He who walks by the way and studies and breaks off his study and says, 'How beautiful is this tree, how beautiful is this plowed field,' Scripture counts it to him as if he committed a mortal sin" (3:7). But Soloveitchik does not reject aesthetic rapture as much as he founds it upon halakhic cognition. He counsels only against interruptingthe very studies that allow one to hear "the tones of amor Dei intellectualis . . . reverberatinghere. And indeed, how beautiful is the echo of these tones, if the God for whom man longs is the living God and not an impersonal,infinite substance,imprintedwith the stamp of necessity."15 Take as anotherexample Soloveitchik's descriptionof the moral purism of R. Ilayyim of Brisk in aesthetic terms. Two men die, one poor, one rich, the one before the other. With none to plead for the poor man, the burial society preparedto bury the rich man out of turn. The poor man found his advocate in R. IIayyim. Earningmany enemies in the process, R. Ijayyim forced the burial society to bury the poor man in the order prescribedby halakhah.Soloveitchik 14. JosephSoloveitchik,fHameshderashot(Jerusalem:MakhonTal Orot,1982-83), p. 61. 15. Joseph Soloveitchik,Halakhic Man, translatedby LawrenceKaplan (Philadelphia:Jewish PublicationSociety, 1983),pp. 82-84.

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concludes with unmuted pride and pleasure, "Thus have true halakhic men always acted, for their study and their deeds have blended together beautifully,

trulybeautifully."'

Thesetwo examplesreflecta vagueresemblanceto Kant'saesthetic.Both

consider or involve acts of aestheticjudgment:on when and whetherto call this tree or that field beautiful, on judging an ethical-halakhicact beautiful. We also note from the passage cited above that the idea of a living God conformsto free

beautyinsofaras it doesnot conformto the stampof necessity. By and large, however, these references express a general aestheticismwith

little to do with Kant'smoretechnicalunderstanding of aestheticjudgmentin the ThirdCritique. Compare, in contrast, the instance in Halakhic Man where Soloveitchik describes the observantJew cognizing laws regardingShabbatand encountering

a sunseton YomKippur.Giventhe importance of thispassage,I quoteliberally: If a Jew cognizesfor example,the Sabbathlaws andthe preceptsconcerning the sanctityof the day in all theirparticulars, if he comprehends... the basic principlesof Torahlaw ... thenhe will perceivethe sunsetof a Sabbatheve not only as a naturalcosmic phenomenonbut as an unsurpassably aweinspiring,sacred,andexaltedvision-an eternalsanctitythatis reflectedin the settingof the sun. I rememberhow once, on the Day of Atonement,I went outsideintothe synagoguecourtyard withmy father... just beforetheNe'ilah service.It hadbeena fresh,clearday,one of the fine, almostdelicatedaysof summer'send, filled with sunshineand light.Eveningwas fast approaching, andan exquisiteautumnsunwas sinkingintothe west,beyondthetreesof the cemetery,into a sea of purpleand gold. R. Moses, a halakhicman par excellence,turnedto me andsaid:"Thissunsetdiffersfromordinarysunsets for with it forgivenessis bestowedupon us for our sins.". . . The Day of Atonementand the forgivenessof sins mergedand blendedhere with the splendorandbeautyof theworldandwiththehiddenlawfulnessof theorderof creation and the whole was transformedinto one living, holy, cosmic phenomenon.17

16. Ibid.,p. 95. 17. Ibid.,p. 38.

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SabbathandYomKippurare Clearly,thispassageshowsa generalaestheticism. clothedin light, color,and warmth.They reflectthe passageof time and the sweetand of death.Thissetsanexcitedmoodthatwaftssimultaneously intimation intoa holyworkof art.Butif beforetheorderof creationtransformed melancholic we couldcommendSoloveitchik thesegeneralcommentsexhaustthe description, andontological forhis romantic proseandturnto "moreserious"epistemological of sunsets,Sabbaths,andYom Kippurresonates issues.In fact,this description of beauty. ornot)withKant'smoretechnicalunderstanding (consciously to it is Beforewe beginto analyzethispassage important reviewtwo basic points.First,Kant'sformalismdoes not precludefeeling insofaras aesthetic judgmentinvolves pleasure.The next thing to rememberconcernsKant's threefacultiesof thehumanmind: psychology.Kantdistinguished philosophical is the facultyby which and Reason. Imagination Understanding, Imagination, is the activefacultyof the mindarrangessenseimpressions.TheUnderstanding the mindthat ordersthese sense impressionsinto an organizedand coherent (e.g., unity, patternaccordingto concepts.The"conceptsof the Understanding" are to no external reality.They buttools plurality,totality,causality)correspond of by whichthe mindorganizesthe manifold sense impressioninto an ordered whole. Lastly,Reasonpositsthese orderedimpressionsunderthe overarching ideationalpostulatesof God, world,and soul. The "ideasof Reason"have a more ambiguousrelationshipto externalreality.On the one hand,they are postulatesof pureReason.Onthe otherhand,Kantacceptedthe possibilitythat God, world, and soul refer to real externalreferents,even if we can know absolutelynothingaboutthem.In eithercase,the ideasof Reasonalongwiththe subsistfirst and foremostin a self-contained conceptsof the Understanding cognitivesystemof internalreference. Accordingto Kant, the pleasuretaken in judging things beautifulis Injudgingsomethingbeautiful,the humansubjectsays likewiseself-contained. nothingaboutthe object.Rather,the pleasureone takes in judgingan object beautifulresultsfrom the Imagination(which providesa determinatesensefreeplaywiththe concepts impressionof the object)enteringintoa harmonious, as an occasionthat serves external the As such, of the Understanding. object sets the mind into motion.By way of example,Kantincluded,"designs'a la grecque,the foliageon bordersor on wallpaper,etc., [which]meannothingon

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their own: they representnothing, no object under a determinateconcept, and are free beauties."18 Remembering Soloveitchik's own reference to the grotesque,we continue quotingKant: That is why the Englishtaste in gardens,or the baroquetaste in furniture carriesthe imagination's freedomvery far,evento the vergeof the grotesque, becauseit is preciselyin this divorcefromany constantrulethatthe case is positedwheretaste can show its greatestperfectionin designsmadeby the imagination.19 Kant also included "the changing shapes of the flames in a fireplace or of a rippling brook: neither of these are [technically] beauties, but they still charm the imaginationbecause they sustain its free play."20In each case Kant referred to objects that stimulate the Imaginationand concepts of the Understandingin tandem. They interactoutside of the precise determinationwith which concepts are applied in forming strictly cognitive judgments. Following the design of a baroque or a"la grecque pattern allows the Understandingto roam freely (for example) from the category of unity to that of limitation, to possibility, to impossibility. In short, concepts freely intermingle with sense-impressions following no particularprinciple,necessity, program,or interest. The pleasure that Soloveitchik takes in the performance of a mitzvah follows suit, except that here the concepts of the Understandingare halakhic. Performinga mitzvah sets the mind in motion, placing sense impressionsinto a free play with the concepts of the halakhic understanding.Sunset, trees, and cemetery intermingle with Sabbath and Yom Kippur laws and precepts in the description cited above. The mind roams from particular halakhot to the concepts of forgiveness, creation, and holiness as they intermingle with the setting of the sun, the architectureof a synagogue courtyard,and the unfolding landscapethat lies before Soloveitchik and his father. This allows Soloveitchik to judge the order of the world as "living, holy, cosmic." Aesthetic judgment is

18. Kant,CritiqueofJudgment,pp. 76-77. 19. Ibid.,p. 93. 20. Ibid.,p. 95.

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The predicatedon halakhah:thatis, laws,precepts,andall of theirparticulars. lush proliferationand formalarrangement of halakhicconceptsand natural sense impressionsstimulatementalpleasure.Indeed, it is no wonderthat Soloveitchikreturnsagainandagainto describethe life of mitzvahandits study in termsof "delight."21 A lack of pretension,even a tautologicalelegance,informsa picturein whichone observesa mitzvahbecauseit is a mitzvah,becauseit is beautiful.In this description,Soloveitchikdoes not set out to show how mitzvotgenerate goods externalto the system.This suggeststhe following.Soloveitchik'sown of mitzvahmaywobbleon fideisticclaimsaboutthe theologicalunderstanding mindof God.Comparing halakhahandthe theoreticalsciencesmayprovenot a little disingenuous.Ethicalclaims probablyhold out unrealizablehopes that performingmitzvahmight morallyrefine the individualand unify Jewish of societyintoa covenantalcommunity.In contrast,an aestheticunderstanding mitzvahdoes not referthe halakhicmindto a set of externalgoods andgoals. Mitzvotandsense impressionspoint Rather,it remainsentirelyself-referential. therefore,remainsimmuneto criticismsof onlyto eachother.Thisaestheticism, the type leveledagainstSoloveitchikin the criticalliterature.As Kanthimself it is impossibleto argueoveraestheticjudgment.Arguments understood, relyon therecanbe conceptappliesto aestheticpleasures, concepts.Sinceno determinate aboutthem.Likewise,therecanbe no realargumentaboutthe no realargument ultimatepurposein performing mitzvot.Thiswill strikemanycriticalreadersas beingjust as fideisticas Soloveitchik'stheologicalargumentexcept for one difference.It is one thingto judge a mitzvah-performance beautiful.It is quite fromdivinewill andintelligence. anotherto suggestthatits essence"emanates" divinepresencedoesnot This,of course,doesnotmeanthata commanding of mitzvah.Wewouldonlyobservethat contribute to anaestheticunderstanding God does not figure into the technical"beauty"presentedin Soloveitchik's pictureof Shabbatand Yom Kippur.Indeed,KantbringsGod (qua idea of 21. SeeSoloveitchik, Halakhic Mind,p. 98. mi-sham," Man,p. 65;"U-viqashtem p. 222;Halakhic of mitzvah. Soloveitchik's understanding underlying SingerandSokolseemto misstheaspectof pleasure of Jewishlife,an neverintegrates intellectandaffectin his understanding TheyarguethatSoloveitchik thatI findunpersuasive. Soloveitchik," argument SingerandSokol,"Joseph pp.256-63.

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Reasonandthe realpresencethis ideamayor maynot reflect)intothe analytic of the sublime,not intothe analyticof thebeautiful;andso too Soloveitchik. The Sublime The sublime representsthe second leg of Kant's aesthetics,acting in tandemwith the beautiful.In both cases, the intuitionof externalphenomena stimulatesthe mind and generatespleasure.But here, the act of aesthetic judgmentprovidesthe humansubjectwith "negative"pleasure.In judgingan intuitionof thatobjectentersintoplay with objectbeautiful,the Imagination's the concepts of the Understanding.This falls within the scope of human In the case of judgingsomethingsublime,Imaginationrefers comprehension. the mind to the ideas of Reason(God, world,soul) whose apprehension lies the of Kant the What called "mathematical sublime" refers beyond limits sense. to the absolutelyandinfinitelylargein nature.Judginganobjectmathematically sublime means experiencingthe inability of our Imaginationto bring an intoa singleintuition.At the sametime,Reason absolutelylargerepresentation demandswhat it is impossibleto sense. The negativepleasurein judging sublime,therefore,consistsin this.Judgingan object somethingmathematically sublimegeneratesa feeling of respect,not for the externalobject,but for the power of our own Reason to seek and proceedtowardan infinitythat lies beyondits sense. More importantto this study of Soloveitchikis what Kant called the "dynamicsublime"(theact of judgingnaturalphenomenain termsof mightand power).Thehumansubjectnow discoversits physicalimpotencebeforenature. Physiologicalpower and sensual need are reducedto naught before the compellingpowerof nature.At the sametime (andhereinlies the pleasurein judgingnaturedynamicallysublime),the subjectdiscoversthe superiorityof Reasonand moralprincipleover the naturewithinus andthe,naturewithout. Ultimately,Kantinsisted,the experienceof sublimityshowsReasonequaleven beforeGod.As such,he disassociatedthe attitudeof fearandtremblingon the partof homoreligiosusfromthe experienceof sublimity. Onlyif [homoreligiosus]is consciousthathis attitudeis sincereandpleasing

to God,willtheseeffectsof [divine]mightserveto arousein himtheideaof

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God's sublimity.... [H]e recognizesin his own attitudea sublimitythat conformsto God'swill, andis therebyelevatedaboveanyfearof suchnatural effect,whichhe doesnot regardas outburstsof God'swrath.22 A roughly similar insight works its way into Soloveitchik's understanding of mitzvah. The experience of revelation also provides "negative" pleasure. First, the human person confronts the limiting experience of compulsion. Soloveitchik makes this point repeatedly in "U-viqashtem mi-sham." This distinguishes what he calls revelatory experience from ontological experience. The human person must submit before an overpowering divine presence that makes absolute demands. So far we are with Kant (for whom the human subject confronts representations mathematically too vast for one to intuit and a dynamic power before which one proves physically impotent). At the same time, for Soloveitchik as well as for Kant, the human subject remains sublimely confident in its own powers-in the ability to proceed toward an infinity that it can never reach, in its own moral power before the naturewithin and the nature without, in the ability to create new worlds by renderinglaw. Kant, we know, insisted on the autonomy of human reason and morality. Indeed, judgments regarding the sublime presuppose a secure subject. Kant wrote, "We can... consider an objectfearful without being afraidofit. .. Thus a virtuous person fears God without being afraid of him. . . [The sight of a sublime object] becomes all the more attractivethe more fearful it is, provided we are in a safe place."23 For his part, Soloveitchik offers "halakhic man" no less security and confidence. A first example comes from Halakhic Man. We take it from Part One, section XIII, and identify it as a high point of the text. In section XI, halakhahwas said to constitute the third term resolving the antinomy between lowliness and loftiness. In section XII, Soloveitchik showed mighty and stoic men, bristling with halakhic armament,who master the fear of turbulence and death. Now, in section XIII, Soloveitchik's expands his rhetorical powers to offer this sublime vista of halakhic creativity: 22. Kant,CritiqueofJudgment,pp. 122-123. 23. Ibid.,pp. 119-120.

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ZACHARY BRAITERMAN Halakhicmanreceivedthe TorahfromSinainot as a simplerecipientbutas a creatorof worlds,as a partner withthe Almightyin the actof creation... . The essenceof the Torahis intellectual creativity..... The wholeof transcendental existenceis subjugated to him andunderhis sway.He createssupernal, exalted worldsand destroysthem."Knowthatwhichis highermimkha['thanyou' or 'fromyou']"(Avot2:1).All realityhigherthanourlowlyworldis fromyou;it existsbyvirtueof man'screative power.Knowthat[that]whichis higherfromyou!24

I am not sure why Soloveitchik begins the next section (Part One, section XIV) of our text by asking whether "halakhic man" lacks the splendor, rage, and tempestuousnessof homo religiosus.25After all, he has just finished exulting in the halakhic person's own extraordinary powers, powers that ultimately overwhelm what Kant called the naturewithin and the naturewithout; powers that ultimately prove equal before God's own. The halakhic person stands before the infinite power of divine creation and revelation, building fences beyond the power of angels, creatingand destroyingworlds. Kant himself could not have accordedgreaterdignity to a humansubjectin the face of the sublime. At this apex, "halakhic man" exults in his own powers. But even this epiphany ends. As the text now unfolds, Soloveitchik must bring his readerback from this peak point. In sections XIV-XV, he reminds his reader that such heights are afforded only after the careful and sober cognition that characterizes halakhic reasoning. Soloveitchik affirms stable religious experience, not the fleeting ephemera of homo religiosus. Indeed, after the torrent of words culminating in section XIII, Soloveitchik returnsto the reticence of "halakhic men" who do not waste time with songs and hymns.26Now he points to the centrality of this-worldly justice and the courageous pursuit after it.27Rather than tempt his reader with the awesome powers that are the fi-ruitsafforded halakhicabstraction,Soloveitchik insists that one must study halakhahli-shemah 24. Soloveitchik,HalakhicMan,pp. 81-82. 25. Ibid.,p. 82. 26. Ibid.,pp. 82-88. To be sure,section XIV does not lack foraestheticdescriptionsof its own. See law issues "a pp. 83-84. That'swhere Soloveitchikinsiststhat fromthe midstof mathematical-scientific cosmos more[sublime]andbeautifulthanall the worksof Leonardoda Vinci andMichelangelo." 27. Ibid.,pp. 89-95.

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("forits own sake").It is herethatSoloveitchikrecountsthe storycitedabove aboutR. I;ayyimof Briskdefendinga deadman'srights. Steppingback a momentallows one to chartthe followingmovementin PartOne of HalakhicMan. Soloveitchiktakesthe readerfromthe beautyof Shabbatand Yom Kippurto the halakhicsublimeand back to judging the beautyof halakhicethics.Note, however,thatthis ethicalthrust,the notionthat "halakhicmen"studyandobservehalakhahli-shemah,does not annulaesthetic judgment.Indeed,the very ethicalrigorof studyingand observingthe law lishemahconstitutesa thirdaestheticthreadin its ownright-one foundin Kant's systemandin thetheoreticalcanonsof modern,abstractart. Li-shemah

The needto returnto mundaneethicaldutiesexplainsthe polemicagainst poetry, psalms, and piyyutimin Part One, section XIV of HalakhicMan. "Halakhicmen"do not wastetimewiththem.Instead,theypursuethe studyof Torahand halakhahli-shemah.Soloveitchikdescribeshow his own father wouldstudyhalakhahduringthe Days of Awe ratherthanrecitepiyyutimwith the congregation.This behaviorepitomizedthe point that "the study of the Torahis not a meansto anotherend,butis the endpointof all desires.It is the mostfundamental principleof all."28In thispassage,Soloveitchikevenseemsto elevatestudyover againstthe value of cleavingto God. CitingR. Hayyimof Volozhin,Soloveitchikwrites:"Theprimarypurposeof studyis not to study throughthe Torah, simplyfor the sakeof cleavingto God,butto comprehend, the commandments and laws and to know each and every matterclearly."29 Accordingto this line of argument,mitzvotbearno mysticalintentions.One mustperformmitzvotfortheirown sake,forthe sakeof mitzvah.30 Soloveitchikshowshimselfto be a stemmoralistin suchpassages.Readers of philosophywill in turnrecognizein SoloveitchikKant'sethicalpurism.To be sure,even Kantpostulateda finalsummumbonumafterdeathwherevirtue 28. Ibid.,p. 87. 29. Ibid.,p. 88. 30. Ibid.,pp. 59-60.

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ZACHARY BRAITERMAN

receivedits just reward.Nor did Soloveitchikdismiss the spiritualrewards attendinghalakhicstudy.But at the level of motivatingprinciple,bothKantand Soloveitchikinsistthatone performone's dutyfor its own sake,not to benefit fromextraneousmaterialor spiritualgoods. However,in turningto the ethicalideal of pursuinga mitzvahli-shemah, Soloveitchik(unwittingly,I think)trespassedinto the aesthetic.Afterall, the force of performingone's duty for its own sake resonateswith ideas about aestheticsin the CritiqueofJudgment.Accordingto Kant,judgmentsregarding Thatis, the pleasurewe take in objects beautyare necessarily"disinterested." has to with beautiful do our interestin whetherthey actually judged nothing existin natureas objectiveentities.Hencehis examples:"Flowers,free designs, lines aimlessly intertwinedand called foliage: these have no significance, Of course,we also dependon no determinate concept,andyet we like them."31 fromthe takepleasurein the agreeableandthe good.Butthesearedistinguished beautifulin termsof the active interestthatwe take in the actualexistenceof objectsjudgedagreeableandgood."Wemaysay that,of all thesethreekindsof andfree, liking,onlythe likinginvolvedin tasteforthebeautifulis disinterested since we are not compelledto give our approvalby any interest,whetherof In other words, we like objectsjudged beautiful,not sense or of reason."32 becauseof the interestsensualappetitesor ideasof reasontakein them.We like themsolelyfortheirown sake. This disinterestednessbears upon the idea that one should study and performmitzvotfor theirown sake. Soloveitchikrepeatsover andoverin The HalakhicMindthathalakhicconceptscarryno necessaryrelationto the world of them.The examplesof the of externalobjects,thatthey exist independently Sabbathand Yom Kippurdescribedabove would be a case in point. The halakhicpersondoes not observethembecausethey involvethe sametype of physicalgratificationas eating or drinking.To use Kant'sterm,that would maketheirobservance"agreeable" (i.e., hedonistic,not aesthetic).But neither are SabbathandYom Kippur"intrinsically good"or even "indirectlygood"in 31. Kant,CritiqueofJudgment,p. 49.

32. Ibid.,p. 52.

JOSEPH SOLOVEITCHIK ANDIMMANUEL KANT

17

the sensemeantby Kant.Afterall, Kantsaw thatthe ideaof the good demands a sense of determinate moralpurpose purpose.3Onceone assignsdeterminate to aestheticjudgment,it loses its autonomy.It thenservesgoodsexternalto it. Thisinsightholdsas truefor Soloveitchikas it doesfor Kant.Accordingto our author,the ethical assumes a subordinateposition over against the autonomousvalue of religion and halakhah.As Carmynotes, ethics and halakhahoverlapin Soloveitchik'swritings,representing separateand distinct realmsof value.34Carmymakes the strongerpoint that Soloveitchikseems "oblivious"to ethics as an independentsourceof commitment.3 The likely reason has to do with securing the autonomyof halakhah.Note why SoloveitchikrejectsMaimonides'theoryregardingthe historicaloriginsand moraltelos of themitzvot."Thenetresultof Maimonides'rationalization is that religionno longeroperateswithuniqueautonomousnorms,butwith technical of whichculminatesin the attainment of someextraneous rules,the employment For instance,the rationalistarguesthat maximumbonum"(emphasisadded).36 Godprohibitsperjurybecauseit violatesthe normsof truth.Butto Soloveitchik thismeansturningreligionintothe handmaidof ethics;thatis, religionassumes a merelyinstrumental valuedefinedby higherends.Withthisin view, we better understand Ethicsmaynever why Soloveitchikcallssocialjustice"mundane."37 halakhah lest the latter lose its autonomous value. trump Ratherthaninsiston theirmoralutility,Soloveitchikfrequentlymaintains In one description, thatthe studyandperformance of mitzvotare "delightful." he imploreshis readersto considerthat

33. Ibid.,pp.48-49. of theEthical," 34. Carmy, "Pluralism andtheCategory p.331: 35. Ibid.,p.333. in autonomy shiftsfromtextto text. 36. Soloveitchik, interest Halakhic Mind,p.93. Soloveitchik's withtheautonomy of science.Intheessay"Confrontation," In TheHalakhic Mind,he compares halakhah ethosof he defendsJudaism faithcommunity" overagainstthecommoncultural as a "totally independent whathecallsa "Judeo-Hellenistic-Christian tradition." in "Confrontation," 37. Ibid.Notetoothepeculiar capsoff a pp.20-21. Soloveitchik phraseology withthedistinctly of mankind" of theJew'scomrimitment to "thegeneralwelfareandprogress discussion "etcetera." nonchalant

18

ZACHARY BRAITERMAN the revealedlaw is man'sdelightand only comfort.He servesthe Holy One Blessed be He out of love. .... Cleavingabsorbswithin it the absolute, command.Does not manelevatehimselfby laying suprarational, supranatural tefillin?... Does notmanfeel the happinessof an additionalsoulon Shabbat? Does he not enjoy tranquilityon Sabbathsandjoy on holidays?Does not observingmitzvot constitutean experiencethat sweetensthe bitternessin man'slife, purifyingandredeeminghimfromhis grief,fromhis lonelinessand Indeed,the morethe lawfulcharacteris "deprived" mourning? of reasonand the more it the heart apparentexplanation, gladdens [emphasisadded].38

Here and elsewhere, Soloveitchik describes the delight that the "halakhicman" takes in performingmitzvot, especially those without apparentrhyme or reason. By describingthe halakhic life and its pleasures, Soloveitchik means to defend the autonomyof halakhic ethics against Kant's critiquethat statutoryreligion is heteronomous.This repeats the traditionalnotion that serving God throughfear and compulsion turns into serving God through love. First one accepts divine law under compulsion and then accepts it as if it were equal to one's own creative reason. Law thereby loses its heteronomousquality as it merges with freely chosen will.39I do not want to make too much of this argumentexcept to note how this bald appeal to halakhic pleasure smoothes the divide between ethics and aesthetics. No appeals are made to external standardslike God or the Good. The normative demand to perform halakhic duties li-shemah resonates with the pleasure one takes in performingbeautiful acts that transcendrational purpose. This may representa ta 'am, a reason for observing mitzvot. However, the purposeis internal,not external,to the performanceof the mitzvah.

Aesthetics,Moral/SpiritualGood, and Mitzvah So far, we have examinedthree aesthetic threads(the beauty, sublimity,and autonomy of the halakhic act) that run through Soloveitchik's thought. A fullblown understandingof mitzvah based upon Kant's aesthetic and the aesthetic thread in Soloveitchik's thought would posit a self-contained system. The 38. Soloveitchik, mi-sham," "U-viqashtem p. 222. 39. Cf. Soloveitchik,HalakhicMan,pp. 64-65.

KANT JOSEPH ANDIMMANUEL SOLOVEITCHIK

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mitzvotin such a systemdo not directlyor unambiguously pointthose who observethem to supererogatory spiritual,cognitive,or ethicalgoods. Such a self-containedsystemruns againstthe philosophicaltraditionof ta'ame hamitzvotin which a mitzvahconstitutesa signifierpointingto an external signifiedthatlendsit its meaningandauthority.This aesthetictheorydoes not promisematerialblessings,moralcommunity,the attainmentof prophecy,or eternaltruths.Rather,it roughlyfollowsthe claimfoundin PirqeAvotthat"one mitzvahleadsto anothermitzvah,andone sin to another.Becausethe rewardof a mitzvahis a mitzvah,andthe wages of sin is sin"(4:2). In otherwords,the rewardof a mitzvahis no less andno morethananothermitzvah.Lackingany otherdirector concretesenseor purpose,mitzvahis observedfor its own sake. As such, mitzvahconstitutesa signifierpointingto othersignifiers(to other mitzvot)whose cumulativeeffect may have everythingor nothingto do with or ethics. God,community, of I readilyadmitthatthismovesus farbeyondanypossibleunderstanding mitzvahthat Soloveitchikhimself would have seriouslyentertainedor even recognized.Two sets of potentialobjectionsthereforeconfrontthe attemptto linkthis modelto him:(1) It may seemthatI haveturnedSoloveitchikinto an aesthete.(2) It wouldalso seemthatI have ignoredthe ethicalseriousness,the spiritual quality, and the strong sense of commandmentthat define andclassicalJewishthoughtwritlarge. Soloveitchik'swritingsin particular The first possible objection would represent a fundamental of whatKantmeantby aestheticsand aestheticpleasure.To misunderstanding Kant a strongdistinctionbetweenthe pleasurepeople take in made repeat, "aesthetic" theytakein objectstheyfind judgmentsandthe sensualgratification "agreeable."This too must be said: pleasurein Kantianaesthetics(and in of halakhah)is an effect,not a motivatingreason Soloveitchik'sunderstanding or cause. Pleasurecannotbe a motivatingcause in Kant's aesthetic,as that wouldviolatethe autonomyof aestheticjudgment.He was quiteclearon this point: would If thepleasure in thegivenobjectcamefirst... thenthisprocedure Forthatkindof pleasurewouldbe noneotherthan be self-contradictory. of thesensation, so thatby its verynatureit couldhave mereagreeableness

20

ZACHARY BRAITERMAN only privatevalidity,becauseit would dependdirectlyon the presentation by whichthe•objectis given.40

In this respect, aesthetic categories make neither Soloveitchik nor Kant a hedonist or an aesthete. Second, we conclude from what follows that Kant's aesthetic does not ignore the supererogatoryspiritualand ethical concerns that exercise religious thinkers like Soloveitchik. Nor does it preclude a sense of mitzvah.

Mitzvah Jewish philosophers and their students will rightfully note that mitzvah means more than aesthetic pleasure. First and foremost, mitzvot involve a sense of compulsion without which it makes no sense to speak of them as "commandments."However, something similar characterizesKant's aesthetic. First, judgments about the beautiful are not purely private and subjective;they are communicatedto others and assume a rough form of universality.In judging something beautiful, the subject seeks to commanduniversal assent. Even more to the point, aesthetic judgment includes an immanent lawfulness. Kant's argumentthat aesthetic judgment falls under no determinatepurpose does not preclude indeterminatepurposiveness. As Kant saw it, people formjudgments regardingthe beautifulby following an indeterminateconcept uniqueto aestheticjudgment. He called it the notion of "purposivenesswithout a purpose,"noting, We do call objects,statesof mind,or acts purposiveeven if theirpossibility does not necessarilypresupposethe presentationof a purpose;we do this merelybecausewe canexplainandgraspthemonly if we assumethattheyare basedon a causality[thatoperates]accordingto purposes,i.e., on a will that of a certain wouldhaveso arrangedthemin accordancewiththe presentation rule.41

40. Kant,CritiqueofJudgment,p. 61.

41. Ibid.,p. 65.

JOSEPH ANDIMMANUEL SOLOVEITCHIK KANT

21

In other words,we ascribethe generalpurposiveness of an aesthetic a to will that if even we do know the precise not it, arrangement arranged it. At mostwe can knowthataestheticjudgmenthas a reasonsunderlying formalpurposiveness to it:"namely to keep[usin]thestateof [having] general, the presentation and the itself, [to keep] cognitivepowersengaged[in their occupation]withoutany furtheraim."42Thatis, the purposivenessin judginga

beautifulis to maintainthat presentation as an object of presentation to make it for As as as consciousness, linger long possible. such,Kantobserved it commandsprolonged somethingcompellingaboutaestheticexperience; attention the it. observer after bydrawing to mitzvah To applyKant'snotionof "purposiveness withouta purpose" Thehumanpersonmaynotknowtheprecisereason wouldentailthefollowing. or purpose,the ta'amunderlying On the other manyof the commandments. that has them one ascribes these mitzvot to a will hand, (whose?) arranged Evenmore to a general of whichwe canknownothing. according purposiveness of thesecommandments is (requoting to the point:the formalpurposiveness thepresentation Jew"inthestateof [having] itself, Kant)to keeptheobservant Inthislight, and[tokeep]thecognitive powersengaged[intheiroccupation]." of the commandments the generalpurposiveness keepsthosewho observe them.As commandments once commandments theystartobserving observing mitzvot draws such,themitzvoteffectivelybuilduponthemselves. Observing detail andmoremitzvotin greater more. thosewhoobservethemintoobserving theattention of thosewhofollow zeal.Havingso commanded andwithgreater hasbeenfulfilled.Theseactsmayormaynot them,theirprimary purposiveness moralandspiritual andidiosyncratic thenassumethe hostof supererogatory theages. to thembyJewishthinkers throughout goodsascribed MoralPurpose is selfof Kant'sThirdCritique A mitzvahsystemfollowingthestrictures Oneobservesmitzvahon accountof mitzvah.Thisdoesnotmean, contained. 42. Ibid.,p.68.

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ZACHARY BRAITERMAN

however, that a system of ritual acts cannot point beyond itself to moralgoods. Kantconfirmedthis aspectof aestheticjudgment supererogatory how by admitting interestmayattachto it oncethejudgmenthas beenmade.He knew that society takes an active ethical interestin the beautiful.He even thoughtthat aesthetictaste might advancesociety.43On the one hand,Kant madethe obviouspointthata feelingforbeautyis distinctfrommorality.Onthe other hand, he assumed that a "direct interest in the beauty of nature . . . is

alwaysa markof a goodsoul."44 To applythis to the mitzvotas I thinkSoloveitchikmighthaveunderstood them:one firstperformsandtakesdelightin the mitzvahfor its own sake and then brings it to bear upon ethical interests.To give ethics prioritywould threatenthe autonomyof the halakhicact. However,the argumentthat the mitzvahsystem is primarilyself-containeddoes not absolveone frommoral TheseresponsibilitiesareneitherprimarynoruniquelyJewish. responsibilities. As Soloveitchikarguesin TheHalakhicMind,ethicsareuniversallysharedand to Judaismorhalakhah.To be sure,onemightstill argue thereforenotparticular But a more that "thepurposeof the mitzvahis to createmoralcommunity." "the this statement read: of might primarypurposeof the precise rendering mitzvahis to createa moralcommunitythatfollowsmitzvot." SpiritualPurpose To call the systemof mitzvahself-containeddoes not meanthatit has no referenceto a God who stands(in whateversense) outsidethatsystem.After all, Kanthimself saw how formingsublimejudgmentspointsthe subjectto ideas of Reason, to the ideas of God and moral freedom.Accordingto Soloveitchik,cleaving to God does not constitutethe purposeof studying halakhah.Yet Soloveitchikalso describesthe Shekhinahas restingon that very studentstudyingit li-shemah.The distinctionmade by Kant between effect settles the contradictionbetween motivatingcause and supererogatory One studiesli-shemah.The resting li-shemah and reward. studying spiritual 43. Ibid.,p. 163. 44. Ibid.,p. 165.

JOSEPH SOLOVEITCHIK ANDIMMANUEL KANT

23

of the Shekhinahis a supererogatory spiritualeffect,whatDerridamighthave calleda "dangeroussupplement." Moving past Kant's critique, we see the following two aspects of Soloveitchik'sthoughtthat allow theologicalunderstandings to jibe with an immanentunderstanding of halakhicpurposiveness.(1) At a very basic level, Soloveitchikdoes not see God standingoutsidethe system of mitzvah.We noted above that he consideredthe essence of halakhahto representan emanationof divinewill andwisdom.As such,the finitemitzvahsystemforms an immanentpartof a greaterspiritual-intellectual nexus:the mindof God. It thereforemakesno senseto speakof the mitzvotpointing"beyond"themselves to God, since they themselvesare said by Soloveitchikto constitutea partof that very Godhead.(2) Even if one hesitatesbefore this leap of faith, the followingholds true in Soloveitchik'sthought.The act of devequtdoes not constitutean end that is externalto the halakhic system. Accordingto Soloveitchik,devequtis itself a mitzvah.As such,the purposeof performinga mitzvahremainsintrinsicto the systemof performance. Mitzvotpointto each otherandnotto goodsexternalto the system.Theprimarypurposeof a mitzvah (lightingcandles)is anothermitzvah(cleavingto God).45 Conclusion I do not want to understatethe difference between Soloveitchik's of mitzvahandKant'sThirdCritique.The latter'snotionof an understanding lawfulnessdoes not providethe strongestsense of immanent,indeterminate mitzvahthatSoloveitchikhimselfintends.But thenagain,the samecanbe said aboutSoloveitchik'spresentationof halakhah.The rabbisbelievedthat God revealed the written and oral Torah in its entirety to Moses at Sinai. Mendelssohnand SamsonRaphaelHirschtriedto bringthis traditioninto the modernperiod.AlthoughSoloveitchikbelievedno less in the Torah'sdivine origins, he eschews what Rosenzweig called a pseudo-juridical

45. Soloveitchik, mi-sham," pp.187,194-95. "U-viqiashtem

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of revelation.46 His thoughtsquirmsinsteadon assumptions conceptualization the divine halakhah and a combinationof Aristotelianand nature of regarding neo-Kantian epistemologies(discussedin fullby RavitzkyandKaplan). All this does not mean that Soloveitchikhimself does not approach halakhahas a juridicalsystemwith determinate contentsandconcepts.Theturn to Kantreflectedin this essay representsmy own attemptto workthroughand stretchSoloveitchik'sphilosophicalcorpus.Defendingthis turn,I can only concludethatKant'saestheticdoes not precludemoralpurpose,spiritualverve, anda roughsense of mitzvah.Moreover,Soloveitchik'sown implicitaesthetic may end up proving more cogent than his own primary theological, epistemological,andethicalassertions.Finally,the Kantianlegacyandmodem theoreticalsciencesbelongedto a broadculturalnexusthatincludedartistslike Wassily Kandinsky,Piet Mondrian,and Kazimir Malevitch(whose own thoughtsaboutartwere infusedby spiritualandoccultcurrents).Soloveitchik's turnto Kantand theoreticalscience bringshim into a tighterproximitywith abstractartthanhe himselfmighthaveimagined.Theoretical scientists,abstract common this Jewish shared a and artists, vocabularyof beautiful philosopher form, sublime force, and autonomousvalue. As such, Soloveitchikhimself suppliedthe verybasis for this misreadingof him--a misreadingthatgenerates an aestheticanalysisof mitzvahthatrespectsthe limitsof reasonanda possible defenseagainstKant'scritiqueof statutoryreligion. SyracuseUniversity,Syracuse,New York Manythanksto JamesHyman,GailHamner,andMartinKavkafortheircritical insights.

ed.NahumN. Glatzer "TheBuilders," in OnJewishLearning, 46. FranzRosenzweig, (NewYork: Schocken Books,1955),pp.78-80.

Religious Affirmation and Historical Criticism in Heschel's Biblical Interpretation Author(s): Jon D. Levenson Source: AJS Review, Vol. 25, No. 1 (2000 - 2001), pp. 25-44 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1566651 . Accessed: 17/07/2011 04:42 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

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AFFIRMATION RELIGIOUS AND HISTORICALCRITICISM IN HESCHEL'SBIBLICALINTERPRETATION by JOND. LEVENSON I

Not least amongthe bittersweetgifts of modernityto the Jews is the complicationof dealing with the Bible both as sacred scriptureand as a documentsubjectto the same canons of inquiryas any otherhistorical,or putativelyhistorical,record.The problemgoes far beyondthe familiarone thatancienthistoriansfinddoubtfulor quiteimpossible.For posedby narratives historicalcriticalresearchinto the Tanakh(as into all other scriptures)also uncoversthe processesof developmentof the worldviewswithinthe literature and thus puts a painfulquestionto those who wish to affirmJudaismas a so variegatedandcontradictory speak contemporary reality.Howcana literature with a normativevoice today?It is no wonderthat so manybiblicalscholars avoid the normativetheologicalquestionsaltogetherand contentthemselves with historicaland philologicaldescription(which, of course, presupposes normsof its own). It is also no wonderthat so many religiouspractitioners neglectthe historicalissues and treattheirscripturesas representinga static, uniform,and unvaryingworldview-not surprisingly,the worldviewof their own,postbiblicalaffirmation. religiousaffirmation Amongscholarscommittedbothto a scripture-based the relationshipbetween and to intellectuallyhonesthistoricalreconstruction, themis a matterof long-standingdiscussion.In Christiancircles,it has often been formulatedas a relationshipbetweenbiblicaltheology,on the one hand, anddogmaticor systematictheology,on the other.Perhapsthe firstarticulation AJS Review 25/1 (2000/2001): 25-44

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JOND.LEVENSON

of this formulation was given in JohannPhilippGabler'soft-quotedinaugural addressuponassumingthe chairin theologyat the Universityof Altdorfin 1787. "Biblicaltheologyis historicalin character," Gablerwrote,"andsets forthwhat the sacredwritersthoughtaboutdivinematters." In this,it is to be distinguished and sets forthwhata from"dogmatictheology[which]is didacticin character and divinematters.''1 decides about theologianphilosophically rationally particular In Gabler'sdefinition,we heara classicstatement of thecharacteristically modern distinctionbetween descriptionand prescription,or between historicaland constructive theology.Biblicaltheologyis descriptiveand historical;dogmatic is biblical theology prescriptiveand constructive.On this understanding, of the theologianswill perforceinvolvethemselvesin the criticalreconstruction historicalcontextof the literaturewhose theologythey are expounding.But in Gabler'swordswe also hearan echo of Spinoza'sdefinitionof his own agenda withrespectto the Bible a centuryearlier."Weare at worknot on the truthof passages,"Spinozainsisted,"butsolelyon theirmeaning."2 IntheSpinozanmode, whichhas dominated the universityworldfor nearlytwo centuries,biblicalstudy is no longeran approachto truthand no longerself-consciouslyin a mutually what criticalconversationwith philosophy.Its goal is limitedto ascertaining someonein the distantpastthought,andthe role of the Bible in contemporary passedoff to someonein religiouslife is thuseithersafelyignoredorconveniently of Gabler's anotherfield. In the case of JewishStudies,in whichpractitioners beento effect has far the few and are between, dogmatictheology exceedingly historicistic drivebiblicalstudiesintoan extremelydescriptive, profile,withfew of the affirmation defensible to articulate a self-conscious fresh, critically attempts Tanakhas sacredscripture.3 1. Quoted in Robert C. Dentan, Preface to Old Testament Theology, rev. ed. (New York:

SeaburyPress,1963),pp. 22-23. Fora morerecentsurveyof thenatureandstateof thefieldof Old

Testament theology, see Gerhard Hasel, Old Testament Theology: Basic Issues in the Current

Debate,4thed. (GrandRapids:Eerdmans, 1991).

2. Benedict de Spinoza,A Theologico-Political Tractate(New York:Dover, 1951), p. 101. The

workwasoriginallypublishedin 1670.See JonD. Levenson,TheHebrewBible,TheOldTestament, and Historical Criticism: Jews and Christians in Biblical Studies (Louisville: Westminster John

KnoxPress,1993),pp.91-96. 3. See Levenson,HebrewBible,pp.33-61.

RELIGIOUS AFFIRMATION ANDHISTORICAL CRITICISM

27

Among Christianscholars,for whom normativetheologicalconcernsare oftencentralto theireducation,by contrast,the mosthistoricisticunderstanding of biblical theology has not carriedthe day. Instead,alongsidehistorical criticism(butnot in placeof it), therearosea movementto distinguishbiblical theologyfromthe historyof the religionof Israel.Surveyingthe field in the mid-1950s,RobertC. Dentaninsistedthatunlikethe historyof the religionof thepersistentanddistinctiveprinciplesof Israel,biblicaltheologymust"describe Old Testamentreligionin somekindof logicalor 'theological'order."4 To this day,biblicaltheologianscanbe foundwhoquestafterthe"overarching unity"or the"center" of biblicaltheologyas if it weretheHolyGrail.5Whatdrivesthemis a needto definea normfor contemporary religiousbelieversandnot merelyto as accuratelyandfairlyas theycan,whichis the work describepastaffirmations of historiansof the religionof Israel.The late MosheGoshen-Gottstein spoke eloquentlyin favorof thisneedfroman explicitlyJewishpointof view. Biblical theologians,he wrote some two decadesago, work from a basis of "faith, of valueandmeaningfulness, of takinga personal identification, acknowledgment stancein thepresent,whichdrawsnourishment fromthesamespringfromwhich the teachings(torot)of the past flowed."6Here,Goshen-Gottstein statesmore than the truism that historicalreconstructioninevitablyinvolves personal commitments andsubjectivefactors.He is, rather,definingbiblicaltheologyas a bridgebetweenthe ancientteachingsand those modempersonscommittedto them in faithand at the most fundamental level of theiridentity.In GoshenGottstein'svision,biblicaltheologymustbe bothdescriptiveand prescriptive, It must,in fact,correlateGabler'sbinaryopposites bothhistoricalandnormative. on only one of them.So conceived,the disciplinewill and cannotconcentrate andpositivists.Forthe formerdo not invitethe derisionof bothfundamentalists 4. Dentan,Preface to Old TestatmentTheology,p. 92.

TheTaskof HebrewBible,pp.54-56.Fora recentexample, seeRolfP. Knierim, 5. SeeLevenson, Old TestamentTheology:Substance,Method,and Cases (GrandRapids:Eerdmans1995), pp. 18-19.

God's"universal to describe criterion" ratherthan"center" Knierim usestheterm"theological Although theeffectisthesame. dominion priorities," alongwithitssubsequent injusticeandrighteousness, "JewishBiblicalTheologyandtheStudyof BiblicalReligion"(in 6. MosheH. Goshen-Gottstein, HebrewBible,p. 166,n. 19. SeealsoLevenson, Hebrew),Tarbiz50(1980-81):45 (mytranslation).

JOND. LEVENSON

28

recognize or attributereligious significanceto the historicalcontext and of biblicalliterature, andthe lattersee religiousfaithandallegiance development to a particularcommunityof interpretation as intellectuallyindefensible.The the whole to of biblical greatestchallenge theologyis, then,justhowto enterprise the verypostures bridgethe chasmbetweenthetwo dimensions,howto correlate thatEnlightenment tends to dichotomize and thought polarize. II

One majorJewishfigurewho attemptedto meet this formidablechallenge was AbrahamJoshuaHeschel(1907-72). As in the fields of rabbinics,Eastern Europeandevotion,and especiallyHasidism,so in Bible Heschel soughtto blaze a pathto a spiritualuse of the materialthatwas not out of conversation with modemcriticaldiscourse.Indeed,given his own personalinvestmentin traditionalJewishpracticeand his doctoralwork at the Universityof Berlin It underChristianbiblicalcritics,the mattercouldhardlyhavebeenotherwise.7 is in part II of Heschel's classic and most systematicpresentationof his theology,Godin Searchof Man,thatwe findhis mostsustainedexplorationof how andwhy Jews--or perhapsJews andGentilesalike-should attendto the Bible.This discussionis reallya theologyof the placeof the Bible in Judaism. As such,it doesnot fall intoeitherside of Gabler'sclassicdichotomyof biblical theologyanddogmatictheology.Forlike thebiblicaltheologian,Heschelinsists that the voice of the Bible be heard and heeded, but like the dogmatic theologian,he writesfroma vantagepointdefinedby postbiblicaltexts andhis own personaltheology.Heschelis, in short,clearlyseeking(to recallGoshenandthose Gottstein'swords)to builda bridgebetweenthe ancient"teachings" modempersonscommittedto themin faithandthrougha "personalstancein the level of theiridentity. present"thatderivesfromthemostfundamental As Heschel'stitle suggests,the bookhas a defensivetone:manhas strayed far fromGodandclosedhimselfoff to God'sincessantinvitationto returnand

7. See Edward K. Kaplan and Samuel H. Dresner, Abraham Joshua Heschel: Prophetic

Witness(NewHaven:YaleUniversityPress,1998),pp. 101-71.

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to heed. Whatbringsthat closureaboutand sustainsit is a set of spiritual that make modem personsdeaf to posturesand intellectualpresuppositions biblicalrevelation.Publishedin 1955,the bookevidencesthe disadvantage that educatedadherentsof revealedreligionfelt in an era in whichscienceenjoyed higherprestigethanit usuallydoes todayandwas viewedas the key to human progress.For chief amongthose deleteriousspiritualposturesis whatHeschel calls "theidea of man's self-sufficiency,man's exaggeratedconsciousnessof thatbecause"technologycouldsolve himself,"basedon the falsegeneralization some problems ...

technology could solve all problems."8The high status of

scienceis evident,for example,in Heschel'sattemptto arguefor the possibility of propheticrevelationthroughan analogywith physicsand biology."If the streamof energythatis storedup in the sunandthe soil canbe channeledintoa bladeof grass,"he writes,"whyshouldit be a prioriexcludedthatthe spiritof Godreachedintothemindsof men?"9 When he deals with the more specific issue of the phenomenologyof Israelitepropheticconsciousness(the subjectof his dissertationtwo decades earlierat the Universityof Berlin),Heschelattemptsto countermodemcultural prejudicesagainst the prophetsof Israel, especiallythe view of them as and psychologicallyimpaired,andto constructargumentsfor theirauthenticity characterizes ... to the nature of the He "efforts reliability. prove pathological of or as "frantic" and claims that "no trace or prophets" symptom abnormality frenzy has been detected in either Moses or Isaiah, in either Amos or Theoppositionof the prophetsto somecommonculticpracticesof Jeremiah."'• theirtimes gives Heschelammunition to countera commonbelief of his own the belief thatprophetsreceivedtheirmessages naturalistic, age, progressivist from the spirit of the times ratherthan throughdivine inspiration."If the prophetswereinspiredby the 'spiritof the age,' why didthey expresshorrorat suchactsof 'supremepiety'[asthe sacrificeof the first-born son]?"he asks." 8. AbrahamJoshua Heschel, God in Search of Man: A Philosophy of Judaism (New York:

Farrar, Straus,& Giroux,1955),p. 169. 9. Ibid., p. 172. 10. Ibid., p. 223. 11. Ibid., p. 230.

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But HIeschelalso goes further,movingbeyondthese defensivemoves in forthereliabilityof supportof thepossibilityof revelationto positivearguments the Bible. Alas, most of these argumentsrest on nothingmore than sheer assertion."Useyourimaginationandtryto conceiveof a bookthatwouldexcel the Bible,"he challengeshis reader,"andyou will admitthatthe powerof the spirithas nevergone fartherthanthe Bible."12Or again:"If God is alive, then the Bible is his voice."13Acknowledgingthe need for evidence,Heschelavers that"theBibleis its ownwitness,"andthat"theevidenceforits uniqueoriginis thatof self-evidence." He evengoes so faras to claimthat"wedo not acceptthe Bible becauseof reasons,but becauseif the Bible is a lie all reasonsare a Thus,"incallingupontheprophetsto standbeforethebarof ourcritical fake."'14 to measurethe heightsof giants."'5 In judgment,we arelike dwarfsundertaking Heschel'stheology,our very exerciseof criticaljudgmentupon the prophets thusturnsintoan actof hubris. The strengthof these argumentsin partII of Godin Searchof Manvaries widely.The attackon the illusionof man'sself-sufficiency,for example,has a basis in logic, and if humanityis not self-sufficientbut dependsupon some higherpower,it againstandsto reasonthatthe higherpowerhas,in one fashion or another,madeknownits characterandwill. Whythe JewishBible shouldbe takenas the supremerevelationof the highestpowerHeschel does not say, however,andhis argumentfromself-evidenceis tautological.Heschel'srebuttal of the diagnosisof psychopathology in the prophetsis even moreproblematic andskirtsmajortheoreticalissues in the historicalapplicationof psychology.I hadreportedto Heschelexperienceslikethoseof suspectthatif a contemporary the prophets,hearingthe voice of God telling him to overthrowempires,for example(cf. Jer 1:9-10), Heschelwould not for a momenthave hesitatedto recommend counseling.If, by contrast,thebiblicalprophetsareto be exonerated from the suspicionof mentalillness, then one has to deny the existenceof 12. Ibid., p. 241. 13. Ibid., p. 245. 14. Ibid., p. 247. 15. Ibid.,p. 222.

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universal,culture-freecriteriaof mentalhealth,at least with respectto visions andauditions.Thismorecontextualposturefits nicelywithHeschel'sownview that"Goddoesnot speakequallyat all times"andthat"ata certainmoment... the spiritof prophecydepartedfromIsrael."'6Note, however,thattheological languageis not strictlynecessaryhere,andthatHeschel'sattemptto arguefor the supernatural inspirationof the prophetsof Israelfails. For one canjust as the more contextualpositionon a purelynaturalisticbasis: in a easily place culturein whichvisionsandauditionsof the deityaregenerallyaccepted,those who havethemarenotjudgedto be ill, as manycultureddespisersof religion would have it, but neitherdo their reportsof their experienceshave to be reckonedas authenticaccountsof extrapsychic reality,as Heschelwouldwish. If we takethis morecontextualstance,thenHescheloversimplifiesegregiously whenhe arguesthat"thereareonlythreewaysof judgingtheprophets: theytold thetruth,deliberately inventeda tale,orwerevictimsof anillusion."17 I mightaddthatin citingMoses,Isaiah,Amos,andJeremiahas examplesof Heschel omits the prophet prophetswithoutsymptomsof psychopathology, most oftendiagnosedas abnormal,Ezekiel.'8Thisis the prophetwho loses his tied up (3:25-26),who lies on his left side capacityto speakandis apparently for 390 daysandon his rightfor 40 dayswithoutmoving(4:4-6), who reports himthroughthe atmosphere thatthewindseizedhimby thehairandtransported hundredsof miles, from Babyloniato Jerusalem(8:1-4), and so on.19The omissionof Ezekiel makes sense in terms of Heschel's own prioritiesas a on the ethicalandspiritual biblicalinterpreter. ForHescheltendsto concentrate dimensionsof theprophecy,whicharemoreappealingto modempersons,at the expenseof themoremantic,magical,andculticdimensionsof the phenomenon, 16. Ibid., p. 205. 17. Ibid., p. 223. 18. Note the absence of a chapteron Ezekiel in AbrahamJoshua Heschel, The Prophets: An Introduction(New York: Harper & Row, 1962). Ezekiel is the only major prophet to whom no chapteris thereindevoted. 19. See Klaus Koch, The Prophets, vol. 2 (Philadelphia:Fortress Press, 1984), pp. 92-94; David J. Halperin, Seeking Ezekiel: Text and Psychology (University Park: Pennsylvania State UniversityPress, 1993).

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especiallyevidentin the case of Ezekielbutnot peculiarto him.In this,we see the liberalor modernistside of Heschel, the side deeply influencedby the Protestant readingof the prophetsas socialreformersandadvocatesof a religion of inwardnessandemotionalintensity.As late as 1955,whenhe publishedGod in Searchof Man,Heschelwas obviouslystill underthe influenceof his first criticalintroduction to the prophetsat the handsof liberalProtestant biblicistsin Germanynearlythreedecadesearlier.20 If Heschelwereto acceptwhatI havetermedthe morecontextualposition, he wouldhaveto backoff considerably fromhis claimthatpropheticopposition to phenomenalike the sacrificeof the firstbornson could not possiblyhave come from the spirit of the age, but must ratherhave derivedfrom divine An engagementwiththehistoryof thereligionof Israelwouldshow inspiration. Heschelthat ancientIsrael,like every otherculture,was not monolithicand and conflict. staticbut diverse,in flux, and not lackingin innercontradiction Moabite of the of the the sacrifice biblical accounts sonsby kingMesha Noting andthe IsraelitekingsAhazandManasseh(the lattertwo aredenouncedforthe practice),Heschelasks rhetorically,"Whywas not the worshipof the God of The answeris thatin manyways Israellike the worshipof Baalor Tammuz?"21 it was.Hadhe mentionedthe mostdevelopedtextaboutthe sacrificeof a son in the Bible (whichis also an extremelyimportanttext in rabbinictradition),the Bindingof Isaac(Gen22:1-19), Heschelmighthaveseen thathis belief in the empiricaluniquenessof Israelwas simplisticandhardlya firmfoundationon whichto builda claimof revelation.Forin thattextthe Godof Israelcommends Abrahamandrichlyrewardshim for his exemplarywillingnessto sacrificehis beloved son (Gen. 15-18), and the Jewish,Christian,and Muslimtraditions I shouldaddthatoppositionto child havecelebratedhim for it for millennia.22 sacrificewas not uniqueto the prophetsof Israelbut also existed in pagan culture. Greek and Latin authors were horrifiedby the Carthaginians' 20. See Kaplanand Dresner,AbrahamJoshua Heschel, pp. 101-171. 21. God in Search of Man, p. 230. 22. See Jon D. Levenson, TheDeath and Resurrectionof the Beloved Son: The Transformation of Child Sacrifice in Judaism and Christianity(New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993), esp. pp. 125-42 and 173-232.

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involvementin the practice,and even in Carthage,there is evidencefor the substitutionof an animalfor the humanvictim.23To be sure, I know of no evidencethatsuchsubstitution riteswouldhaveplacatedpropheticopponentsof child sacrificelike Jeremiahand Ezekiel,but they do resemblePentateuchal of the firstbornson.24In light practiceslike the paschallambandthe redemption of the morerichlycontextualized discussionof child sacrificethatI havejust sketched,albeittoo briefly,whatcouldit possiblymeanto say thatsomething was orwas notinspiredby thespiritof the age?25 Similarproblemssurround Heschel'sdramatic challengeto his readersto "use andtryto conceiveof a bookthatwouldexceltheBible,andyou yourimagination will admitthatthepowerof thespirithasnevergonefarther thantheBible."26 Who is the "you"in this sentence?It is obviouslynot the billionsof Christians in the worldwhobelievethattheydo indeedknowa bookthatexcelstheJewishBibleand in whichthespirithasrevealeditselfingreaterdepth:it is calledtheNewTestament. Norcanthe "you"referto thehundreds of millionsof Muslimswhoreverea book thatis thefinalrevelation of theGodof Abraham theQur'an,theWord to mankind, of Godcommunicated to theconsummation of allprophets, Muhammad. Andwhen thatreverethe BhagavadGita,the TaoTe Ching,or the membersof communities Book of Mormoncome uponthe HebrewBible, do they thenthrowout these inferior booksandadmitthatHeschel'sclaimwasright?27 The presupposition of Heschel'saffirmationof the spiritualsupremacyof the JewishBible is thatwe have accessto some neutral,objectivestandardby which to judge the spiritualworth of books. If that standardis applied,he 23. Ibid., pp. 18-24. 24. Ibid., pp. 43-52. 25. On the dangerof decontextualizingthe ancient practice of the sacrifice of the firstbornson, see Jon D. Levenson, "Abusing Abraham: Traditions, Religious Histories, and Modern Judaism47, no. 3 (1998): 259-77. Misinterpretations," 26. God in Search of Man, p. 241. 27. The tension between this argumentthat the Jewish scripturesare self-evidently the most excellent and Heschel's commitmentto religious pluralism and interfaithdialogue is painful. The tension is not one that he succeeded in resolving, probing, or interpreting.On Heschel's general failure to acknowledge and grapple with the tensions in his work, see Jon D. Levenson, "The Contradictionsof A.J. Heschel," Commentary106, no. 1 (July 1998): 34-38.

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claims,the Tanakhwill win handsdown.He does not tell us how we can find this objectivenormfor rankingscriptures, nordoeshe hereseemto suspectthat his views on the mattermay be coloredby his identityas a practicingJew, a rabbi,and a professorat a Jewishseminary.In this, we see the lack of critical reflexivenessthat was typical of religious writersin Heschel's generation, especially biblical theologians.28Here his traditionalismdominates,and he privilegesthe Bible in ways that no historicalcriticcan accept.Althoughhe invites the applicationof the objective criterionto other books, Heschel disallowsthe comparablecriticalevaluationof the worksof biblicalprophecy. "Incallingupontheprophetsto standbeforethe barof ourcriticaljudgment,we are like dwarfsundertakingto measurethe heights of giants,"he wrote.29 Instead,in this casewe areto relyon self-evidenceandaccepttheBiblealoneas is palpable. Thedoublestandard "itsownwitness."'" III

modem Heschel'sgoalin partH of Godin Searchof Manis to persuade

WesternJewsof the truthof the Bible andits religiousvision,as he understands this sectionis to findground it. Theproblemwithwhichhe strugglesthroughout commonto himselfandhis readersthatwill compelthemto acceptthe Bibleas divine revelation.In part I of the book, Heschel has alreadyaddressedthe similarbutlogicallypriorproblemof Godandappealsto a supposedlyuniversal as the commongroundthat "senseof awe, a needto adore,anurgeto worship"31 How one movesfromthat to Judaism. he hopeswill persuadehis readers accept generalexperienceto the specific adorationand worshipof the God of Israel revealedin his Writtenand OralTorahsis a formidableproblemandone that bedevilsHeschelin muchof his work. The"senseof awe"is actuallyof less helpherethanHeschelthinks.Consider Somepeopledo indeedgaze at a pellucidmountainlakereflecting an illustration. 28. See Levenson, Hebrew Bible, esp. 56-61. 29. God in Search ofMan, p. 222. 30. Ibid., p. 247. 31. Ibid., p. 88.

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the rising sun and say, as Heschelwould wish, "Godis our father."Others, beholdingthe same scene and adheringto a positionagainstwhich Heschel Still others,remembering explicitlycautions,say, "Theearthis ourmother."32 innocentcomrades-in-arms lost in the Pacifictheater,mightsay, "Damnthose or "Thereis no justiceandthereis no Judge."Whateverthe relative Japanese" worthof thesethreeresponses,rawexperience alonecannotarbitrate amongthem. In myjudgment,ArthurA. Cohenis thuscorrectto questionHeschel'sconviction that"thelivingencounter withrealitytakesplace... on a levelthatis responsive, immediate,preconceptual and presymbolic."33For the conscious mind has no

uninterpreted experiences,and all involvementin humansociety is mediated morecommonlymade throughlanguage,society,andculture.This observation, in than Heschel's his lifetime,helpsexplainwhy questforcommonground today withhis secularreadership was so frustrating. TheArchimedian pointthatwould enablehim to move his skepticalreaderstowardthe God of Israeland his revelationcontinuallyeludedhim. But withoutsomethinglargerthanhis own privateexperienceto whichto appeal,Heschelwouldbe unableto communicate the love,thejoy, andthemeaningthathe foundin Judaism. FordespiteHeschel's Romanticemphasison religiousexperience, Judaismis forhimstillby naturetoo public, historical,and communalto be confinedto the realm of individual experienceandprivatechoice.It is not reducibleto personalmysticismor to a noris it, as we haveseen, simplyone option meansof personalself-expression, of worth. amongmany equal Analyzedlogicallyandhistorically,Heschel'sargumentson behalfof the God of Israeland the literaturehe revealedare often problematicand raise questionsthat one wishes he had addressed,as I have tried to demonstrate. of Rereadingthem, one is remindedof ArthurCohen's characterization Heschel'sargumentation: 32. Cf. AbrahamJoshua Heschel, The Sabbath: Its Meaningfor Modern Man (New York: Farrar,Straus, & Giroux, 1951), p. 76: "We usually think that the earth is our mother, that time is money and profit our mate. The seventh day is a reminderthat God is our father,that time is life and the spiritour mate." 33. ArthurA. Coheft, The Natural and the SupernaturalJew: An Historical and Theological Introduction(New York: PantheonBooks, 1962), p. 246, n. 25.

36

JOND.LEVENSON So oftenin Heschel'sworktheargument beginswithall seriousnessandcandor only to gatherspeed, accelerate,droppingpremisesalong the way, until it culminatesin a rhapsodicevocationof its conclusion.The reasonfor this eccentricityof style is not hardto locate.Essentially,Heschelis boredwith argument.Whatneedis therefor argumentin the presenceof the piousandof himwholives beforethe ineffable?34

Cohen is correct that a keen perception of the ineffable and a passion to communicateit to others does not exempt a theologian fromgeneral standardsof argumentation and logic. In particular, for the reasons I have just given, Heschel's "rhapsodicevocation" of the ineffable fails to secure the connection to unique historical revelation upon which Judaismand its understandingof its Bible are based. But Cohen goes too far when he writes that Heschel's "rhetoric is both the strength and the undoing of his theology."35It would be more accurateto say that Heschel's rhetoricis both the strengthand the limitation of his theology. The strengthlies in its capacity to shake readersloose from their ordinary perceptions, to give them a sense that their instinctive modes of reasoningare too crampedand too mundane,and to presentthem with a view of something higher and deeper and an experiential access to the ineffable. The limitationis that in the process Heschel often makes logical and historicalclaims that cannot withstand critical interrogation. The reader seeking a spiritual reading of biblical passages will find a rich treasure in Abraham Joshua Heschel's work. But the reader seeking biblical theology understood, in accordance with the definition given above, as a religious affirmation and appropriationof the Bible that reckons seriously and fairly with the evidence of modem criticism will be constantlydisappointed. This highly rhetoricaland motivationalapproachto the Bible indicates that it may also be a mistake to classify Heschel's work in Tanakh as Jewish philosophy, as the subtitle of God in Search of Man: A Philosophy of Judaism that 34. Ibid.,p. 44. Cohen'ssectiononHeschel(pp.234-59)is to dateoneof thefewdiscussions of mediumandmessageto criticalscrutiny. arehard-headed enoughto subjectHeschel'sinterplay 35. Ibid.,p. 235. NotethatCohendoesnotuse theterm"rhetoric" solelyin thenegativesense an illustriouspast"and thatit has acquired.He is at painsto pointout thatit has "adistinguished, art"(p.234). that"therhetorician, becauseof themoralityof his end,possessesa constructive

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suggests.Theprojectactuallyhas closeraffinitieswith whatChristianstendto call "apologetics."36 P. J. Cahill,writingfrom a RomanCatholicperspective, observesthat"theapologeticattemptis an effortto persuade[and]persuasion, as thepurposeof apologetics,is primarilydirectedto thewill, thatthe individual may respondto God.""Cahillis at painsto point out that "apologeticswill but it differs from "positivetheology," begin withintheologicalthinking,"38 whichhe definesas "theologyas it actuallyunfoldsin thetheologicalsources."39 Understoodin this way, "apologetics"denotes an honorableand necessary endeavor,andthe termneed not have the pejorativetaintthatit has acquired. Forsurelyno religioustraditioncansurvivein the modemworldwithoutgifted apologiststo articulateits defensein the face of modemdespisersandto renew its poweragainstthe challengesof otherworldviewsandof its owntendencyto becomeinbredandself-referential. In this role,the role of an apologistseeking to helpthe individualrespondto God,Heschelwas strikinglysuccessful,as the continuedpopularityof his booksnearlythirtyyearsafterhis passingindicates, andas manywho havebeenmovedby themreadilyattest.Onmattersin which the task is to persuadeand induce an action,in particularto persuadethe individualto respondto God,so thatthe will is the site of the principalaction, effective.Andhere,his rhetoricis a Heschel'sworkhas provenextraordinarily suggest, majorfactorin his successandnot,as thisterm,too, mightunfortunately a matterof mereornamentation or,worse,disingenuousness. It is on mattersin whichHeschelseeksto convincehis readersof the truth of his claims,however,so thatthe mindis the site of the principalaction,that ArthurCohen'scritiqueis moretelling.Theproblemis not thatHeschelwrites mode.It is, rather,thathe uses in a highlyrhetorical,poetic,andinspirational 36. Note EdwardK. Kaplan,"AbrahamJoshuaHeschel,"in Interpretersof Judaism in the Late TwentiethCentury,ed. Steven T. Katz (Washington:B'nai B'rithBooks, 1993), p. 131: "His work, in its pragmaticaspect,functionsas a vast apologetics."Note also thatH. SusannahHeschel, borrowinga term from RichardRorty, sees her fatheras an "edifyingphilosopher."Kaplan,p. 142, referringto p. xxxvii of herprefaceto the 1987 versionof God in Searchof Man (Northvale,N.J.: JasonAronson). 37. P. J. Cahill, "Apologetics,"in The New Catholic Encyclopedia (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1967), p. 672. 38. Ibid., p. 674. 39. Ibid., p. 673.

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these powerfulgifts to deny that what Cahill calls "positivetheology"is necessaryat all. His apologetics,in otherwords,is his positivetheology,andit preventshim from confrontingthe substantivechallenges,theologicaland historical,to the visionof faithintowhichhe seeksto drawhis readers.Indeed, as we shallsee, it alsopreventsHeschelfromdelvingverydeeplyinto"theology as it actuallyunfoldsin the theologicalsources."It is this use of his enormous apologeticand rhetoricalgifts that pointsto the elementof truthin Cohen's critiqueandsuggeststhe limitationof Heschel'sstrategyof reclaimingtheBible for the modem Jew. This is the limitationthat inevitablyarises when an apologistrefusesto "beginwithintheologicalthinking,"as Cahillputs it, and insteademploysthe highlyproblematiccategoryof rawreligiousexperienceas the foundationforhis enterprise. Heschel'ssuccessandfailurein his biblicalworkarethustwo sides of the same coin. Lackingcommonintellectualgroundwith his secular,Westernized readers,he reliesheavilyon therhetoricof rhapsodiclanguage.Butrhetoric,even withoutthe pejorativetaintthe wordtoo oftencarries,can go only so far, and some truthclaims,includinghistoricalclaims,mustbe madein even the most personal,evocative,and apologeticreligiouswriting.Thereis no substitutefor "positivetheology... theologyas it actuallyunfoldsin the theologicalsources," to use Cahill'stermsagain.40 It is in his effortsto dismisspositivetheologyandthe tools that enable modems to recoverthe theology of the sourcesthat the limitationsof Heschel'smodeof persuasion becomeproblematic. Someexamples fromhis textualstudiesontheBiblewill proveillustrative here.

IV Heschel's emphasison the dimensionof inwardnessand the religious consciousnessof the prophetis his mostenduringandinnovativecontribution to biblicalstudies.It makes TheProphetsstill well worthreadingfour decades afterit was publishedandoversix decadesafterhe laidthe groundwork forit in his dissertationat Berlin. It is importantto remember,however,that within 40. Ibid.

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Heschel's overall theology, the phenomenologyof propheticconsciousness neitherstandson its own nor constitutesthe groundof a would-beuniversal spirituality,free from particularhistoricalclaims. In fact, againstthose who would limit Judaismto "a way of living,"he identifiesthis as "one of its cardinalpremises":that"thesourceof truthis found... in uniqueeventsthat The most importantof these happenedat particularmomentsin history."41 momentsfor Heschel,as for most, if not all, Jewishthinkers,is that of the Sinaiticrevelation."Itis foreverimpossible," he writes,"forus to retreatintoan age that predatesthe Sinaiticevent."42This being the case, one might have of the text. But thoughtthathistoricalinquirywas crucialto the understanding Heschelis leeryof historyandeven goes so faras to writethatinquiryintothe "historic background [of an address by God] .

.

. will revolve around the

adventitious, just as a discussionof colonsandsemicolonswill hardlybringout the contentof a sentence."43 "Howthe wordswere writtendown is not the fundamental problem,"he tells us. "Thatis why the themeof Biblicalcriticism is notthethemeof faith."44 In these comments, one hears the continuing dichotomizationand polarizationof criticalthoughtand religious faith, and senses keenly the continuinginfluenceof Heschel's Orthodoxupbringingand early education. ThoughJudaismis based upon "uniqueevents that happenedat particular momentsin history,"he maintainsthatinquiryinto thatvery historyis beside thepointandcanneverilluminethe spiritualmeaningof thereportof revelation thushasno morerelevance to anysignificantdegree.Thehistoricalbackground has to the meaningof a to the meaningof the revealedtext thanpunctuation sentence,andbiblicalcriticismis seen as nothingmorethana discussionof the mechanicalissue of how the wordswerewrittendown. religiouslyinsignificant, This is not, to be sure,the moreresoluteOrthodoxythatinsistson the Mosaic 41. God in Search of Man, p. 197.

42. Ibid.,p. 167. in theworldhasbeenmoremeticulous 43. Ibid.,p. 178.Theironyis thatprobablyno tradition is criticalto theproper or committed to the ideathataccuratepunctuation in mattersof punctuation andstudy. of scriptural transmission conveyingof meaningthantheJewishtradition 44. Ibid.,p. 258.

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of the totalPentateuchas a pointof dogma.Rather,Heschelmakesa authorship sharpdichotomybetweendivine inspirationand Mosaic authorship,insisting that "philosophyof religionmustdeal with the firstpart"only.45His position hereis thatof a morerelaxedpremodern traditionthatcouldacceptthe ideathat, in his words, later authors"had been inspiredto add some lines to the Pentateuch"after Moses' death.46But note that as in the case of those premodern traditionalists,the theological objective is to dismiss the chronologicalissues as religiouslyirrelevant,or as he scoffinglyputsit, "as if This the authenticity couldbe verifiedby a notarypublic."47 [of the Pentateuch] is the traditionalist Heschel:he continuesa premodernmode of textualstudy withjust enoughconcessionto modemhistorical-critical studythathe cannot not but he concede be with does fundamentalism, anypositive fairly charged modes of biblical to the role new, post-Enlightenment study.He reacts religious so vehementlyto the reductionistpotentialof the Spinozan-Gablerian agenda view of the laborof biblicalcritics thathe produceshis own equallyreductionist in thelightof modemknowledge. andits relevanceto theologicalconstruction Here, for purposesof clarification,I should like briefly to suggest an alternativeview of the issue, one morein dialoguewith the academicfield of biblicaltheology as it stood even in Heschel'stime. To be sure, Heschel's or verification likeningcriticalbiblicalscholarshipto the studyof punctuation is not withouta grain of truth. by a notary,thougha gross overstatement, Modembiblicalstudiesdoes sometimesdescendto the level that Heschelis parodying,and criticalmethodsare too oftenput into the serviceof a secular reductionism.But most of the time, the historicalinquiriesand the detailed philologicalstudiesthat supportthem are in the service of uncoveringand momentin history"(to use Heschel'sterm)in which recoveringthe "particular andto whichthe literaturespoke.Forthe underlyingassumptionis thateven if the text is the productof revelation-andthereis no dearthof criticalbiblical scholarswho believeit is-it appearsin humanlanguage,andhumanlanguage, 45. Ibid. 46. Ibid., p. 257; see Levenson, Hebrew Bible, p. 67. 47. Ibid., p. 257.

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fromculture,is necessarilyhistoricalin character, in fact,shot beinginseparable with no no human through historicity.48Therefore, language, expression, howeversublime,canbe studiedin a temporalvacuum.In thistheology,unlike andchronologyareanythingbut Heschel's,inquiriesintohistoricalbackground and the that the believerseeks to adventitious, spiritualmessage contemporary elucidatecannotbe recoveredor heard with any accuracyexcept through interaction withthehistoryof thereligionof Israel. Thisinteraction is almostentirelylackingin thebiblicalstudiesof Abraham JoshuaHeschel.His handlingof the prophetsgives us a good senseof how his theology affects his readingof specific texts. The book with that title is to scripturalpassagesin the organizedin the formof glosses andparaphrases Masoreticrecension.Almostcompletelyabsentis a concernfor the meat and the overallstructureor compositional potatoesof modembiblicalscholarship: of the the rhetorical of books, history shape specifictextualunits,the patterning of the literature accordingto conventionalsettings,its variationsin sources,the of of the ancientNear the oracles,or the relevanceof the literature authenticity Easternworldwith whichthe prophetsshowbothcontinuityanddiscontinuity. In structure,TheProphetsthusresemblesa traditional in rabbiniccommentary certainsignificantways. These are the signs of what I earliercalled the traditionalist Heschel. It wouldbe a capitalerror,however,to see in Heschela Jewishtraditionalist the Biblewithinthe canonsof thepremodern traditionandtherefore interpreting withoutregardto historicalcriticism.Indeed,TheProphetsis virtuallydevoidof connectionsto the exegeses of the propheticliteraturerecordedin classical Even thoughits author rabbinicmidrashor in medievalJewishcommentary.49 and minimizes historical-critical scholarship,TheProphetsshowsan disparages to it andcouldnotpossiblyhavebeenwrittenwithoutit. enormousindebtedness Thetableof contentsalreadygives us a telltaleindication:Isaiahis dividedinto 48. See Emil L. Fackenheim,Questfor Past and Future: Essays in Jewish Theology(Boston:

BeaconPress,1968),especiallychaps.2, 3, 6, 14,and18. or relativismof readerthesubjectivism 49. Stillless shouldthebookbe seenas exemplifying responsecriticismor kindredmethodsthathaveemergedsincehis death,forthesearequitealiento Heschel'stheologicalagenda.

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two books, the second of which is treatedonly afterMicah,Jeremiah,and Habakkukhave intervened.50 In short,recognizingthe implicationof modem sourcecriticism(andtacitlyconcedingthatit involvesfarmorethanthe studyof punctuation),Heschel has ordered his presentationchronologicallyand historicallyratherthan canonically.He has also departedfromthe traditional midrashicand commentarial approachin treatingthe propheticbookson their to the Pentateuch andsubsequent to own,ratherthanseeingthemas subordinate it. Thisstandsin markedcontrastto thepremodern Jewishtradition,which,even in its moreheterodoxmoments,still sees the Pentateuchas priorto the rest of the Tanakh both axiologically and chronologically.Indeed, one of the discoveriesof nineteenth-century biblicalcriticismwas thatthe programmatic prophetsdidnotpreachfroma Torahbookor evenknowof a revelationof a law codeto Moses,andthatmajorpartsof the Torah,in fact,postdatetheprophets.51 The recoveryof the distinctivevoice of the prophetsof Israel for Jewish theology is a modem phenomenoninconceivablewithoutthe emergenceof classical biblical criticism. And the recovery and re-presentationof the distinctivevoice of the prophets,apartfrom the Torahand from rabbinic is a majorobjectiveof TheProphets.It is an objectiveverymuch interpretation, on themodernistsideof thehistoryof biblicalinterpretation. Thoughthe discoverythatthe prophetsdid not knowof a Torahof Moses has been liberatingto some Christiansof an antinomianbent, it has been troublingto Jews committedto observingthe Torahin a traditional way. One would have expected a Jewish scholar writing on the prophets,and a traditionallyobservantJew to boot, to grapplewith it, but Hescheldoes not. 50. It is true that Rabbi Abrahamibn Ezra already recognized the unlikelihood that Isaiah of Jerusalemauthoredthe passages in the book of Isaiah that speak of the returnfrom the Babylonian exile a century and a half after his death (see ibn Ezra to Isa 40:1). It is a far cry from this single observation to the treatmentof Isaiah 40-66 as a separate work from Isaiah 1-39, with its own distinctive theology. On this, see Erwin I. J. Rosenthal, "The Study of the Bible in Medieval Judaism,"in The CambridgeHistory of the Bible: vol. 2, From the Fathers to the Reformation,ed. G.W.H. Lampe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1969), pp. 267-68, and Levenson, Hebrew Bible, pp. 66-70. Given his involvement in critical biblical study, incidentally,it is odd that Heschel did not reckon with the substantialevidence, already developed by the time he wrote, that Isaiah 56-66 came from a ThirdIsaiah. 51. See Levenson, Hebrew Bible, pp. 10-15.

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Insteadof addressingthis largequestionat the interfaceof historicalcriticism and Jewish religious affirmation,Heschel concentrateson developing"an of whatit meansto think,feel, respond,andact as a prophet."52 understanding This is a hugetask,to be sure,and one in whichhe madean innovativeand enduringcontribution,but to undertakeit is in no way an answerto the formidablechallengethathistoricalcriticismposes to a traditionalist religious posture. Givenhis negativeand simplisticview of historicalcriticismof the Bible (on which he nonethelessrelies heavily), we should not be surprisedthat Heschelfails to addresstheologicalissues that ariseout of a modem,critical readingof the prophets.By this I referto a readingthatattendscarefullyto the largedifferencesin the theologiesof the severalprophetsandnot only to the differencesin the immediategeopoliticaland social situationsthey faced or in theirindividualtemperaments. He might,to givejust one example,havefocused on the importanceof David and Zion traditionsin Isaiah and of ExodusCovenanttraditionsin Jeremiah,noting the absence of the other prophet's emphasisin each discussion.In the process,Heschelwouldhave given us a sharperimageof the distinctivetheologyof eachpropheticbookandthe sources withinit, whereasnow the thinkingandexperienceof all the prophetstendto notin runtogetherin a blur."Theintentionof theprophetswasto be understood one way, on one level,"wroteHeschel,"butin manyways, on many levels, By paying close accordingto the situationin which we find ourselves."53 attentionto the distinctivevoice in each propheticcollection,as recovered throughcriticalstudy,Heschelcouldhavegivenhis readerseven moreways of the prophetsand access to even more levels on which the understanding 52. The Prophets, p. xi. The relevance of this to contemporaryreligious life is, however, a more vexed problemand one of which Heschel seems unaware.The effort to make the prophetsinto spiritual exempla, though of high antiquity,is in substantialtension with the phenomenonof book religion and is especially problematicfor rabbinicJudaism,since the lattertends to see prophecy as pass6 in certain important ways. The general point has been well put by Brevard S. Childs, Introductionto the Old Testamentas Scripture (Philadelphia:Fortress Press, 1979), p. 589: "The authorityof the biblical text does not rest on a capacity to match original experiences, ratheron the claim which the canonicaltext makes on every subsequentgenerationof hearers." 53. God in Search of Man, p. 179.

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collectionsof theiroraclescommunicate meaning.Andby treatingthe complex butrichlysuggestiveissuesof redactionhistory,he couldhaveaddresseda level on subjectiveexperiencemisses,a level of concentration thathis single-minded traditionnot constitutedby the intentionor subjectivityof any individual prophet.So doing,he mighteven havehelpeduncoveryet anotherfacetof the shiv'impanim la-torah,the seventyfacets of the Torah,of whichthe Jewish traditionspeaks. V

of the Bible, is In conclusion,AbrahamJoshuaHeschel,as an interpreter best viewed as a profoundspiritualwriterwho was possessed of a keen sensitivityto certainbiblicalthemes,especiallyin the prophets,and of some of the propheticcorpusbroughtaboutby awarenessof the reconceptualization historicalcriticism.His goal was to developinsightinto the psychologyof the prophetic experience that would not fall prey to the naturalisticand reductionismof so manypsychologicaltreatmentsof religious anthropocentric themes.In his workon the Bible, as in all his writing,Heschel'sgoal was to awakenmodempeopleto the Godwho, in his view, neverceasesto searchfor themandwhomthey need morethanthey realize.ThoughHeschel'sworkon Jewish the Bible does not fall into the categoryof traditional(i.e., premodern) in the studies distinctively exegesisor homiletics,his involvementwithbiblical modemmode is minimaland serves only to protecthim fromthe chargeof It doesnotpresenthimwithnewtheologicalinsightsor uncriticaltraditionalism. to with him deal passages that run counterto his own religious compel sensibility.A man with a profoundreligious affirmationand a productof historical-critical training,Heschel failed to correlatethe two in a coherent fashionor to even to acknowledgethe tensionbetweenthemin a way thatwas fairto both. Massachusetts Harvard University,Cambridge,

Between Law and Society: Mahariq's Responsum on the "Ways of the Gentiles" (Ḥuqqot Ha'Akkum) Author(s): Jeffrey R. Woolf Source: AJS Review, Vol. 25, No. 1 (2000 - 2001), pp. 45-69 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1566652 . Accessed: 17/07/2011 04:42 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

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BETWEEN LAWANDSOCIETY: MAHARIQ'SRESPONSUMON THE"WAYSOF THEGENTILES" (HUQQOTHA-'AKKUM) by JEFFREYR. WOOLF

The lateProfessorJacobKatzwas wontto observethatthe studentseekingto properlystudyand evaluaterabbinicresponsamustreadhis sourcestwice. First, he mustexaminethetextfromthe pointof view of the halakhist,andevaluateit as an integralpart of halakhic literatureand tradition,respectingthe general assumptionof the halakhistthat Jewishlaw is a closed system,which operates accordingto its own rules.1Afterthis, he mustdonthe spectaclesof the historian had circumstances andevaluate,as besthe can,the degreeto whichcontemporary an impact (if any) upon or are reflectedin the decisor's ruling.2This dual challengeis quite dauntingin so highly nuancedand idiomaticallyopaquea literatureas the halakhah.Cautionand sensitivitymust be the hallmarkof all effortsto achieveboth of the aims positedby Katz, especiallythe latter.3As a in recentyears halakhichistoriography resultof the sagacityof Katz'sadmonition, * This studyis an extensivelyrevisedandexpandedversionof a portionof the fourthchapterof my doctoraldissertation,"The Life and Responsaof Rabbi Joseph Colon b. Solomon Trabotto Maharik"(HarvardUniversity,1991). I am gratefulfor the commentsof ProfessorsReuvenBonfil and Daniel Sperber.Responsibilityfor its contentsremainssolely my own. (Note: All translations aremy own, unlessotherwiseindicated). 1. J. Katz, Introductionto Halakhahve-qabbalah(Jerusalem,1985), pp. 1-3. See also idem, "Post-ZoharicRelationsBetween Halakhahand Kabbalah,"in Jewish Thoughtin the Sixteenth Century,ed. B. Cooperman(Cambridge,1983),pp. 283-87. 2. J. Katz, 'Etlahqorve- 'etle-hitbonen(Jerusalem,1998),pp. 1-5. 3. See the cautionaryremarksof ProfessorHaymSoloveitchikin his study,"CanHalakhicTexts TalkHistory?"AJSReview3 (1978): 174-76 and idem,"ReligiousLaw and Change,"AJSReview 12 (1987):205-6.

AJSReview25/1 (2000/2001):45-69

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has made heavy use of the mediumof case studies(carriedout withinspecific periods and geographicalareas). Recourse to these has proven fruitful in the advancingthe historian'sgoal of carefullyand responsiblyreconstructing historyofhalakhahper se andthe annalsof the societiesandcultureswithinwhich halakhictraditionsweredevelopedandwhich,in turn,lefttheirimpactthereupon.4 Thisessay representsan effortto presentjust sucha case study,takingas its Francopoint of departurethe well-knownresponsumof the fifteenth-century Italian scholar, R. Joseph b. Solomon Colon Trabotto (1420-1480/84; which addressesthe questionwhetherthe donningof an academic Mahariq),5s robeknownas the cappa constitutesa violationof the biblicalinjunctionnot to walk in the ways of the Gentiles(huqqotha-'akkum).6The firstportionof the paperwill analyzethe responsumitself againstthe backgroundof both earlier legal traditionsand contemporarydiscussions of the questionof huqqotha'akkum.In the secondportion,an effortwill be madeto see just whatthis and otherresponsaof Colon's might imply regardingthe state of Jewish-Christian relationsin northernItalyin the mid-fifteenthcentury.7 H

Colon's responsumon the cappa was writtenin the late 1460s,8and was occasionedby an urgentinquiryfromPadua,authoredby two scholars,R. Judah 4. In thisconnection,one needonly recallthe pioneeringworkof ProfessorsH. Soloveitchik,I. Taof classicalAshkenaz.RecentlyE. Zimmerhas followedthe Shema,andA. Grossmanin the literature thedividebetweentheRhenishandAustriancomponentsof latermedieval samemodelin reconstructing GermanJewry,in E. Zimmer,'Olamke-minhagonoheg(Jerusalem, 1997),pt. 2. See also Soloveitchik's recentreviewof Zimmer'sbookinAJSReview23 (1998):223-34. 5. Details concerninghis life may be obtainedin Y. Buksboim'sintroductionto She'elot uteshuvotu-fisqe Mahariqha-hadashim,ed. E. D. Pines, 2nd ed. (Jerusalem,1984), pp. 19-48; Woolf, "Life and Responsaof RabbiJosephColon,"pp. 1-66; and idem, "New Light on the Life andCareerof RabbiJosephColon,"Italia 13 [Forthcoming]. 6. Lev. 18:3. Thetext is foundin Colon'sresponsa(editioprinceps:Venice,1519),shoresh88. All referencesareto thisedition.Colon'srulingon the issuewas adoptedby R. MosesIsserlesin his glosses to theTurandthe Shulhan'Arukh(YorehDe'ah 178:2).As a result,it set the agendaforall subsequent discussionof thetopic.See Woolf,"LifeandResponsaof RabbiJosephColon,"pp.218-36. 7. As pointedout by A. Toaff, the social historyof ItalianJewry(or for that fact any Jewish community)mustbe basedupona sensitive,thorough,andbalancedcomparisonof botharchivaland of the roleplayedby the rabbinicsources.I hopethatthis studywill contributeto a betterappreciation latter.See A. Toaff,Love,Work,andDeath:JewishLifein MedievalUmbria(London,1998),p.2. 8. It was apparentlycompletedpriorto Colon's arrivalin Mantuaaround1469. See Woolf,"Life andResponsaof RabbiJosephColon,"p. 42.

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Messer Leon, the well-knownphilosopher,halakhist,and rhetorician,9and R.

Samuelda Modena,a close discipleof Colon.'0The specificgarmentthat the inquiryis describedby Colonas "fallingfore and aft of the prompted tallies wearer,pulledoverthe headandopenat the sides.""Thisdescription witha contemporary academic whichwas gownknownas thecappamanicata, widely worn in Italianuniversities,especiallythe one in Bologna.12The ecclesiastical and of the dressadoptedby their originsof the universities13 members14 was fortheprotests faculty probably responsible by Messer reported 9. Concerninghim, see D. Carpi,"RabbiYehudahMesserLe'on u-fe'ulatoke-rofe,"Michael1 (1972): 277-301; idem, "Noteson the Life of RabbiJudahMesserLeon,"in Studisull'ebraismo italiano:in memoriadi Cecil Roth,ed. E. Toaff (Rome, 1976), pp. 39-62; R. Bonfil, "Introduction to NofetSufim"(Hebrew)(Jerusalem,1981),pp. 7-6; idem,"TheBook of the Honeycomb'sFlow by JudahMesserLeon:The RhetoricalDimensionof JewishHumanismin FifteenthCenturyItaly,"in Frank TalmageMemorial Volume,ed. B. Walfish (Jerusalem,1992), pp. 21-33; H. TiroshRothschild,BetweenWorlds:TheLife and Thoughtof RabbiDavid ben JudahMesserLeon (New York, 1991),pp. 24-33. 10. RegardingModena,see N. Pavoncello,Antichefamiglieebraicheitaliane,vol. 1 (1982), pp. 71-72. Colon refersto him in shorashim9, 22, 85, 128, and 149. Theseare amonghis best-known decisions. 11. Shoresh88. 12. R. A. S. Macalister,Ecclesiastical Vestments:TheirDevelopmentand History (London, 1896), pp. 253ff. In the universities,the wearingof the cappamanicatawas restrictedto scholarsof standing.This fact, togetherwith the timingof the questionto Colon,could lead to the conclusion thatthe personwhosewearingof the cappamanicataset off the controversywas none otherthanthe by Carpi("Noteson the Life of RabbiJudah questioner,R. JudahMesserLeon. As demonstrated MesserLeon,"pp. 44-49), in 1469the emperorawardedMesserLeonthe rightto grantdoctoratesin medicine,a privilegeneverbeforegiven a Jew. In light of whatwe knowof MesserLeon's life and personality,he might well have begun to affect an air of academicstanding,in this instance expressed by the wearing of the distinctive cappa manicata. See M. A. Shulvass, "Mabloqotavshel MesserLeon 'im rabbanedoro ve-nisyonole-hatilmaruto'al Yehude'Italyah," BetweenWorlds,p. 29. (It is pertinentto note that Siyyon12 (1947): 17-23, andTirosh-Rothschild, MesserLeon was living in Bolognawhen he receivedthis imperialdistinction.See Carpi,"Notes," p. 49.) SeveralcontemporaryillustrationsportrayJewish physiciansas wearinga differentrobe, known as the cappa clausa, which is closer in design to contemporaryacademicgowns and was generallyredin color.At presentit is unclearwhetherthe oppositionto this innovationin the garbof physiciansplayeda role in the inquiryto Mahariq.See T. and M. Metzger,La viejuive au Moyen Age (Fribourg,1982),pp. 171, no. 238, 174 ff, and242-43. 13. C. H. Haskins,TheRiseof Universities[1923](Ithaca,1957),pp. 1-10. The standardstudyof the originsof theEuropean ofEuropein theMiddleAges, universityis stillH. Rashdall,TheUniversities new ed. by F. M. PowickeandA. B. Emden(Oxford,1936).See also the pertinentremarksof R. Betts, "TheUniversityof Prague:1348,"in Essaysin CzechHistory(London,1969),pp. 1-12. 14. See Macalister,EcclesiasticalVestments, p. 253: "Thereis no doubtthatthe universitydress of the Middle Ages is an adaptationof monasticcostume.The originalschools from which the universitiesdevelopedwere of a clericalcharacter,andtheirmemberswore clericaldress."See also

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Leon and Da Modena"thatthis mode of dress constituteda violationof the 'thoushallnotwalkin thewaysof thegentiles'(huqqotha-'akkum)."15 prohibition, In his response, Colon forcefully rejectedthis contention,setting out to prove his point by preciselydefiningthe legal parametersof the prohibitionin question.He declaresthat in orderto be prohibitedas huqqotha-'akkum,a behaviormustfall into one of two categories.It musteither(1) lack any evident rationalfunctionor (2) be immodest,arrogant,or lewd. To provehis firstpoint, Colonundertakesan analysisof the wordhoq as it is used in the Pentateuch.He observes that while the verse containingthe prohibitionis vague as to the exact meaning of hoq, many of the Torah's prescriptionsare describedas huqqim,and these were clearlycharacterized by rabbinictradition.16Assuming the consistencyof biblical usage, he adduces these definitionsof huqqimas they relateto the misvotandthenrelatesthemto the forbiddenGentilepractices. In formulatinghis definition of a hoq, Colon relied upon the biblical commentariesof RashiandNabmanides.'7Althoughdifferingsomewhaton the exact natureof huqqim,the two concur that this categoryof commandment mandatespracticesthat do not possess easily discerniblerationales.18Their

W. N. Hargreaves-Mawdsley, A History of AcademicalDress in Europe until the End of the EighteenthCentury(Oxford,1963),p. 4. 15. Shoresh88. See Macalister,EcclesiasticalVestments,pp. 78-79. It is likely thatlocal Jews were very much aware of ecclesiasticalcostume,even of the robes worn duringMass. Jews on occasion took such garmentsin pawn. Moreover,Italy was known for its elaboratereligious processions, where Jews could not have avoided seeing such robes. See J. Burckhardt,The Civilizationof the Renaissancein Italy, vol. 2 (New York, 1975), pp. 413-25. Regardingother possible motives behindthe objectionsto the wearingof the cappa, see R. Bonfil, JewishLife in RenaissanceItaly(Berkeley,1994),p. 103. 16. E.g., Yoma 67b. See I. Heinemann,Ta'ameha-misvotbe-sifrutYisrael(Jerusalem,1993), pp. 1-35, 79-96; I. Twersky,Introductionto the Codeof Maimonides(New Haven,1980),pp. 374 ff. See also the bibliographicalsurvey by I. Dienstag, "Ta'ameha-misvotbe-mishnatha-Rambam: Da at 41 (1998): 101-115. Bibliografyah," 17. These were the focal points of contemporaryBible study in the Italo-Germanorbit. See ShifraBaruchson,Sefarimve-qor'im:tarbutha-qeri'ahshel Yehude'Italyahbe-shilheha-Renesans (Ramat-Gan,1993),pp. 125-29. 18. WhileRashiandNalbmanides differon the exact natureof huqqim,for Colon'spurposethe differenceis unimportant.Rashi was of the opinion that huqqimhave no reasonother thantheir being Divine commands(see his commentson Lev. 19:19 [cited here by Colon], Lev. 18:6, and Berakhot33b, s.v. middotav).Nabmanides,on the otherhand,was of the opinionthateachhoq has a deeperrationalethatis difficultto elicit (see his comments,e.g., on Lev. 18:6and 19:19).

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to God." majorfunction,as a result,is to serveas a signof man'ssubmission Observanceof huqqim,then, is a markof adherenceand loyalty to God and Judaism.20 Conversely,arguesColon, huqqimof the Gentilesmustperforcebe

nonrational of religious,andin the originalcase practicesthatareemblematic beliefsandare observedas demonstrations of religiousdevotion. idolatrous, Hence,he continues,Jewswereabjuredfromsuchpractices,since"he[theJew]is practicingan actwhichlacksany clearrationale,otherthanthe factthatthey [the to themandagrees Gentiles]practiceit, it is thereforeobviousthathe is attracted withthem[i.e.,theirreligion],forotherwisewhy wouldhe do suchthings?"21 Colondefinesthe secondcategoryof prohibitedhuqqimas comprehending any formof behaviorthatviolatestraditionalJewish standardsof modestyand humility.He basesthis contentionupona passagefromthe Sifre:22 Thentakeheedto thyselfthatthounot be snaredby followingthem[the Gentiles](Deut. 12:20).Lestyou say, since they go outsidewearingcrowns,so

shallI weara crown;sincetheywearpurple,so shallI wearpurple;sincethey so shallI. go aboutaccompanied by retinue23 Colonnotesthatall of these actions(crowns,purpleclothing,anda retinue) arepublicexpressionsof personalstatusandpower.24They are,he asserts,vain,

19. As Rashi(Berakhot33b, s.v. middotav)states,"thesearemerelyDivine decrees(gezerot)." 20. The samepointis madeemphaticallyby Maimonidesin MishnehTorah,HilkhotMe'ilah8:8 (end). 21. Shoresh88. Colonclinchesthis pointby citingthe variousandsundryactionsinterdictedby the rabbisas belongingto the idolatrous"waysof the Amorites"(darkheha-'emori),which were often seen as a subset of huqqotha-'akkum,and demonstratingthat all of them are bizarreand irrational.See MassekhetShabbat,ToseflaMo'ed,ed. S. Lieberman (New York,1962),chaps.6-8 and vol.7 (Jerusalem, Talmudit, 1977),pp.706 ff., s.v. darkheha-'emori. Enyiqlopedyah 22. Sifre 'alSeferDevarim,ed. L. Finkelstein(Berlin,1940),80 (146-47), withvariants. 23. Thewordusedin Colon'sversionis qilusin("praise"), indicatingtravelwitha retinueor public procession.See S. Lieberman,"Q'L'S' Qilusin,"in 'Ale 'Ayin,(S. SchockenJubilee Volume) (Jerusalem, 1948-52),pp.75-81. 24. While Colon's text evidentlyread "qilusin," one wonderswhetherone may discernhere a veiled criticismagainst extravagantwedding or funeralprocessions,which were evidently not uncommonamongJews. For example,the ordinancesadoptedin Forli (1418) restrictedthe number of retainersaccompanyinga bride.See L. Finkelstein,JewishSelf-Government in the MiddleAges (New York, 1964), pp. 286, 294. Anotherexampleis providedby the funeralof R. JudahMintz, whichraisedmorethanone eyebrow.See M. A. Shulvass,TheJews in the Worldof the Renaissance (Leiden,1973),pp. 336-37.

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and can lead to arrogance.Conductof this kind has no place in the modest deportmentof the Jew, andhence is, ipsofacto, "Waysof the Gentile."25 Having laid out his basic frameof reference,Mahariqnotes thatthe Sifre passageintimatesanother,morebasic, factordeterminingwhethersomethingis or is not huqqotha-'akkum.He highlightsthe fact thatthe passageis informed by an expressdesireto activelyimitatethe Gentiles("sincethey ... so shallI"). Colon concludesthat it is not the wearing of the color purpleper se that is objectionable,but ratherthe active, assimilationistintentthat lies behindit.26 Thus, both of his statedcriteriafor huqqotha- 'akkumactuallyamountto two versionsof the samething,an activedesireto imitatethe Gentilesandassimilate amongthem.27 Based uponthis conceptualframework,Colon rulesthatthereis no reason to prohibitthe wearingof the cappa,as it does not fall into eithercategory.28 ... the reasonfor wearingthe cappais well known,in thatit is a markof of anindividual's in a specific[areaof] wisdom.As a distinction achievements otherthanits result,one shouldnotsee its wearingas motivated by anything obviousbenefits,eitherfordignityorprofitsincehe [thewearer]willbecome well knownas beingaccomplished in this field of wisdom,andtherefore to forbid will to Insucha caseit is notproper him [fortreatment].29 people go [thecappalas it is clearthatthewearerdoesnotintendto be likethem,and that[theGentiles] themselves onlywearit foritshonorandutility. In a word,wearinga cappais rationally justifiedbecauseof its utility.As such,it may not be forbiddenas being huqqotha-'akkum,despiteits obviouslyGentile origins. 25. Or,as Bonfil putsit: "Inotherwords,the rulewas thatwhateverwas consideredan exclusive characteristicof the Other (i.e. the Christian)became ipso facto negative with respect to the definitionof the (Jewish)self." See Bonfil, JewishLife in RenaissanceItaly,p. 103. Concerningthe originalimportof this passage,see the importantdiscussionin G. Blidstein,"RabbinicJudaismand GeneralCulture:NormativeDiscussionandAttitudes,"in Judaism's EncounterwithOtherCultures: Rejectionor Integration,ed. J. J. Schacter(Northvale,1997),pp. 47-53. 26. Thisreadingis confirmedby the full text of the Sifre,whichis basedon Deut. 12:30. 27. Thereis, nevertheless,a significantdifferencebetweenthem.The adoptionof irrationalor cultic behaviorfrom the non-Jewishworld is inevitablyan expressionof an intentto adopt the lifestyleandmoresof the Gentiles("otherwisewhy wouldhe do such things?").On the otherhand, whether the active imitation of non-cultic Gentile fashion constitutes a violation of huqqotha- 'akkumultimatelydependson the statedor tacitmotivationof the individual. 28. Shoresh88. 29. Thecontextis still MesserLeon'squestionregardingphysicianswearingthe cappa.

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Withthis,Colonconcludesthe firstportionof his presentation.30 He now a series of thatmightbe analyzes passagesfromvariousearlierlegalauthorities offeredin refutation of his viewson thenatureof huqqotha-'akkum. He cites themin extenso,offersthepossibleobjections thatmightbe posedtherefrom, andproposeshis own solution.Aftera longandexhausting legalargument,31 Colonconcludes his analysiswitha passagefromMaimonides' MishnehTorah thatwasevidentlya basisfortheoriginalobjection to MesserLeonconcerning thecappa.32 Rambamhad writtenthat a personoughtnot to wearclothingthat is Those objectingto the cappa apparentlyinterpreted "uniquely"non-Jewish.33

Maimonides as meaningthatanygarment thatwasclearlyGentilein originwas prohibitedas being huqqotha-'akkum.Colon, however,avers that there is no

reasonto adoptso narrowan interpretation. Theword"unique" couldequally more refer to clothes and fashions that were (and perhaps naturally) quintessentiallyGentileandthereforeinimicalto Jewishvalues. Thus,this text

doesnotconstitute a necessary contradiction to Colon'sargument.34 30. It is worthnotingin that Colon developshis basic criterionfor huqqotha-'akkumdirectly from the Bible and the traditionof medievalBible commentary,and not first and foremostfrom rabbiniclegal sources.Such resortto the biblicaltext for legal rulingscould be seen as constituting something of a departurefor Colon, who at least on one occasion voiced his objection to independentderivationof law from the Bible (shoresh 139). However,as will be demonstrated below, Colon was here followingMaimonides'exegeticallead, lendingcredenceto the enterprise. Concerningthe issue of use of biblicalexegesis andcommentaryby post-talmudichalakhists,see Y. in Mikhtamle-David: R. David Ochs Gilat, "Midrashha-ketuvimba-tequfahha-batar-talmudit," Memorial Volume,ed. Y. Gilat et al. (Ramat-Gan,1978), pp. 210-31 [=Idem, Peraqim behishtalshelutha-halakhah(Ramat-Gan,1990), pp. 374-94]; M. Elon, ha-Mishpatha-'Ivri,3rd ed. (Jerusalem,1988),pp. 326-33. 31. The detailsof this analysisaremorerelevantfor the studyof Colon's legal methodthanfor the topic underconsideration.A full discussionis found in Woolf, "Life and Responsaof Rabbi JosephColon,"pp. 198-207. 32. Hil. 'AvodahZarah11:1. One noteworthypoint that arises in this section of the text is Colon'sdeclarationthatredclothingipsofacto constitutesa hoq.He concludesby declaringthat"to this day we have it by traditionfor ournationnot to wearred."Ironically,however,as alreadynoted Italianmanuscriptilluminationsshow thatthe robesof Jewishdoctors, (above,n. 12) contemporary like those of theirChristiancounterparts, were flamingred in color. I have not to date been able to accountforthis discrepancy. 33. "Loyilbashbe-malbushha-meyubadlahem." 34. It should be kept in mind that halakhic argumentation,as was first pointed out by to Milhamotha-Shem),is an inexactscience.Hence,what is called for in Nahmanides(introduction rebuttingan opposing argumentis interpretiveplausibilityand logical integrity.The point was, perhaps,best put by the late ProfessorIsadoreTwersky,as follows: "The admissibilityof two or

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Having proventhis legal point to his own satisfaction,Colon emphasizes thatthereis anotherreasonto acceptit. In contemporary Italy,Jews dressedno differentlythantheirneighbors.As a result, If a Jewwereobligedto alterhis clothesfromthoseof the Gentilestotally, in theland,andthiswouldbe a generation of thentherewouldbe no righteous who does not dressin attire sinners,for thereis no one in this generation similarto thatof their[thenon-Jewish] adultsoryouth,andhowcouldanyone dareto prohibit thatwhichallof Israeldoespublicly? Colon's central argumenthere is based upon the authorityof accepted custom(minhag),which was a criticalfactorin Ashkenaziclegal tradition,and played an especially importantrole in his own legal writings." Colon's reasoningrunsas follows. Assumingthe essentialpiety of ItalianJewry,andthe fact that Italian Jews did not dress differentlyfrom their neighbors,Colon argues that this practice could not be wrong and must be based on the permissive ruling of an earlier generation.He clinches the point by citing several talmudic passages which demonstratethat then, as in the fifteenth century,Jews and Gentileswere practicallyindistinguishablein their mode of dress. Thus, in answer to Messer Leon's inquiry, there was no reason whatsoeverto objectto the cappa'sbeingworn.36

a ruleof textwasa widespread of a uniform moreequallytenableinterpretations principle-almost thumb-inmedievalhalakhicstudyandaccountsfor a gooddealof its polemicism .... Justas

Nahmanidescould weaken a view of Razah and therebyrehabilitatea view of Alfasi merelyby

of "TheBeginnings I. Twersky, andconjectural constructions." possibleinterpretations suggesting

MishnehTorahCriticism,"in Biblicaland OtherStudies,ed. A. Altmann(Cambridge,Mass., 1963),

pp.165-66.

35. See Jeffrey R. Woolf, "The Authorityof Customin the Responsaof R. Joseph Colon Dine Israel 19 (1997-98): 43-74 andthe discussionbelow. (Mahariq),"

36.Intheearly1490s,R. DavidMesserLeon,thesonof R. JudahMesserLeon,wasconsulted

as to the proprietyof an edict of R. Moses Capsaliprohibitingscholarsnewly exiled fromSpainto fromwearinga certaintype of shawlthatCapsalifelt was in violationof the law of Constantinople huqqotha-'akkum.MesserLeon supportedCapsali,but solely on the groundsthatas chief rabbihe had the rightto issue whateveredicts he felt were warranted,and that wearingsuch a shawl was

if wornthen. a violationof theSabbath againstthecommoncustomandmightpossiblyconstitute

MesserLeon avoidedthe issue of huqqotha-'akkumentirely.The responsumwas publishedin Y.

ha-15ve-ha-16" ba-me'ah ha-Yehudit (Ph.D.diss., Hacker,"ha-Hevrah be-Saloniqah ve-'agafeha HebrewUniversity,1979),appendixIV, and discussedby M. Benayahu,RabiEliyahuQapsali, 'ish Qandia(Tel Aviv, 1983),pp. 46-54.

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III A survey of the classic halakhic discussions of huqqot ha-'akkumis revealing.One's firstdiscoveryis thatthe Talmuditself twice expatiateson the topic, although one would never know this from Colon's discussion. The relevanttexts are in Sanhedrin37 and 'Avodah Zarah.38Both deal with the proprietyof burningthe possessions of a Jewishking as partof his funeral,a practicefollowed by Jews despitethe fact that Gentilesbehavedin a similar fashion. The Talmud assumed that a practice rooted in Jewish mores and attested to in the Tosefta39must have some legitimate reason behind its acceptanceandhence investigatescarefullywhy, in fact, it is not classifiedas a "Wayof the Gentiles."Thetwo passages,however,divergein theirconclusions. Accordingto the passagein 'AvodahZarah,the practiceof burninga king's to Jewsdespitethe possessionat deathis notactuallya hoq,andhenceis permitted fact that non-Jewsdo likewise.40The implication,therefore,is that there are actionsthat Gentilesdo which are not huqqimand hence may be followed or adoptedby Jews.41The parallelpassagein Sanhedrinadoptsa differenttack.It assertsthatthepracticeof burningtheking'sgoodsis indeeda hoqof the Gentiles, and oughtnot to have been permittedto Jews, owing to its Gentileorigins.An exceptionis madein this case,the Talmuddeclares,becausethe prophetJeremiah explicitlyallowsfor it, indicatingthatthe Jewishpracticeis indigenousandhence licit.Thepassageimpliesthatno practicemaybe imitatedfromthe Gentiles,since of huqqotha-'akkum. this,by itself,violatestheprohibition The Tosafot on these passages take note of the inherentcontradiction betweenthe two discussions.42In typical fashion,they concludethat the two passages actuallyrefer to two differentfacets of huqqotha-'akkum,each of 37. Fol. 52b. 38. Fol. 1la. 39. Tosefta,Shabbat8:9. 40. The commentarieson these passagesare convenientlyavailablein the following volumes: Sanhedregedolah le-massekhetSanhedrin,5 vols. (Jerusalem,1967-.); Shitat ha-qadmonim'al massekhet'AvodahZarah,ed. M. Y. Blau (New York, 1969);R. Isaiahdi Trani,TosefotRid 'al massekhet'AvodahZarah, ed. N. Sachs (Jerusalem,1959);R. Abrahamb. David of Posquieres, Perushha-Rabad'almassekhet"Avodah Zarah,ed. A. Sofer(New York,1961). 41. See TosefotRid,ad loc. 42. Sanhedrin,loc. cit., s.v. 'ela and 'AvodahZarah,loc cit., s.v. u-le-buqqah.The Tosafoton 'AvodahZarahwere editedin the late thirteenthcenturyby R. PereSof Corbeil,but they ultimately derive from R. Isaac of Dampierre(12th cent.). See E. E. Urbach,Ba'ale ha-tosafot, 5th ed. (Jerusalem,1985),pp. 253-66, 654-58.

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whichhas its own criteria.The first,reflectedin the passagein 'AvodahZarah, teachesthatanythingthe Gentilesdo thatis blatantlyidolatrousis forbiddento Jews. The Sanhedrintext, on the otherhand,addressesthe questionof Gentile practices that are not inherentlyidolatrousin nature but, nevertheless,are reflectiveof theirculturalmilieuand orientation.It is on these groundsthatthe Talmudwouldhave prohibitedthe destructionof royalproperty,were it not for the considerationthat such a practicehad developedindigenouslyamongthe Jews (or couldhave) as attestedto by Scripture.43 Based uponthis analysis,the have would been forbidden under the second cappa categoryadvancedby the tosafists and accepted by subsequentauthorities."Thus there was a solid talmudicbasisfor oppositionto Colon'sexcursus. One could respond by arguing that all of the foregoing reflects legal thinkingthatpredatedColon by over two centuries,and that in the interimthe halakhicclimateof opinionmighthave changed.This,however,does not appear to have been the case.45 Fifteenth-centuryGermancontemporariesof Colon express significant sentiment against any imitation of Gentile fashions of dress.46This is so despite the fact that GermanJews in the fifteenthcentury fromtheirChristianneighbors.47 generallydressedindistinguishably The eminentAustrianhalakhistR. IsraelIsserlein(d.1460) expressedhis strongoppositionto Jews dressingin the same manneras Christians.His only concessionwas in the interestof savingone's life.48Isserlein'sstudent,R. Israel 43. Forotherresolutionsof the problem,see the workscited above,n. 40. 44. This is the position adoptedby the Vilna Gaon and others.Cf. Be'ure ha-Graad Yoreh De'ah 178:1. (The GRA notes that the RaN had an approachsimilarto Colon's. Given Colon's extremelylimitedfamiliaritywith the RaN's writings,it is doubtfulthathe was influencedthereby. See Woolf,"LifeandResponsaof RabbiJosephColon,"pp. 112-15.) 45. It shouldbe noted,thatthe topic of huqqotha-'akkumis not, to the best of my knowledge, discussed in the surviving halakhicliteratureof the fourteenthcentury(e.g., Sefer ha-'Agudah, costumals). 46. This was based, in large part, upon the passage of 'arqeta di-mes'ana(Sanhedrin74b), which was also addressedby Colon in shoresh 88. See the commentsof R. SolomonLuriain his commentaryon the Sefer MisvotGadol,Neg. 50. Cf. Yamshel Shelomo,II, Baba Qamma(Stettin, n.d.),fol. 107a-b. 47. See A. Fuchs,"ha-Homerha-historibi-she'elotu-teshuvotR. YisraelBruna"(Ph.D. diss., YeshivaUniversity,1974),pp. 209-13; E. Zimmer,"Men'sHeadcovering:The Metamorphosisof ThisPractice,"in Reverence,Righteousness,and Rahamanut,ed. J. J. Schacter(Northvale,1992),p. 334. Zimmer'sarticlehas recentlybeen reprintedin expandedform as "Kisuirosh le-gevarim," 'Olamke-minhagonoheg 17-42. The specificreferenceis to 23-26. 48. Terumatha-deshen,no. 197. See the commentsof Shakh,YorehDe'ah 157: 16; Zimmer, "Men'sHeadcovering." Ironically,Colonrejectsthis specific line of analysisin his responsum.

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of Bruna,reiterated his master'ssentiments whenhe declaredthat"wedwell the nations who about andtherefore bareheaded, [a Jewgoingabout among go bareheaded]is considered huqqot ha-'akkum49for he [the Jew] is only recognizedby his headdress. . . as we have found Jewish distinctionsin

changesof clothingeven in the shoes and sandals. . . and in times of in shoelaces."50 Thus,it is fairlyclearthatthe questionposedto persecution MesserLeonandSamueldaModenaaboutthepropriety of wearingthecappa current German halakhists. reflected thinking amongsomecontemporary This, though,raisestwo new questions:(1) How does one accountfor the absenceof the basic talmudicsourcesof the issue of huqqotha-'akkumfrom

source for Colon's Colon's responsum?(2) Is there any ascertainable of the of the Gentile? of the laws Ways interpretation Colon'ssilenceregardingthe talmudicevidenceis quitestartling.The sourceswere well known,andhe definitelyhad accessto them.51Whatis more, Colon's legal methodincludedhis rangingfar and wide over the entirefield of rabbinicliteraturewhen discussing any given issue. Completenesswas his hallmark.Finally, Colon was a representativeof the French legal tradition, whose fountwas the writingsof the tosafists.They providethe warpand woof of his writings.52 Thus,his avoidanceof basic talmudicpassages,and afortiori the commentsof the tosafists, demandsan explanation."Accountingfor this situation, however, first requires that we ascertainthe source of Colon's

49. It might be objectedthat Bruna'sinvocationof huqqotha-'akkumconstitutesmore of a rhetoricalflourishthan the invocationof a halakhiccategory(especiallysince he does not invoke p. 134) any legal sourcefor his assertion).Personally,I agreewith Zimmer("Men'sHeadcovering," that Brunareally is referringto huqqotha-'akkumin the strictly legal sense. However, for our purposesthis is not really relevant.The importantpoint is that Bruna here expresses strong oppositionto Jewsdressingthe sameas Christians. 50. Responsa,no. 34. 51. He cites bothtractates,'AvodahZarahandSanhedrin,manytimes. 52. Thisbecomesimmediatelyapparentfroman even cursoryexaminationof his responsa. 53. This is in additionto the fact thatit left his responsumextremelyvulnerableto whatwould be justifiablecriticismof his position.Still, cautionmustbe exercisedin evaluatingthis omissionon Colon's part.It is possiblethatMesserLeon or Samuelda Modenamay have addressedthe issues raisedby the tosafistsand interpretedthemin such a way as to allow the cappa,thus obviatingany need for analysisby Colon.As Colon himselfwritesat the startof the responsum,"I have seen your words and will replyto thembriefly ... becauseyou have alreadywrittenmorethan is required" (shoresh88, beginning).

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definitionand categoriesof huqqotha-'akkum.These, I believe, Colon derived fromMaimonides'MishnehTorah.54

In the ninthchapterof the laws concerning writesas idolatry,Rambam follows:s5 Weshouldnotfollowthecustomsof theGentiles,norimitatethemin dressor in theirwayof trimming theirhair,as it is said,"Andye shallnotwalkin the customsof thenation,"56 "neither shallye walkintheirstatutes,"57 "Takeheed to thyselfthatthounotbe ensnared to followthem."58 Thesetextsall referto onethemeandwarnagainstimitating them.TheIsraelite shall,onthecontrary, be distinguishedfromthem andrecognizableby the way he dressesand in his

andhis otheractivities, fromthembyhisknowledge justas he is distinguished principles. Note how Maimonidescarefullyconflatesthe verses explicitlydealingwith the Waysof the Gentileswith the verse in Deuteronomywarningagainst"following them,"therebystressingtheiridentityof meaning.The sametwo-versescheme, which is unique to Maimonides,underliesColon's responsum.59 Colon first defines huqqotha-'akkumbased on the meaningof hoq in Leviticusand then produces his criterionbased on humility, which is derived from the Sifre's commenton the verse fromDeuteronomythatRambamgoes out of his way to of huqqotha-'akkum.The conclusionwhich suggests state is part-and-parcel itself is thatColon, in seekinga generaldefinitionof this legal concept,noticed the Maimonideanhint, expanded it, and came up with his operativelegal framework.60

54. It is probablethatthe SeferMisvotGadol (Neg. 50) also servedas one of Colon's sources, andincludesa discussionof Darkheha-'Emorias well. sinceit reproduces Maimonides'formulation, 55. Hil. 'Akkum11:1. The translationis from Maimonides,TheBook of Knowledge,trans.M. of ad loc.)citesColon'sinterpretation 1962),78b.R. JosephKaro(KesefMishneh, Hyamson(Jerusalem, of this passagein Maimonides. the parameters of huqqotha-'akkumas the definitiveinterpretation See, however,the demurralof R. JoshuaFalk,in Perishah,Tur,YorehDe'ah 178:2. 56. Lev. 20:23. 57. Ibid., 18:33. 58. Deut. 12:20. 59. This conclusionis baseduponextensivestudyof the topic, aidedby the Bar-IlanUniversity ResponsaProjectCD-ROM. 60. Rambamalso discussesthe issue of huqqotha-'akkumin his Seferha-Misvot(Neg. 30): "By this prohibitionwe are forbiddento follow in the ways of the unbelieversand adopttheircustoms, even in theirdressandtheirsocial gatherings.This prohibitionis containedin His words(exaltedbe He), 'Ye shall not walk in the customs of the nation, which I am casting out before you' (Lev.

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If Colon indeedadoptedthe positionof Maimonides,apparentlyover that of the tosafists,61his actionwouldbe consistentwiththe exceedinglyprominent place occupied by the Mishneh Torah in his writings.62He refers to it constantly,whetherto confirmthe importof a talmudicpassage,63bolster a controversialruling,64or merely explicate its words for their own sake.65 20:23), and is repeatedin His words,'Neithershallye walk in theirstatutes'(Deut. 12:30).... The prohibitionon this matteris repeatedin anotherform,in His words,'Takeheed to thyself lest thou be ensnaredto follow them'(Deut. 12:30)... 'be ensnaredto follow them'-lest thou likenthyself to them,andfollow theircustoms,andthey becomea snareuntothee. You arenot to say: Since [the Idolaters]go out dressedin purple,I will go out dressedin purple;since they go out dressedin telusin-a kind of ornamentworn by soldiers--even so will I go out dressedin telusin."'And you know the words of the prophet,'[I will punish .. .] all such as are clothedwith foreignapparel' (Zeph.1: 8). Thepurposeof all this is thatwe shouldavoidthe heathenanddespiseall his customs, TheCommandments, vol. 2, trans.Ch.Chavel(London,1967),pp. 28-29. even his dress."MaimonideS, It does not take muchto realizethat this passagerecommendsitself stronglyas Colon's source.It downto the citationsfrom containsalmostall of thebasicelementsin the firstquarterof his responsum, theToseftaandSifre.Theproblemis, however,thattheSeferha-Misvotdid not havemuchcurrencyin theMiddleAges, andhencemaynothavebeenavailableforColon'suse, a possibilityreinforcedby the factthathe neverrefersto it anywhereelse in his responsa.Hence,it is morelikelythatColonhimself of the conflationof the two versesas he foundthemin the MishnehTorah, fleshedoutthe implications of the Seferha-Misvot,see H. Heller, On the distribution andarrivedat his own conclusionstherefrom. to Seferha-Misvot(Jerusalem, introduction 1987),pp. 1-4. 61. 'Apparently'becauseColon's twofold categorizationof huqqotha- akkumcan readilybe squaredwith that of the tosafists.It will be recalledthat the latterconcludedthat therewere two types of forbiddenWays of the Gentiles.One was a purely idolatrouspracticecorrespondingto Colon's first type of hoq. The second is describedin standardversions of the commentson Sanhedrinand 'AvodahZarahas "theirfoolish andemptyteaching"(torathevelu-shetutshelahem). (TheTosafotof R. Elhananreads,"Theteachingof idolatersandthe practiceof theirfalse teaching" as relatingto [datha- ovedekokhavimu-minhagtoratsheqershelahem].)Thesecouldbe interpreted the nonidolatrousGentilefashionsand behaviorthatColon includedin his secondcategory.Thus, there need not have been any contradictionbetween Colon and the tosafists. For such an see. 'Ensiqlopedyah Talmudit,vol. 7, 706, s.v. darkheha-'emori. interpretation, 62. In this regard,Colon was unique among fourteenth-and fifteenth-centuryAshkenazic halakhists.See Y. Dinari,Hakhme'Ashkenazbe-shilheyeme ha-benayyim(Jerusalem,1984), pp. 155-57. I addressthis point in a forthcomingarticleon the place of Maimonidesin late medieval Ashkenazicrabbinicculture. 63. See, e.g., shorashim96, 118, 141. 64. See especiallyshorashim170 and 171 on the questionof engagementgifts (sivlonot). 65. See, among others, shorashim 32, 52, 76, 117, and 152. The quality of Colon's of the MishnehTorahis attestedto by the extensivecitationsin the KesefMishnehof interpretations R. Joseph Caro, the Lehem.Mishnehof R. Abrahamdi Boton (cf. Hil. 'Akkum2:10), and the Mishnehla-Melekhof R. Judahkosanes (cf. Hil. 'Ishut9:28). Note too thatColon evidentlyplaced special emphasison the study of the Mishneh Torah in his academy.See Hfiddusheu-ferushe Mahariq,ed. E. D. Pines,2nded. (Jerusalem,1984),pp. 19-48.

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Moreover,Colon goes beyondotherAshkenazichalakhistsin the reverenceand awe in which he held the sage of Fostatand the authorityhe attributesto him. These find expression, inter alia, in his defense of the most controversial featuresof the Mishneh Torah,such as its lack of sources, its unilateraland apodictic style, and its resort to the Palestinianratherthan the Babylonian To returnto the case of huqqotha-'akkum,it is perfectlypossiblethat Talmud.66 Colonbecameconvincedof the cogencyof the modelsuggestedby Maimonides' words,67andadoptedit despitehis allegianceto Frenchhalakhictradition.68 It is instructiveto note, in addition,that there was anotherlegal option availableto Colon in entertainingthe questionof the cappa,an optionof which he was definitelyaware.In the same chapterof the MishnehTorah,Rambam writes:"A Jew who was close to the government,and must sit before their kings, since it would be humiliatingfor him to look differentthan they, is allowedto dressas they do."69 This exceptionto the rule of the Ways of the Gentiles,which is explicitly noted by the Sefer Misvot Gadol and the Tur, and is directlyreferredto by Messer Leon in his original letter,70would have provided Colon with a For legitimateway to grantpermissionfor the wearingof the cappamanicata.71 66. On the question of the legal sources and apodictic style of the Mishneh Torah, see shorashim 129, 132, and 176. On the place of the Palestinian Talmud therein, see the programmaticstatement in shoresh 100. Concerning the issue of Maimonideancriticism generally, see Twersky, "MishnehTorah Criticism,"pp. 161-82 and idem, Introductionto the Code of Maimonides,pp. 102-8. andN. 67. In general,precedenthas littleor no bindingeffect in halakhah.See A. Kirschenbaum Lamm,"Freedomand Constraintin the JewishJudicialProcess,"CardozoLawReview1 (1979):99133; M. Elon, ha-Mishpatha-'Ivri,1062-63; and S. Morell,Precedentand JudicialDiscretion:The Case of JosephibnLev (Atlanta,1991).See now the lucidpresentation providedby A. Lichtensteinin RabbinicLeaders in EngagingModernity: of Modernity:ClassicalandContemporary," "Legitimization andthe Challengeof the Twentieth Century,ed. M. Sokol(Northvale,1997),pp. 5-24. 68. The question must remain moot as to how Colon addressedthe contradictoryposition presentedby the tosafists.This is no smallproblemgiven the factthatColonneverdecidedbetween earlierauthoritieswithoutdemonstrating casuisticallythatin the case underconsiderationeitherboth sides would agree or the opposingauthorityflew in the face of the opinionof the overwhelming majorityof decisors. Concerningthis phenomenonin the responsaof late medieval halakhists generally(andof Colon in particular),see Morell,Precedentand JudicialDiscretion,andmy study, in Ben samkhutle"Samkhutu-khefifutba-pesiqaha-'Ashkenazitbe-shilheyeme ha-benayyim," be-massoretYisra'el,ed. Z. SafraiandA. Saguy(TelAviv, 1997),pp.295-96. 'otonomyah 69. Hil. 'Akkum11: 3. 70. See Tur,YorehDe'ah 178 (end). See Perishah,ad loc., no. 8. MesserLeonis citedby Colon at the end of shoresh88. 71. Neg. 50 (end).

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Jewishdoctorsin Renaissance society.They ItalypassedeasilyintoChristian were muchsoughtafterby nobles,clerics,and othermen of influenceas often men of considerable personalphysicians.They were, consequently, influencein their own right, as evidencedby their exemptionfrom the JewBadge.Theirstatusin the non-Jewishworldwas put at the disposalof theircoreligionistsin times of trial.In a word,if therewas any groupin contemporary Italy that could be classified as "close to the government,"and therefore permittedto dresslike Christians,it was Jewishphysicians.72 Yet Colondidnot availhimselfof thisunproblematic, thoughnarrowlicense, instead one both and more radical. The choice wider preferring appearsto have been quitecalculated.Indeed,one can almosthearthe depthof his convictionin his emphaticrefrainthat"theJewis notrequiredto differfromthe Gentile." In light of the emphaticnatureof this declaration,it is also probablethat Colon ruled as he did as a directresult of his attitudetowardthe authorityof establishedcustom(minhag).As noted above, Colon was clearlydisturbedby the fact that the halakhicstancepresentedby the antagonistsof Messer Leon would have effectively condemnedthe entire Italian Jewish community.73 A review of his responsaon the authorityof establishedcustomdemonstrates that he axiomaticallyassumedthe essentialpiety of the contemporaryItalian Jews community, and was convinced that established custom reflected legitimatehalakhicpositions.74 Hence one may see in Colon's ruling a twosided expressionof this doctrine.On the one hand,he presentsus with a fullblown defense of an establishedItalianmode of behavior,predicatedupon the piety of those who so acted." At the same time, he relatesto this established 72. On Jewishphysiciansin fifteenth-century Italy,see M. Friedenwald,"JewishPhysiciansin Italy,"TheJews and medicine,(Baltimore,1944), pp. 263ff.; C. Roth, TheJews in the Renaissance (New York, 1959),pp. 213-34. 73. ConcerningItalo-Jewishdressin the period,see Roth,Jews in the Renaissance,chap.2, and Metzger,La viejuive au MoyenAge, pp. 124-145. The artisticevidenceconfirmsColon'sjudgment that Jews did not dress differentlyfrom their fellows (with the exceptionof the Jew-Badgewhen enforced).See A. Toaff,"TheJewishBadgein ItalyDuringthe 15thCentury,"in Die Judenin ihrer Umwelt(Vienna,1991),pp. 275-280. mittelalterlichen 74. See, e.g. shoresh 169. Accordingto Colon, minhagimwere eitherordainedor approvedby halakhistwas to attemptto "reconstruct" earlierrabbinicauthorities.The task of the contemporary the originallegal rationalebehindthe custom in question.The piety of those who practicedthe custom under examination,was seen by him as corroboratingits legitimateorigins. See Woolf, "Authorityof Custom,"pp. 59-66. 75. Shoresh170. The factthathe was legitimizinga fully establishedphenomenonis probablya key reasonfor Colon's sweepinggeneralizationshere.He was not, on the otherhand,attemptingto

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minhagas living evidenceof an authentichalakhicpositionthathe endeavorsto restoreto its previousglory.76

IV There is anotherfactor which, while perhapsnot totally responsiblefor Colon's decision, conditionedand found expressiontherein.I referto Colon's perceptionand evaluationof the condition of Jewish-Christianrelations in northernItaly. fifteenth-century Jews constituted a prominent element in contemporaryNorth Italian society, in a mannerthat would have been unusualin other countries.They were socially and culturallyintimatewith Christiansat all levels of society. While Jewish settlement in some areas was restricted,and subject to the whims of the city, communal,or ducal government,it remainstruethatItalian Jewrywas sparedthe kind of vicious generalpersecutionthat was frequently the lot of its Germancounterpart.77 Many scholars specializing in RenaissanceItalian Jewish history have interpretedthe unique Jewish experiencein Italy in the light of featuresthat historianshave identifiedin the generalRenaissance.78 Accordingto this line of the affected were Jews by spiritof the age. Deeply profoundly interpretation, their individuality via asserted Renaissance attracted by culture, they involvementin generalculture,by skepticism,andby a religiousapathythatnot adjustJewishlaw to "fit"the spiritof the Renaissance.Colon's legalmethodinvolvedthe evaluation of realityin lightof law, not the arbitrary bendingof law to reality. 76. As such, this responsumprovidesthe studentwith a strikingexampleof that "creative that is the overarchingtraitof Colon's legal writings.On the one hand,he accepts traditionalism" establishedauthorityor customagainstthosewho mightquestionor dismissit. On the otherhand,he marshalshis prodigiousexpertiseand intellectualingenuityto createand enunciatea framework within which to understandthat authorityor practice.In the course of developingthe latter,he follows the sourcesto arriveat a crystallizeddoctrineof huqqotha-'akkumthatallows for greater flexibilityof conductthanmightotherwisehavebeendeducedfromthe originalpractice. 77. Roth,A Historyof theJews in Italy,(Philadelphia,1946),pp. 153 ff. So rosydoes the picture appearthatRoth was moved to exclaim,"Inno partof the worlddid such a feeling of friendliness prevailas in Italybetweenthe peopleandthe Jews"(p. 156). 78. See Burckhardt,Civilizationof the Renaissance,pp. 453 ff.; Roth,History,pp. 153-257; Shulvass,"Hayyeha-datshel ha-Yehudimbe-'Italyah,"PAAJR17 (1947-48 ): 15-18; D. Hay,"The Natureof RenaissanceValues in the FifteenthCentury,"in TheItalianRenaissancein its Historical Background(Cambridge,1983), pp. 105-54; P. L. Ralph, The Renaissancein Perspective(New York, 1973);R. Bonfil, "TheHistorian'sPerceptionof the Jews in the ItalianRenaissance:Towards a Reappraisal," Revuedes dtudesjuives134 (1984): 59-65.

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led to the imitationof Gentilemores,accompanied by serious infrequently lapsesin observance.79 Colon'sresponsum on the cappa,however,doesnot appearto tallywith encounter. thesegeneralizations the natureof the Jewish-Christian concerning As Colonwrites,the prohibition againstimitatingthe Waysof the Gentiles function.However,if the degreeof conviviality servesan anti-assimilationist between Jews and non-Jews was great enough to elicit condemnationfrom

thensimilarreactionswould da Feltre,80 itinerant Franciscans like Bernardino fromhalakhists like Colonwho werejust as havebeenforthcoming certainly to preventgroupdefections.81 Moreover, eageras theirCatholiccounterparts Colonwas farfromshywhenit cameto decryingbreachesin properreligious how he couldhavetakenso Thusit is difficultto understand deportment.82 strong a stand on the questionof huqqotha-'akkum,holding that Jews and

in dressis a in theirdress,whendistinction Gentilesneednotbe distinguishable forces of when strongcentrifugal potentsafeguard groupidentity,especially seemedto be pullingJewsawayfromacceptablemodesof observance.83 79. Shulvass, "Hayye ha-dat,"pp. 1-15. Indeed, so close and understandingdid relations betweenJews and Christiansseem to be, that one historianhas recentlyarguedthat intermarriage andapostasywere dealtwith with equanimity(andsometimescordiality)by ItalianJews,something thatwouldhavebeenunthinkableanywhereelse in the worldin thatperiod.See the strikingexample presentedby M. Luzzati,"Perla storiadegli Ebreiitalianinel Rinascimento.Matrimoniie aspostasia di Clemenzadi Vitale da Pisa,"in Studisul Medioevocristianooffertia RaffaelloMorghen,vol. 1 (Rome,1974),pp. 427-73 [= idem,La casa dell'Ebreo:saggi sugli Ebrei a Pisa e in Toscananel Medioevoe nel Rinascimento(Pisa, 1985), pp. 59-106]. See also A. Toaff, TheJews in Medieval In Italy(Florence, Assisi: 1305-1487: A Social andEconomicHistoryof a SmallJewishCommunity 1979),p. 9, n. 25; idem,Love, Workand Death, pp. 5-36, 143-65; D. O. Hughes,"Distinguishing Signs:Ear-Rings,Jews and FranciscanRhetoricin the ItalianRenaissanceCity,"Past and Present 112 (1988): 13-17; andnow C. Vivanti,"TheHistoryof the Jews in Italyandthe Historyof Italy," Journalof ModernHistory67 (1995):329-33. 80. See Roth, History, pp. 159-76; A. Milano, Storia degli ebrei in Italia (Turin,1992), pp. 197-209. 81. This would be especiallytrue accordingto Roth who (following Graetz)viewed Colon as somethingof a reactionary.See Roth,Jews in the Renaissance,pp. 312-13 and H. Graetz,Divre yeme Yisrael,vol. 7, trans.S. P.-Rabinowitz(Warsaw,1890-98),pp. 280-82. 82. See, e.g., shorashim37, 46, and 149. 83. Of course,the questionthenarisesas to why Germanrabbislike IsserleinandBruna,facing a similarsartorialreality,adoptedso differenta position.The answer,of course, dependsupon a carefulanalysisof the social situationin GermanyandAustria,an effortthatfartranscendsthe limits of the discussionhere. However,it should be emphasizedthat their positionswere noted here in order to present the alternativeavailable in Ashkenazichalakhictradition,which served as a counterpointto the positionadoptedby Colon.It was certainlynot the intentionto implythattheir

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It seems, as a result,that Colon's responsumtallies betterwith a different of the Jewish involvementin RenaissanceChristiansociety that interpretation has developed over the past decade and a half.84 Accordingto this line of it is a mistaketo assume a breakdownin the exclusivityof the interpretation, Jewish and Christiancommunities,and in the sense of "otherness"thatby the fifteenthcenturyhad kept the two groups separateand hostile for nigh on a millenniumand a half.s5 ChristianItalydid not recognizethe Jew as an equalor as an adherentof a legitimatereligion. On the contrary,missionizingactivity was continuousin Italy throughoutthe period,and was supportedby many of the same individualswho were noted for their close relationswith Jews.86 If Jews did gain entree into some of the most powerful circles in Italy, it was primarily because they could supply Christian society with a desired commodity,whethermoney, medicalcare, expertisein music, or instructionin Jewishtradition(hebraicaveritas),and not becausethe two groupswere in the The picturethat emergesfromthis process of a fundamentalrapprochement.87 stance,fromthe point of view of social history,was necessarilypredicateduponthe obverseof the circumstanceswhich obtained in contemporarynorthernItaly. For one explanation of the circumstancesin Germanyat the time, see Zimmer,"KisuiRosh,"p. 25. On the issue generally,see J. Katz,Exclusivenessand Tolerance(New York, 1959),pp. 81-92. relationsin Italyare foundin R. Bonfil, 84. Majorstatementsof this view of Jewish-Christian "Historian'sPerceptionof the Jews," pp. 59-82, and more extensively in idem, Jewish Life in Renaissance Italy. See also D. Ruderman,"The Italian Renaissance and Jewish Thought," RenaissanceHumanism:Foundations,Forms and Legacy, ed. A. Rabil, Jr., vol. 1 (Philadelphia, 1988), pp. 382-433, and H. Tirosh-Rothschild,"Jewish Culture in Renaissance Italy: A MethodologicalSurvey,"Italia 9 (1990):63-96. 85. See R. Bonfil, "Societacristianae societa ebraicanell'Italiamedievalee rinascimentale: riflessionisul significatoe sui limitidi unaconvergenza,"in Ebreie Cristianinell'Italiamedievalee moderna : conversioni,scambi, contrasti : atti del VI Congresso internazionaledell'AISG,ed. M. Luzzati(Rome, 1988), pp. 231-60. (My thanksto ProfessorBonfil for makinga copy of this studyavailableto me.) 86. Roth,History,pp. 153-76; Hughes,"DistinguishingSigns,"pp. 18-24. See also R. Bonfil, "SomeReflectionson the Place of Azariahde Rossi's Me'or 'Eynayimin the CulturalMilieu of ItalianRenaissanceJewry,"in Jewish Thoughtin the SixteenthCentury(Cambridge,1982),pp. 31relevancehereare the doctoraldegreesawardedJews,whichIegin withthe explicit 37. Of particular (ex hopethatthe Jewishawardeewouldsoon leavethe darknessof Judaismforthe lightof Christianity tenebrisad lumen).See Bonfil, ha-Rabbanutbe-'Italyahbe-tequfatha-Renesans(Jerusalem,1979), su ObadiaSforno,"in Judaicaminora(Milan,1983),p. 470; idem, pp. 226-27; V. Colorni,"Spigolature al secolo XIX,"ibid.,pp. 473-90. "Sull'ammissibilitidegli Ebreialla laureaanteriormente 87. Cf. Roth, Jews in the Renaissance, chaps. 5-6; Y. H. Yerushalmi,introductionto BibliographicalEssays in MedievalJewishStudies,ed. L. Bermanet al. (New York,1976),pp. 3-5. True, conclude the proponentsof this line of argument,intergroupsocializingdid occur, as did

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is of two self-contained communities approach dealingwitheachotherfrom differentpositionsof strength, the Christians dueto theirnumerical, political, andcultural andthe Jewsfromtheircultural and postureas themajority, .lan vitality,along with the securityderivedfromthe knowledgethatthey provided necessaryservicesto Italiansociety.88 I would suggest that Colon's broad allowance for Jewish imitationof Christianfashion requiredjust the sort of tangible psycho-culturaldistance betweenthe groupsthatis positedabove.In otherwords,Colon's determination of the theoreticalprinciplesguidingthe questionof huqqotha-'akkummayhave been based in large part upon purely internal, halakhic considerations.89 However, his evaluation of the state of Jewish-Christianrelations in the responsumtestifies to his being secure in the knowledge that dressing like Gentiles would probably not lead to assimilation and apostasy. The dispassionateway in which he arguesthis point revealsno sense of dangeror scandal.Indeed,the very fact that a clearlyassimilationistintent,accordingto Colon, does violate the interdicton Ways of the Gentilesserves to drive this pointhome.90 instancesof apostasy.Thesedo not, however,contradictthe basic realityof Jewishlife in Italy,and See the nextnote. thatrealitywas one of separationandself-containment. 88. This is not to suggestthatdefectionto Gentilesocietydid not takea toll on manyJews. The pressures of being part of a small minority, the glittering attractionsof the Renaissance, considerationsof affairesde coeur,addedto the extremeisolationthatwas oftenthe lot of the Jews in Italy, along with persistentconversionistpressureson the part of the Franciscansled quite a numberof Jews to the baptismalfont. Defectionsof this kind, as well as outside influencesupon Jewishthinkingandpractice,are naturaloutcomesof minoritylife and do not necessarilybelie the shel circumstancesdescribedhere. On the isolationof ItalianJews, see R. Bonfil, "Hityashevutam Yehudimnodedimbe-'Italyahbe-shilheyeme ha-benayyim,"in Hagirahve-hityashevutbe-Yisrael u-va-'Amim,ed. A. Shinan(Jerusalem,1982),pp. 150-152; Toaff,Love, Work,and Death, 5-7; and Storia d'Italia,vol. 11 (Turin,1996), idem, "Gli insediamentiaskenazitinell'Italiasettentrionale," pp. 153-71. Two expressions of this are found in shorashim 113 and 160. On apostasy in Italy,see M. Luzzati(ed.), Ebrei e Cristianinell'Italiamedievalee moderna;idem, contemporary "Per la storia dei rapportifra ebrei e cristianiin Italia;demografiae insediamentiebraici nel in Ebraismoe antiebraismo:immaginee pregiudizio,ed. CesareLuporini(Florence, Rinascimento," 1989),pp. 185-91; andToaff,Love, Work,andDeath,pp. 143-165. 89. In this case, minhagmaybe considereda partiallyinternal,legal consideration. 90. One issue that Colon does not mention,and which ought to have played a role in his of Jews and analysis, is the effect of the Jew-Badgeon the questionof the indistinguishability Christians.As Owen Hughes ("DistinguishingSigns," pp. 18 ff.) has pointed out, many cities adopted the Jew-Badge during the course of the fifteenth century. The absence of such a considerationin Colon'sresponsumseems to supportBonfil's contentionthatwhile the Franciscans may have gottenthe Badge enacted,Jews usuallymanagedto avoid wearingit. See R. Bonfil, "ha-

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This conclusionis corroboratedin the admittedlyfew responsain which Colon addressesaspectsof the Jewish-Christian encounter.91 To begin with, for becomes of This was a form Colon,Christianity clearly idolatry.92 apparentin a a a he to for wherein responsum replies request guidanceregarding situationin which a Christianreligious image or statue (pesel) had been damagedin a Jewishhome.93The questionerswantedto know whetherthe act of fixing the statueconstituteda subsidiaryviolationof the prohibitionsagainstidolatry,and even if so, whetherit mightbe allowedunderthe circumstances,as the peoplein whose home the statuehad been damagedfearedfor their lives. Colon replied that repairingthe statue did not constitutea direct act of idolatry,and hence mightbe permittedin view of the dangerto life. On the otherhand,he explicitly rejects the addressee'ssuggestion that there might be a differencebetween differenttypes of religious statuary,saying that "in a situationwhere it [the statue] is definitely worshipped,in any case it is prohibited,and becomes In breve, Colon's liberalismin the classified as idolatrous,in my opinion."94 case of the cappawas not motivatedby an incipientformof tolerance. Another responsum, more closely related to the question under consideration,strengthensthe aforenotedimpressionregardingthe decline of Jewish-Christiantension in the period. The text in question discusses the Franco-Jewishpractice of allowing Gentile treadingof grapes to be used in making wine for Jewish consumption.Although a Gentile's touch rendered wine rituallyunfitfor drinkingby Jews, Frenchlegal traditiondidnot deemvats of Gentile-trod,unseparatedgrapejuice to be "wine of the gentiles"(setam

Yehudimbe-'ezorRomanyahbi-yemeR. 'Ovadyahmi-Bartinura: veqavimli-demutamha-thevratit Pe 'amim37 (1988): 47. ha-tarbutit," 91. At the same time, I would hesitateto suggestthatthis absenceitself constitutesa credible argumentume silentio for this line of argument.Even in the fifteenthcentury,earlyin the eraof the printingpress,the vagariesof the survivalof texts in manuscriptmakesuchsuggestionsperilous. 92. At least as far as Jews were concerned.See J. Katz,ExclusivenessahdTolerance,pp. 14368, and idem, "Sheloshahmishpatim'apologetiyyimbe-gilgulehem,"Siyyon 23 (1958): 174-93 [= Halakhahve-qabbalah,pp. 270-90]. 93. IHadashim, 34. One assumes that the statuaryhad been deposited in pawn. The similarto those describedby M. Luzzati,"Ebrei,chiesa locale, 'principe'e circumstancesmay be no.. Quadernistorici 54 popolo:due episodidi distruzionedi immaginisacrealla fine del Quattrocento," (1983):847-77 [= idem,La casa dell Ebreo,pp. 203-34]. 94. Hladashim, no. 159.

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yenam).95Colon stoutly defends the French practice.96This was quite predictable,given Colon's devotionto establishedcustom,not to mentionhis Whatis of interest,however,is the nonchalantway in nativeFrenchtradition.97 which he treatsthe questioner'scriticismof the Frenchtradition,a criticism echoedby manyoutstandinghalakhists.98 He feels no need to justifythe French in that the issue of Gentilewine is of relativelylow any case, practice,adding severity('issur qal). The last commentis remarkable,becausedespitethe fact that the allowanceof Gentiletreadinghad developedin Francetwo centuries earlier,setamyenam was not viewed in Ashkenaziccircles as a "lightweight" This was the case in Italy, however, as Cohen demonstratedat prohibition.99 Such length.100 a changein attitude,as reflectedin Colon'sresponsumhere,can be partiallyunderstoodas the resultof the diminishingtensionsbetweenJews and non-Jewsin contemporary Italy,'0'which renderedthe prohibitionagainst wineof the gentilesmorea ritualissue thanan ideologicalone.102

95. See H. Soloveitchik,"HalakhicTexts,"pp. 153-96; idem,"ReligiousLaw andChange,"pp. 217 ff. For discussionof a latercontroversyon the same topic in sixteenth-century Italy, see G. Sinai 77 (1975):62-90. Cohen,"le-Toledotha-polmos'al setamyenambe-'Italyahu-meqorotav," 96. See Soloveitchik,"HalakhicTexts,"pp. 177 ff. As Soloveitchikpointsout, the practicewas tosafist,R. JacobTam. objectedto by the greattwelfth-century 97. See above,n. 7. 98. Soloveitchik,"HalakhicTexts,"p. 196. 99. See Soloveitchik,ibid.,p. 78, as well as Katz,Exclusivenessand Tolerance,pp. 40-41. See Soloveitchik,"ReligiousLaw," pp. 217-18, for areas where setam yenam was not viewed as severelyas in Ashkenaz. 100. Cohen,"ha-Mabloqet," pp. 62-64. Nevertheless,it is clearthatin Colon's lifetime,Gentile wine was not generallydrunk(ibid.,p. 65). Cf. R. Meir of Padua,Responsa,no. 76, and R. Elijah Mizrahi,Responsa,no. 54. The sameis trueof southernItaly,at least up to the turnof the sixteenth century,as already indicatedby R. Obadiahof Bertinoroin his descriptionof Jewish life in vecontemporarySigily. See M. Artomand A. David (eds.), "R. 'OvadyahYare mi-Bartenurah 'iggerotavme-'EretzYisra'el,"in Yehudimbe-'Italyah,ed. H. Beinart(Jerusalem,1988), p. 55 'iggerotavshel R. 'Ovadyahmi-Bartenura [= idem,Me-'Italyahli-Yerushalayim: me-'EretzYisraeP' 1997),p. 38]. See R. Bonfil, "Teyutathasa'ahle-yissudyeshivahbi-derom'Italyahbe(Ramat-Gan, shilhe ha-me'ahha-15," in Sefer zikkaronle-ha-Rav YiSbaqNissim, vol. 4, ed. M. Benayahu (Jerusalem,1985),pp. 196-97. 101. I say "partially"becausehalakhicpositionsshouldgenerallynot be interpretedas linear consequencesof contextualconstraints,but primarilyas the imminentconsequenceof textualand legal considerations.In this particularinstance,as notedin the text, considerationsof customandof Colon's reverencefor receivedFrenchhalakhictraditionwere clearlymajorfactorsin his decision. (Mythanksto Prof.Bonfil fora partof this formulation.) 102. Cf. Katz, Traditionand Crisis,chap.3, and idem,Exclusivenessand Tolerance,pp. 13142. This is not to suggestthatColonwouldever have allowedthe consumptionof non-kosherwine.

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sense Yetanother of Colon'salsoseemsto reflecta diminished responsum The questioncameto Colonfrom of tensionvis-A-visthe Christian world.'03 The questionerwas a not too successful Pavia,probablyin mid-1470.104 b. named innkeeper IHakim/FalconeYehlielCohen,wholivedin Paviawithhis Lifewas verydifficultforthe familyandCohen's wife andtwo daughters.105 Herefused,andfinally, him wife constantly begged to moveto anothercity.'"6 homeof her Christian in the she ranaway,hiding in an act of desperation, herfamily to abandon herintention Oncethereshe announced washerwoman. of andtowardthatendshemetwiththevice-bishop andconvertto Christianity, herto andtwonuns.Cohentriedto persuade Pavia,a priest,twolocalburghers, Shehanded thathe wouldleavePavia,butwasunsuccessful. return,promising to convert. overto him,andagainstatedherintention theiryoungestdaughter thatthewomanwould declared thevice-bishop Atthispoint,Cohenrecords, HetoldCohenthat notbe coercedandshouldonlyconvertafterseriousreflection. accessto her would have where man no shewouldbe takento a localconvent she andthatafterfortydaysof meditation (saveanoccasional priestorphysician), coulddecidewhethershe trulywishedto convertor not.Aftera nightin the conventthewife decidedto returnto herfamily,fearingthatif shewaitedany sincea life withherhusband, longershe mightnot be ableto resumemarried or of whomthereis suspicionof havingcommitted womanconcerning adultery or remain married not a to, a havinghadrelationswith non-Jew,may marry, she Before to leave. Cohen'swifewasallowed kohen.'07Aftersomenegotiations, warnedCohento beniceto her,andnotto mistreat left,however,thevice-bishop herforhavingactedas shedid.Afterall,he said,intheendwhatharmwasdone, therewas harmin that to him?Yet potentially sincehis wife was returning Cohen'swifehadspentan extended men, periodof timealonewithnon-Jewish a was there As a the two and a the result, burghers. specifically vice-bishop,priest, Rather,the way in which he deals with a questionthat at othertimes was packedwith significance andreligio-emotional voltageappearsto indicatethatfor himthe voltagewas missing. in J. R. Marcus, 103. Shoresh160. The text of the questionalone was translatedand annotated TheJew in the MedievalWorld(New York, 1972),pp. 389-93. 104. The eventsdescribedtook place in the springof 1470 (Adar,5230). 105.The case is summarizedin S. Simonsohn,TheJews in the DuchyofMilan,vol. 1 (Tel Aviv, 1982),no. 1200 (pp. 506-7). 106. While Cohenclearlyresentedhis wife's importunings("va-taqomle-satanli"'),he admits thatherrequestwas reasonable("devarimshel ta 'am"). 107. See Yevamot44a ff.; Hil. 'IssureBi'ah 18:17-30; Tur,Even ha-'Ezer7.

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seriousquestionas to her being able to returnto live with her husband.This concernpromptedCohento writeto Colonfora ruling. Colon'sreply is quitelengthy,and in typicalfashionanalyzesthe question at handfroma numberof perspectives.He findsthatCohen'swife may remain with him, and this is consistentwith the generaltrend in Colon's writings, indeedin the responsaliteraturegenerally,to go to greatlengthsin orderto save marriagesor release women whose husbandshad disappearedwithout their In any case, what is significantfor our having been religiously divorced.108 first here is one the of Arguingthatthereought purposes pointsColonmakes.109 to be no groundsfor suspicionthatanythinguntowardoccurredduringher time in the washerwoman'shouseor in the cloister,Colonwrites: ... it goeswithoutsayingthatthereis no reasonto suspectthepriestandthe forit is wellknown,onthecontrary, thatmostGentilesof thelike vice-bishop, of thebishopandthepriestabstainfromthis,"10 especiallyin a publicsetting withJewish andin theirhouseof worship,andafortiori[theyavoid]relations is wouldbe be and more which would scandalous for what them, women, to theirlaws."'1 bydeathatthestakeaccording punishable but At firstblush,Colon's commentsappearto be not very complimentary, thatis not totallyaccurate.Implicitin his firstpremiseis a basicrespectfor the religious integrityof the priest and bishop, as well as for the status of their churches.112This was by no meansa typicalattitude,andviews of the Christian Nor shouldone be quickto clergyin Jewishcirclescouldbe highlynegative.!13

108. Cf. shorashim29, 32, 71, 86, 129, 101, 170, 171, 184, andfladashim,nos. 21, 25, 29, and 30. In the end, Hakim/Falconehad his way, and stayed with his family in Pavia. Fromthere, in August1479,he appliedto DukeGiangaleazzoII Sforzaof Milanfor permissionfor Jewsto gamble in his inn. See Simonsohn,Jews in theDuchyofMilan,vol. 2, no. 1917 (pp. 798-99). 109. GeraldBlidsteinnotesthatwhile the generaltrendin Ashkenazwas to be lenientin cases of "captivewomen," nevertheless,this passage of Colon's responsumstands out as unique. G. shel yeme ha-benayyim," shel nashimmeshummadot Blidstein,"Ma'amadan u-shevuyotba-halakhah Shenatonha-mishpatha- 'Ivri3-4 (1976-77):80, n. 163. 110. I.e., sexualrelations. 111. Shoresh160. 112. Shulvass("Iayye ha-dat,"p. 17) agreeswith this evaluationof Colon'sattitude,thoughhe derivesthe oppositeconclusiontherefrom. Debate in the High MiddleAges (Philadelphia,1979), 113. Cf. D. Berger,TheJewish-Christian p. 27, n.71 and now, idem, ' 'Al tadmitamve-goralamshel ha-goyyimbe-sifrutha-polmosha-

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dismissColon's statementas intendedsimplyto preserveCohen'smarriage,if possible.If thatwere his only consideration,he wouldnot have hadto say what he does, as this point is not his majorargumenthere, nor is it crucialfor his overall decision. Thus, the fact that he does include it makes it all the more noteworthy,for reasonswe have stated.114 As JacobKatz long ago observed,the declineof open, aggressivehostility between Judaism and Christianity,even if unaccompaniedby any real rapprochement,can find expression specifically in the halakhic areas that regulate the relations between the two groups.115I suggest that Colon's decisions and commentshere reflect such a developmentand attitudeon his part.16 His rulings on issues relatingto and dependentupon the interactions betweenJews and Christianspresumethe type of psychologicaldistancenoted by Katz, in markedcontrastto the school of thoughtthat views Renaissance Ironically,it was this stateof mindthat Italyas a time of positiveconvivenza.117 led to the developmentof a basic sense of respect,on the partof this Ashkenazic halakhist, for the representatives of his people's erstwhile enemies. if Colon is taken as typical (as I believe he shouldbe), then the Furthermore, "alienation"of the Jew from Christiansociety in RenaissanceItaly may well have facilitatedthat increasedcapacity for social and culturalintimacyand exchangewhichhas so fascinatedhistorians.

ed. Yom Tov 'Ashkenazit,'Yehudimmul ha-velav:gezerot 856 ba-historiyau-va-historyografyah, Assis et al., (Jerusalem,2000), pp. 78-79. 114. See Bonfil, "Societa cristianae societa ebraica,"pp. 149-51. Bonfil's presentationand accordwiththatpresentedhere. analysisof this responsumfundamentally 115. Exclusivenessand Tolerance,pp. 162 ff. Katz is referringto EasternEuropefrom the sixteenthcenturyonward.See Katz, Traditionand Crisis,pt. I, as well as H. H. Ben-Sasson,Hagut ve-hanhagah(Jerusalem,1959) andBonfil, "Azariahde Rossi,"pp. 34-35. 116. In this connectionit shouldbe emphasizedthatit was decidedlynot my intentionto imply that the more severe tosafist/Germanposition on huqqot ha-'akkumconstitutestestimonythat assimilationwas a problem in medieval Franco-Germany,and a fortiori not in late-medieval of text Germany.The classic tosafistpositionwas clearlybasedsolely uponobjectiveconsiderations (i.e. the contradictionbetweenthe passagesin Sanhedrinand 'AvodahZarah).It was interpretation of the discussionwiththe resultsportrayedherein. Colonwho changedthe fundamentalparameters 117. Per contra,the intensificationof a sense of being "threatened" by the outsideworldcould leadto the oppositedevelopment.See, e.g., M. Samet,"Halakhahu-reformah" (Ph.D.diss., Hebrew University,1967), pt. III, and the studies collectedin J. Katz, ha-Halakhahba-mesar:mikhsholim 'al derekhha- ortodoksyahbe-hithavutah(Jerusalem,1992). However,any and all conclusionsin this mattermustbe contingentuponcareful,localizedcase studies.

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V The responsaexaminedin this paperadd a criticalelementof balanceand perspectiveto the ongoing study and evaluationof northernItalianJewryin a of fascinatingera,a balancethathas been woefully absentin the historiography the period.118In particular,given the halakho-centricnature of premodern this examinationhighlights the critical need for a two-tiered Judaism,119 in undertaking Italo-Jewishhistoriography. First,a concertedeffortmustbe devotedto the redemptionandpublication of the large quantity of contemporaryhalakhic material that remains in manuscript.Second,this materialmustbe evaluatedon its own termsand used for case studies like the one offered here.120Adding these to the historiographicalagenda of the intellectual,spiritual,and culturalstudy of medieval and RenaissanceItalian Jewry promises to open vistas hitherto unimagined,reopen academicshibboleths,and inject energy and balanceinto the studyof a fascinatingcommunity.121 Israel Bar-IlanUniversity,Ramat-Gan,

118. One must especiallysingle out the researchesof ProfessorReuvenBonfil of the Hebrew UniversityandDr. ElliottHorowitzof Bar-IlanUniversityas exceptionalin this regard. 119.SeeI. Twersky,RabadofPosquieres, A MedievalTalmudist,2nd ed. (Philadelphia,1980), p. 1. 120. This is opposedto the use of halakhicmaterialas a sourcefor historicalfacts and realia. See Soloveitchik,"HalakhicTexts,"pp. 153-54, andmy article"Resefve-liddush be-sh. u-t. ziqne Yehudahle-RabiYehudahAryehModena,"in Magenva-berev:'iyyunimbe-bayyavu-ve-mishnato YadBen Zvi, [Forthcoming]. shel rabi YehudahAryehModena,ed. DavidMalkiel(Jerusalem: 121. See Soloveitchik,"ReligiousLawandChange,"pp. 211-13.

Review: New Approaches to Jewish Messianism Author(s): Matt Goldish Source: AJS Review, Vol. 25, No. 1 (2000 - 2001), pp. 71-83 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1566653 . Accessed: 17/07/2011 04:43 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

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REVIEW ESSAY NEW APPROACHES TO JEWISHMESSIANISM by MATTGOLDISH

Moshe Idel. Messianic Mystics. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998. x, 451 pp. Harris Lenowitz. The Jewish Messiahs: From the Galilee to Crown Heights. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998. viii, 297 pp. I The study of Jewish messiahs, messianic movements, and messianic expectationshas developed over the last centuryin nonlinearwaves of scholarship as intense and controversialas any area of Jewish research.The first great Jewish historian of these phenomena was Heinrich Graetz, who dedicated considerable effort to examining and reproducing documents concerning a long chain of messianic expectationsin his History of the Jews.' Though all subsequentresearch is in Graetz's debt, it is not difficult to detect his polemical attitude.Messianic and

1. Many early modem Christian scholars wrote extensive essays on Jewish messianism, but these were polemical works with a generally non-scientific approach. See especially Jacques Basnage de Beauval, L 'histoire et la rdligion des Juifs depuis Jdsus Christjusqu 'i present (170611). Jewish authors such as Rabbi Jacob Emden and Rabbi AbrahamFarissol wrote about specific movements with a more critical, though still highly polemical approach,but it is hard to speak of such writings as histories of the phenomena in general.

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mystical beliefs were anathemato Graetz'sHaskalahsensibilities;he was embarrassed themto foreigninfluences. by themandtriedto attribute WhilemanyGermanscholarsfollowedin the samevein as Graetz,David Kahane (Kogan), a Polish scholar, wrote his History of the Kabbalists, Sabbateansand Hasidim,which,while not devoidof bias, was also scientific andfarless antagonisticto its subjectmaterialthanGraetz'sworkhadbeen.As JosephKlausnercomments,Kahanewas one of the firstmodemscholarsto treat Jewish mystics and messianistswith respect, "neithermocking them nor them,but rathershowingtheirpositiveside as well."2 Kahane's embarrassing relativelyopen attitudeand scientificrigorhelpedpreparethe field for serious in the fieldthatis still academicstudy.Thenextgenerationproduceda literature used today, including Julius Greenstone's Messiah Idea in Jewish History in

1904, AaronFreimann's'InyaneShabbetaiSevi in 1912, JosephSarachek's Doctrine of the Messiah in Medieval Jewish Literaturein 1923, and Abba Hillel Silver's History of Messianic Speculation in Israel in 1927. The publication of Gershom Scholem's Major Trendsin Jewish Mysticism

in 1941 createda revolutionin the field of Jewish messianismas well as mysticism.First,Scholem'smassiveeruditionandfocuson this subjectallowed thanhis predecessors himto drawon sourcesmorenumerousandwide-ranging could. Second,Scholemplacedlate medievalJewishmessianismin a specific ideological framework:the history of Jewish mysticismas it unfolded particularlyafter the Spanish expulsion. This is especially noteworthyin connectionwith the Sabbateanmovement,whose treatmentas a mystical phenomenonhad been cogentlypresentedin Scholem's"Misvahha-ba'ahba'Averah"(Kenesset,1936, pp. 347-392). Major TrendspresentsScholem's thesisthatthe expulsionof the JewsfromSpaincreateda crisiswhichfomented Kabbalahof exile and firsta wave of mysticalmessianism,thenan introspective Safed,andthen redemptionas taughtby RabbiIsaacLuriain sixteenth-century anotherwave of active kabbalisticmessianismduringthe ShabbetaiSevi episodeof the seventeenthcentury,whose success was based on its Lurianic of the themes.Scholem'schainof mysticalmessianicreactionto the catastrophe expulsionhas been the pervasiveideologicalframeworkfor the studyof early modemJewishmessianismeversince. 2. Klausner,"R. David Kahane:His Life and Works,"in Kahane, Toledotha-Mequbbalim,haShabbeta'imve-ha-Hasidim,2nd ed., vol. 2 (Odessa, 1914), p. x.

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Scholem'spicture,clearlyinfluencedby Hegelianism,combinedwith the shatteringeventsof the Holocaustand the success of Zionismto inspirethe spateof researchon Jewishmessianismthatappearedin the 1950s,particularly in Israel.Criticalworkby Baer,Kaufiann,Dinur,Even-Shmuel, andKlausner, at this it was time. Klausner Indeed, amongmanyothers,appeared who stated that"Hewhowritesthe historyof thepastwritesat the sametimethe historyof his owntime,evaluatingthepastin the lightof thevaluesof thepresent."3 Threeworksfromthisperiodcanbe heldup as majorforcesin shapingthe field in its postexilicconcerns:IsaiahTishby'scompleteeditionof RabbiJacob MosadBialik,1954);Scholem's Sasportas'sletters,SisatNovelSevi(Jerusalem: ShabbetaiSevi ve-ha-tenu'ahha-shabbeta'itbi-yemehayyav(Tel Aviv: 'Am 'Oved, 1957); and A. Z. Aescoly's ha-Tenu'otha-meshihiyyotbe-Yisra'el of all three (Jerusalem:MosadBialik, 1956). The outstandingcharacteristic worksis theirconcernto placeprimarydocumentssquarelyat the centerof the historicaldiscourse.Thebodyof theworksby TishbyandAescolyis, in fact,all while Scholem'sgreatmonograph on ShabbetaiSevi is a brilliant documentary, in the careful and use of documents. study fullyexplicated Thereis an importantdifferencein approach,however,in the conceptions underlyingthese books. Scholemsets out to expandand provethe thesis he mustbe seen as a Jewishmystical presentedin MajorTrendsthatSabbateanism movementwhose impetuswells up fromwithinthe Jewishworld.In reality Scholemdeliversmuch more than promised-the book presentsa thorough historyof the movement-buthe ridesthe Lurianicthemeheavily.Aescoly,in his collectionof documents, continuesthepathhe hadtakenin his SippurDavid ha-Re'uveni(Jerusalem: MosadBialik,1940),explainingmessianicmovements on the backgroundof Jewishhistory,worldhistory,politics,geography,and philology.Tishby,in presentingthe singlemostimportant primaryworkon the Sabbateanmovement,remains faithful to Scholem in offering only an essentiallyinternalJewishcontextfor Sasportas,yet the LurianicKabbalah of SisatNovelSevi. playslittlerolein his understanding 3. Klausner, shel ha-bayyitha-sheni(Jerusalem, 1949),vol. 5; quotedin translation Historyah. in Encyclopaedia Judaica10:1095.MosheIdel has dealtwith some of the surrounding issues in "AcademicStudiesof Kabbalahin Israel,1923-1998:A ShortSurvey"(forthcoming). In private discussionsIdelhaspointedouthow Scholem,Tishby,andotherscholarsof Jewishmessianismin mid-century explicitlystatethatthemysticaltraditioncannow be understood onlyin the contextof thedestruction of European Jewry.

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Withthesemodelsof scholarshipin place,the field of Jewishmessianism has explodedin recentdecades.The enormousnumberof new contributions havebeenof fourgeneraltypes. Onetypeis editionsandtranslations of primarytexts,oftenaccompanied by highly importantcommentary,following the model of Freimann,Aescoly, Tishby,andEven-Shmuel.In this categoryI includeseveralof Aescoly'sown furtherstudies of the Reubeni and Molkho movements;the papers on Sabbateanismin Sefunotvolumes 3-4 (1960) and 14 (1971-77); Tishby's Meshihiyyut be-dor gerush Sefarad u-Fortugal (Jerusalem: Merkaz Shazar,

der of ThomasCoenen'sYdeleverwachtinge 1985);thenew Hebrewtranslation Joden getoont in den Persoon van Sabethai Zevi (Jerusalem:Merkaz Dinur,

1998); and most of Scholem'scollected articlesin Mehqarimu-meqorotletoledot ha-Shabbeta'ut ve-gilgulehah (Jerusalem: Mosad Bialik, 1982) and MehqareiShabbeta'ut(Tel Aviv: 'Am 'Oved, 1991).

A secondveryimportant typeof materialconsistsof topicalarticlesdealing in detail with some particularaspect of early-modern messianism.Many of Scholem'sstudiesfall into this category,as do those in collectionslike Zvi Baras' Meshihiyyut ve-'eskhatologyah (Jerusalem: Shazar Center, 1983); the Scholem Festschrift ha-Ra 'yon ha-meshihi be-Yisra'el (Jerusalem: Israel

Academy of Sciences and Humanities, 1982); Marc Saperstein'sedited collection Essential Papers on Messianic Movments (New York: New York

Liebes'sinfluentialStudiesin JewishMythand UniversityPress,1992);Yehuda JewishMessianism(Albany:StateUniversityof New YorkPress, 1993);and MagnesPress, 1982) Tishby'scollectionsNetive 'emunahu-minut(Jerusalem: qabbalah u-sheluhotehah,vols. 2-3 (Jerusalem:Magnes Press, 1993). H.iqre Along with these there are hundredsof individualarticlesand very specific and

insightstoo numerousby manyof whichoffergenuinelyimportant monographs, farto explorehere. A thirdcategoryof materialconsistsof complextechnicalinvestigations to Liebes'sSod ha-'emunahhainto SabbateanKabbalah.I referparticularly shabbeta'it(Jerusalem:Mosad Bialik, 1995) and AvrahamElqayam'sPh.D. dissertation"Sodha-'emunahbe-khitveNatanha-'Azati"(HebrewUniversity, 1994). These workscarryon Scholem'sproject,the studyof the specifically at a very deep level, thoughthey often kabbalisticaspectsof Sabbateanism, differconsiderably withScholem'sconclusions.

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reevaluations of Jewish Finallythereare the attemptsat revolutionary messianism. Theserangefromthe sociological of approach StephenSharot's Messianism, Mysticism and Magic (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1982), to the broadhistoriographicaltheorizing of Lional Kochan's Jews, Idols and Messiahs (Oxford: Blackwell, 1990), to the sweeping theological reevaluation of messianism attempted in Dan Cohn Sherbok's The Jewish Messiah (Edinburgh:T&T Clark, 1997). Much has happened in this field, then, since the 1950s, and much innovationhas been introduced,but it tends to be in literatureread for the most partby specialists. Scholem's views remainat the center of the discourse,while Aescoly's broaderhistorical approachhas had only limited influence. With the publicationof the books by Lenowitz and Idel reviewed in this essay, many of the innovations have been brought together and presented in a way that will changethe face of the field.

HarrisLenowitz's Jewish Messiahs carrieson and extends the type of work pioneered by Aescoly, with some significant new approaches.It is a collection of texts written by Jewish messianic figures or their contemporaries, interspersedwith substantialdiscussion of the texts' significance. Lenowitz is interested in understandingthe messianic mind, and he does so through the literarygenre of these accounts. Lenowitz's backgroundis not in the disciplines that have defined research in this field-mysticism and history-but rather in literatureand linguistics, which gives the work many novel dimensions. For example, he devotes considerablediscussion to the texts as both literatureand history. As literaryworks,theaccountsareoftenof greatvaluein themselves.Whenwe examinethemas a collection,they offerinsightinto Jewishmessiahsandthe messianicritual.It is clear that these narrativescannotbe takenas factual reportsof the messiahsand their deeds;whatever"facts"mighthave been in themto guidethe messiahandhis followersin what availablearemarshaled they aredoingandarethenusedagain,afterthe eventhas occurred,to show how it was successful,how thatmessiahwas andis real,or how it failedand thatmessiahwasnotin factthemessiah.(p. 14) Many of the approachesand attitudesthat inform the book can be detected in this passage: the interest in the minds of messiah and believer, the necessity

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of care in working with documentsthat are essentially propaganda,the attention to the literaryuses to which accounts were put, the highly functionalistapproach that Lenowitz exhibits throughout(without, however, losing sympathy for his subjects),and finally, the emphasis on a messianic "ritual"in Judaism. According to Lenowitz, the tradition of accounts concerning would-be messiahs is the script, as it were, for each new messiah to act out. As the genre grew over the generations, there was an increasing range of variations from which each new contender could select, adding his own embellishing details. The Bible offers the arch-models of messiah as king, prophet, and priest. Rabbinicliteratureexpands the messianic idea with a rich variety of detail, and, beginning with Christianity,new accounts begin to proliferate with each new movement. (A messianic movement,in Lenowitz's view, exists only when there is an actualmessianic figure at its head.) The roles of all concernedare thus well delineated, so that messiah, messianic prophet, and follower know the actions and thoughtsexpected of them. ordermeansnothing.Thisholds Everything happensat onetime;chronological andproducesa sort truewiththe additionof everysuccessivelayerof literature of readablepalimpsest,a text of texts.A relationship clearlyexistsbetweenthe deedsof a messiahandthe textsthatpassthemalong,andbetweenthesetexts andthe deedsof the nextmessiahandthe textsthattransmitthosedeeds.In a providinga new supplyof raw way, the deedsthemselvesareonly tributaries, materialsto thedynasticlineageof thetexts.(p. 15) The drama, however, is destined to fail from the start, says Lenowitz-it cannot succeed, and the messiahs know this. All Jewishmessiahsare dead.The fact of theirdeathsis the proof of their failure.The Jewishmessiahshave failedto achievecosmicredemption; they have failedto guidetheirfollowersthroughthe apocalypseto youth,wealth, andeternallife. Nevertheless,the factthattheycontinueto arise-and we can predictthata Jewishmessiahwill rise again-suggests thatthey do achieve whattheymeanto achieve;theydo notfailto be messiahs.(p. 4) Here many readers may part ways with the author, some as believers in the veracity of traditionalJewish apocalyptic expectations, and others as observers of a wider variety of messianic possibilities in Jewish history (see below). Whetheror not one agrees with the theoreticalunderpinningsof Lenowitz's book, its usefulness is undeniable.Scholarsin the field generally know where to

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findthe texts collectedhere,butthe sourcesare sometimeshardto get at, and few of them have been availablein Englishtranslationbefore.The book is thereforeideal for classroomuse, where whateverpoints of agreementand one may have with the author'scommentarycan be turnedinto disagreement therearefew scholarswho haveexaminedthe entire didactictools.Furthermore, Rebbein one of Jewish messianic sweep historyfromJesusto the Lubavitcher broadstroke,and severalof the documentshave been almostunstudieduntil now. For example, a passage concerningAsher LaimmleinReutlingenin translated here(pp. 100-101),was almostunusedby Pfefferkorn's Judenspiegel, scholarsfromthe time of Graetzuntilthe present(it is also usedin Idel'sbook and in recent studies by Elisheva Carlebach).Lenowitz's most important contributions arein the studyof JacobFrankandhis movement,a fieldin which he is one of the world's few living experts. Here he offers substantial Dicta. translations fromthePolish,includinglargesectionsof the little-studied The most significantachievementof The Jewish Messiahs, then, is in English,in an accessibleformat,of manyof the its presentation undoubtedly such centraltexts in the historyof Jewishmessianism.In Americatranslations, as TalcottParsons'sEnglishrenditionof MaxWeber'sProtestantEthicand the Spirit of Capitalism,are often consideredmilestonesof intellectualhistory. JewishStudiesscholars,on the otherhand,have tendedto cherisha certain snobberyabouttheir familiaritywith texts publishedin far-flunglocales in in the presentcaseto putthis attitude variouslanguages.Surelyit is appropriate to Lenowitzforthisusefulbook. asideandadmitourindebtedness III

lies in his makingtextsavailable,Idel's If Lenowitz'sgreatestcontribution he the is in brilliantanalyticpower appliesto the massiveliterarycorpushe has mastered.No scholar alive today surpassesIdel's familiaritywith Jewish as well as his breadthof knowledgein mysticalsourcesin printandmanuscript, In MessianicMysticshe is at the height relatedChristianandMuslimliterature. of his skill, deducingimportantnew lines of thoughtfromhis studiesin the documentsof Jewishmysticism. Idel is similar to Lenowitz in his desire to examine the messianic consciousnessof individualfigures.He is also similarin his beliefthatthereare messianicdiscourseswhich build upon each otherand presentever-growing possibilitiesforeachnew messiah.WhileLenowitzthinksof thesediscoursesas

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a literary genre whose power lies in the very words of the accounts, Idel's approach to the discourses is through the method of models, taken from sociology and anthropology,and developed by Idel for Jewish mysticism in his previous book Hasidism: Between Ecstasy and Magic (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1995).4 In other words, these two authors agree that past messianic outbreaksserve as the patterncopied, combined, and embellished by later messiahs, but Lenowitz sees the accounts themselves as the focal medium of influence, whereas Idel looks at the attitudesand activities of earliermessiahs as the essential influence. Though Idel uses a much wider range of sources, in practice the literary study of account traditions and the application of anthropologicalmodels often produce similar conclusions. There is, however, a critical point on which the views of Lenowitz and Idel diverge, and it is essential to both their works. Whereas Lenowitz is interested only in messianic movements, which are defined for him by the existence of a specific messianic figure, Idel wishes to emphasize the wide variety of phenomena that Jewish mystics have understood as messianic, and thereby to expand the definition of messiah and messianism in Jewish history. The traditionalmodel, as Idel explains, is the apocalypticaccount accordingto which the present world will come to a cataclysmic end, and a new, Godly world replace it through the offices of a human messiah. With his interest in public movements led by a messiah, Lenowitz follows the approach of Gershom Scholem, whose understanding of messianism focused on the apocalyptic, revolutionary,and historically significant. Some of the models proposed by Idel, particularlythose connected with RabbiAbrahamAbulafia, have alreadycaused a stir in the scholarlycommunity. The following text from Abulafia stands at the centerof much novel discourse. three[different]matters;in truth, Thetermmashiahis equivocal,[designating] firstand foremostthe AgentIntellectis calledthe mashiah... andthe man whowill forciblybringus outof exile fromundertheruleof thenationsdueto his contactwiththe AgentIntellect-he will [also]be calledmashiah.Andthe materialhumanhylic intellectis calledmashiah,andis the Redeemerandhas influenceoverthe soul and over all elevatedspiritualpowers.It can save the 4. Anotherrecentandveryimportant bookon Jewishmessianism,Dov Schwartz'sha-Ra'yon ha-meshibi ba-hagut ha-Yehudit bi-yeme ha-benayyim (Ramat-Gan: Bar-Ilan University Press,

useofthemethod ofmodels. extensive 1997),alsomakes

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soul fromthe ruleof the materialkingsandtheirpeopleandtheirpowers,the and an obligationto revealthis lowly bodilydesires.It is a commandment matterto everywise manof the wise ones of Israelin orderthathe may be savedbecausetherearemanythingsthatopposethe opinionsof the multitude of therabbis,andevenmoredifferfromtheviewsof thevulgus.(p. 65) Idel points out the influence of Maimonides (himself the purveyor of radical positions concerningthe messiah) on Abulafia's messianism,whose three modes are all far from traditionalapocalypticism.These are contrastedwith traditional Jewish apocalypticmessianism in the following way. Roughly speaking,the more populargroups remainedinterestedin the actionsof personalized power,whichwasconnectedto politicalandmiraculous the king-savior,while the elites conceptualizedmessianismin terms o[f] Fromthis pointof view, the Messiah'sdescent regularityand omnipresence. fromthe line of Davidremainedcrucialin apocalypticmessianism,while the moreelitistversioncouldnot butuse a moreemanational explanationfor the redeemer.(p. 68) emergenceof thetranscendent Thus, historical conditions and changing intellectualtrends,under the influence of Christian and Muslim interpretations of Plato and Aristotle, are the backgroundon which one must understandthese shifting conceptions of the messiah idea. Idel points out that for Abulafia, "everyonepossesses the Messiah, at least in potentia; the Messiah is a dimensionof man qua man"(p. 69). Throughoutthe book Idel insists that among the Jewish mystics, Abulafia's internal,personal messianism, with no manifestationon the stage of history, is one of a wide range of possibilities for the interpretationof the messianic future. andsignificantmessianic I see no reasonnot to approachit as an independent as well as to its structure model,to pay dueattentionto its phenomenological of this historicinfluence.In any case, the neglectof the possiblecontribution or messianism of Jewish messianicmodelto the morevariegated developments its descriptionas belongingto "spiritualdeviations"[the termis appliedby AbrahamBerger]may bringaboutan academic-andsomewhatdogmaticview of whatJewishmessianismwas, by reducingit to a monochromatic way of thought.(p. 76)

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For those scholars who have kept up with Idel's voluminouspublicationsin scatteredjournals and books,5there will be few majorsurprisesin the rest of the volume, though there are new and importantinsights or interpretationson almost every page. Taken as a whole, though, the book, with its emphasis on the great variety of mystical messianic scenarios, presents a very significant rereadingof the history of Jewish messianism. Following the researchof Liebes, and with much importantnew manuscript evidence, Idel finds messianism in the theosophical Kabbalah,where Scholem saw little, and at the same time finds little where Scholem found much-in the major kabbalists from the generation of the Spanish expulsion. He offers extensive textual proof and explanationfor the thesis he has arguedpreviously, that cataclysm and messianism are often not related as cause and effect, as exemplified by the thought of Spanish Jews around 1492.6 Here he presents an excellent, detailed discussion about the acute magical messianism of the Sefer ha-meshiv circle, which thrived in Spain before the expulsion but left only scatteredtraces after. He explores the post-expulsion kabbalists and concludes that very few of them were acute messianists, while on the otherhand therewere several major messianic agitatorswho were not mystics or did not come out of the Spanish context. The conclusion of this discussion is that Scholem's thesis about the expulsion and the rise of mystical messianism must be carefully reevaluated. In speaking of messianism in Safed, Idel emphasizes the influence of various models, such as the "individualmessianism"taught by Abulafia, while showing that traditionalpolitical apocalyptic thinking was marginal. Lurianic messianism is elitist and spiritual. The mainfocus of the messianicdoctrinewithinLurianicKabbalahis not to butratherto developits promotethe sociopoliticalaspectsof the redemption, spiritualaspects by promulgatingthe Kabbalahas the, perfect type of knowledge.. . . Even Luria'sassumptionof the messianicrole does not transform his Kabbalahintoa full-fledgedmessianicdoctrinebutratherturnsit intoa pre-eschatological system.(p. 174)

5. A highly useful bibliographyof Idel's work has been publishedby CherubPress. 6. For an earlier renderingof this thesis, see Idel's preface to the second edition of Aescoly, ha-Tenu'ot ha-meshihiyyotbe-Yisra'el.

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In general, says Idel, Scholem's view that Lurianic Kabbalahis He goes on to criticizeotheraspects messianicallycenteredrequiresrethinking. of Scholem's outlook concerningthe role of messianismin the spreadof LurianicKabbalah,while emphasizingthe variousmodelsthatare represented in Safed. Idel similarlycriticizesScholem'sincorporation of the Sabbateanoutbreak into an internalJewishchainof reactionto the Spanishexpulsion.He offers convincingevidence that LurianicKabbalah,whose messianic redemptive themes Scholemfound centralin Sabbateandoctrine,was in fact still little studiedin the mid-seventeenth century.On the otherhand,he does admitthat the image of Luriaand his fellow Safed kabbalistswas well knownthrough storiesandpopularliterature. I findthis extremelysignificantfor understanding the popularityof Sabbateanism, but this does not detractfromIdel's essential point. Idelmeanwhileemphasizesagainthe presenceof variousmessianicmodels and kabbalisticinfluences (in additionto Lurianism)on the movement's stressesthe idea of Shabbetai'sidentification principalfigures.He particularly with Saturn,represented by the sefirahBinahfor the kabbalists,andconnected butalsowithprophecyandmadness,all matterswell not onlywithmelancholia, in Theinfluenceof ideasaboutSaturnandthe divine represented Sabbateanism. alsobelieved,is an areathrough natureof the messiah,in whichthe Sabbateans which Idel demonstrates,among other things, the interactionamong Jews, Christians,and Muslims on mattersmessianic. Scholem's contentionthat was an internalmovementof Jewishmysticismcan hardlybe Sabbateanism upheld after Idel's commentsand the researchof scholarslike RichardH. Popkin,whohasextensivelycriticizedthe isolationistapproach.7 Hasidismdid not totallyneutralizemessianicimpulses,Idel contends,but Hasidicmessianismwas littleinterestedin apocalypticandpoliticalforms.Once again,the messiahmodelsthat he finds most influentialamongthe Hasidim were spiritualand personal.Hasidim,with the longesthistoryof messianic to the messiahandthe modelsbehindit, was particularly eclecticin its approach of the future. possiblepermutations 7. See Popkin,"ThreeEnglishTellingsof the Shabbetai Zvi Story,"JewishHistory8 (1994): Relationsin the Sixteenthand SeventeenthCenturies:The 43-54; idem, "Jewish-Christian of theMessiah," JewishHistory6 (1992):163-177. Conception

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MATT GOLDISH The book concludes with a series of comments on the major topics in the

overalldiscussionof Jewishmessianism,usingmaterialfoundin the mainbody of the bookto presentmodifiedpositionson each.I wouldlike to call attention to thoughts expressed at the very end of these concluding remarks. Idel's criticisms of Scholem have been the subject of much discussion, some very heated, in the world of Jewish scholarship.The present book can be read as an

almostsystematiccritiqueof Scholem'sviews on Jewishmessianism,though this in itself is an expression of the continued vitality and fruitfulness of Scholem's work. Idel offers some thoughts on the ideological background behind the opinions of Scholem and Buber, stressing Zionism as a central element. It is muchmorethe struggleto secureandmaintainthe achievementsof the the thrust earliergenerationthanan attemptto changethemthatcharacterizes of Israelisociety.Is it the presentmomentthathas inspiredthe emphasison those more conservativeelements in messianismthat were marginalized earlier?Is the possibilityof looking backwardfrom a broaderperspective relatedto a less tumultuousperiodthat enablesa scholarto adopta less approach ideologicaldefinition,a morepluralisticandperhapsmorecentrifugal Is thatis less concernedwiththecommunalfunctionof mainideasin Judaism? the attemptto emphasizethe dialoguebetweenthe Jewishviews and other, alienelementsin a varietyof domains,includingmessianicthought,partof a new historicalsituation?Is this novel, less apologeticsituationalso less dependenton the differencesbetweenJewishthoughtandothersystems,more thanthe earlieremphaseson the open to seeing the commondenominators, divergences? (pp.292-293) Idel continues with a list of rhetorical questions and concludes that at present they are unanswerable, though his view is fairly clear. These queries are invaluable for the reader in understandinghow Idel conceives of his own enterprise and that of his teacher, Scholem. They do not, however, offer an opening for the kind of unreasoneddiatribesto which Idel has sometimes been subjected in recent years; only critiques based as heavily in texts as his own scholarshipcan offer meaningful dialogue. While it is sometimes uncomfortable to watch Idel dismantling one of Scholem's towering theories, nobody can honestly argue that it is done from an unlearnedposition. Those who knew Scholem do not rememberhim as a masterof the gentle touch either,but nobody will deny the permanentimpactof his scholarlyachievement,especiallynot Idel.

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In consideringthesethoughtsof Idel's,a finalcommentseemsappropriate. Amongtheparadoxesof Scholem'sworkin Jewishmysticismis therelationship betweenJewish and non-Jewishideas. On the one hand, Scholemproposed schemesof mysticaldevelopmentwhose internalJewishnaturewas essential. On the otherhand,who did morethanScholemto bringscholarshipin Jewish academicdiscourse,relatingthese mysticismandmessianisminto mainstream to like broader movements gnosticism,Renaissancehermeticism,and subjects back at earlierworkson Jewishmessianism, evenFrenchnationalism? Looking one finds the majoritywrittenin Hebrewand thus inaccessibleto a general scholarlyaudience.Scholem'sMajorTrendswas writtenfor readersof English, and the two books under discussionhere consciouslycontinuethat trend. Despitehis Zionismand stresson internalcausation,then, Scholemsucceeded in makinghis field a subjectof importancefor manydisciplines--onewhose literature regularlyappearsin Englishbecausethe academiccommunitydesires accessto it.8So, whilethe ideologyof his internalistapproachis beingexposed and criticizedby the "revisionist" historians,his universalistimpulsesare ever morerelevant. Theworksof LenowitzandIdelrepresentan importantstep forwardin the field of Jewishmessianismfor a varietyof reasons.They offer the latest in in Englishfor the use of a textualscholarshipand sophisticatedinterpretation of messianichistorytogether, Jewish a wide broadreadership. view Theybring betweenmovements. theoriesconcerningthe relationship andproposeimportant EssentialPapers) Lenowitzcreateswhat(particularly togetherwith Saperstein's textbookfor collegeteachingof messianism.He be a standard will undoubtedly also bringsfreshideasandliterarysensibilitiesto the field. Idelpushesforward the frontiers of interpretationby proposing a new realm of messianic possibilitiesin Jewishhistory.He offersdetailedtextualprooffor an enormous numberof novelinsights.Thesebooksareby no meansthe lastwordon Jewish messianism,norarethey intendedto be. Muchremainsto be exploredfromthe standpointof history,sociology,and literatureas well as mysticism.But all futureauthorson the subjectwill be in the debtof theseauthors. OhioStateUniversity,Columbus,Ohio 8. Even Yehuda Liebes, who strongly criticized Idel for publishing Golem and other books originallyin English, has allowed some of his own work to be translated.

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REVIEWESSAY ON MEMORY:PERSONALAND CULTURAL by BENJAMIN SCHWARTZ,z"I

Vera Schwarcz.BridgesAcross BrokenTime:Chineseand Jewish Cultural Memory.New Haven:YaleUniversityPress,1998.xiii, 232 pp. This uniquepoeticallychargedbook by ProfessorVera Schwarczmight well be describedas a passionatehymnto Mnemosyne,the muse of memory. More concretely,it is a meditativereflectionof the author'sown uniquelife experienceas a Jewishwomanbornin the city of Clujin CommunistRomania whosefamilyhadbeendeeplyinvolvedwithall the horrorsof the Holocaust.In later years she came to the United States, where she became a highly accomplishedscholarin the field of Chinesestudies.In 1979, in the period immediatelyfollowing the frenzy of the CulturalRevolution,she had the to visit China,andthere,in her own words,she "gainedfirst-hand opportunity accessto the recollectionsof Chineseintellectualsrecoveringfromthe traumas of the Cultural Revolution.I listenedandrecordedtheiroralhistorieswithan ear attunedto the dilemmaof survivors"(p. x). In Chinashe was in contactboth with May intellectualswho 'had experiencedall the turmoils of 4--aged China's intellectualand political history since the early twentieth-century twentiesas well as with the disenchantedyoung Red Guardsof the cultural Mao'sfinal revolutionary periodwho werenowvehementlyrejectingChairman utopianvision. One of the impressiveconcreteresultsof this encounterwith Chineseintellectualsboth old and young was her impressivebook Timefor AJSReview25/1 (2000/2001):85-96

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Telling the TruthIs Running Out: Conversationswith Zhang Shenfu,' based on

prolongedinterview sessions with one of China's most remarkableaged intellectuals,who had been deeply involved with every aspect of Chinese politicalandintellectuallife eversincetheMay.4h period. Vera Schwarcz'sencounterwith ChinaafterMao did not simply affect herunderstanding of China,for it led to a profound,agonizingreconsideration of her own personal and familial history. One gathers that the official Communistideology of her early Romanianeducation,not unlike that in China,inculcatedthe notionthatthe horrorsof the Holocaustwhollybelonged to the reactionaryevil past that had now been expungedby the Revolution. While Schwarcz does not assert that the Holocaust and the Cultural Revolution were at all the same, both catastrophesdeeply involved the concrete, interpersonallives of individuals and families. She was now convincedthat one's personallife can be madewhole only if one recaptures the existentialmemoryof one's personalandintrapersonal life no matterhow agonizingand harrowingthe memorymay be. Thusher Chineseexperience awakenedwithinhera burningneedto recapturethe historyof herown family in the face of the inclinationof herparentsandrelativesto pursuethe strategy of suppressingandforgetting.One of the most absorbingaspectsof this book is the author'saccountof her unrelentingeffortto recoverthe grim story of herfamily'spast-and to leapoverthe gap of "brokentime." Onthewhole,I findmuchto admirein VeraSchwarcz'sanalysisof therole of personalmemory.It is a clingingto memorythatdoesnotprovidemanyeasy comforts,particularlywhen one is dealing with Holocaustsand Cultural Revolutions.She herselfadmitsthatthe desireto suppressandforgetis highly attractive.Yet she insiststhat,like Lot'swife in Akhmatova's poem,to become a full human,everyonemustrefuse"to becomedeaf to the grief embeddedin the past"(p. 157).Indeedthis pastof "livedhistory"mayembraceunspeakable andinconsolablememories. Thus it is interestingto note that in dealingwith large monumentsor Vera museums,suchas YadVashemor the HolocaustMuseumin Washington, the Schwarczdisplaysa querulousattitudetowardthis way of remembering horrorsof the past.Suchmuseumstendto assemblelargequantitiesof material artifactsthat vividly and yet quite impersonallyconcretizethe horrorsof the 1. YaleUniversityPress,1992.

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past. While I myself have no fixed view concerning the effectiveness of Holocaust museums, and while I thoroughly agree that given the real difference between the Holocaust and the CulturalRevolution in China "we will probably never have a museum of cultural revolutionary horrors," it is by no means implausible to contend that such museums vividly remind us of the depths of radical evil to which mankind can sink. They provide an admonitorycollective "lesson of history." Schwarcz, however, has little patience with the lessons of history. As a child of Holocaust survivors whose personal memory is focused on the tangible human beings she has known, she draws no comfort from the lessons of history (even though traditional Jewish exegesis includes a multitude of collective admonitory lessons of history; e.g., "Remember Amalek!"). The memories to which she clings are the memories of the sufferings of concrete persons for whom the lessons of history can provide no comfort. The memories to which she clings are personal narratives of fragmented human beings whose existential suffering is unique to them. In the end one must simply say that such personal memories do not make one happier but do make one a more fully realized human being. My own deep problem with this book derives not from the author's view of personal memory, albeit a personal memory that is inextricably bound up with "lived history," but from her tendency to fuse together generalizations about personal memory with vast generalizations about collective "cultural"memory. The term "culture" as she uses it subsumes vast stretches of human history embracing nothing less than the entire history of Jewish and Chinese "civilizations"as well as age-long textual traditionswithin both civilizations. No one can deny the overwhelming importance of the "faculty"of memory in every aspect of human conscious life. Yet precisely because memory is involved in every aspect of human experience (Mnemosyne was the mother muse of all the muses, including the muse of mathematics), it relates to imagination,to intellect, and to all the fallibilities of human life-including selfdeception and even conscious collective manipulation.Yet despite the enormous stress on the modalities of personal memory that pervades the book, the preface begins with a sweeping generalization concerning the nature of Jewish and Chinese civilizations that includes both the lived experience of "contemporary" Jewish and Chinese history and the entire collective cultural memory of both reaching baqk to the very beginning. It is her thesis that the "bridge"between the two civilizations is the fact that both share a distinctive and singularly

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"fierceattachment to remembrance" (p. ix). One musthastento addthatas a Schwarcz is distinguishedsinologist acutelyawareof the profounddifferences in the naturalcontentof the culturalmemory(e.g., the differencebetween ChineseorganicismandJudaicmonotheism; p. 7). Before dealing with my deepest problem with Schwarcz'sfusion of personal and cultural memory, I must raise some hesitant reservations andherclaimthatthe Chineseand concerningheruse of the term"civilization" Jewishcivilizationsare both more uniquelycommittedto remembrance than othercivilizations. Onecannot,of course,legislatethe definitionof the word"civilization." To my mind, however, it is a modem, vague, yet all-encompassingterm that embraceswithinitself vast stretchesof spaceandtime andhugepopulations.It butalso complexmaterialandsocial encompassesnot only culturalorientations technologies,deep class cleavages,politicalhistoryand politicalinstitutions, andevendiverseandconflictingtextualandnon-textualtraditions. WhenMordecaiKaplaninsistedon calling Judaisma civilizationrather than a religion, he may have meant to emphasizethat Judaism,as an emphatically"this-worldly" religion,or "way of life," had in fact concerned itselfwitheveryaspectof whatwe now call civilizationeventhoughhe didnot maintainthatit haditselfachieveda mastery--oreven claimedto haveachieved a mastery-of all those areasof cultural,social,political,andtechnologicallife thatarenow encompassed TheMosesof the bookof by the word"civilization." Deuteronomycandidlyadmits that Israeliteswill inheritthe urbancenters establishedby the Canaanites.Solomon is quite preparedto borrow the architectural skills of King Hiramthe Phoenicianandthe militaryskills of the civilizations.MedievalJewishphilosopherswere preparedto find surrounding with Greekthought,and even the talmudic,halakhic,and deepcompatibilities midrashictraditionswere preparedto incorporateconceptsdrawnfromGreek hermeneuticlogic and Greekvocabularies.In stressingthe vast differencein scalebetweena totalizingcivilizationand a textuallybasedreligioustradition carrieddown throughthe ages by a uniqueyet small people,I by no means intendto diminishthe importance of the Jewishtraditionor its possibleaffinity to or comparability with variousaspectsof Chinesecivilization.No one would the fact that the dispute historyof Christiantradition,withits relianceon its own sacredtexts,has playeda centralrole in the evolutionof Westerncivilization. Yet it is also quite clearthat one can hardlyignorethe vital role of Greco-

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RomanandevenearlyNorthEuropeanculturesin the complexandunstablemix of Westerncivilization. It seems to me that one of the misleadingconsequencesof Schwarcz's equationbetweenJewishandChinesecivilizationsis an overwhelming tendency on herpartto favorwhatmightlooselycalledthe specificallyConfucianstream withinChinesethought.Whilethis streamwas indeedto become a dominant Wherevershe speaksof the stream,therewerein factvigorouscounter-streams. Chineseyearningfor the distantpast, it is alwaysthe Confucianpastthat she invokes.Whilethe tendencyto love the ancientmay reflecta generalChinese culturalorientationtowardthe view that mankindhad achieved an idyllic harmonious stateof affairsin the Chinesepast,the factremainsthatthe Lao-tzu Daoistvisionof thepastglorifieda pre-Confucian "primitivist" past,while Sima the historian of the resurrected an Qian, great Han, enormouslymorecomplex andmany-sidedview of thatpast. Indeed,we shall find even withintextually based traditionslater hermeneutic"substreams" that were to provide quite of the Confucian normative of visions varying society thepast. I find inclined to doubt the notion that other Similarly, myself have been less concernedwith collectivememorythan either "civilizations" Jewishor Chineseculture.It is, of course,often notedthatIndiancivilization was singularlybereftof an interestin history,whetherhistoryis conceivedof as premodernhistoricalchronologiesof political events or modern"scientific" history.Yet the fact remainsthatenormouspoetic-narrative epics, such as the of what the contain vast and the reservoirs Vedas, Mahabharata, Ramayana, the entire many might regardas mythic memory that were to dominate of Indiancivilization,whilethe earlyhistoryof Islamic subsequent development whether ormythic,was to shapethe entirelaterdevelopment factual civilization, of Islamiccivilization.Indeed,Schwarczherselfadmitsthatthe Greekhistorians who first used the word historiawere deeply interestedin memoriesof the Greekandnon-Greekworldof theirtime,even thoughthe "affective"concerns that led them to explorethe memoriesof the past may have been entirely differentfromthe affectiveconcernsof the Chineseandthe Jews. My fundamental problemwith the author'saccountof memory,however, lies in the sharpantithesis-she drawsbetweenthe affective"existential" memory of living,feelinghumanindividualsandthe abstractideasand"ideologies"that intellectualsandscholarsimposeuponthe historyof humanmemory.Thusthe as a Ding-an-sichthat she confrontedboth in abstractidea of "Revolution" Romaniaandthen amongthe radicalstudentsat StanfordUniversity,and her

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encounterwithflesh-and-blood Chineselivingindividuals,led herto subsequent a sharprevulsionagainstthe hypostasizedabstractionof "Revolution." More itselfdesiccatesthe fabricof history" broadly,shenow realizedthat"abstraction (p. 29). Reason,as conceivedof by Descartes(andhereshe maybe right),is the implacablefoe of culturalmemoryof the past,whichis ladenwithdoubtsanda blurringof the linesbetweenrigorousreasonandfuzzyimagination (p.29). It was while conductingher oral historyprojectin Chinathat Schwarcz "beganto move fromthe historyof ideasto a studyof the lives of the thinkers themselves,"and began to realizethe truthof the sharpantithesisdrawnby EdwardCaseybetweenmemoryandthe Cartesianconceptionof reason(p. 24). It is truethathermaininterviewee,ZhangShen-fu,was anythingbutthe simple embodimentof any specific ideology.In the May 4th periodhe had become passionatelycommittedto the logical thoughtof BertrandRussell. He then becameone of the foundersof the ChineseCommunistParty.Laterhe cameto the convictionthat Russell's thoughtmight be reconciledwith some of the fundamental principlesof Confucianthought.Schwarczis acutelyawarethathis traitsof characterandpersonalitydid not necessarilyflow fromhis intellectual commitments. Therewas a strongvein of narcissismandconcernwithhis own that well-being relatedto his ownintellectualattitudes.Yet if I mayinvokefora momentthe principleof charity,the factis thatthe seeminginstabilityof ideas and the seeming ability to reconcile oppositeideas may simply reveal the instabilityof the ideas themselves in post-May 4th China. There is an implicationin Schwarcz'swritingsthatabstractideas andideologiesare static Platonicforms.Yet the historyof ChineseCommunismfromits originsto the presentindicatesthat modem secularideologiesare as subjectto unexpected changeover time as are the textualtraditionsof the past with theirongoing hermeneuticevolutions.While I do not challengeher analysis of Zhang's personalityand character,the fact is that the ZhangShen-fuwho becamea in 1920couldhardlyhave foreseenthe latertwistsandturnsof the Communist line. Nor is there any reasonto doubtthat, whateverthe stabilityand party validityof his ideas,he was deeplycommittedto them. I feel compelled,therefore,to state that collectivehumanmemoryis as deeply implicatedwith ideas, abstractions,and ideologies, and even with reason-not in the Cartesianabsolutistsense but in the sense of the discursive reasoningthatmarksall humancommunication-asit is withaffectivepersonal memory.The ideas may be good or abominable,yet in the past and in the presentthey continueto shapeall ourhumanexperiences.As Schwarczstates,

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"people have been killed in the name of ideas" (p. 23). Indeed the entire experience of the Holocaust was based on Hitler's ideas concerning the role of Jews in humanhistory. It seems to me that Schwarcz's tendency to impose the pathos of personal memory on the entire history of Chinese and Jewish cultureleads to misleading interpretationsof both. On the Chinese side she deals at some length with the famous Tang "Confucian Revivalist" Han Yu, while on the Jewish side she tends to grossly ignore the extent to which memory, even in orthodox-halachic Judaism, was involved with a vast rationalistic (as well as midrashic) hermeneuticeffort to apply the oral law to every nook and crannyof daily life. In dealing with Han Yu's Confucianism, she emphasizes the degree to which he lamentedthe eclectic attitudethat the Tang dynasty displayed toward the counter-traditionsof Buddhism and "religious"Daoism, even though as a poet he did in fact borrow many tropes from Buddhist thought.2 Indeed, she identifies the non-Confucian strains of Tang dynasty thought with the postCartesianmodern Western urge to blot out the irrelevantpast. In fact, the nonConfucian strains of Tang thought that drew heavily on Buddhist and Daoist thought (both "philosophic"and "religious"Daoism) were themselves based on textual traditionsthat alreadyhad a relatively long hermeneutichistory of their own. What is more, a certain anemic version of state Confucianism remained part of the dynastic creed, and the canonized texts continued to be studied. I would submit that Han Yu's dominantpassion in attemptingto recapturethe truths of the classical texts was not nostalgia, sadness, or tearful regrets (althoughthis may also be found in his poetry), but a vigorous faith that the vital and authentic wisdom of the sages could be retrieved from the vacuous commentariesof the centuriesbetween between the Han and Tang dynasties.As a relatively unsentimentalbureaucratpainfully aware of the weakness of the mid-Tang emperorshipand the central bureaucracy,he truly believed that the wisdom of the ancient sages and the normative political thought of the sages could be restored. His view of the sages was in fact based on a rathertoughminded interpretationof both the wisdom of the sages and the normative political orderthat they advocated. His account of the sages emphasizes not so much their inner moral perfection as their wisdom as sociopolitical engineers who were able to actualize the enduring normative sociopolitical order of the 2. CharlesHartman,Han Yuand the TangSearchfor Unity(PrincetonUniversityPress, 1986),p. 7.

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Dao. Indeed,he leanedso heavilytowardthe tougher"Realpolitik" side of the Confuciantraditionthat he even had wordsof praisefor legalistslike Guan Chungandthe founderof the Ch'indynastywho wereby no meanscommitted to the memoryof the gloriesof the past.3In the case of HanYu, the antithesis betweenmemoryandthe Chineseversionof rationalitydoesnot exist.Indeed,I wouldsuggestthatthis is trueeven in the case of the Confuciusof theAnalects, who mayhave shedtearsbutferventlybelievedin the validityof the ideasthat lay behindthe revelationsof the past. As Schwarczstates,he was "onewho loves the ancientsandseeksto understand theirway"(p. 55), an understanding thatcanonlybe recaptured by assiduouslystudyingtheirideas. Whenwe turnto the Jewishside, we again find thatthe Jewishattitude towardthe relationbetweenmemory,textualtradition,and historydoes not we findin the supportthe antithesisbetweenmemoryandthe kindof rationality historyof ideas. I wouldfirstof all urgethatthe enormousdifferencesin the actualcontent canhardly andJewishculturalremembrance of Confucianculturalremembrance that The Confucianlove of the pastwas basedon the assumption be irrelevant.4 the ancientsage-kingshad in fact actualizedthe broadprinciplesof an ideal, normativeorderandthattheseprincipleshadthenbeen lost andnot recovered. In the case of the canonicHebrewBible, we find a broadlinearaccountof to the earlyperiodof postexilicreturnto the Jewishhistoryfromthe patriarchs themesof the canonicaltexts landof Israelinterwovenwithall the nonhistorical basedon the assumptionthatredemption--orthe ideal humanorder-will be achievedonly if andwhenthe Jewishpeoplefulfillsits covenantwith God.In fact, it is implied,from the beginningto the very end, that this redemption in the futurethat remainedunrealized!It is this emphasison ultimateredemption hasled to theview thatthe Jewishview of historywas in factone of the factors masternarrativeof history. future-oriented behindthe modem,"progressive," To be sure, the Jews in Babyloncannotforget theirpast life or the plea in Lamentations to "renewour days as of old." Despitethe grim pictureof an unredeemed pre-exileJudeawhichwe find in the firstIsaiahandJeremiah,the humiliatedand homesickrefugeesin Babylonstill long for the joys of their homeland,while those amongthem who cling to the covenanttraditionstill 3. Ibid.,pp. 130-131. 4. Indeedthe authorherself refers on p. 188 to the "disparateways of reanimatingthe old."

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dreamof a redemption in the future.In fact,however,we findthatevenafterthe returnto Judea,the postexiliccanonicalpropheticandwisdomtextscontinueto reflecta deep disappointment with the postexilicsituation.We now find new views of the promiseof redemptioninvolvingboth the rise of a messianic andthebeginningsof a RabbinicJudaismfocusedon the written apocalypticism andorallaw as providingthemainpathto redemption. To be sure, memory continuesto play a crucial role in this entire development.Yet the bald fact is thatwhile the Confucianlove of the past is basedon a firmbeliefthatthe modelof good orderhadbeen actualizedin the historicalpast,the canonicalbooksof the Bible,frombeginningto end,speakof a covenantalpromiseof redemption thatis yet to be realized.The laterrabbinic the the of of tends to focusnot so muchonthe linearsacred memory history past of the crucial as on hallowed events and episodes,such as the history past exodusfromEgyptor the revelationof Sinai,andthe life experiencesof these and hallowedepisodesand events in fact becamethe focus of metahistorical timelessmidrashicinterpretations, while the festivalsandmemorialdays with whichthey are often linkedbecamethe focus of transtemporal meaningsand ritualpractices.Therevelationof the law on Sinaiis, to be sure,a historicevent. Yet the law thatis revealed(in the rabbinictraditioneven the orallaw), once In a senseit is the revealed,cameto embodyan ever-present contemporaneity. entireworldof Rabbinic(halakhic)Judaismthatpreservesmemory(whetherthe memorypreservedrepresentsmythicor actualevents)ratherthanthe memory that preservesRabbinicJudaism.As canonicaltextualtraditions,this by no meansimplieseitherin the Jewishor the Confuciancasethatsuchtraditionsare staticbodiesof unreflectivechangelesscustom.In bothcasestextualtraditions give rise to vast and ultimatelyunendinghermeneuticenterprises,enterprises thatareverymuchorientednotto memorybutto memoryas it relatesto present methods(whether conditions.RabbinicJudaismaspiresthroughits hermeneutic to extendthe kingdomof God's thesemethodsarehighlylogicalor midrashic) lawsandcommandsto everyaspectof humanlife. Whenwe relatethe categoryof memoryto historyratherthanto specific textualtraditions,one can arguethat China'sview of the dialecticrelations between memoryand historyis, in a sense, more continuousthan that of RabbinicJudaismduringthe periodof the medievaldiaspora.ProfessorYosef

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Yerushalmi,in his brilliant study Zakhor:Jewish History and Jewish Memory,s

dwellson the degreeto whichthe medievalworldof RabbinicJudaismfound or recent itself massivelyindifferentto what might be called contemporary or whether in terms of medieval chronicles one of history, speaks history historicism.Whilethebiblicalprophetswho spoke nineteenth-century "modernm" of the Endof Days in non-apocalyptic termsas a time whenthe "Torahwould from forth were not onlywiththe internalhistoryof concerned Zion" go deeply Jews but also with the rise and fall of surrounding politiesand empires,the medievaldiasporapaid little attentionto the currenthistoryof the Islamicand Christianworlds, over which they could exerciseno control.The messianic but it apocalypticstrainof the Second Templeperiodhad not disappeared, in the allthe find salvation remainedlargelyneutralized to tendency mainly by case of in the the law. as world the sacred metahistorical of Again, embracing of traditionby no means Confuciancanonicaltexts, this contemporaneity resultedin stasis. It led to a vast hermeneuticenterpriseof constantdebate of the texts as they appliedto the actualitiesof an amongrivalinterpretations unfoldingpresent.In the words of Moshe Halbertal,"Thereis an interesting relationbetweencanonizationand hermeneutical openness.The asymmetrical it offers."6 morecanonizedthetext,thebroaderinterpretative possibilities In the Chinesecase, Han Yu disdainfullyrejectswhat he regardsas the of the periodbetweenHanandTang, lifeless,pedanticConfuciancommentaries andardentlybelievesthathe can recapturethe vital sociopoliticalvisionof the originaltexts,whichprovideda genuinevisionof whata truesage is andof the order.Similarlythe medievalrabbinic trueprinciplesof an idealethico-political in northern on the worldof halachah(particularly ordermayhave concentrated Jewish medieval an to philosophy,which Europe),yet it did provide opening drewso heavilyon Greekthought.Maimonides'synthesisdrewits sustenance frombothJewishand Greekcanons.Therewas also the rise of the kabbalistic and even a traditionthat emphasizedinternalethical "selfinterpretations and cultivation" pietism.It is interestingto note, however,thatnone of these areessentiallyhistoricalin orientation. traditions Theyall emphasizewhatmight truths.Memoriesof the past are,moreoftenthannot, be calledtranstemporal treatedin termsof a sustainedunilinearnarrativeas in termsof the midrashic 5. Universityof Washington Press,1982.

6. Moshe Halbertal,People of the Book, Canon, Meaning and Authority(HarvardUniversity

Press,1997),p. 44.

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emphasison the transtemporal meaningsof specificevents.Yerushalmipoints to the fact thatit is preciselyduringthe periodfollowingthe expulsionof the Jews fromSpainthatwe find a revivalof a sustainedinterestin recentlinear history,which coincideswith the revitalizationof the messianic-apocalyptic strainof Jewishthought.Thisleads,inthe sixteenthandseventeenthcenturies,to a new productionof chronicleson recentlinearhistory,suggestingthata new period,it was evento leadto agemaybe athand.In the laterpost-enlightenment an emphasisby non-orthodoxJews on the linearaccountof Jewishbiblical ideasof progressivehistory. of nineteenth-century historyas a precursor it the side thatthe enterpriseof can that was on Confucian one Indeed, say dealingwithunilinearrecenthistoryof the pastremaineda constant,vital, and officiallysanctionedenterprisefrombeginningto end. Preciselybecausethe of the goodsocietyhadtakenplaceduringthe firstthreedynasties actualization it remaineda constantdominantthemenot andneverbeen whollyrecaptured, simplybecausethe later official and unofficialhistorianswere "on intimate termswithtears,"butbecausetheyweregenuinelyconcernedwiththe question of why and how laterdynastiessucceededor failed in followingthe sacred modelof the past.Whetherone was dealingwithofficialdynasticor nonofficial histories,while one mighthave quitedifferentopinionsof why certainperiods of historycouldbe praisedor blamedin termsof theirfaithfulnessto the sacred model,the ongoing,linearnarrativeof historyon boththe officialandunofficial withinthe Confucianstreamof Chinese levels remainsa centralpreoccupation these The of comparisonsis thatneitherin the Jewishnor the thought. upshot Confuciantraditionis collectiveculturalmemorysimplyto be equatedwiththe and affectivelife of individuals.In bothtraditions,memoryis ofteninextricably both with ideas and with abstract involved visions, good ideologies passionately of memory. andevil, andevenwithfalsehoodandmanipulations None of the aboveis meantin any way to denigratethe currenteffortson in boththe JewishandChinesesides to seek out affinitiesandcomparabilities JewishandChineseculture.Thereis muchto be said aboutthe commonthisworldly orientationto human finite life, the role of ritual in family and communallife, and so forth.The abundantavailableliteratureon Christianity and Chinesereligiousthought,based, to be sure, on a much richerhistoric experienceof interaction,providesa fruitfulprecedent,but it also reflectsthe fact that,despiteresistanceto Christianmissionarymovementsin unfortunate China,Chineseviews of Judaismhaveneverthelessbeenheavilyinfluencedby Christian stereotypes.

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Finally, it seems to me that there is one affinitybetween Jewish and Chinesemodemhistoryin the twentiethcenturythatremainssomewhatmuffled in Vera Schwarcz'saccount,namely,the role not merelyof suppressionand attitudetowardthe premodern forgettingbutalso of a vehementlycontemptuous past. WhileMao Zedongand even the famouswriterLu Xun may have had affinitieswithcertainisolatedaspectsof the past,theybothregardedit as a bad past,whichtheyrejectedin searchof a goldenfuture.Indeed,the ideasof both East Europeanand West EuropeanJews as well as of modem Chinese intellectualsoften drew on preciselythe same Westernmodem and futureorientedutopias.It is thuseminentlypossibleto compareAhadHaamto Liang Qi-chao,andLeonTrotskyto ChenDu-xiu,despitethe enormousdifferencesin theirsituations. Despitethe questionsraisedabove,BridgesAcrossBrokenTimeremainsa book on issues most highly suggestive, sensitive, and thought-provoking the hermeneutic of and the the nature of memory, meaning history, involving evolutionof textualtraditions. HarvardUniversity,Cambridge, Massachusetts

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Esther Fuchs Source: AJS Review, Vol. 25, No. 1 (2000 - 2001), pp. 97-101 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1566655 . Accessed: 17/07/2011 04:43 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

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BOOKREVIEWS Nehama Aschkenasy. Womanat the Window:Biblical Tales of Oppressionand

Escape.Detroit:WayneStateUniversityPress,1998.181pp. Alice Bach. Women,Seduction and Betrayal in Biblical Narrative. Cambridge:

Cambridge UniversityPress,1997.xiv, 296 pp. Alice Bach's book combines literary criticism, cultural criticism, andfeministtheoryinitsanalysisof biblicalseductresses. Boththe psychoanalysis, and the "bad" Esther-and ones-Potiphar's "good"seductresses-Jael,Judith, wife, Delilah,andSalome--usesexualityandfoodto seducetheirmalevictims, includesbothbiblicaland whomtheyeventuallykill.Theanalysisof thisfiguration as Jewish Hellenistic texts, as well European literary and American To extricatethewomanfromthepatriarchal text, cinematographic interpretations. the of the role for Bachdrawsonreader-response an theory,arguing understanding of thebiblicalseductress. individualreaderplaysin the construction withtheNarrator," Thefirsttwochapters, "Signsof theFlesh"and"Contending The firstchapter andmethodological delineatethe book'stheoretical approaches. one that textualand to crosses for biblical an inclusive women, approach argues andvarious to includeboththe originalbiblicalpresentation canonicalboundaries It also ancient and both modem. argues againstthe representations interpretive methods within or the to of a method anygivendiscipline. attemptunify application single of thebiblicaltale,andtheroleof the narrator 2 discussesthe authoritative Chapter the presuppositions andideologiesof the narrator. readerwho questions suspicious Bacharguesfora Alter of Robert and Meir unified the Sternberg, readings Rejecting Thisshiftrevealsthatthe tothefemalereader. fromthemalenarrator shiftof emphasis than rather ofthemalenarrator ofthe"goodwoman" construct reflectsthepreferences is passiveandsilent,whereasthe The"goodwoman" anobjectivemoraldesideratum. and is woman"(ishahzarah) active,talkative, sexuallydesirable. "strange Chapter3, "A Storyof Readingthe Storyof Genesis39," delineatesthe frameworkof this biblicalchapteras being aboutmen, success,position,and 97

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power.Potiphar'swife, who opensher houseup to Josephandwho opensher of thesocialorder.FollowingMiekeBalandThomas mouth,upsetstheframework andcomparesherto Bach names this Mann, anonymousseductressMut-em-enet in both Judah'sdaughter-in-lawGenesis38 andSusanna, two"good"seductresses, of whomarevindicatedandvalorizedattheendof theirrespectiveordeals.Chapter 4 proceedsto emphasizethegenericconventionsandmoralisticagendaof Jewish Hellenisticretellingsof the Josephstory,whichare mostlyconcernedwith the hero'sstrugglewithgoodandevil.Thus,theTestament ofJosephpresentsthehero theherowhodoesnotsuccumb andperfection, of righteousness astheembodiment is a modelof what to sexualpassionandthethreatof adultery.Joseph'sendurance the JewishcommunitymustundergounderGreekdomination.In Josephand of Josephis evenmoreidealizedintermsof hismoralstature, Asenaththecharacter whileAsenath,who loves him, is valorizedas a beautiful,chastevirgin.In this romance,the seductressis not evenmentioned.Bachexposesandchallengesthe orembedding of theseductressinboththebiblicalandthepostbiblical suppression womanappearswhenthereaderresiststhewriter'sview "Theembedded narratives: behaves'justlike a woman"'(p.127). thatMut-em-enet 5, "Signsof HerFlesh,"dealswiththe statusof the seductressas the Chapter silentobjectof themalegaze.Usingartandfilmtheory,Bachanalyzesthewaysin David'sdefininggazeat whichthebiblicaltextsandsubsequent reproduce paintings is compared of The of desire. a mute who is Bathsheba, implicitrape Bathsheba object bothareperceivedas seductresses withtheexplicitrapeof Tamar; bytheirdesirous DavidandAmnon.Chapter malecounterparts, 6, "Wine,WomenandDeath,"argues inthe ofthefemalebodyandwoman'sofferof foodareinterpreted thatthepleasures Bibleasnegativesigns.BothEstherandJudithuse foodandsexualdesireto entrap mightymen.Thesewomenare"good"becausetheyareeithervirgins(Esther)or atthe UnlikeDelilahandSalome,the"bad"seductresses, (Judith). sexuallyabstinent the within re-enclosed end of the storythey are system,accepting patriarchal andsecludedwomen.Chapter7, "Callingthe theirstatusas dependent obediently seductress of Salome,theNewTestament Shots,"focusesonmodemrepresentations Oscar andthe killerof Johnthe Baptist,in literature Wilde,Flaubert), (Mallarm6, Strauss),art,andfilm.TheobsessionwithSalome,thebeautifuland opera(Richard is a of Salomeasfemmefatale woman,suggeststhatthecharacterization independent and feminism. male fears of women of symptom

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Women,Seductionand Betrayal in Biblical Narrativeextends the boundaries

of feministbiblicalcriticismby suggestingthatpostbiblicalrepresentations and from Hellenistic text to and can should be reinterpretations, Hollywoodfilms, understood as biblicalnarratives on a parwiththe originaltext.Bach'sresisting is nuancedandcomplex,hercritiqueof traditional readingof thebiblicalnarrative biblicalscholarship is unstinting,andherinterpretations suggestiveandcreative. NehamaAschkenasy'sbookoffersa literaryexploration of female-centered of on the at woman the in the window, episodesfocusing image doorway,oronthe road.As muchastheseimagessuggestpatriarchal enclosureandoppression, there are also successfulattemptsat escape,whethersocial, symbolic,or linguistic. Aschkenasysets outto highlight"thenuancesof style"andthe narrativeaspects that"makethebiblicaltalea classicartistic-endeavor" (p. 10).Sheexplainsin the introduction thatwomenareoftenenclosedin a biologicalcycleof immanence that resembles thepaganworldviewof humanfate,a principlesymbolizedintheimage of thewomanwaitingbythewindow,imprisoned as it wereandseparated fromthe worldof men. She understands this enclosureto be a partof the culturaland historicalcontextof the biblicaltext that offers possibilitiesof escape from constriction. She arguesthatthe biblicaltext includesheterogeneous patriarchal attitudes. voices,andcounterculture ideologies,multipleauthorial the "Woman at discusses Sisera's Window," mother,Yael[sic]the Chapter1, andMichal,David'swife.WhileSisera'smother Kenite,Deborahtheprophetess, theimageof thepassiveanddependent reinforces lethalwoman,Yaelis described asa courageous warrior whomanagestotranscend herenclosurebehindthedoorof thetent.In herode,Deborahcondemnswomen'ssubordination andpraisestheir as sheresistsherfather might.Michalusesthewindowas anexitfromoppression andhelpsDavidescape,thoughthewindowwill reappear in thedescription of the declineof thecouple'srelationship. "Woman on the The Hazards Road: 2, Chapter of the OpenSpace,"dealswiththe rapeof Dinahandthe "haplessconcubine." Teasingout the possibleimplicationsof Dinah'sstatusas the daughterof the wifeLeah,andof theconcubine'sstatusas anembittered neglectedandunfavored woman whose husband refusesto makehera wife, Aschkenasyelaborates young variouspsychological outbeyondtheirassigned reasonsforthewomen'sventuring boundaries. Shereadsthebitterendof bothwomen,Dinah'srapeandreenclosure,

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of women'sdaring theconcubine'sgangrapeandmurder,as a culturalindictment thevalues to leavetheirproperplaces.Thenarrator inthesetalesmerelytransmits of his culture,reflectingatthe sametimethe violencethatwas visitedon women bothinsideandoutsidethehome. Chapter3, "WomanVenturesOut:Mobilityand Its Benefits,"discusses David'swifeAbigail,andthe"wisewomanonthe Tamar,Judah'sdaughter-in-law, thesecasesexemplify wall"(2 Sam20:13-22).Incontrastto theprecedingchapter, positive evaluationsof women's risk-takingenterprises.Tamardemonstrates andhighlightsJudah'sbehavioras deceitful andmentalmaturity" "psychological andruthless(p.90).Hersuccessfulattemptto givebirthto Judah'ssonssecuresher a placein historyandhelpsherbreakout of the biologicalenclosure.Similarly, Abigailrepresentsthe goldenmeanbetweenthe impetuosityof Davidandthe marksher of herfirsthusband,Nabal.Hergift forrationalpersuasion boorishness form a successful as of her outside the escape assigned place preserve venturing David's convinces who The "wise officer,Joab,to woman" biologicaldeterminism. also stepsoutof the boundsof the sparethe city of TebetsAbel of Beth-maacah feminineenclosureby usingdiplomacyanda sophisticated styleof negotiation. deals with the "Woman Behind Rebecca'sattemptto Scenes," Chapter4, securea blessingforJacobandwithBathsheba'sattemptto securethethronefor Solomon.Rebeccaemergesas "myopicandparanoid" (p. 105)in contrastto the narrator the biblical incident In Isaac. this albeit blind, suggeststhat discerning, andJacob's own her towilesandtrickeryendsupcomplicating Rebecca'sresorting whoappearsto lives.Theoppositemessageis conveyedby thestoryof Bathsheba, theprophet. Nathan and like men bepassive,insecure,anddominated Adonijah by eventsto a farfrombeing puppet,manipulates Aschkenasy suggeststhatBathsheba, coincidewithherplansanddesires,gettingridof herson'scompetitor, mobilizing theprophetto speakonherbehalf,andsecuringherson'sthroneandherownstatus as queenmother. 5, "InthePalaceof Words,"arguesthatwomen'sdiscourseoftenhelps Chapter themescapetheirculturalandhistoricalenclosure.Thechapterlooksattheoratory of Eve,theprimevalwoman,whichreflectsthepowerto reason,analyze,describe than innerstates,andcreatenew concepts.Eve's languageis moresophisticated Adam's.The five daughtersof Zelophehadalso use a combinationof humble ruleof inheritance. posturinganddaringideasas they challengethe patriarchal

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Hannah'sprayerrevealsa combination of humilityandtenacityas sheframesher of a vowto offerhimupto God.Hannah's requestfora sonwithintheframework discourserevealsa spiritualgrandeur thattranscends the limitedroleof womenin herculturalcontext.Thefinalcase,Ruth,exemplifiesa loftymetaphorical rhetoric of respectability andhonoras sherisesfromragsto riches. In the epilogueAschkenasyinsistson the possibilitythatthe biblicaltext includesbothtalesof oppressionandof escape,andthatit is patriarchal as well as anti- or non-patriarchal. the ancient tales is an act of dramatic "Reading andreciprocal Webringtothemourownperspectives, participation understanding. in theirnarrative fabricthoseareasthatmayhavegone decodingandilluminating unnoticedby ancientreaders" (p. 157). It is preciselyat this pointthatAschkenasydiffersfromBach.The readerresponsetheorythatBachuses as a methodof extricatingthe womanfromthe text leavesno possibilityfor reconciliation betweenthe patriarchal patriarchal narrator andthewomanreader.Aschkenasyfindsin the textitselfexpressionsof the generallypatriarchal of the framework women'sperspectivesthatcontradict tales.ThetheoreticaldifferencebetweenBachandAschkenasyresultsin vastly differentreadingsof female-centered whomBach stories,notablyof seductresses, readsas manifestations of maledesireandfear,andAschkenasyasmanifestations of femalewisdomandstrength.Bach offersa powerfulculturalcritique,while validatesbiblicaltalesaboutwomenasartistictriumphs. Inmanyways Aschkenasy thesebooksrehearseanongoingdebatebetweencriticsanddeconstructionists even as theyextendthe parameters of the debate.The questionsbothworksraiseare andmustbe dealtwithby subsequentstudiesof biblicalwomenand important, feministapproaches to theHebrewBible. Esther Fuchs of Arizona University Arizona Tucson, inAntiquity. SomeJewishWomen BrownJudaicStudies317.Atlanta: MeirBar-Ilan. 165 Scholars 1998. Press, xii, pp. Duringthe pasttwo decades,the studyof women'shistoryandof genderin Jewishculturehascomeintoits own,not onlyin termsof the numberof studies,

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Charlotte Fonrobert Source: AJS Review, Vol. 25, No. 1 (2000 - 2001), pp. 101-104 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1566656 . Accessed: 17/07/2011 04:43 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

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Hannah'sprayerrevealsa combination of humilityandtenacityas sheframesher of a vowto offerhimupto God.Hannah's requestfora sonwithintheframework discourserevealsa spiritualgrandeur thattranscends the limitedroleof womenin herculturalcontext.Thefinalcase,Ruth,exemplifiesa loftymetaphorical rhetoric of respectability andhonoras sherisesfromragsto riches. In the epilogueAschkenasyinsistson the possibilitythatthe biblicaltext includesbothtalesof oppressionandof escape,andthatit is patriarchal as well as anti- or non-patriarchal. the ancient tales is an act of dramatic "Reading andreciprocal Webringtothemourownperspectives, participation understanding. in theirnarrative fabricthoseareasthatmayhavegone decodingandilluminating unnoticedby ancientreaders" (p. 157). It is preciselyat this pointthatAschkenasydiffersfromBach.The readerresponsetheorythatBachuses as a methodof extricatingthe womanfromthe text leavesno possibilityfor reconciliation betweenthe patriarchal patriarchal narrator andthewomanreader.Aschkenasyfindsin the textitselfexpressionsof the generallypatriarchal of the framework women'sperspectivesthatcontradict tales.ThetheoreticaldifferencebetweenBachandAschkenasyresultsin vastly differentreadingsof female-centered whomBach stories,notablyof seductresses, readsas manifestations of maledesireandfear,andAschkenasyasmanifestations of femalewisdomandstrength.Bach offersa powerfulculturalcritique,while validatesbiblicaltalesaboutwomenasartistictriumphs. Inmanyways Aschkenasy thesebooksrehearseanongoingdebatebetweencriticsanddeconstructionists even as theyextendthe parameters of the debate.The questionsbothworksraiseare andmustbe dealtwithby subsequentstudiesof biblicalwomenand important, feministapproaches to theHebrewBible. Esther Fuchs of Arizona University Arizona Tucson, inAntiquity. SomeJewishWomen BrownJudaicStudies317.Atlanta: MeirBar-Ilan. 165 Scholars 1998. Press, xii, pp. Duringthe pasttwo decades,the studyof women'shistoryandof genderin Jewishculturehascomeintoits own,not onlyin termsof the numberof studies,

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butalsoin the diversityandsophistication of methodological Thisis approaches. the true for biblical and its but more and more literature, also, particularly so, period fortherabbinicperiodandits literature. It wouldseem,therefore, thatthestudyof womenin varioushistoricalperiodshastranscended theneedto be apologeticfor its existence. However,Meir Bar-Ilan'sbook seems to be located in the sometimes dividebetweentheacademicculturesof theUnitedStatesandIsraelin antagonistic to the in antiquity. Barrespect questionof genderandJewishculture,particularly Ilanseemsto addressa particularly Israeliacademicclimateinwhich,ashe seesit, therearevoicesthatupholda totaldenialandsuppression of thesubjectof women. Heprefaceshis studyby pointingoutthat"ina worldwherebothmalechauvinism andreactionary religionprevail,thereis boundto be unwillingnessto readof sorceressesor prostitutesin antiquity,unlessfor the sensationalism therein"(p. With this world in Bar-Ilan to characterize as the mind, xiii). proceeds purposeof his bookthepresentation of "thehistoryof theunderdog." andrabbinictexts froma periodcovering Drawingon biblical,apocryphal, wellovera thousandyears,Bar-Ilanintendsto presenta pictureof women'ssocial status(p.xii).He doesso by focusingontypesof women,suchasheroines,keening studies. women,sorceresses,andprostitutes,ratherthanon individualcharacter he each woman was indeed a to eliminate "the whether Thus, hopes question historicalfigureor merelya literaryparadigm" (p. xii) andinsiststhathis book a one.Followinghis choiceof rather than a historical presents sociologicalstudy each the of collects and discusses textualsourcescarefully. chapter types women, statement thatstatistically thenumberof actualheroinesand Despitehis recurring in thetextsis ratherlow,thereaderactuallygetsthe othersorof theirappearances withsuchwomen.Themost thattheancientworldwasquitepopulated impression successfulchaptersare those that analyzethe importanceof keeningwomen, andtheplaceof women'sprayer.Eventhough forliteraryproduction, particularly natureof a text,these Bar-Ilandoesnotclearlydefinehis conceptof the"feminine" two chapters are replete with importantdiscussions of women's authorshipof certainbiblical and apocryphaltexts.

Intheend,thebookremainsambiguous asto itsownmethodological approach. In spiteof Bar-Ilan'sintroductory claimto haveeliminated thehistoricalquestion, it is precisely this question that plagues his readings of the textual sources. He

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waversbetweenrealistic,orhistoricist, didactic readingsandreadingsthatattribute purposeandauthorialbiasto the texts,betweenpresentinga sociologicalrather than a historicalstudy (p. xii) and situatinghimself in the contemporary of dailylife (p. 157). historiography he doesnotreallyaddressquestionsof representation, whichhasbeen Further, discussedin a numberof recentstudieson genderissuesin biblicalandtalmudic literature, questionssuchas:Forwhomdo the textsspeakbeyondthe author(s)? dotheyrepresent? Whoseperspective Whois theprojected audience? Unlessthese we are dealt can no from the texts,either with, longersimplyextrapolate questions to the to a historicalor a social reality.For example,with respect texts on sorceresses,Bar-Ilanreachesthe conclusionthatin a societythatdenieswomen "itseemsthatthetendencyamongwomen accessto thesphereof socialleadership, to practicewitchcraftservedas a meansof expressingthe femininedesirefor power.... Thesubversiveactivityby sorceresseswasthesoleoptionopentothem, channelswereblockedto women"(p. 128).Eventhoughtheauthor sincenormative of women"asa productof "male anddiscussthe"demonization doesacknowledge fromthe opinion"(p. 126),he doesnotexplainby whatcriteriawe canextrapolate the that reason his textto thehistoricalexistenceof "witches." Again, suggestion of the book of Esther from the absence of for Qumranmay be its copies with"thepredominant moraloutlookof theJewishpeopleatthat incompatibility outlookexisted,ignoringthe that a assumes "predominant" time"(p. 8) simply of specificcircumstances the Qumrancommunity. weaknessof thebookis thatBar-Ilan's Anothermethodological "comparative" which deals with "the same issues in different he calls diachronic it), (as approach same time. It the issues at the circumstances" (p. x), actuallydecontextualizes wouldhavebeenhelpfulif hehadexplainedwhyhe deemspreciselythecategories Forexample, he selects-the heroine,keeningwoman,sorceress-tobe important. therearealmostno literature whenhe observesthatin contrastwith apocryphal heroinesin tannaiticliterature (p. 23), he needsto explainthechangingnatureof the idealof theheroin general,ratherthanassumeit to be anahistoricalconcept. Whatarethe criteriathatestablisha "tannaitic hero,"andwhy do they exclude heroines? and versus women, apocryphal.heroes Finally,Bar-Ilanfails to articulatea conclusionaboutthe statusof Jewish womenin antiquity. He makesa tentativesuggestionin his chapteronheroinesas

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of womencharacters to thephenomenal andheroinesin apocryphal proliferation to of which himsuggests"therise thestatusof womeninJewishsociety" literature, (p. 25). This contrasts,of course,with the observationthat"theassociationof thedynamicsof theoppression of theweakandthe womenwithsorceryilluminates itspoliticalposition"(p. 127). wayinwhichtherulingclassconstantlystrengthens observations derived Bar-Ilancontentshimselfwith makingthesecontradictory fromindividualissues. In thisrespectthe booklacksa certaindegreeof cohesion.Thispreventsits authorfrominquiringintothe historicalconditionsfor diachronicchangesin the attitudetowardwomenas reflectedin his sources.Whatwe maylearnfromthe Jewish bookis thatthereis ultimatelyno suchthingas a moreorlesshomogeneous attain certain status. a a in which as of women general group society antiquity individual and scribal different schools, Rather, prophetic groups, groups-priestly withdiverseconcepts rabbinic studyhouses-producetheirownvisionsof Judaism of theroleof menandwomen.Bar-Ilan'sbookshould,indeed,be consideredan to the academicculturein Israel.It is a hopefulsign fora contribution important morebilateralrelationshipbetweenIsraeliandAmericanscholarshipof Jewish culturein antiquity. Charlotte Fonrobert StanfordUniversity Stanford,California Edward Lipifiski. Semitic Languages: Outline of a Comparative Grammar.

Analecta80. Leuven:Peeters,1997.754pp. Lovaniensia Orientalia

Thisbookwill be a usefuladditionto the bookshelvesof scholarswho are accustomedto consultingBrockelmann'sGrundrissder vergleichendenGrammatik dersemitischenSprachen'orMoscati'sIntroductionto the ComparativeGrammarof a muchbroader theSemiticLanguages.2It comprehends rangeof topicsandvastly

1. Berlin:Reuther& Reichard, 1908-13, reprinted., Hildesheim:Olms, 1961. 2. Wiesbaden:Harrassowitz,1964.

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Robert D. Hoberman Source: AJS Review, Vol. 25, No. 1 (2000 - 2001), pp. 104-107 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1566657 . Accessed: 17/07/2011 04:43 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

REVIEWS BOOK

104

of womencharacters to thephenomenal andheroinesin apocryphal proliferation to of which himsuggests"therise thestatusof womeninJewishsociety" literature, (p. 25). This contrasts,of course,with the observationthat"theassociationof thedynamicsof theoppression of theweakandthe womenwithsorceryilluminates itspoliticalposition"(p. 127). wayinwhichtherulingclassconstantlystrengthens observations derived Bar-Ilancontentshimselfwith makingthesecontradictory fromindividualissues. In thisrespectthe booklacksa certaindegreeof cohesion.Thispreventsits authorfrominquiringintothe historicalconditionsfor diachronicchangesin the attitudetowardwomenas reflectedin his sources.Whatwe maylearnfromthe Jewish bookis thatthereis ultimatelyno suchthingas a moreorlesshomogeneous attain certain status. a a in which as of women general group society antiquity individual and scribal different schools, Rather, prophetic groups, groups-priestly withdiverseconcepts rabbinic studyhouses-producetheirownvisionsof Judaism of theroleof menandwomen.Bar-Ilan'sbookshould,indeed,be consideredan to the academicculturein Israel.It is a hopefulsign fora contribution important morebilateralrelationshipbetweenIsraeliandAmericanscholarshipof Jewish culturein antiquity. Charlotte Fonrobert StanfordUniversity Stanford,California Edward Lipifiski. Semitic Languages: Outline of a Comparative Grammar.

Analecta80. Leuven:Peeters,1997.754pp. Lovaniensia Orientalia

Thisbookwill be a usefuladditionto the bookshelvesof scholarswho are accustomedto consultingBrockelmann'sGrundrissder vergleichendenGrammatik dersemitischenSprachen'orMoscati'sIntroductionto the ComparativeGrammarof a muchbroader theSemiticLanguages.2It comprehends rangeof topicsandvastly

1. Berlin:Reuther& Reichard, 1908-13, reprinted., Hildesheim:Olms, 1961. 2. Wiesbaden:Harrassowitz,1964.

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moredetailthanMoscatiandis naturally moreup-to-date thaneitheroftheseclassics. has of an feat one-man However, astounding scholarship. accomplished Lipifiski Moscatiunderstood that no one scholar could fortyyearsago survey, adequately andso hebroughtin evaluate,andsynthesizeallof theinformation single-handedly, some of the leadingspecialistsin the mainbranchesof the Semiticfamilyas collaborators. Thebodyof knowledge andtheir andthinking aboutSemiticlanguages in the relativeshasgrowntremendously intervening Afro-Asiatic years,andLipifiski wouldhavedonewellto followMoscati'smodel.Moreover, he shouldhaveheeded thedesiderata thatMoscatisetbeforehimself,thatthebook"mustconcentrate upon theessentialfactswhilementioning of specialimportance; variousparticular questions it mustavoiddoubtful anddisputed whileindicating certainof thelinesof hypotheses research and certain more of opinion,so as to beingpursued divergences important trends" an notion scientific hasneglected give adequate ofpresent-day (p. 1).Lipifiski everyclauseof theserecommendations. Thebookconsistsof five chapters:"SemiticLanguages" (classificationand on with a section and "Morphology," dating, "Language Script"),"Phonology," "Syntax,""Lexicon."There is also a glossaryof linguisticterminology,an in extensivebibliography dividedby themajorlanguagegroups,plus"Languages andToponymy," anindexof topics,andindicesof Contact" and"Anthroponomy errorsor wordsandforms.Thebookis beautifullyprinted,withfewtypographical of flawsin Englishidiom.Therearealso somefine photographic reproductions anddocuments. Semiticinscriptions Comparativegrammarsince the nineteenthcenturyhas built its logical andthedistinction betweenthosekindsof coherenceonthenotionofreconstruction andthosewhichare are which "regular," meaningexceptionless, languagechange more idiosyncratic.The heuristicheart of the comparativemethod is the orattested6tat abouthistoricalevents:onereconstructed construction of hypotheses de langue succeedinganotherthroughspecific changes;relativesequenceis everything.It is not enoughsimplyto amassfacts and "comparegrammars." the notion of specifyinghypothesesthat can be tested as to Unfortunately, coherenceand consistencyis absentfrom this book. Lipifiskioffers many butoftenit is andhypothetical ad-hocexplanations primevalstructures, speculative, to have are claimed such structures at what to tell chronological stage impossible whichin most existed.He is moreinterestedin identifying"original" structures,

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caseswe mustidentifywithproto-Afro-Asiatic, thanincharacterizing proto-Semitic definable in case these two (or any subsequentstage); any stages are not and It wouldbe difficultto learnfromthis consistently explicitlydistinguished. book what criteriato use in decidingwhethera newly discoveredtext is Hebrew/Canaanite or Aramaic or somethingelse, or what the issues of arebetweenthosewhoputArabicintheSouthSemiticbranchalong disagreement withEthiopicandthosewho groupArabictogetherwithHebrewandAramaicas CentralSemitic(whichLipiniskiconfusinglylabels"WestSemitic").Theseare andcriteriathatshouldbe centralto an"outlineof exactlythekindsof distinctions a comparative Ina strictsensethisbookis nota comparative at grammar." grammar all. It is preoccupiedwith explanationat the expenseof system,butwithoutthe systemit is impossibleto see howthe explanations maybe evaluated. The discussionof genderdevotesalmostas muchspaceto the unproven suffixeswhichsomescholarshaveisolatedin semantically associatedwords(such as -b intermsforwildanimalslike 'arnab'rabbit')as it doesto thefamiliar-t that marksfemininesin all the olderSemiticlanguagesandmostof themodemones, andfunctionof the-t. If the thoughthereis muchleftunsaidaboutthedistribution (whichseemsunlikely),it putativesuffixesof theformersortwereeverproductive Their couldbe demonstrated waslongbeforetheproto-Semitic functionality stage. Semitic.Thesameis other than evidence from the Afro-Asiatic branches onlyby true of the argumentthat the case system originallyconsistedof a two-way ThefactthatAkkadian, distinction versus"predicative." of"ergative" Ugaritic,and ClassicalArabic coincide in having a three-waysystem of nominative-u, accusative-a, genitive-i provesbeyonddebatethatthe samewas truein protoSemitic.Theputativebinaryergativesystemcouldhaveexistedonlyin the early Afro-Asiatic period,longbeforetherewas sucha thingas a Semiticlanguage.On dataadducedas evidenceof prehistoric theotherhand,thebookfailsto distinguish of the Ina discussion stagesof languagefromexamplesthatarepatentlyinnovative. "one"and"two,"thecitedformsfromvariousmodem originalformsof thenumerals as is thementionof theNorth languagesareas pointlessanddistracting Ethiopian a loanwordfromGreek. AfricanArabiclul, whichis fromOldArabiczawj"pair," textbook,forthat Thoughtheprefacedescribesthisbookas an introductory of butso manyof it is is a mine It information, purpose whollyinappropriate. huge theideasareunreliable thatit is bestreservedas a resourceforspecialistswhocan

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evaluatethemcritically(andtheywill regretthe author'sdecisionto omitsource A studentornonspecialist will domuchbetterto useMoscatitogether references). withthesuperbvolumeTheSemiticLanguageseditedbythelateRobertHetzron.' Robert D. Hoberman StateUniversity ofNewYork

StonyBrook,New York

DanielSperber.TheCityin RomanPalestine.Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress. 1998.viii, 200 pp. Thisbookattempts a syntheticoverviewof selectaspectsof thecityin Roman as but also addressingmaterialon the Palestine--primarily built environment, administration andregulation of suchurbaninstitutions asmarketplaces, including someaspectsof marketregulation andadministration (chaps.1-3),tavernsandtheir policing(chap.4), bathhouses(chap.5), otherpublicbuildings(chap.6), roads (chap.7), citywalls(chap.8),andwatermanagement (chap.9). Mostof thevolume was writtenby Sperber,and it demonstratesthe combinationof extensive knowledgeof literarymaterialanddetailedphilologicalinterestthatstudentsof rabbinicsandof thehistoryof Roman-period Palestinehavecometo expectfrom hiswork.Thesubjectof Sperber's discussions is almostalwaystextual(literary and he raises the of the textual material epigraphic), althoughoccasionally relationship to archaeological remains(e.g., of roads,pp. 103-104andn. 6). Sperberis athis mostuseful,particularly for thosewhoseprimaryframeof referenceis rabbinic texts, in bringingGreek,Latin,andrabbinictexts to bearon one another.For example,his discussionof oil in bathingpracticeslinkstogetheranallusionto the remainsat Pompeii,the first-centuryLatinwriterCelsus, an Oxyrhynchuspapyrus fragmentof a gospel text, and what appearsto have originally been a third- or

schooltextfromGaulwithrabbinictraditions aboutthebathhouse fourth-century (pp. 59-62).

1. London:Routledge, 1997.

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Hayim Lapin Source: AJS Review, Vol. 25, No. 1 (2000 - 2001), pp. 107-109 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1566658 . Accessed: 17/07/2011 04:44 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

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evaluatethemcritically(andtheywill regretthe author'sdecisionto omitsource A studentornonspecialist will domuchbetterto useMoscatitogether references). withthesuperbvolumeTheSemiticLanguageseditedbythelateRobertHetzron.' Robert D. Hoberman StateUniversity ofNewYork

StonyBrook,New York

DanielSperber.TheCityin RomanPalestine.Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress. 1998.viii, 200 pp. Thisbookattempts a syntheticoverviewof selectaspectsof thecityin Roman as but also addressingmaterialon the Palestine--primarily built environment, administration andregulation of suchurbaninstitutions asmarketplaces, including someaspectsof marketregulation andadministration (chaps.1-3),tavernsandtheir policing(chap.4), bathhouses(chap.5), otherpublicbuildings(chap.6), roads (chap.7), citywalls(chap.8),andwatermanagement (chap.9). Mostof thevolume was writtenby Sperber,and it demonstratesthe combinationof extensive knowledgeof literarymaterialanddetailedphilologicalinterestthatstudentsof rabbinicsandof thehistoryof Roman-period Palestinehavecometo expectfrom hiswork.Thesubjectof Sperber's discussions is almostalwaystextual(literary and he raises the of the textual material epigraphic), althoughoccasionally relationship to archaeological remains(e.g., of roads,pp. 103-104andn. 6). Sperberis athis mostuseful,particularly for thosewhoseprimaryframeof referenceis rabbinic texts, in bringingGreek,Latin,andrabbinictexts to bearon one another.For example,his discussionof oil in bathingpracticeslinkstogetheranallusionto the remainsat Pompeii,the first-centuryLatinwriterCelsus, an Oxyrhynchuspapyrus fragmentof a gospel text, and what appearsto have originally been a third- or

schooltextfromGaulwithrabbinictraditions aboutthebathhouse fourth-century (pp. 59-62).

1. London:Routledge, 1997.

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GivenSperber's rangeandhisownearlierworkontheeconomyof Palestine,it is unfortunate thathehasnotattempted to placehiselucidation of thenutsandbolts of Palestinian cities,seenthroughthelensof rabbinictexts,intoa social-historical Thisis a lackthatSperberhimselfaddressesin theintroduction framework. (p. 3), butit is no less sorelyfelt forits havingbeenacknowledged. Somehintsof what sucha "socioeconomic historicalthesis"(p.3) mightcontendwithareoccasionally In footnote a given. Sperberobservesthathis own readingof rabbinicpassages to such issues astownorganization, differsfrom relating planning,andinstitutions othertreatments becausehe understands themto "reflectthecityscene,"notthatof n. This raises 9). villages (p. 7, importantquestionsabout the contexts (geographical,economic,social) of rabbisand their texts and, consequently, Theconclusionof chapter4 gesturesmoreexplicitlytowardthekind urbanization. of analysisSperbercarriedoutintwoearliervolumesontheeconomyof Palestine: '[thetextualevidence]suggestsa moodof tensionandurbanunrest... whichcame of the as a naturalconsequenceof the growingeconomicandsocialdeterioration a without such thesis thirdandfourthcentury" not its (p. 53).Although opponents, wouldbe well worthdeveloping,and Sperberis well suitedto have done so. for all its interest,regrettably Withoutsucha framework, Sperber'scontribution, are remainsprimarily a studyof theway certainaspectsof theurbanenvironment the in referredto in rabbinictexts,andnot of city RomanPalestine. fromtwo In additionto Sperber'swork,the volumeincludescontributions Zeev Weiss otherauthors."BuildingsforEntertainment" 77-91, 94-102) by (pp. discussionin chapter6 witha reviewof theaters, hippodromes, completesSperber's as well as someof the evidencefortheiruse in Palestine.A andotherstructures, andthe and two byJoshuaJ. Schwartzon"Archaeology appendices lengthychapter remains covers 10. Schwartz serve as archaeological City"(pp.149-194) chapter to thebuildingsandinstitutionsdiscussedby Sperber(andWeiss), corresponding a reviewof harbors,temples,andanappendixon synagogues addingin particular commentontemplesat Caesareaone mightaddthe Schwartz's appendix2). (To of atempleidentifiedwith remainsandrecentlyexcavatedfoundations architectural the templeof RomaandAugustusreferredto by Josephus;cf. p. 162andn. 73.) asto include Schwartz appearsto havedefinedthepurviewof his studyso narrowly built before within attested city walls, public buildings only materially the Constantine'sconquestof the EasternRomanEmpire.This has result,for

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activities"pursuedin domesticspacesfrom instance,of excluding"leisure-time discussion(p. 164), althoughthese activitiesmightbe as muchthe productof as publicbuildings.Aqueductsbuiltto drawwaterfromthecountryside urbanism intothe city aresaidto be "notreallyurbaninstitutions" (p. 178).Churchesare excluded on

chronological grounds (p.

190).

Synagogues-probably

with"Byzantine" churches-aretreatedin anappendixas "not contemporaneous reallycitystructures bynature,exceptperhapsinthemoreJewishcitiesof Tiberias and Sepphoris"(p. 190). The more interestingarchaeologicaland historical questionmightbe the way in whichlocal cultures(whatare "Jewishcities"?) inPalestine. urbanism shapedthearchitectural profileof citiesandof Roman-period HayimLapin of Maryland University CollegePark,Maryland Dov Gera.Judaea and MediterraneanPolitics, 219 to 161 B.C.E. Brill's Series in

JewishStudies.Leiden:E. J. Brill,1998.xii, 362 pp. thisbooksituatesthe andrevisionof Gera'sHebrewdissertation, A translation revoltinthelargerHellenisticworldby examiningthehistoriesof the Maccabean Ptolemaicand Seleucidempiresfrom219 to 161 B.C.E.Especiallyimportant inthepolitics involvement duringthisperiodwastheRomanRepublic'sincreasing of the easternMediterranean. Thefirsttwo chaptersexaminetheperiodfrom220to 198.Chapter1 outlines the conflictbetweenthe Seleucidsand Ptolemiesto controlCoele-Syria.The secondchapterexaminesJosephus'TobiadRomance.Geraconcludesthatthe the Healsoaddresses andof littleusehistorically. Tobiadstoriesarepropagandistic or the Syrian questionof whetherdifferentfactionsof JewsfavoredtheEgyptian empire,concludingthatwhenconflicteruptedbetweenthe largerkingdoms,the Jews(andtheirgentileneighbors)offeredopportunistic supportforthe kingdom to be victorious. thatseemedlikely ThethirdchapterdescribesRome'sgrowinginvolvementin the East.Before of Rome'ssphereof interest,but 200B.C.E.,EgyptandSyriawereontheperiphery AntiochusIII'smilitarysuccesses,especiallyhis conquestof muchof AsiaMinor (197B.C.E.),broughttheSeleucidkingdomintoconflictwithRomein Greeceand

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Adam L. Porter Source: AJS Review, Vol. 25, No. 1 (2000 - 2001), pp. 109-111 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1566659 . Accessed: 17/07/2011 04:44 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

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109

activities"pursuedin domesticspacesfrom instance,of excluding"leisure-time discussion(p. 164), althoughthese activitiesmightbe as muchthe productof as publicbuildings.Aqueductsbuiltto drawwaterfromthecountryside urbanism intothe city aresaidto be "notreallyurbaninstitutions" (p. 178).Churchesare excluded on

chronological grounds (p.

190).

Synagogues-probably

with"Byzantine" churches-aretreatedin anappendixas "not contemporaneous reallycitystructures bynature,exceptperhapsinthemoreJewishcitiesof Tiberias and Sepphoris"(p. 190). The more interestingarchaeologicaland historical questionmightbe the way in whichlocal cultures(whatare "Jewishcities"?) inPalestine. urbanism shapedthearchitectural profileof citiesandof Roman-period HayimLapin of Maryland University CollegePark,Maryland Dov Gera.Judaea and MediterraneanPolitics, 219 to 161 B.C.E. Brill's Series in

JewishStudies.Leiden:E. J. Brill,1998.xii, 362 pp. thisbooksituatesthe andrevisionof Gera'sHebrewdissertation, A translation revoltinthelargerHellenisticworldby examiningthehistoriesof the Maccabean Ptolemaicand Seleucidempiresfrom219 to 161 B.C.E.Especiallyimportant inthepolitics involvement duringthisperiodwastheRomanRepublic'sincreasing of the easternMediterranean. Thefirsttwo chaptersexaminetheperiodfrom220to 198.Chapter1 outlines the conflictbetweenthe Seleucidsand Ptolemiesto controlCoele-Syria.The secondchapterexaminesJosephus'TobiadRomance.Geraconcludesthatthe the Healsoaddresses andof littleusehistorically. Tobiadstoriesarepropagandistic or the Syrian questionof whetherdifferentfactionsof JewsfavoredtheEgyptian empire,concludingthatwhenconflicteruptedbetweenthe largerkingdoms,the Jews(andtheirgentileneighbors)offeredopportunistic supportforthe kingdom to be victorious. thatseemedlikely ThethirdchapterdescribesRome'sgrowinginvolvementin the East.Before of Rome'ssphereof interest,but 200B.C.E.,EgyptandSyriawereontheperiphery AntiochusIII'smilitarysuccesses,especiallyhis conquestof muchof AsiaMinor (197B.C.E.),broughttheSeleucidkingdomintoconflictwithRomein Greeceand

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Macedonia. WhenAntiochusinvadedGreece,theRomansdefeatedhimandforced him to sign the treatyof Apamea,designedto cripplethe Seleucidempireand reduceits militarycapabilities. The fourthchapterexaminesthe responseby the Ptolemaicand Seleucid kingdomsto RomanexpansionandAntiochustheGreat'sdefeat.TheSixthSyrian Warwasstartedby Egypt,butin twocampaigns(winter170/169-autumn 169and all of Egyptexcept spring168-summer168),AntiochusIV Epiphanesconquered Alexandria.Each campaignendedwhen a Romanenvoy forcedEpiphanesto withdraw. Jason,theformerhighpriest,ledanattackon Duringthefirstcampaign, Jerusalem in anattemptto deposeMenelaus,whohadreplacedhimas highpriest. The king interpreted this as a revolt;based on the severityof the attackon Gera butdeniestheexistence Jerusalem, arguesthatJasonenjoyedpopularsupport, of a pro-Ptolemaic party. The effectsof the SixthSyrianWarare describedin chapter5. Egyptwas significantlyweakened,devastatedby Antiochus'armyandwithtwo claimants battlingforthethrone.Syriawas in a muchstrongerposition.AlthoughRomehad forcedAntiochusto abandonEgypt,theSenatetacitlyrecognized embarrassingly of the treatyof the Seleucidclaimto Coele-Syriaandignoredhis transgressions thatAntiochuswasa skillfulleader,good Apamea.Gera'sdiscussiondemonstrates and able general, politician;Polybius' allegationsthat he was an insane are andinaccurate. megalomaniac propaganda TheMaccabean revoltis the subjectof the sixthchapter.Accordingto Gera, Antiochuswas still concernedaboutJerusalem's loyaltyandsentApolloniusthe to a to establish militarycolony supportMenelaus.In response,many Mysarch Jews fled to the hills. Antiochus'prohibitionof Judaismwas designedto quell Jewishresistance,althoughGerashedsno lighton whythiscourseof actionwas ledby provokedanopeninsurrection, adopted.As is well known,theprohibitions to suppresstheuprisingutilizedlocalforcesand theHasmoneans. Seleucidattempts local commanders,indicatingthat Antiochusdid not regardthe conflict as significantenoughto warrantdivertingtroopsfromhis Parthiancampaign. Antiochusdiedon this campaign,andin the finalchapterGeradiscussesthe conflictsbetweenthe two claimantsto the Syrianthrone.Demetrius,Antiochus IV'snephew,escapedfromRomeandbecameAntiochus'successor.Thisoffended it changedits easternpolicy:ratherthanreactingto events Rome,andconsequently

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in the Hellenistickingdoms,it becameproactive.Rometriedto destabilizethe Seleucidkingdomby supporting to the throneandfomentingrevolts pretenders its Gera's demonstrates Rome'sdiplomaticskill: among subjectpeoples. analysis missionsweresupported envoysanddiplomatic by a powerfularmy,butforcewas employedrelativelyinfrequently. Gera'scommandof bothprimaryandsecondarysourcesis remarkable. The bookis wellwrittenandclearlyorganized, butcouldbe improved withmaps:Gera discussesbattlesandmovementsof envoysfrequently,andthe inclusionof maps wouldhavemadethesediscussions easierto follow.GemexplainswhytheRomans sentletterssupporting Judah(2 Macc.11:34-38)andlatermadean alliancewith him(1 Macc.8:23-32),andalsoclarifiesthequestionof Jewishfactionalism inthe to the revolt. But Maccabean the detailed of different factions periodprior analysis in the Ptolemaicand Seleucidkingdomsandtheirrelationsto variousRoman envoysandsenatorsoutweighsthe discussionof Judeanpolitics.Thus,thisbook maybe of greaterinterestto studentsof HellenistichistoryandtheRomanRepublic thanto studentsof SecondTempleJudaism. AdamL.Porter IllinoisCollege Illinois Jacksonville, MiriamPeskowitz. SpinningFantasies: Rabbis, Gender and History. Berkeley:

Press,1997.xiv, 249 pp. Universityof California Inthisbook,MiriamPeskowitzaddsa strongvoiceto thechorusof thosewho thewaysin whichthetextsandartifactsof Roman-period Judaism arerethinking as central and the arestudied,interpreted, transmitted. categoryof Usinggender analysis,Peskowitzpresentsa thoroughgoing critiqueof the ways scholarshave of this of Late As shewrites,"thisbookis constructed period Antiquity. knowledge abouthowtheearlyrabbisusedfantasiesaboutspinningandthespinningof fantasy to makegenderintosense"(p. 24). of how Theuniquecontribution of thisbookis inthefundamental questioning texts(mainlytheMishnahandthe scholarsgo aboutthebusinessof puttingrabbinic discourse. Tosefta)andartifacts(looms,spindles,andwhorls)intocontemporary PeskowitzstartsbypointingoutthattheMishnahandtheTalmud,asclassicsof the

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Aryeh Cohen Source: AJS Review, Vol. 25, No. 1 (2000 - 2001), pp. 111-113 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1566660 . Accessed: 17/07/2011 04:44 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

BOOK REVIEWS

111

in the Hellenistickingdoms,it becameproactive.Rometriedto destabilizethe Seleucidkingdomby supporting to the throneandfomentingrevolts pretenders its Gera's demonstrates Rome'sdiplomaticskill: among subjectpeoples. analysis missionsweresupported envoysanddiplomatic by a powerfularmy,butforcewas employedrelativelyinfrequently. Gera'scommandof bothprimaryandsecondarysourcesis remarkable. The bookis wellwrittenandclearlyorganized, butcouldbe improved withmaps:Gera discussesbattlesandmovementsof envoysfrequently,andthe inclusionof maps wouldhavemadethesediscussions easierto follow.GemexplainswhytheRomans sentletterssupporting Judah(2 Macc.11:34-38)andlatermadean alliancewith him(1 Macc.8:23-32),andalsoclarifiesthequestionof Jewishfactionalism inthe to the revolt. But Maccabean the detailed of different factions periodprior analysis in the Ptolemaicand Seleucidkingdomsandtheirrelationsto variousRoman envoysandsenatorsoutweighsthe discussionof Judeanpolitics.Thus,thisbook maybe of greaterinterestto studentsof HellenistichistoryandtheRomanRepublic thanto studentsof SecondTempleJudaism. AdamL.Porter IllinoisCollege Illinois Jacksonville, MiriamPeskowitz. SpinningFantasies: Rabbis, Gender and History. Berkeley:

Press,1997.xiv, 249 pp. Universityof California Inthisbook,MiriamPeskowitzaddsa strongvoiceto thechorusof thosewho thewaysin whichthetextsandartifactsof Roman-period Judaism arerethinking as central and the arestudied,interpreted, transmitted. categoryof Usinggender analysis,Peskowitzpresentsa thoroughgoing critiqueof the ways scholarshave of this of Late As shewrites,"thisbookis constructed period Antiquity. knowledge abouthowtheearlyrabbisusedfantasiesaboutspinningandthespinningof fantasy to makegenderintosense"(p. 24). of how Theuniquecontribution of thisbookis inthefundamental questioning texts(mainlytheMishnahandthe scholarsgo aboutthebusinessof puttingrabbinic discourse. Tosefta)andartifacts(looms,spindles,andwhorls)intocontemporary PeskowitzstartsbypointingoutthattheMishnahandtheTalmud,asclassicsof the

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witha centuries-long traditionof howtheyshouldbe read. culture,comeburdened The first step in a criticalengagementwith these texts is, then, "locatingthe contoursandlimitationsof the availabletraditions forinterpreting theTalmud" in orderto "clearsomespaceforotherwaysof readingthesetexts"(p. 30). Themost immediatemove is to rethinkthose discussionsin the Mishnahthatseemto be reallife. Thereis no preexistingwomanor categoryof womenthatthe describing mishnaictextsrefersto;rather,thewomenin theMishnaharerabbinicconstructs, "one-dimensional personaenamedby theirlegalstatusandtheirrelationsto men" and to (p. 32) property.Thisapproachalsoforcesthefeministscholarto refuseto for heroesor alliesamongstthe sagesof theMishnah.It is a look proto-feminist strategythatreadsforambiguityin the earlyrabbinictextsratherthanfor"truths and answers"(p. 45).

the ways in which the Going one step further,Peskowitzdemonstrates are of laborsandthe regulationof laborsby gender-appropriateness descriptions also the productof rabbinicfantasies.Ratherthana windowinto real life, the descriptionsof the laborsthatwomendo, especiallythe focus on spinningand tradein imagesandmeaningsfor textile weaving,are "partof an Empire-wide men" and workers,women, (p. 72). Romannotions of gender-respectability suppliedthe rabbiswiththe imagesby whichto constructan idealizedvisionof women(e.g., as spinners)thatsymbolizeda utopianvision of a simpler,more perfectandinventedpast.At the sametime,the regulationof malelabor,andthe areasinwhichmenandwomenmighthavelaboredtogether,provides overlapping insightintothe rabbinicpolicingof the continuumof maledesire. laboras partof therabbinicfantasy,Peskowitzthenarguesthatthe Rereading loom itself is gendered.The Mishnahassociateswomen exclusivelywith an loomtechnology,no longerin use by thetimeof the Mishnah,while antiquated Thissegregation menareassociatedwithboththeolderandthenewertechnologies. and less less the identified efficient, older, economicallyviable by gender women andfemininityto and of women then with the bodies "use[d] technology the old,the antique,thenostalgic"(pp.91-92). Onceagain,thiscritical represent textsto of technologyforcesthereaderof rabbinic of analysis rabbinicdescriptions seem details that those nature of even and constructed attention to the gendered pay to be drawnfrom"reallife."

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a comparison of Proverbs 31andthemishnaic of awife's Through regulation laboranddutiestoherhusband inM.Ketubot thatitis vital 5.5,Peskowitz argues topayattention tothehistories of domesticity, andattend tothewaysinwhichthe Mishnah constitutes thewife as a household worker,ratherthanacceptthese as natural. In the same Peskowitz vein, categories arguesagainstseeingfamilyas socialstructure" "aninevitable (p. 109).Readingagainstmodempopularand of rabbinic and as characterized by "fairness" scholarly interpretations marriage "mutual Peskowitz is systematically exchange," pointstothewaysthatmarriage of accommodation withtheburden unfair, fallingalwaysonthewoman. thisbookis concerned withpolicing ourhistoric "Our Ultimately, imagination. modernwaysof makingthe pastmakemeaningofferno salvationandlittle Relations withthepastareneverinnocent. redemption. Theyarealwaysgendered, andoftenwithilleffects" While foranewwayofwriting Peskowitz calls (p.171). andcontradictions anddoesnotrelyon binary historythatallowsambiguity thistaskis leftforthefuture. oppositions, is convincing, Onthewhole,Peskowitz's andhercentral focuson skepticism in in detail" at her is welcome and She is (to gender refreshing. strongest "reading tooverturn andallowing thesedetails(andcontexts) borrow NomiSchor's phrase) texts.Thisreaderwould andunquestioned of mishnaic understandings accepted revolvearound one as of the more such haveappreciated readings, many chapters ortwomishnahs. is relaxedandPeskowitzattempts Theargument is weakerwhentheskepticism mutual in exchangeandmarriage)to delineatea trajectoryof (e.g., discussing andsubsequent resolutionbetweentheMishnahandtheTosefta.This contestation relieson a simplifiedviewof therelationsbetweenthesetextsthatis not trajectory warranted or arguedforin thebook. These, however, are minor points. This book stands as an important to thefieldof JewishStudies,onethatwill forceotherscholarsto be contribution morecautious,judicious,andawarein theirreadingsof rabbinictexts andtheir Judaism. of Roman-period reconstructions Aryeh Cohen

ofJudaism University LosAngeles,California

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Menahem Schmelzer Source: AJS Review, Vol. 25, No. 1 (2000 - 2001), pp. 114-118 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1566661 . Accessed: 17/07/2011 04:44 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

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MalachiBeit-Ari6,ColetteSirat,andMordecaiGlatzer.Codiceshebraicislitteris exarati quo temporescriptifuerint exhibentes.MonumentaPaleographicaMedii

Aevi: Series Hebraica.Vol. 1: Jusqu'd 1020. Turnhout,Belgium, Brepols Publishersfor the Institutde Rechercheet d'Histoiredes Textes,CNRSParis. Jerusalem: IsraeliAcademyof SciencesandHumanities,1997. 135, [1] p., 55 plates.(HebrewandFrench). Manyyearsago I readsomewherethatErnstSimononce said,speakingof GershomScholemandhis studieson Jewishmysticism,thatmanygreatscholars hadmadeenormouscontributions to scholarship andlearning, butScholemhadnot he a enriched a had created brand-new field, actually discipline.Onecould only to MalachiBeit-Ari6andColetteSirat,thedirectorsof ajoint applythisstatement of Hebrew Israeli-French projectforthe studyof the codicologyandpaleography the field. WhileI do in and it revolutionized The manuscripts. projectbegan 1965, not wish to minimizethe immenseaccomplishmentsof the great Hebrew of modem Jewish scholarshipin the nineteenthand twentieth bibliographers the authorof many centuries-foremostamongthem Moritz Steinschneider, in libraries-it collectionsof Hebrewmanuscripts European catalogsof important in thosedays mustbe saidthatthe studyanddescriptionof Hebrewmanuscripts evaluations.Therewas no was basedon individualintuitionandimpressionistic of the variouselementsa scholarmust systematicdescriptionandquantification keepin mindandexaminewhentryingto determinethe decisivefactorsforthe identification and descriptionof a medievalHebrewmanuscript. Furthermore, as an of the artifact,its manuscript codicology,the studyof the physicalaspect of manuscript variations itspreparation, thelocalgeographic making,was material, The neverdrawninto the purviewof Hebrewmanuscript many types of study. medievalHebrewscriptwere consideredand classified,some of the scribal codexas a physical of themanuscript practiceswerenoted,butthe characteristics entitywereignoredalmostcompletely. Underthe directionof Beit-AridandSirat,withthe assistanceof a talented staff,the systematicassemblyandanalysisof dataconcerningmedievalHebrew weredeveloped.No doubt,the availabilityof computertechnology manuscripts of the a helped greatdeal,andwitha progressiveandinnovativespiritthedirectors

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projectcreateda huge database,called Sfar-Data,that becamethe instrument andpublished. throughwhichthepioneeringworksof theprojectwereprepared A list of these very usefulandimportant booksis foundon pages 7-8 (in French),12 (in Hebrew),and 17 (in English)of the workunderreview.These includethe sevenvolumesof Manuscrits en caractdreshdbrarques, a mddidvaux workthatcontainsfacsimilesof representative and notes on dated Hebrew pages until1540fromFrenchandIsraelilibraries.Inadditionto thisseries, manuscripts severalmonographson variousaspectsof Hebrewpaleographywere issued, oncolophonsinmedievalHebrewmanuscripts dissertation includinga fascinating by MichaelRiegler. newworkhasappeared thatincludesthebestresultsof the Now,a monumental researchof the Institute's and The presentvolumeis the firstof a leadership staff. plannedseries in eight partsthat will deal with all the knowndatedHebrew in the world'spublicandprivatelibrariesandcollections,arranged manuscripts of a datedHebrew coveringthe periodfromthe firstappearance chronologically, (in894/895?)untiltheyear1280.Representative pagesofthemanuscripts manuscript in the originalsize, as will be the colophons,and detailed will be reproduced Thefirstvolume,nowinour thereproductions. andnoteswillaccompany descriptions andof its hands,is ajoy to behold,bothfromthepointof viewof bookproduction in Hebrew,English,and contents.The largefolio volumecontainsintroductions in in Hebrew and French and notes French,descriptions parallelcolumns,and of selected faithful,reproductions beautiful, pagesof theoriginals. apparently datingfrom894/5?to 1020,arediscussedinthevolume. Eighteenmanuscripts, Of course,in futurevolumestherewill be manymoreforperiodsof comparable in subsequent of Hebrewmanuscripts centuries. lengthbecauseof theproliferation An analysisof the contentsyields some interestingpoints.Manyof the some survivingin only one or two eighteenitemsare extremelyfragmentary, is doubtful,as acknowledged leaves.Thedatingof atleasttwo of themanuscripts I and6, the latterthe famousAleppoCodex).All the by theauthors(manuscripts werewrittenoutsideEuropein Islamiccountries,in the MiddleEast manuscripts andperhapsin NorthAfrica.This proves,first and foremost,how raredated areintheperiodcovered,namely,thetenthandearlyeleventh Hebrewmanuscripts inscrollformfora muchlongertimethan centuries. Hebrewtextsweretransmitted Thecodexformwas probablynot acceptedby the LatinandGreekmanuscripts.

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afterit became Jewishcommunity untiltheeighthcentury,abouthalfamillennium it is no thecommonvehicleforwritingsin theChristian environment. Accordingly, stem from so of Hebrew codices that the first remnants greatsurprise surviving in a of described late The distribution the manuscripts relatively period. geographic thepresentvolumeconfirmsourknowledgeof thehistoryof Jewishcentersin the MiddleAges, indicatingthataroundthe turnof the secondmillenniumJewish culturallife was still concentrated mainlyin centersoutsideof Europe.These factorsexplain,at least to some extent,the meagernessof thesematerials,but obviousquestionsstillarise:WhydidtheJewsadoptthecodexformso late?Why survivedfromthisperiod,whenthereareso haveso fewdatedHebrewmanuscripts fromthe ChristianandMuslimrealms?Was it manymoreknownmanuscripts because of the mainly persecutionsanddislocations,or arethereotherpossible withthenatureof studyamongtheJewsinthisperiod? connected reasons,perhaps manyof them Also, the eighteenitemsare all Bibles andBible commentaries, associatedwithKaraites.Theonlynon-biblicalwork(no. 16)is alsoby a Karaite, of rabbinicworks, Wherearethemanuscripts thetheologianYa'qubal-Qirqisani. suchas the TalmudandMidrashandthe liturgy?It is noteasyto respondto these dealsonlywithdated thatthispublication questions,butit shouldbe remembered fromtheGenizah, Amongtheundatedones,includingmanyfragments manuscripts. andfragments thereareobviouslyquitea numberof earlymanuscripts containing texts.Becauseof theverylimitednumberof availablecodexmaterials non-biblical fromthis earlyperiod,it mighthave been advisableto includedatedGenizah andletters.Thisbecauseof theirusefulnessforthestudyof documents nonliterary Hebrewscript,eventhoughtheycouldnotbeutilizedforcodicological comparisons. Thematerialdiscussedinthepresentvolumeconsistsmainlyof Biblecodices, moreorless completeorfragmentary. Theyaretheearliestwrittenevidenceforthe Masoretictext, and they providea greatdeal of valuabledataconcerningthe layout,vocalization,and cantillationsigns of the Bible text. The preparation, identityof thescribesandotherpersonswhomayhavebeeninvolvedinpreparing as well as the namesof patronsandlaterowners,arealso often the manuscripts, revealedin thecolophonsandin othernotations.Ofgreatinterestis theHebrewof Someof themarerhymed,andin manywe findflowery the scribalinscriptions. of thetextas well as expressionsabouttheprocessof writingandthe importance invocationsof blessingsforthe scribeandthe owners.

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Thephysicalpropertiesof the writingmaterial,parchment or paper,andits forwriting,suchasprickingandruling,aredescribed ingreatdetailand preparation withgreataccuracy. Themanuscripts alsocontaintextswritteninArabicinHebrew script,andatleastin oneinstance,bothArabicandHebrewscriptareemployedin the colophon(no. 14). Some of the manuscripts describedherehave elaborate decorations. Thesehavesignificanceforthe historyof Jewishart,and,of course, attentionis calledto themandto the literature aboutthem. Theidentification of the texts andof the personalitiesandlocalitiesis fully documented a completereferenceto previousliterature. withwhatis apparently Since in a numberof manuscripts the date is indicatedaccordingto different systemsof reckoning(e.g., the eraof creation,the Seleucidcounting,the years to deal with passedsince the destructionof Temple),thereis an opportunity of Hebrew Both in the in individual introduction and the problems chronology. the authorstreatmattersof chronologythoroughly. descriptions, of Hebrew As befitsa workthatdealswiththe earliestdatedmanifestation codices,thepresentvolumeis elegantlyproduced,andattractively printedbothin its Hebrewandnon-Hebrew parts. and theFrenchandHebrewdescriptions As pointedoutin the introductions, of eachother,exceptfor the notesarenot identical,as they arenot translations Thedivergenceherecanbe explainedby colophonsandthetechnicaldescriptions. betweenthe IsraelischolarsMordecaiGlatzerand the occasionaldisagreements MalachiBeit-Ari6,who wereresponsibleforthe Hebrewtext, andColetteSirat, whowrotetheFrenchtext.Onesuchinstanceis foundin thecommentsrelatingto is the to Beit-Ari6andGlatzer,themanuscript theAleppoCodex(no.6).According authenticMasoreticcodexof AaronbenAsher,writtenby SolomonbenBuya'a, andis identicalwiththemodelcodexmentioned Sirat,ontheother byMaimonides. Thesedifferences oftheseidentifications. hand,voicesdoubtabouttheauthenticity andone has to wonderwhetherit in a paralleltext aresomewhatdisconcerting, wouldnothavebeenpossibleto expresssuchdisagreements differently, perhapsin footnotesor in the introduction. in the footnotes,leadingto someconfusionand Therearealsodiscrepancies the reader.Thereis onlyonesetof footnotes,andit a of irritation to causing degree refertotheHebrewfootnotes,but is inHebrew.TheFrenchtext'sfootnotenumbers itsnumbersarenotconsecutiveandthesystemis oftenconfusing.Forexample,in

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theFrenchtextto manuscript 7 (pp.28-29) thefootnotenumbers jumpfrom45 to 53! Someof theobservations thatarefoundintheHebrewfootnotesareinthebody of theFrenchtext. Besidesthese minorannoyances,thereare a few others.Nowheredo the authorsstatewhy 1280wasselectedasthecut-offdate.Moreover, theysaynothing about the fate of the Manuscrits mddiivaux en caractires hebraiques series,

mentioned above.Is it goingto be discontinued Arethereanyplansto completely? describeHebrewmanuscripts writtenafter1280?Whyis thetitlepagein a mixture of LatinandFrench?Theinteresting poeticcolophonsareprintedaccordingto the line divisionof the originals.It wouldhavebeenwelcometo printthemin their poeticforms,too, so as to makethe acrosticsandrhymesstandoutin clearly. Despitethesemisgivings,the volumeis veritablemilestonein the annalsof Hebrewmanuscript research. Thescholarlypubliceagerlyawaitsthepublication of thesubsequent volumesin thismonumental series. MenahemSchmelzer JewishTheologicalSeminaryof America New York,New York Joseph Yahalom. Palestinian Vocalised Piyyut Manuscripts in the Cambridge

GenizahCollections.Cambridge UniversityLibraryGenizahSeries7. Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity Press, 1997. vii, 87 pp., 16 plates.

collectionhas attracteda large Sinceits discovery,the Genizahmanuscripts numberof scholarswho have investigatedand studiedthe materialsprimarilyfor their subject matter.However, the Genizah contains a wealth of informationon otheraspects of the documents,such as the three distinctivevocalisation systems thatwere in use duringthe Middle Ages. The Tiberiantraditionof vocalizationis the most famous, and it is no surprisethat studentsof the Genizahgave so much attention to biblical texts with Tiberian notation. While the descriptibn and of the othertwo vowel representationsin the Genizahtextswere often interpretation in the of scholarly discussions of the Tiberiansystem, a numberof framework put publicationsfully recognized these other systems as standingin their own right. Paul Kahle and his school published texts, biblical as well as poetic, in which superlinearvowel signs were used. Alongside the Tiberiantradition,Kahle also

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Wout Jac. van Bekkum Source: AJS Review, Vol. 25, No. 1 (2000 - 2001), pp. 118-120 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1566662 . Accessed: 17/07/2011 04:44 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

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theFrenchtextto manuscript 7 (pp.28-29) thefootnotenumbers jumpfrom45 to 53! Someof theobservations thatarefoundintheHebrewfootnotesareinthebody of theFrenchtext. Besidesthese minorannoyances,thereare a few others.Nowheredo the authorsstatewhy 1280wasselectedasthecut-offdate.Moreover, theysaynothing about the fate of the Manuscrits mddiivaux en caractires hebraiques series,

mentioned above.Is it goingto be discontinued Arethereanyplansto completely? describeHebrewmanuscripts writtenafter1280?Whyis thetitlepagein a mixture of LatinandFrench?Theinteresting poeticcolophonsareprintedaccordingto the line divisionof the originals.It wouldhavebeenwelcometo printthemin their poeticforms,too, so as to makethe acrosticsandrhymesstandoutin clearly. Despitethesemisgivings,the volumeis veritablemilestonein the annalsof Hebrewmanuscript research. Thescholarlypubliceagerlyawaitsthepublication of thesubsequent volumesin thismonumental series. MenahemSchmelzer JewishTheologicalSeminaryof America New York,New York Joseph Yahalom. Palestinian Vocalised Piyyut Manuscripts in the Cambridge

GenizahCollections.Cambridge UniversityLibraryGenizahSeries7. Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity Press, 1997. vii, 87 pp., 16 plates.

collectionhas attracteda large Sinceits discovery,the Genizahmanuscripts numberof scholarswho have investigatedand studiedthe materialsprimarilyfor their subject matter.However, the Genizah contains a wealth of informationon otheraspects of the documents,such as the three distinctivevocalisation systems thatwere in use duringthe Middle Ages. The Tiberiantraditionof vocalizationis the most famous, and it is no surprisethat studentsof the Genizahgave so much attention to biblical texts with Tiberian notation. While the descriptibn and of the othertwo vowel representationsin the Genizahtextswere often interpretation in the of scholarly discussions of the Tiberiansystem, a numberof framework put publicationsfully recognized these other systems as standingin their own right. Paul Kahle and his school published texts, biblical as well as poetic, in which superlinearvowel signs were used. Alongside the Tiberiantradition,Kahle also

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one standard introduced majordivisionintotwo specificsets of graphicsignsof vocalization reveala Palestinian andBabylonian origin.ThetextswithBabylonian Their into a of and internal classification number strong groups their development. relevanceforanunderstanding of themedievaltraditionof Hebrewlanguagewere explainedby IsraelYeivin in his TheHebrewLanguage Traditionas Reflected in

the BabylonianVocalisation(Jerusalem,1985). The texts with Palestinian withregardto characteristics showanevenwidervarietyof individual vocalization the use of signs,and,giventhe scarcityof sources,the discussionof this vowel of the details. systeminvolvesstrictanalysisandinterpretation on a their attention small numberof biblicaltexts,but scholars focus Many JosephYahalombaseshis insightsupona corpusof piyyutimfoundin some 150 fragmentsfrom the CambridgeGenizah collection and another thirty the Genizahcollectionsof other fragmentsscatteredthroughout complementary libraries.In 1970 he publishedan articleon the Palestinianvocalizationin and Hedwata's (thenameof thepayyetanis nowadaysreadasHadutahu), qedushtot articlein Hebrewon the state of in 1988, in Leshonenu52, a comprehensive vowelsystem.TheEnglishversionof the latterarticle researchon thePalestinian to thepresentbook,describinganddiscussing servesas a veryusefulintroduction the scholarlyprogressof studiesin the historyof this pointingsystem.Yahalom vocalization demands of Palestinian superlinear rightlyobservesthatthecomplexity to whatE. J. andanalysisof thegraphemes, classification a standardized analogous Revell presentedin Hebrew Textswith Palestinian Vocalization(Toronto, 1970) andin Biblical TextswithPalestinianPointingand TheirAccents(Missoula, 1977).

However,YahalomignoresRevell'smethodof classificationandselectsa of whichat leasttwo leaveshavesurvivedwithconsistent numberof manuscripts areestablishedby piecingfragments Thesemanuscripts togtherand punctuation. to Yahalom'sdatingof thevocalization themchronologically according arranging of wascarefullystudiedbeforeitsvalueas member this selection Each (siglaA-L). traditioncouldbe fully assessed(pp. 28-50). a representative of the Palestinian revealsa distinctionbetweentwo Closeanalysisof twelvesuchmajorfragments onewithsix signs,presumed tradition: basicgraphicsystemsin thePalestinian by Yahalomto be the moreancient,andone withsevensigns.Bothsystemscanbe Yahalom the sametraditionof Hebrewpronunciation. as representing understood of the signsandthe distinctionsin vowel qualities, treatsrelevantcharacteristics

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thatmanuscript A has only one sign for the Tiberianqamasand demonstrating C alreadyhastwo patahandonesignfortheTiberiansere andsegol.Manuscript for the a vowels with no distinction between Tiberian signs unequivocal qamasand D is the firstto exhibitan exclusivesign for shewamobile patah.Manuscript the K andL providea new alongside regularsix vowel signs.Onlymanuscripts seventhsignwhichcorresponds in mostinstancesto Tiberiansere.Theextentto whichthesesignstendto indicatea coherentpatternof vowel representation is studied Yahalom. he enables the reader to in discern the Thus, systematically by of thevowelvariants,showing generalgroupingof the fragmentsthe distribution thatfromtheninthto theeleventhcenturyPalestinian vocalizersgenerallysoughta to denote the difference between and reduced vowels. The studyof way long severalothercategories,suchas thelow vowels,thebackvowels,vocalizations in theenvironment of semi-vowels,anddiacritical of this marks,is equallysupportive thesis.All of Yahalom'sobservationscan be easily comparedto the detailed descriptionsof the manuscripts,includingeighty-oneminor fragmentswith sporadicpointing(pp. 51-78), as well as to sixteenplates illustrativeof the divergentuses of vowel signs. The readerwho takes note of Yahalom's andconclusionscanonlyaffirmthatscholarlyresearchonHebrew commentaries vowelsystemswill profitconsiderably fromthismasterfulstudy. WoutJac.vanBekkum Groningen University TheNetherlands Groningen, Na1em Ilan. Perush "Mesah 'Aharon"le-R. 'AharonGarish ["MetzahAharon" Commentaryon the Pentateuch by Rabbi Aharon Garish]. Jerusalem:Ben Zvi

Institute,1996.vi, 273 pp (Hebrew). Thisvolumeis a solid treatmentof RabbiAharonGarish'sMesah 'Aharon on the Torah.The commentarywas probablywrittenin Aleppo, commentary northern Syria,atthebeginningof thesixteenthcentury.Itwasprobablyoneof the Jews lastworkscomposedin the Musta'rabicommunity(Judeo-Arabic-speaking nativeto Arablands)inAleppo,forthiswastheerawhenSephardideporteesfrom IberiaweretakingovertheJewishcommunities inAleppoandmanyotherplacesin theMiddleEastbotheconomicallyandspiritually/religiously.

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Benjamin Hary Source: AJS Review, Vol. 25, No. 1 (2000 - 2001), pp. 120-122 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1566663 . Accessed: 17/07/2011 04:44 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

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thatmanuscript A has only one sign for the Tiberianqamasand demonstrating C alreadyhastwo patahandonesignfortheTiberiansere andsegol.Manuscript for the a vowels with no distinction between Tiberian signs unequivocal qamasand D is the firstto exhibitan exclusivesign for shewamobile patah.Manuscript the K andL providea new alongside regularsix vowel signs.Onlymanuscripts seventhsignwhichcorresponds in mostinstancesto Tiberiansere.Theextentto whichthesesignstendto indicatea coherentpatternof vowel representation is studied Yahalom. he enables the reader to in discern the Thus, systematically by of thevowelvariants,showing generalgroupingof the fragmentsthe distribution thatfromtheninthto theeleventhcenturyPalestinian vocalizersgenerallysoughta to denote the difference between and reduced vowels. The studyof way long severalothercategories,suchas thelow vowels,thebackvowels,vocalizations in theenvironment of semi-vowels,anddiacritical of this marks,is equallysupportive thesis.All of Yahalom'sobservationscan be easily comparedto the detailed descriptionsof the manuscripts,includingeighty-oneminor fragmentswith sporadicpointing(pp. 51-78), as well as to sixteenplates illustrativeof the divergentuses of vowel signs. The readerwho takes note of Yahalom's andconclusionscanonlyaffirmthatscholarlyresearchonHebrew commentaries vowelsystemswill profitconsiderably fromthismasterfulstudy. WoutJac.vanBekkum Groningen University TheNetherlands Groningen, Na1em Ilan. Perush "Mesah 'Aharon"le-R. 'AharonGarish ["MetzahAharon" Commentaryon the Pentateuch by Rabbi Aharon Garish]. Jerusalem:Ben Zvi

Institute,1996.vi, 273 pp (Hebrew). Thisvolumeis a solid treatmentof RabbiAharonGarish'sMesah 'Aharon on the Torah.The commentarywas probablywrittenin Aleppo, commentary northern Syria,atthebeginningof thesixteenthcentury.Itwasprobablyoneof the Jews lastworkscomposedin the Musta'rabicommunity(Judeo-Arabic-speaking nativeto Arablands)inAleppo,forthiswastheerawhenSephardideporteesfrom IberiaweretakingovertheJewishcommunities inAleppoandmanyotherplacesin theMiddleEastbotheconomicallyandspiritually/religiously.

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RabbiAharonGarishwrote his volume in Judeo-Arabic,a multiglossic the ethnolectthathasbeenspokenandwritteninvariousformsbyJewsthroughout In its written is concerned its literature for the most world. form, Arabic-speaking partwithJewishtopicsandis writtenby JewishauthorsforJewishreaders.There to Literary Judeo-Arabic: elementsof areseveralimportant featurescharacteristic and of dialectal standardization ClassicalArabic, pseudo-corrections, components, suchfeatures.Moreover,severaladditionalfeaturespeculiarto LiteraryJudeothesociolinguistic andcultural Arabicfurther picture:theuseof Hebrew complicate traditions of Judeo-Arabic ratherthanArabiccharacters, different orthography, from andinterference andgrammar, elementsof HebrewandAramaicvocabulary texts. HebrewandAramaicin Judeo-Arabic Judeo-Arabic underwent a dramatic changearoundthefifteenthcentury,when theJewishworldsevereditscontactwiththeMuslimworldanditsArabiclanguage andthestart theendof MedievalJudeo-Arabic andculture.Thechangethatmarked North so wasespeciallymarkedin of LateJudeo-Arabic Africa,butless inYemen, Inorderto refineandmore wherestrongcontactpersistedforsometimeafterward. I describe the of history Judeo-Arabic,proposeto divideitshistoryinto accurately to 10' cent.), five periods:Pre-Islamic Judeo-Arabic, (8 "/9th EarlyJudeo-Arabic ClassicalJudeo-Arabic (15"to 19thcent.), (10hto 15' cent.),LaterJudeo-Arabic inthefifteenth a Thus occurred andModernJudeo-Arabic (20t cent.). majorchange this betweenMedievalandLateJudeo-Arabic. Metzah Against background, century wascomposedduringthebeginningperiodof LaterJudeo-Arabic. 'Aharon tothe thesissubmitted ofIlan'smaster's Thevolumeunderreviewis a reworking in 1987.Ilanstatesat theoutsetthathe intendsto HebrewUniversityin Jerusalem thetimeandplaceof thecommentary, determine identifyitsaimsandthenatureof its usesof RabbiGarish's it is describe which sources the based, upon expose readership, its examine and the of structure the examine sources, commentary, finally, literary culturalimportance (p.9). Ilanhas achievedall of these goals. First,he briefly describesthehistoryof AleppoandAleppoJewryattheendof theMamlukperiod andthebeginningof theOttoman Empire.Second,he identifiesandanalyzestheten manner. in a concise he is using Third,he describesRabbi philological manuscripts inAleppo,and setsthecommentary's Garish'slifeandactivities, placeof composition are dates it before 1527. Fourth,he shows that the aims of the commentary the was for not Garish that Rabbi elite, writing demonstrating educational/pedagogical,

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but ratherfor the unscholarlypublicthat was constantlyexposedto external and Forthisreason,RabbiGarishpresentsarguments influences. againsttheKaraites anditsnecessary theSamaritans thatemphasize theimportance ofJewishoraltradition connection to thewrittenTorah.Fifth,Ilandemonstrates thatRabbiGarishbasedhis commentaryon various biblical commentaries,Talmud commentaries, on collections,andMaimonides' summary midrashic/aggadic writings.Animportant Ilan describes the 146 lists Rabbi Garish's sources in a concise Sixth, clear, way. page literarystructureof RabbiGarish'swork.It is arrangedaccordingto the Torah oneachportionstartswithanintroductory Thecommentary poemfollowed portions. the the of then does come, commentary body bythepetihta--an part.Only interpretive for that Israel's an followedby endingpoem speedy usuallyexpressesyearning is clearlybasedon sermons,a Accordingto Ilan,the commentary redemption. knownfromthatperiod.Andfinally,IlaneloquentlysketchesRabbi phenomenon Garish'sbeliefs.He showshow the rabbiwas actually"oneof the people"in his thepursuit ofredemption, of Christians, beliefs,whetheraboutmiracles,thetreatment ortheattitudetowardtheKabbalah. andingreatdetail.Becausehis IlananalyzesRabbiGarish'sworkmeticulously discussionsareso detailed,it wouldhavebeenusefulforhimtoprovidea summary of eachchapterof thebook,as he didforchapter4. I agreewithhis viewthatmore work needs to be done (chap. 7), especiallylinguistically.Ilan makes some referencesto RabbiGarish'slanguage(e.g., pp. 72, 87-8), but muchmoreis would be a valuable needed.In fact, a linguisticanalysisof the commentary in Judeo-Arabic. of studies the number additionto growing linguistic Hary Benjamin EmoryUniversity Atlanta, Georgia Robin R. Mundill.England's Jewish Solution: Experimentand Expulsion, 1262-

StudiesinMedievalLifeandThought,FourthSeries:Cambridge: 1290.Cambridge UniversityPress,1998.xxviii, 332 pp. Cambridge In November1290, King EdwardI of Englandexpelledthe whole of the communityfromhis kingdom.TheonlyJewswhowereallowedto Anglo-Jewish remainin Englandwere the relativelysmall numberwho had convertedto

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Paul Brand Source: AJS Review, Vol. 25, No. 1 (2000 - 2001), pp. 122-124 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1566664 . Accessed: 17/07/2011 04:45 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

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but ratherfor the unscholarlypublicthat was constantlyexposedto external and Forthisreason,RabbiGarishpresentsarguments influences. againsttheKaraites anditsnecessary theSamaritans thatemphasize theimportance ofJewishoraltradition connection to thewrittenTorah.Fifth,Ilandemonstrates thatRabbiGarishbasedhis commentaryon various biblical commentaries,Talmud commentaries, on collections,andMaimonides' summary midrashic/aggadic writings.Animportant Ilan describes the 146 lists Rabbi Garish's sources in a concise Sixth, clear, way. page literarystructureof RabbiGarish'swork.It is arrangedaccordingto the Torah oneachportionstartswithanintroductory Thecommentary poemfollowed portions. the the of then does come, commentary body bythepetihta--an part.Only interpretive for that Israel's an followedby endingpoem speedy usuallyexpressesyearning is clearlybasedon sermons,a Accordingto Ilan,the commentary redemption. knownfromthatperiod.Andfinally,IlaneloquentlysketchesRabbi phenomenon Garish'sbeliefs.He showshow the rabbiwas actually"oneof the people"in his thepursuit ofredemption, of Christians, beliefs,whetheraboutmiracles,thetreatment ortheattitudetowardtheKabbalah. andingreatdetail.Becausehis IlananalyzesRabbiGarish'sworkmeticulously discussionsareso detailed,it wouldhavebeenusefulforhimtoprovidea summary of eachchapterof thebook,as he didforchapter4. I agreewithhis viewthatmore work needs to be done (chap. 7), especiallylinguistically.Ilan makes some referencesto RabbiGarish'slanguage(e.g., pp. 72, 87-8), but muchmoreis would be a valuable needed.In fact, a linguisticanalysisof the commentary in Judeo-Arabic. of studies the number additionto growing linguistic Hary Benjamin EmoryUniversity Atlanta, Georgia Robin R. Mundill.England's Jewish Solution: Experimentand Expulsion, 1262-

StudiesinMedievalLifeandThought,FourthSeries:Cambridge: 1290.Cambridge UniversityPress,1998.xxviii, 332 pp. Cambridge In November1290, King EdwardI of Englandexpelledthe whole of the communityfromhis kingdom.TheonlyJewswhowereallowedto Anglo-Jewish remainin Englandwere the relativelysmall numberwho had convertedto

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to Englanduntilthemiddleof the Jewswerenotformallyreadmitted Christianity. thereasons inexplaining havelongbeeninterested seventeenth century.Historians fortheExpulsionof 1290,butRobinMundill'sbookis thefirstmodemmonograph devotedto thesubject.Chapter1 is anintroductory chapter,examiningsomeof the andlookingin generaltermsat the natureof the surviving olderhistoriography evidence relating to the Anglo-Jewishcommunity.Chapter2 traces the fromitsfirstappearance of theAnglo-Jewish shortlyafter community development it looksatwhereJewslivedinthirteenth-century theNormanConquest; England,at than the to thesizeof thecommunity immediately Expulsion(nolarger around prior of medievalAnglo2,000),andatthedistinctivecultureandreligiousorganization 3 hostcommunity. Chapter Jewryandhowthissetthemapartfromthesurrounding towardJews,theirlegalstatusinEngland,andthe examinesecclesiasticalattitudes attitudesof theroyalfamily.Inchapter4 MundilllooksattheJewishcontribution to royalrevenuesduringthe reignof EdwardI in the formof tallages,finesand amercements, reliefs, and occasionalwindfallsof otherkinds. He concludes to the totalityof royalrevenueswas a fairly convincinglythattheircontribution one. insignificant madein theattempt Inchapter5 Mundillturnsto the"Edwardian experiment," from Jews in the 1275 statuteof Jewryto prohibit lendingmoneyat England butonlyformembersof interest,anactivitywhichhadhithertobeenpermissible, the community.Mundillarguesstrongly(and quite convincingly)againstthe existingscholarlyconsensusthatthesurvivingpost-1275contractsforthedelivery of quantitiesof cornandwool to individualJewswereno morethana disguised thattherewasa real andprovidesgoodreasonforsupposing formof moneylending, shiftin the activitiesof at leastsomemembersof the communityintoproviding advancecreditto producersof wool and corn againstthe futuredeliveryof quantitiesof those commodities.It is more dubious,however,whetherthese undercontemporary contractswouldnot also havebeenregardedas "usurious" a profitforthe Jew ensure to seems canonlaw,sincethe formtheytook designed inEngland withcredit:thustheJewishcommunity theproducer whowasproviding evenafter1275probablydidcontinueto be engagedin "usury." Chapter6 utilizesthe often deficientsurvivingevidenceto delineatethe andactivitiesof variousof thelocalJewishcommunities structure duringtheperiod between1275and1290,andchapter7 usesmuchthesameevidenceto examinethe

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Christian clientsof Jewishfinanciersduringthe sameperiod.Thisestablishesthat mostChristian borrowers weredrawnfroma relativelysmallarearoundthetowns of Jewishsettlement. Thefinalchapterprovidesa rathermuddledexamination of a numberof recentattemptsto explaintheExpulsionandlooksatthe eventsof the rathermeagerfinancialreturnsit Expulsionitself in detailandat the apparently forthe Expulsionfirmlyon providedforthe crown.Mundillplacesresponsibility the shouldersof EdwardI, locatingit in the contextof his disappointment atthe failureto achieveanymassconversionof thecommunity to Christianity andinthe stimulusallegedlyprovidedby growingecclesiasticalhostilitytowardJews. Mundill'sbook containsa lot of valuable,originalworkand (ratherless successfully)synthesizesmuch recent scholarship.This makes it particularly unfortunate thatMundillis so oftencarelessaboutdetails.Onesmallexamplewill haveto standformanyothers.The1269"Provisions of theJewry"werenotenacted Mundill asserts on Walter of Merton (as (hisonlyknownrolein relation p. 41) by to themwas deliveringthemto the Exchequer); nordidtheyforbidJews"totake landson mortgage" of theirmainprovision, (thisseemsto be a misunderstanding which prohibitedthe creationof perpetualrent-chargesin favor of Jewish Andevena nonspecialist creditors). mighthavebeenexpectedto notice copy-editor thata seriesof paperssaidin thetextto havebeenpublishedin 1898is citedin the footnote(quitecorrectly)as in factpublishedin 1888(p. 10).Mundill'sbookis a revisedversionof his 1987dissertation, butworkpublished since1987hasnotbeen its This assimilated into and bookis likelytobeused overall structure argument. fully andcitedby historiansof thirteenth-century and England medievalEnglishand WesternEuropean of errorsof factandinterpretation suggests Jewry.Thefrequency thattheywouldbe unwiseto relyonMundillwithoutfirstcheckinghis evidence. PaulBrand All SoulsCollege Oxford,England Steven B. Smith. Spinoza, Liberalism and the Question of Jewish Identity.New Haven:Yale University Press, 1997. xvi, 270 pp. This is not a scholarlyreading of the TractatusTheologico-politicus,despite appearancesto the contrary.It is a polemical attackfueled by quasi-inquisitorial

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Heidi M. Ravven Source: AJS Review, Vol. 25, No. 1 (2000 - 2001), pp. 124-129 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1566665 . Accessed: 17/07/2011 04:45 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

124

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Christian clientsof Jewishfinanciersduringthe sameperiod.Thisestablishesthat mostChristian borrowers weredrawnfroma relativelysmallarearoundthetowns of Jewishsettlement. Thefinalchapterprovidesa rathermuddledexamination of a numberof recentattemptsto explaintheExpulsionandlooksatthe eventsof the rathermeagerfinancialreturnsit Expulsionitself in detailandat the apparently forthe Expulsionfirmlyon providedforthe crown.Mundillplacesresponsibility the shouldersof EdwardI, locatingit in the contextof his disappointment atthe failureto achieveanymassconversionof thecommunity to Christianity andinthe stimulusallegedlyprovidedby growingecclesiasticalhostilitytowardJews. Mundill'sbook containsa lot of valuable,originalworkand (ratherless successfully)synthesizesmuch recent scholarship.This makes it particularly unfortunate thatMundillis so oftencarelessaboutdetails.Onesmallexamplewill haveto standformanyothers.The1269"Provisions of theJewry"werenotenacted Mundill asserts on Walter of Merton (as (hisonlyknownrolein relation p. 41) by to themwas deliveringthemto the Exchequer); nordidtheyforbidJews"totake landson mortgage" of theirmainprovision, (thisseemsto be a misunderstanding which prohibitedthe creationof perpetualrent-chargesin favor of Jewish Andevena nonspecialist creditors). mighthavebeenexpectedto notice copy-editor thata seriesof paperssaidin thetextto havebeenpublishedin 1898is citedin the footnote(quitecorrectly)as in factpublishedin 1888(p. 10).Mundill'sbookis a revisedversionof his 1987dissertation, butworkpublished since1987hasnotbeen its This assimilated into and bookis likelytobeused overall structure argument. fully andcitedby historiansof thirteenth-century and England medievalEnglishand WesternEuropean of errorsof factandinterpretation suggests Jewry.Thefrequency thattheywouldbe unwiseto relyonMundillwithoutfirstcheckinghis evidence. PaulBrand All SoulsCollege Oxford,England Steven B. Smith. Spinoza, Liberalism and the Question of Jewish Identity.New Haven:Yale University Press, 1997. xvi, 270 pp. This is not a scholarlyreading of the TractatusTheologico-politicus,despite appearancesto the contrary.It is a polemical attackfueled by quasi-inquisitorial

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zealandas suchrevealsfarmoreaboutthetenorof ourtimes,its Zeitgeist,thanit contributes to ourunderstanding of Spinoza.It makesurgentthequestionof what we canlearnaboutourselvesfromthisandotherrecentinstancesof therenewalof thehistoricvilificationof Spinoza'sTractatus Eacheraseems Theologico-politicus. from some subterranean Jewish to dredgeSpinozaup deep,projectinguponhim reflectionsof itsownhopesandfears--aphenomenon Spinozahimselfwouldhave hada heydayanalyzing.StevenSmithhasprovidedus witha wonderfullitmusof ourtimes.He constructsSpinozaas a strawmanto mountan attackon political liberalismin generalandon liberalJudaismin particular. "TheTreatise,"Smith writes(p. xviii), "represents the firstandmostprofoundexpressionof theJewish liberalsymbiosisthathassurvived[sic]to thepresent." The centralclaim of Spinoza,Liberalismand the QuestionofJewish Identityis

thatSpinoza'sTractatus was the firstmodernpoliticaltheoryto putthe "Jewish the at heart its of Question" analysis,andthatthe purposeof the workwas to call forthereplacement witha completelyseculardemocratic where of Judaism republic peoplewouldbe completelyrationaland autonomous.In otherwords,Smith maintainsthat Spinozacalled for the annihilationof Judaismin the nameof democracy.("WithSpinozabeginsthatline of distinctlymodernthoughtwhich holdsthatJewscanbe freenotonly[sic]whentheyhavebeengrantedfreedomof fromJudaism" religionbutalso [sic] whentheyhavebeenemancipated [p. 25].) AndthusSmithblamesSpinozafor (whatSmithclaimswas) his advocacyof a foritsveryexistenceandsurvivaluponreligious liberaldemocratic statedependent andethnicleveling,andhencehe alsoblamesSpinozafor Jewishassimilationism andtheJewishcanonasthe (p.200).Smith'saimis to writeSpinozaoutof Judaism greatenemyof Jewishsurvivalandcontinuity,andin doingso to deala blowas of thetheologico-political wellto modemliberaldemocracy. treatment "Spinoza's aboutthe "is it tells ussomething Smith writes because problem," (p. 13), important whatis sometimes it "forcesus todayto reconsider natureandlimitsof liberalism"; called the Enlightenmentproject"(p. xiii).

StevenSmith'sSpinozais a strawmanfromtwoperspectives. First,Smithsets that in most a tendentious of version significant up highly Spinoza'sthought scholarlyopinion,andsecond, respectsis beyondthepaleof prevailing responsible he doesnotevenbotherto arguetextuallyforhis versionbutsimplyassertsit and of thecontextbutnotof thetexts. expandsuponit, offeringextensiveelaborations

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Let us beginwith Smith'scontentionthatSpinozain the Tractatusis centrally concerned withtheJewishQuestion,foruponthisclaimthebook'sarguments rest. The JewishQuestion,Smithadmits(p. 13), is a termcoinedin the nineteenth centuryto referto "thetermsby whichJews, aftercenturiesof separationand wouldbe grantedtherightsof membership in, or admissionto, the ghettoization, this thatthe"Jewish Smith maintains anachronism, polity."Despite terminological Questionwas the mainthemeof Spinoza'sreflectionsfromearlyon,"andthat "Spinozamadethe JewishQuestionan essentialingredientof modempolitical of Moreover,"SpinozaputJewishconcernsandproblemsattheforefront thought." his thoughtin orderto exercisea profoundtransformation of them.... It was an turn from an revealed lawintowhattoday to Judaism authoritative of attempt body wouldbe calleda modemsecularidentity"(p. xiii). Nowherein the bookdoes Smithprovideanytextualevidence,anyrereadingof significantpassages,to lend supportto thishighlyimplausibleandsomewhatperverseclaim. As anystudentof the Tractatusknows,Spinozararelymentionspostbiblical Judaismin the text, even morerarelymentionscontemporary Jews, and only butonlyin and never cites Jewish sources systematically occasionally postbiblical thatSpinoza, passing.ThusonemustconcludethatSmithis implicitlymaintaining andin his rereadingof the in his proposedprinciplesof biblicalhermeneutics HebrewBible-a scripturecommonand holy to Jews and to manyChristian Dutch communities(from Catholic to Quaker)in the seventeenth-century to addresstheBibleperse butinsteadintends republic-is, in fact,onlypretending Judaism. of contemporary andtransformation as a reinterpretation his arguments Butthissurelycannotbe thecase,forSpinozanotonlyoffersa readingandbiblical to the hermeneutic applicableto the HebrewBiblebutalsoextendshis rereading that Smith maintains both. hermeneutic to his NewTestament, Moreover, applying of Judaismdespitethe additionalobvious the text proposesa transformation theTractatus fromreading thatJewswereexpresslyprohibited bytheterms objection of the AndSmithevenadmitsboththetimelessness of Spinoza'sexcommunication. audience workandalsoits DutchProtestant, 44, 54). (pp. politicallyrepublican Perhaps,then,Smithmerelymeansby his claimthatthe Tractatusaddresses theproblemof religioustolerance theJewishQuestionthatSpinozais addressing by tryingto conceptualizeand makea plea for a new type of polity in which citizenshipis granted,withoutprejudice,to membersof all religiousgroups,the

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Jewsbeingthe mostdifficultcase.But suchan enterprise couldnot focuson the transformation of Judaismas its centralproject,as Smithmaintains,butwould of thereligionof thedominant insteadhaveto addressessentiallythenarrowness group,namely,the Calvinistorthodoxy,andonly incidentally,or by extension, of Judaism Judaism. thatSpinozawouldbe aimingatthetransformation Moreover, couldnotbe reconciledwithfullfreedomof thought,anotheraimof thetreatise,if Jews were to be the objects but not the subjectsof their own religious It wouldseemthatSmithis conflatingaspectsof the influenceof transformation. the Tractatus uponlaterJewishthinkerswiththe intentionsof Spinozahimselfin Cohen thework.Thisis certainly howwemustunderstand Smith'scitingofHermann withtheesoteric, in supportof his owninterpretation of theexoteric(!), in contrast meaningof the text:"Spinoza'sprofessedintentionto liberatehis readersfrom Hisbiblicalcriticism to liberatethemfromJudaism. is inrealityanattempt prejudice is of the JewishBibleonly"(p. 55)-a claimCohensurelyknew(evenif Smith doesnot)to be literallyfalse,if truein somesenseto the influenceof apparently Jews. SpinozauponlaterGerman of the Steven Smith's careless and systematicallybiased interpretation weaknesses. I two be Tractatus First, can, believe, explained pervasivescholarly by SmithreadsSpinozavia laterJewishthinkers(Cohen,Levinas,Fackenheim) who, andreligiously,tookhimon withoutany stronglyopposedto himphilosophically intentionof providinganunbiasedandcompleteaccountof whathe actuallysaid; theirpurposeswas to combata pervasiveand amorphousSpinozismamong Jewsasmuchas,orevenmorethan,theactualphilosophyof Spinoza. modernizing of thetextby a self-serving,circulardeployment Smithjustifiesthisinterpretation divisioninthetext.Second,andthisis claimto anexoteric/esoteric of a Straussian shunstheEthicsandas a resultfallsinto alsoa fatalproblem,Smithsystematically to anyonewho has that are the Tractatus of implausible glaringly interpretations somefacilitywithSpinoza'srigorousphilosophicthought. Smithis simplywrongwhenhe maintains(andfollowsas a methodological did fromtheEthics."Spinoza of theTractatus thecompleteindependence principle) of politicsfroma set of metaphysicalpremises not develophis understanding derived;insteadhe developedit froma studyof biblicalnarrative independently whichlayersof the textof the andhistory"(p. xv). Onesimplycannotdetermine andwhichembodya truerationalstandpoint Tractatus assuagepopularsensibilities

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withoutknowingthe Ethics.And thus Smithmakesthe astoundingclaimthat of reasonandtheologymandatesa hard-andSpinoza'sprincipleof theseparation fastdistinction, Kant,"betweena practicalreasonoperativein moral "anticipating and politicalaffairswhich is underdiscussionin the Tractatusand a purely theoretical scientificreasonwhichis thesubjectof theEthics(p.82).Nothingcould be further fromthetruth,as anystudentof theEthicsknows,andasthework'svery titlebetrays.Spinoza'sclaimof theidentityof bodyandmind(El p1), affectand idea(E3GeneralDefinitionof theEmotions),makesimpossible,accordingto any thetranscendence of theoretical frompractical concerns,of plausibleinterpretation, the from is essence of man,"Spinozasays (E3 thinking desire---"Desire very Definitionof the Emotions1). And thus the Tractatuscannotbe, as Smith maintains,a book aboutpracticalreasonandthe Ethicsa book abouta purely theoreticalreasonbecausethe two are not separableaccordingto any of the standardor even plausiblereadingsof Spinoza'sphilosophy.Thusthe central philosophicclaim of Spinoza,Liberalismand the QuestionofJewish Identity--that

the Tractatusnarratesthe triumphof the progressof practicalreasonover the of ancienttradition(pp.83, 87)--fails. authority of anancient Smithseemsto be drivenby animageof Spinozaas "betray[er] is It the "defiler of Judaism" and tradition" simplynottruethat (p. 17). (p. xviii) (p. 17)or "Spinozadoesnotceasefromcarryingouta scathingattackon Judaism" of theancientHebrew evenontheHebrewBible.(See, e.g., Spinoza'sdescription republicas, at its inception,a perfectmodel democracy,in TTP,17.) Smith's of Judaismis flatandunnuanced (see,e.g.,pp.99, 204)andattimes understanding simplymistaken(e.g.,his suggestionthattherewardforobediencetothemitzvotis of Maimonides'doctrineof prophecy immortality, p. 99), as is his interpretation naturalistic of reduction knowledgeto thefacts prophecyandprophetic ("Spinoza's of thatsubject of humanpsychologyis clearlyanattackonthecanonicaltreatment by Maimonides"[p. 92, emphasisadded]). Smith is also motivatedby a eversinceits agenda:"TheJewishQuestionhashauntedmodernity postmodemist It vivid the human remains the most form of or Other, diversity,with inception. whichliberalsocietyhaslaboredto cometo terms"(p.xiv). Spinozais castasthe villainwhoseaimis to effacethe Othernessof the Otheras a sacrificeto liberal inwaging Yetthereoughtto be somediscomfortforthepostmodemist democracy. anattackuponthisiconof marginalization. as well be castas a could Spinoza just

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hero,for(asLennGoodman recentlypointedout)he setouttohealthe postmodern of mindandbody,reasonandemotion,freedomanddeterminism, idealand rupture real.WhatStevenSmithhasclearlyshown,paradoxically, is thatSpinozacontinues to figurepowerfullyin Jewishconsciousnessandthathis worksare still alive enoughto scandalize(orinspire)us. ButhowJewsandJudaism figurein Spinoza's and thanSteven deserve better treatment generalphilosophicthought political Smith's Spinoza,Liberalismand the QuestionofJewish Identity.

HeidiM.Ravven Hamilton College NewYork Clinton, Louis E. Newman.Past Imperatives:Studies in the History and TheoryofJewish

Ethics.Albany:StateUniversityof New YorkPress,1998.283 pp. In 1921,a casewas decidedby theNew YorkCourtof Appealsthataddedto thefameof itschiefjudge,BenjaminCardozo,whowrotetheopinionforthecourt. Twocousinswereridingon a train.Oneof themfell fromthe train,the doorsof whichhadbeenleftopen,andtheotherjumpedoffto rescuehim.Themanwhofell waskilled;thewould-berescuer,injured,suedtherailroadcompanyfordamages. Therailroaddefendeditselfby claimingthattheplaintiffhadactedas a volunteer andassumedthe hazardsof his action.Cardozoupheldthe plaintiffs claimand statedthatthe companyshouldhaveforeseenthat"dangerinvitesrescue."' Today,in somestates,the plaintiffin a case of the samekindwouldhavea legal dutyto seek to help his cousin.UnderGoodSamaritanlaws, dangernot onlyinvitesbutcompelsrescue.Whatwas a moraldutyhasbecomea legalduty. intoitselftheindividual'smoralconscience.So,too,to Thelawhasincorporated in Americanlaw,under cite anotherexampleof thisveryinterestingdevelopment theAmericanswithDisabilitiesAct of 1990,disabledpersonshavea civil right notto be discriminated againstbecausetheyarelameorblindor sufferingfrom any otherdisability.By adoptionof this law, Congressconverteda moralduty into a legal duty.An employerneed not consulthis consciencebut ratherhis lawyerregardinghis obligations. 1. Wagnerv. Intern.RailwayCo.,232N. Y. 176(1921).

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Milton R. Konvitz Source: AJS Review, Vol. 25, No. 1 (2000 - 2001), pp. 129-131 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1566666 . Accessed: 17/07/2011 04:45 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

REVIEWS BOOK

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hero,for(asLennGoodman recentlypointedout)he setouttohealthe postmodern of mindandbody,reasonandemotion,freedomanddeterminism, idealand rupture real.WhatStevenSmithhasclearlyshown,paradoxically, is thatSpinozacontinues to figurepowerfullyin Jewishconsciousnessandthathis worksare still alive enoughto scandalize(orinspire)us. ButhowJewsandJudaism figurein Spinoza's and thanSteven deserve better treatment generalphilosophicthought political Smith's Spinoza,Liberalismand the QuestionofJewish Identity.

HeidiM.Ravven Hamilton College NewYork Clinton, Louis E. Newman.Past Imperatives:Studies in the History and TheoryofJewish

Ethics.Albany:StateUniversityof New YorkPress,1998.283 pp. In 1921,a casewas decidedby theNew YorkCourtof Appealsthataddedto thefameof itschiefjudge,BenjaminCardozo,whowrotetheopinionforthecourt. Twocousinswereridingon a train.Oneof themfell fromthe train,the doorsof whichhadbeenleftopen,andtheotherjumpedoffto rescuehim.Themanwhofell waskilled;thewould-berescuer,injured,suedtherailroadcompanyfordamages. Therailroaddefendeditselfby claimingthattheplaintiffhadactedas a volunteer andassumedthe hazardsof his action.Cardozoupheldthe plaintiffs claimand statedthatthe companyshouldhaveforeseenthat"dangerinvitesrescue."' Today,in somestates,the plaintiffin a case of the samekindwouldhavea legal dutyto seek to help his cousin.UnderGoodSamaritanlaws, dangernot onlyinvitesbutcompelsrescue.Whatwas a moraldutyhasbecomea legalduty. intoitselftheindividual'smoralconscience.So,too,to Thelawhasincorporated in Americanlaw,under cite anotherexampleof thisveryinterestingdevelopment theAmericanswithDisabilitiesAct of 1990,disabledpersonshavea civil right notto be discriminated againstbecausetheyarelameorblindor sufferingfrom any otherdisability.By adoptionof this law, Congressconverteda moralduty into a legal duty.An employerneed not consulthis consciencebut ratherhis lawyerregardinghis obligations. 1. Wagnerv. Intern.RailwayCo.,232N. Y. 176(1921).

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I cite these examplesfromAmericanlaw; LouisE. Newman,professorof atCarleton College,examinesa religionanddirectorof theJudaicStudiesProgram in Jewishmoralandlegalthought.The firstchapterof his similarphenomenon in the interesting, provocativebookis entitled"Law,Virtue,andSupererogation Oneof themost TheProblemof LifnimMishuratHadinReconsidered." Halakha: familiarpassagesin the liturgyfor the morningserviceis the passagefromthe Mishnah(Peah,chap.1)statingthatamongthethingswhichhaveno fixedmeasure (i.e., by enactmentof the law) are"thecornersof the field, ... the practiceof charity."In otherwords,afterfulfillingwhatthe law requiresas to leavingthe cornersof his fieldforthepoor,andthepracticeof charity,theownermayenlarge theportionof his fieldforthepoorandincreasethe amountof his charity,acting lifnimmi-shuratha-din, "beyondthe line of the law."

NewmanquotesnumerousexamplesfromtheTalmudthatatleastsuggestthe ha-dinis reallyoutsideof the questionof whetheranactionthatis lifnimmi-shurat dinoris required requirea personto actas a Good by the din.Does theHalakhah Aftera very careful or does it view such actionas supererogatory? Samaritan, thatthe issue concludes Newman and biblical of the talmudic passages, analysis cannotbe conclusivelyresolved."Tobe sure,"he writes,"noneof the sources speaksdirectlyto the questionat handand,in the absenceof directstatements thestatusof suchactions,we areleftto drawinferencesfromtheclaims concerning thataremade"(p. 35). Theendresultis thatsometalmudicsourcessuggestthat lifnimmi-shuratha-dinis obligatoryandsomesuggestit is optional.Althoughthe is inconclusive,it was eminentlyworthmaking. author'sdetailedinvestigation of thediversesourcesin classicalJudaism Similarly,Newman'sexamination on the questionof whetherthere is a naturallaw doctrinein Judaismends inconclusively,but his analysisof the texts and the argumentsthatthey have to thedebatemadebyLeo He considersthecontributions is exceptional. generated Strauss,MarvinFox, Josef Fuchs,MichaelLevine,DavidNovak, Jos6 Faur, BernardS. Jackson,andJ. DavidBleich. DouglasKnight,StevenSchwarzschild, He Newmanputshis ownconclusionon the questionmodestlyas a "suggestion." law in Judaism seesthequestionof whetherornotthereis a beliefinnatural against thetensionbetweenrevelationandcreation,a tensionwhich,he says,"precludes law tonatural thatJudaismeitheris oris nothospitable anysimplepronouncements of virtue God to in a Israel stands by uniquerelationship thinking.The factthat

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divine revelationis balancedby a recognitionthat all humankindstandsin to Godby virtueof divinecreation" relationship (p. 138). Newman'sbookis a richstorehouse of scholarship andindependent thoughton issues to Jewish the fundamental ethics, including many important relating fromuniversal, question:Whatdoesit meanto speakof Jewish,as differentiated ethics?PastImperatives is notatextbook,nota bookforanintroductory courseon Jewishethics;it is a bookforaccomplished scholarsin Jewishthought,forfellow devotedto a studyof Judaismin depth. theologiansandphilosophers MiltonR.Konvitz CornellLawSchool Ithaca,New York

DavidAssaf. Derekhha-malkhut: R. Yisra'elme-Ruz'inu-mekomobe-toledot The and Timesof R. Israelof Ruzhin].Jerusalem: ha-Hasidut[Regal Way: Life MerkazZalmanShazar,1997.(Hebrew). aroundthe thatallof Hasidism"centers EversinceGershom Scholem'sremark of theHasidicsaint... [and]personality takesthe placeof doctrine" personality the call in Jewish has been rife for critical Trends Mysticism,p. 344), (Major the The of dominant of Hasidism. authorof this review figures biographies publishedsucha workon RabbiNa~manof Bratslavin 1979andmorethanonce consideredgoingon to treatotherfiguresin the historyof Hasidismin a similar manner(my nextcandidatewas to havebeenLevi Yigbaqof Berdichev).I was stoppedfromdoingso, as othershavebeen,becauseof the natureof the sources: the absenceof biographical materialsin the collectionsof earlyprintedHasidic and intentof theHasidiclegends. the lateness obvioushagiographic and teachings, is of there in Because these factors, key issues of greatdifficulty determining theverythingScholemwouldhavehadus seek,onthebasisof reliable personality, mereretelling truthfromlegendandhistoryfromanother sources,andin separating of well-knownHasidictales. Now DavidAssafhassteppedforwardandtakenup thetask.Wiselyhe has writingon RabbiIsraelof Ruzhin(1796-1850), leapedforwardby a generation, one of the best-knownandmostcontroversial figuresin Hasidism.This greatof of themaggidDovBaer Miedzyrzec (1704?-1772),thevirtualfounder grandson

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Arthur Green Source: AJS Review, Vol. 25, No. 1 (2000 - 2001), pp. 131-133 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1566667 . Accessed: 17/07/2011 04:45 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

BOOK REVIEWS

131

divine revelationis balancedby a recognitionthat all humankindstandsin to Godby virtueof divinecreation" relationship (p. 138). Newman'sbookis a richstorehouse of scholarship andindependent thoughton issues to Jewish the fundamental ethics, including many important relating fromuniversal, question:Whatdoesit meanto speakof Jewish,as differentiated ethics?PastImperatives is notatextbook,nota bookforanintroductory courseon Jewishethics;it is a bookforaccomplished scholarsin Jewishthought,forfellow devotedto a studyof Judaismin depth. theologiansandphilosophers MiltonR.Konvitz CornellLawSchool Ithaca,New York

DavidAssaf. Derekhha-malkhut: R. Yisra'elme-Ruz'inu-mekomobe-toledot The and Timesof R. Israelof Ruzhin].Jerusalem: ha-Hasidut[Regal Way: Life MerkazZalmanShazar,1997.(Hebrew). aroundthe thatallof Hasidism"centers EversinceGershom Scholem'sremark of theHasidicsaint... [and]personality takesthe placeof doctrine" personality the call in Jewish has been rife for critical Trends Mysticism,p. 344), (Major the The of dominant of Hasidism. authorof this review figures biographies publishedsucha workon RabbiNa~manof Bratslavin 1979andmorethanonce consideredgoingon to treatotherfiguresin the historyof Hasidismin a similar manner(my nextcandidatewas to havebeenLevi Yigbaqof Berdichev).I was stoppedfromdoingso, as othershavebeen,becauseof the natureof the sources: the absenceof biographical materialsin the collectionsof earlyprintedHasidic and intentof theHasidiclegends. the lateness obvioushagiographic and teachings, is of there in Because these factors, key issues of greatdifficulty determining theverythingScholemwouldhavehadus seek,onthebasisof reliable personality, mereretelling truthfromlegendandhistoryfromanother sources,andin separating of well-knownHasidictales. Now DavidAssafhassteppedforwardandtakenup thetask.Wiselyhe has writingon RabbiIsraelof Ruzhin(1796-1850), leapedforwardby a generation, one of the best-knownandmostcontroversial figuresin Hasidism.This greatof of themaggidDovBaer Miedzyrzec (1704?-1772),thevirtualfounder grandson

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of Hasidismas a historicalmovement,is thefiguremostassociatedwiththegrand style affectedby certainHasidicrebbes:the "court"fashionedafterthatof the Polishnobleman,a life-styleadornedby goldandsilvervessels,andhigh-handed treatmentof his followersas near-servants. R. Israel,who left no collectionof wasalsoreputedto havebeen teachingsinprintandverylittleintheoraltradition, innocentof anyrealcontactwithTorahlearning.Thereareeventraditions thathe was able to writehis name only with difficulty,and the maskilimof his day whisperedloudlythathe was essentiallyan illiterate. R. Israelwasinvolvedin a greatscandalthatbrought himtotheattention of the tsaristauthorities; he wasarrested,andafterhisreleasefledacrosstheborderfrom Russiato Austria.In 1836 two Jewishinformantsto the Russiangovernment fromthe areaaroundNovo-Ushytsia,a townnotfarfromKamenetzdisappeared Podolsk.Thesewerethedaysof NicholasI, notoriousforthecantonistconscription of childrenintolong-termarmyservice.Jewstookvariousillegalactionsto protect theirchildren,includingkeepingthementirely"offthebooks"of thegovernment's records,thusfreeingthemfrompaymentof taxesas well as armyservice.Sucha climatebroughtforthinformants, andJewishcommunities paidby theauthorities, morethanoncetookcareof suchtraitorsby causingtheirquietdisappearance. This time,however,thematterbecamepublic,andR. Israel,thegreatHasidicauthority of theregion,was accusedof havingpermitted theirmurder. Fromthehistorian'spointof view, all thisis terriblyhelpful.ItmeansthatR. Israelappearssignificantlyin Russianarchivalsources,documentsthatwerenot subjectto hagiographicenhancement by generationsof disciples.Thereis also andmemoirsof muchdiscussionof thishighlypublicizedeventin correspondence theera,a gooddealof it by maskilimaswell asHasidim.Thewealthandvarietyof documentation happilyled Assaf to decidethatthe Rizhinerwas indeeda good candidatefora criticalbiography. Theresultof thisdecisionis a finelycraftedworkthatshowsR. Israelin the contextof his family(theamountof genealogicaldetail,somethingwellpreserved Hasidim,is staggeringhere),the Hasidicmovementat the by yihus-concerned of its height power, and the struggleagainstthe Haskalah,all againstthe of thetragicsituationof Jewryin the Russiaof NicholasI. Assafis a background scholarwho knowshow to managevast bits of detailbut also how to fit them and togetherin a coherentandplausiblewhole.TheRizhinerandhispredecessors

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immediatesuccessorsin the dynastycalledby his namearefreedbothfromthe derisionof maskilim(downto Scholem,whowrotethat"Israelof Rishin,the socalledRabbiof Sadagora, is to putit bluntly,nothingbutanotherJacobFrankwho hasachievedthemiracleof remaininganorthodoxJew"[MajorTrends,p. 337]) andfromthe extremedefensivenessof everyonewhohaswrittenabouthimfrom withintheHasidictradition. Inthecourseof readingthisfascinating we biography, learnsomenew factsaboutthe complexityof Jewishlife in thosetimes.Nothing leapedout so sharplyto me as the knowledgethatthe Rizhinerlent financial of RussianJewry,whoturnsout to JudahBaerLevinsohn, thearch-maskil support to havebeenhis relative! Thebestthingaboutthisbookis thatAssafmakesnopretentious claimtohave solvedtheproblemof howto uselegendarysourcesforthegrainsof historicaltruth thattheyso oftencontain.Wheneverpossible,he backsuptale-basedclaimswith sourcesof anotherkind.Whenhe cannotdue so, he looksat the frequencywith He considersits believability,ponders whicha motifoccursin thetaleliterature. nonhistorical motivesthatwritersmighthave had for sayingit, and proceeds cautiouslyforward.Sometimeshe addsa "Hasidictraditiontells us" when he knowshe is onthinice. Thisis especiallytrueregarding theearlyyearsof R. Israel andthe accountsof his fatherandgrandfather. Assafhas usedthe only possible methodforsiftingamongthe sources,thatof commonsense.He hasdoneso with a first-rate Letus hopethatotherswill now greatsuccessandproduced biography. followhis lead. Arthur Green Brandeis University

Massachusetts Waltham,

IssacharBen-Ami. Saint VenerationAmong the Jews in Morocco. RaphaelPatai

Detroit:WayneStateUniversity SeriesinJewishFolkloreandAnthropology. Press, 1998.388 pp. IssacharBen-Ami'slatestbookon saintvenerationin Moroccois the most Jewishfolklore.Basedlargely hithertoonMaghribi workpublished comprehensive overthepastdecadeandonreliablesecondary on fieldresearchconducted sources, it includesanexhaustivelistof 656 saints,twenty-fiveof themwomen.PartI of the

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Michael M. Laskier Source: AJS Review, Vol. 25, No. 1 (2000 - 2001), pp. 133-137 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1566668 . Accessed: 17/07/2011 04:46 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

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133

immediatesuccessorsin the dynastycalledby his namearefreedbothfromthe derisionof maskilim(downto Scholem,whowrotethat"Israelof Rishin,the socalledRabbiof Sadagora, is to putit bluntly,nothingbutanotherJacobFrankwho hasachievedthemiracleof remaininganorthodoxJew"[MajorTrends,p. 337]) andfromthe extremedefensivenessof everyonewhohaswrittenabouthimfrom withintheHasidictradition. Inthecourseof readingthisfascinating we biography, learnsomenew factsaboutthe complexityof Jewishlife in thosetimes.Nothing leapedout so sharplyto me as the knowledgethatthe Rizhinerlent financial of RussianJewry,whoturnsout to JudahBaerLevinsohn, thearch-maskil support to havebeenhis relative! Thebestthingaboutthisbookis thatAssafmakesnopretentious claimtohave solvedtheproblemof howto uselegendarysourcesforthegrainsof historicaltruth thattheyso oftencontain.Wheneverpossible,he backsuptale-basedclaimswith sourcesof anotherkind.Whenhe cannotdue so, he looksat the frequencywith He considersits believability,ponders whicha motifoccursin thetaleliterature. nonhistorical motivesthatwritersmighthave had for sayingit, and proceeds cautiouslyforward.Sometimeshe addsa "Hasidictraditiontells us" when he knowshe is onthinice. Thisis especiallytrueregarding theearlyyearsof R. Israel andthe accountsof his fatherandgrandfather. Assafhas usedthe only possible methodforsiftingamongthe sources,thatof commonsense.He hasdoneso with a first-rate Letus hopethatotherswill now greatsuccessandproduced biography. followhis lead. Arthur Green Brandeis University

Massachusetts Waltham,

IssacharBen-Ami. Saint VenerationAmong the Jews in Morocco. RaphaelPatai

Detroit:WayneStateUniversity SeriesinJewishFolkloreandAnthropology. Press, 1998.388 pp. IssacharBen-Ami'slatestbookon saintvenerationin Moroccois the most Jewishfolklore.Basedlargely hithertoonMaghribi workpublished comprehensive overthepastdecadeandonreliablesecondary on fieldresearchconducted sources, it includesanexhaustivelistof 656 saints,twenty-fiveof themwomen.PartI of the

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work(pp.13-196)is ananalysisanddescription of saintsin thecontextof Jewish andtheirgeographical locations.PartII life,includingphotosof saints'sanctuaries tales and (pp. 201-321) subsumesextensivedataon biographicalbackground, the on as well as the hillulot festivals the saints, legends (sing.hillulah): celebrating of a saint's death.Pages 322-88 presentinformation and datesof anniversary hillulot,a list of saintsaccordingto theirburialplaces,a glossary,a detailed andthe index. bibliography, Venerationof saintsis a universalphenomenonin bothmonotheisticand polytheisticcreeds.Thiswascertainlytrueof JewsandMuslimsinMoroccoaspart of theiridentity,andit continuedsubsequent to theMoroccan-Jewish to emigration Israel,France,and the Americas.Threedifferentgroupsof saints,knownas saddiqim,permeateBen-Ami'sstudy:localsaints,knownto andvenerated by the residentsof a specific village;regionalsaints,worshippedby populationsof ofJews,who saints,cherished villagesora wholecity;andnational bywidesegments flockedtotheirsanctuaries foraziyara("pilgrimage") hillulot. The thirdgroup during oftenincludedrabbisfromPalestinewhodiedduringtheirsojournin Morocco. Fromthe onset, Ben-Amiclarifiesthat his findingsdo not amountto a historicalstudy,nordoeshe grapplewiththe saints'historiesorpresumeto treat orscientificreligiousfields.Rather,his workis sociological,socio-psychological, anattemptto highlightthecentralmanifestations of saint folkloricanddescriptive, as exist is Jews. What a Moroccan todayamong emerges studyof worship they tales at hillulot the interestinglegendary extolling glory of sainthoodthrough the miraclesanddreams,andof practicesandceremonies thattakeplace.Moreover, and the and the institutions reflects economic situation, study organizations the saints'sanctuaries andburialsites. responsibleformaintaining Themajorityof Jewishsaintsdiscussedby Ben-Amiwererecognizedas such intheirlifetime.Perhaps onlyfollowingtheirdeath.Fewachievedsaintdistinction themostnotablecharacteristic of saintswastheexerciseof supernatural powersby performingmiracles,healing the sick (especiallythe epileptio),bestowing happinesson depressedanddesperate persons,andcuringmentalillness,infertility, andmiscarriage. Jewsbelievedthatwhilealive,as afterdeath,saintsmaintained in the fullcontrolovertheforcesof nature.Consequently, reveredsaintsappeared were dreamsof Jews(in Morocco,Israel,andelsewhere),andtheirsanctuaries visitedathillulot.

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suchinfluenceoverMoroccan Jews,thesaintswereperceivedas Manifesting intermediaries betweena petitionerandGod.As Ben-Amiremarks,althoughthe to thesaint,it is clearto everyonethatthesaintdoesno more requestis addressed thanaskof God.Inresponse,Godgiveswhatis askedforbecauseHecannotrefuse a saint.Andthepowerfulsaintshadfamilialties. Thebooklists severalbrothers, fathersandsons,grandfathers andgrandsons,evenmarriedcouples,all of whom status. Several families in Morocco,as in Israeland partsof the enjoysaintly boast several generationsof saints and their European/American diaspora, theAbihatsiras, mostprominently descendants, Pintos,andBen-Barukhs. In reality,the protectionaffordedto Morocco'sJewsin the precolonialera resultedfromdemarches beforethemakhzan (Sharifian by European government) likethe Jewishorganizations consuls,influential Jews,andinternational European AllianceIsra6liteUniverselle,whichin theearly1860sbeganoperatinga network of modem French-typeschools in the Moroccan-Jewish communities.The of thecolonialeraunderFrenchandSpanishprotection (1912)further inauguration the Jews. After Moroccowas andcommunal of bolsteredtheindividual all, security Jewish strife.1 a countryaffectedbytribaltensionsandArabo-Berber religio-ethnic in Muslim-Jewish legends,however,ascribeto livingsaintstheroleof arbitrators to the revered arbitrator's this both tradition, disputes.According partiesaccepted his or for These saintsare either curse out of his decisions, fearing respect powers. describedas the protectorsof the separateJewishresidentialquarters(mellahs). Somesaints,according toBen-Ami,inscribed effectivecharms,whileothersturned hostileMuslimsintodwarfs. in Ben-Ami'sassessmentof the complexJudeo-Muslim interrelationship precolonialandcolonialMoroccowithinthe frameworkof saintvenerationis to thatinaddition doubtlessthemostsignificant aspectofhis study.Itis noteworthy theirseparatesaints,JewsandMuslimsreveredas manyas 126saintsin common. saintworshipis analyzedhereas in no otherstudy Muslim-Jewish Comparative Whereas Muslimsaintswerevenerated heretofore. duringtheirlifetimes, published some of them endowedwith the baraka,or divinegift, as descendantsof the 1. On this point see: Michael M. Laskier, The Alliance Isradlite Universelle and the Jewish CommunitiesofMorocco, 1862-1962. Albany: State Universityof New York Press, 1983.

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or of marabouts(holymen)possessingsupernatural ProphetMuhammad powers, theirJewish counterparts did not acquiredivine status.Second,the physical of Jewishand Muslimsanctuarieswere quitedifferent,with the surroundings of Jewish saintsbeing modest,whereasthe Muslimsaints'tombsare graves elaboratelyadornedandbuiltin the style of a qubba-a squarewhiteplastered structurewith a domedroof. Whilethe mussem,the Muslimequivalentof the takesplace hillulah,is heldtwice a yearfor severaldays,the Jewishcelebration once a year.Duringtheirziyara,Muslimslight colorfulcandlesat the saint's the Jewsuse whiteones. sanctuary; BothJewsatthehillulahandMuslimsatthemussemengagein shehitah,the ritualslaughtering of animals(chickens,lambs,goats,cows,bulls),signifyingthe andtheirsaints.Furthermore, both expressionof solidaritybetweenthevenerators meat in their the a communal meal dishes hold sanctuaries, usuallyincluding groups andcouscous.ForMuslimsthemussemis anoccasionforprayer,singing,dancing, and deviationfromotherwiseforbiddenbehavior.Thus,for example,Muslim womendonotrefusea manandareexpectedto confertheirfavorson anyonewho of wildshootingaswell as asks.Muslimsalsoorganize"fantasias," performances roughshodhorseriding,while the crowdspursthe performerson. The sexual absentin hillulot. dimensionandthephysicalshowareconspicuously trendsamongMoroccanJewsdueto Frenchcolonial Despitemodernization andculturalinfluences,the cultof saintworshipsurvived.Moderntransportation Ben-Amiis athillulot.1 facilitatedtheincreasedparticipation andcommunications this loathed who of certain rabbis of the practicecomingat the anger cognizant He is correctin concludingthattheywererendered expenseof theirreputations. he doesnotdelvedeeplyinto the in powerless oppositionagainstit. Regrettably, life. communal Jewish of thisimportant Ben-Ami's Notwithstanding, component for studentsof MiddleEasternandNorthAfrican bookis highlyrecommended Fewwill folklore,andmayberegardedas satisfyingthehighestscholarlystandard.

1. Daniel J. Schroeterand Joseph Chetrit, "The Transformationof the Jewish Communityof Essaouirain theNineteenthandTwentiethCenturies,"in:HarveyE. Goldberg,ed., SephardiandMiddle EasternJewries:History& Culturein the ModernEra (Bloomington& Indianapolis:IndianaUniversity Press, 1996), p. 102.

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disagreethatthe authorranksas one of the foremostexpertson Jewishfolkloric traditions. Michael M.Laskier Ashkelon Ashkelon University, Collegeof Bar-Ilan

andBen-Gurion Universityof theNegev,Beer-Sheva, Israel JonathanFrankel.TheDamascusAffair: "RitualMurder,"Politics, and theJews in

1840.Cambridge: UniversityPress,1997.xv, 491 pp. Cambridge Jonathan Frankel'sfascinating, multifaceted accountof theDamascusaffairof 1840is a modelof empiricalresearchandreasonedanalysis.It shouldstandasthe definitiveworkon the subjectfor yearsto come.In producingthis remarkably archivesinEngland, France,the study,Frankelconsulteddiplomatic comprehensive from UnitedStates,andAustria,as well as memoirs,correspondence, newspapers acrossEurope,includingtheJewishpress,ideologicaltracts,andbothJewishand The book thatresultedfromthis long-termproject non-Jewishhistoriography. intomodemEuropean of levels. It is a probinginvestigation on a number operates in the MiddleEast,an accountof Jewish"interest" diplomacy(andimperialism) of in Europe,and an analysisof the transmutations politics Emancipation-era culture. medievalprejudicein post-Enlightenment The Damascusritual murderaccusationsurfacedin the wake of the monkof (andpresumedmurder)of FatherThomas,anItalian-born disappearance the (French)Capuchinorder,togetherwithhis assistant,IbrahimAmara.In the murder" newsspreadquicklyof a "ritual by perpetrated city'sChristian community, of a Jews,butinthenormalcourseof eventsthis"culturally specific"construction criminaleventwouldnotlikelyhavebeentolerated-letaloneencouraged-inthe Ottomanempire.Two factorsimpingeduponthe Ottomanauthoritiesto wrest controlof the situationfromtheirhandsand,ultimately,to shift the centerof gravityof the DamascusaffairfromAsia to Europe.The firstwas the FrankoTurkish Frenchdiplomatic agentstherightto protect treatyof 1740,whichawarded The second the lands. in Ottoman RomanCatholicclergy complicatingfactor consistedof the factthatat the timethe empirehadessentiallybeendividedinto two parts,andthesultanwasnotableto exertpoliticalcontrolovergreaterSyria.

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Hillel J. Kieval Source: AJS Review, Vol. 25, No. 1 (2000 - 2001), pp. 137-142 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1566669 . Accessed: 17/07/2011 04:46 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

BOOKREVIEWS

137

disagreethatthe authorranksas one of the foremostexpertson Jewishfolkloric traditions. Michael M.Laskier Ashkelon Ashkelon University, Collegeof Bar-Ilan

andBen-Gurion Universityof theNegev,Beer-Sheva, Israel JonathanFrankel.TheDamascusAffair: "RitualMurder,"Politics, and theJews in

1840.Cambridge: UniversityPress,1997.xv, 491 pp. Cambridge Jonathan Frankel'sfascinating, multifaceted accountof theDamascusaffairof 1840is a modelof empiricalresearchandreasonedanalysis.It shouldstandasthe definitiveworkon the subjectfor yearsto come.In producingthis remarkably archivesinEngland, France,the study,Frankelconsulteddiplomatic comprehensive from UnitedStates,andAustria,as well as memoirs,correspondence, newspapers acrossEurope,includingtheJewishpress,ideologicaltracts,andbothJewishand The book thatresultedfromthis long-termproject non-Jewishhistoriography. intomodemEuropean of levels. It is a probinginvestigation on a number operates in the MiddleEast,an accountof Jewish"interest" diplomacy(andimperialism) of in Europe,and an analysisof the transmutations politics Emancipation-era culture. medievalprejudicein post-Enlightenment The Damascusritual murderaccusationsurfacedin the wake of the monkof (andpresumedmurder)of FatherThomas,anItalian-born disappearance the (French)Capuchinorder,togetherwithhis assistant,IbrahimAmara.In the murder" newsspreadquicklyof a "ritual by perpetrated city'sChristian community, of a Jews,butinthenormalcourseof eventsthis"culturally specific"construction criminaleventwouldnotlikelyhavebeentolerated-letaloneencouraged-inthe Ottomanempire.Two factorsimpingeduponthe Ottomanauthoritiesto wrest controlof the situationfromtheirhandsand,ultimately,to shift the centerof gravityof the DamascusaffairfromAsia to Europe.The firstwas the FrankoTurkish Frenchdiplomatic agentstherightto protect treatyof 1740,whichawarded The second the lands. in Ottoman RomanCatholicclergy complicatingfactor consistedof the factthatat the timethe empirehadessentiallybeendividedinto two parts,andthesultanwasnotableto exertpoliticalcontrolovergreaterSyria.

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Thisterritoryfell underthe controlof theviceroyof Egypt,Muhammed Ali, who had conqueredit in the precedingdecade;the governmentof France,in turn, workedto stabilizeAli's rulewith an eye to increasingits own influencein the region. Whatthesecircumstances meantatthelocallevelwasthattheFrenchconsulin de andthegovernor-general of Syria,SherifPasha, Count Damascus, Ratti-Menton, wouldteamupto investigateandprosecutetheapparent murder.Scoresof people were arrestedandbroughtto SherifPashafor questioning;interrogation under methodof inquiry.Inthe end,sixteenJewishmenstood torturewasthepreferred accusedof the murderof FatherThomasandhis servant.FourJewsdiedas the Oneconverted directresultof torturesinflictedinthecourseof theirinterrogations. to Islam.Whetherpredisposed ornotto thetheoryof a Jewishritualmurder,Rattiof eventsand Mentoncameto be a passionateadvocateof suchanunderstanding zealouslyprosecutedthe case as a ritualmurder.At the level of international relations,thecontestamongtheEuropean powersforinfluencein theMiddleEast the renderedAdolpheThiers,the premierof France,Clemensvon Metternich, of GreatBritain,actors Austrianchancellor,andLordPalmerston, foreignsecretary andJewsin in anotherwiseobscurecaseof communalconflictbetweenChristians a sleepyMiddleEasterncity.Thiers,headof thegovernment of thefirstcountryin choseto dismissthepleasof its Jewishpopulation, Europeformallyto emancipate FrenchJewishdignitariesand supporthis consulin Damascus.Palmerstonand Metternich,for their part, condemnedthe police investigationand trial as Theirlong-termgoal of justiceandtheaccusationitselfas irrational. miscarriages Ali fromgreaterSyriaandthe returnof was to effectthe retreatof Muhammed missionto theEast,ledbyMoses "Jewish" rule.A well-publicized directOttoman Montefioreof Englandand Adolphe Cremieuxof France(two headstrong personalitieswho fairly despisedeach other),producedmodestresultsin the summerof 1840;it was only in lateAugust,withBritishandAustrianwarships cruisingoff the coast of Alexandria,thatthe Egyptianviceroyannouncedthe andMontefiore's releaseof the survivingprisoners.He refusedCr6mieux request for a firman declaringthe ritualmurderchargeto be "libelousand without fromthe foundation," althoughMontefioreeventuallydidobtainsucha statement, sultanhimself,followingan audienceon the28h of October.

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FrankelsituatestheDamascusaffairwithinthelargerphenomenon of episodic "one of the sudden attacks in from time to time broke that crisis, many uponthe otherwiserelativelyregularlife of the Jews"(p. 1). Suchcrisesmightserveas to thebasicthemesof nineteenth-century Jewishhistory-typically counterpoints of around the momentsof "sudden organized process emancipation-presenting at a timewhen"long-term weresteadily discontinuity" patternsof development traditional ways of life"(p. 1). It is in analyzingsuchmomentsof transforming crisis,Frankelsuggests,thatone can ascertainsuch variablesas the extentof solidarityamongJews,thepoliticalmeanstheyhadattheirdisposal,thedegreeof theirinfluenceonpoliciesof state,theirstandinginpublicopinion,andtheirownsectionsof he structures thenarrative oftenconflicting-aspirations. Additionally, the book througha set of questionsthat includethe following:Was there a forceplanningandcoordinating theritualmurdercases?If not,how conspiratorial aretheyto be explained?WhatrolewasplayedbytheEuropean powersandtheir consuls?Along whatlines did the pressandpublicopiniondividein Europe? Finally,whatresponsesdidtheJewsof Europeofferto thereneweddissemination of theritualmurderaccusation,andto whateffect? Frankelrejectsthe notionthata conspiracyof somekindpropelledthe case againsttheJewsof Damascus.Thisis notto saythatthecasewasnot,in a veryreal behindthe scenes. butonlythattherewasno coordination sense,"manufactured," the the what what Rather, tipped scales, keptpushing governmentinvestigation waspressurefrom-of allplacesalong(evenafterit hadrunoutof enthusiasm) the Frenchconsulate.Countde Ratti-Menton relentlesslydemandedresults,and thatresultswereproduced" "made sure the SherifPasha, governorgeneral, (p. 51). Jewishreportageidentified Evencontemporary Thisis not a new interpretation. Ratti-Menton asthechiefvillainintheaffair.WhatFrankeladdsis ananalysisthat refusesthesolacethatcomesfroma one-sidedortriumphalist readingof anykind. of the to in case worked thedetriment the Trueenough,Ratti-Menton's intervention Buthiswashardlya lonevoice.Duringthemonthof DamascusJewishdefendants. the entire Christian communityof Damascus-rangingfrom the February, tothereligiousorders, of Greeks,andArmenians, indigenous population Maronites, and businessmen diplomats tothesmallpopulation (anumberof whom of European theritualmurderchargeagainsttheJews.Thereafter wereProtestant)-supported itselfrefusedto challenge,orevento question,theactions theFrenchgovernment

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of its consulin Syria,practicingattimesa studiedneutrality, or"agnosticism," on the theoreticalpossibilityof Jewishritualmurder,andat timeswarningFrench Jewishrepresentatives to ceasecomplainingaboutthe matter,lestthetruthabout theircoreligionists be revealed. At the sametime thatthe Frenchpremierwas actingin Paristo keep the Damascuscase alive, the Times of London-arguablythe most prestigious newspaperin the world-promoteda similarcourseof action.Uniqueamong Britishpapersin the extensivecoverageit devotedto eventsin Damascus,the Timeseditorialwriterstookthe positionin the summerof 1840that"theguiltor innocenceof theJews,thetruthorfalsehoodof theritual-murder hadto be charge," treatedas openquestions(p.207).Whileawaitingtheverdictof thejuryof opinion, theTimespublishedprodigiousamountsof materialonvariousaspectsof theaffair in Damascusas well as ontheritualmurderaccusationin general,determined, "in the interestsof objectivity," to give equalspaceto both"sides"of the argument. Thenewspaper wentso farin itspursuitof "objectivity" a Romanian asto translate tractfrom1803,whichit reproduced in its June25 editionundertheheadline:"A mystery,hithertoconcealedandnow publishedforthe firsttime,concerningthe andtheusethattheymakeof it, Hebrews,thebloodthattheytakefromChristians, withproofsfromtheHoly Scriptures." Thebehaviorof suchrepresentatives of Westernliberalismas Thiers,RattiMenton,andthe Timesunderlinesa centralparadoxatthe heartof theDamascus affair.As Frankelexplains,to the extentthattraditional politicsandtraditional structuresof authoritywere allowed to express themselves,they generally intervenedin sucha way as to silence,or delegitimize,the accusationof Jewish theheadof theVienna TheOttomansultan,theAustrianchancellor, ritualmurder. branchof the Rothschildbankingfamily(who assumedthe role of shtadlanin withtheAustrianauthorities), and, negotiations pursuingquiet,behind-the-scenes eventually,the Egyptianviceroy,respondedto the "event"of a ritualmurderin a to discredit. MiddleEasterncitywithanimpulseto disbelieveanda determination and"progress." Theone Thesamecannotbe saidfor the forcesof "modernity" is offeredbytheBritishforeignsecretary, exceptionto thisreversalof expectations LordPalmerston, reactedwithderisionto thesuggestionthat who,likeMetternich, Jewsperformed ritualmurderon Christians.

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The difficulty,of course,lies in explainingthese counterintuitive results. Frankel'sapproach is to considereachcaseindividually. Thiers'sbehaviorappears to have been dictatedby expediency;he was preparedto follow any strategy, deployanytactic,thatwouldpromotethe interestsof Francein thismatter.And thoseinterests,linkedas theywereto thestabilityof Muhammed Ali's regimein withRatti-Menton aswell.InFrankel's viewit is Syria,seemedto requiresolidarity to whether or not Thiers in fact believed it when he impossible say suggestedto Jamesde Rothschildthat,in the MiddleAges at least,the Jews were fanatical bloodforPassover.Theimportant enoughto haverequiredChristian pointis that Thierschosepurposefully to makethe statement,as a tacticdesignedto puthis Jewishcriticsoff balance.As to thebehaviorof theTimes,Frankeloffersa number of possibilities: theoppositionof manyToriesto theemancipation of theJews,the to Palmerston and for paper'shostility consequent sympathy France,the desireto the exploit "salesvalue"of a sensational story,andthedecision(asFrankelputsit, in languagethatunfortunately lacksprecision)to "givesomeadequateoutletto undercurrents of opinionotherwisehiddenfromsight"(p. 207). Thelengthof the listhintsat the difficultyin choosinga plausiblemotive.Frankelrarelyoffersan thatstrikeshimashypothetical. explanation Stayingcloseto hissources,he deploys an empiricism thatis botha strengthanda weaknessof the book.He maybe at painsto explainexactlywhythe Timeschoseto pursuethetypeof coveragethatit thistypeofjournalism servedasa did,buthe doeslightupona crucialobservation: to not a a of liberal, precursor (if precedentfor) type post-Enlightenment in modemritualmurderdiscoursethatactuallypromoted, intervention ratherthan attacked,theconceptualviabilityof theaccusation. Whatconclusionsareto be drawnfromthe eventas a whole?In Frankel's view, his findings both confirm and underminethe conventionalliberal of the Damascusaffair(as formulated,for example,by Heinrich interpretation the bondsthatunited thatin the endstrengthened Graetz)as a "doubletriumph" Jewsaroundtheworldevenas it gavethelie, onceandforall,to theaccusationof Itis undeniable, Frankelargues,thatJewsacrossCentraland Jewishritualmurder. WesternEuropemobilizedto meetthechallengeandachieveda remarkable degree of politicalcoordination. But it is equallyapparentthatJewishdignitarieslike to have andCr6mieux failedto achieveoneof theirprincipleobjectives: Montefiore theverdictsof ritualmurder and "formally conclusivelydisproved" (p.433).Infact,

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Frankelconcludes,it is doubtfulthatWesternopiniondid,in fact,rallyto theside of the Jews eitherduringor becauseof the Damascusaffair.As he puts it, the of the eventquicklyshiftedfromthe MiddleEastto Europe,where "epicenter" Jews foundthemselves-unexpectedly-to be on the politicaland rhetorical defensive.A particular formof socialknowledgeaboutJews,whichinthepasthad been brandedas superstitionby liberaldiscourse,had "comebackto haunt," the publicstandingof Jewsin Europeansocieties,"theircivil rights endangering (existingorprospective),andeventheirphysicalsafety"(p. 439). Thehistoricalsignificanceof the Damascusaffair,then,ultimatelylies in its power to undermineexpectations(both ours and those of the affair's Thepastimposeditselfonthefuture;myth modernity. contemporaries) concerning andreceivedwisdomovertookrationality;"reactionary" regimesdefendedthe and states and social of organsof opinion rights standing Jews;"progressive" offeredno comfort.To beginto explainwhythis shouldhavebeenso would,I of thediscourseof Jewish think,requiremoreanalysisof thecultural underpinnings ritualmurderat mid-century thanFrankelis willingto engagein. His onechapter and Myth"does providea foray into the entitled"BetweenHistoriography the concerning fascinating plausibility-indeed,theattractiveness--ofthis question culturalconstructamongEuropeanelites, but it standsalone and somewhat andthematicsections.Yet,it seemsto fromthebook'sothernarrative disconnected rhetorical eliteandpopularopinion, structures, me,it is preciselyissuesconcerning to one to that needs and juxtapose claims about cynical scholarship, myth andraisond'dtatif one is to explainthe perplexingbehaviorof the pragmatism inthiscuriousaffair.Thisis theonequalitythatFrankel'sexcellent "progressives" a lacks: study satisfyingblendingof politicalandculturalanalysis.On all other levels,theworkremainsa modelof historicalscholarship. HillelJ. Kieval

Washington University St.Louis,Missouri Edna Nahshon. YiddishProletarian Theater: The Art and Politics of the Artef 1925-1940. Contributionsin DramaandTheaterStudies,No. 85. Westport,Conn.:

Greenwood Press,1998.xiv, 260 pp.

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Jacob Weitzner Source: AJS Review, Vol. 25, No. 1 (2000 - 2001), pp. 142-144 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1566670 . Accessed: 17/07/2011 04:46 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

REVIEWS BOOK

142

Frankelconcludes,it is doubtfulthatWesternopiniondid,in fact,rallyto theside of the Jews eitherduringor becauseof the Damascusaffair.As he puts it, the of the eventquicklyshiftedfromthe MiddleEastto Europe,where "epicenter" Jews foundthemselves-unexpectedly-to be on the politicaland rhetorical defensive.A particular formof socialknowledgeaboutJews,whichinthepasthad been brandedas superstitionby liberaldiscourse,had "comebackto haunt," the publicstandingof Jewsin Europeansocieties,"theircivil rights endangering (existingorprospective),andeventheirphysicalsafety"(p. 439). Thehistoricalsignificanceof the Damascusaffair,then,ultimatelylies in its power to undermineexpectations(both ours and those of the affair's Thepastimposeditselfonthefuture;myth modernity. contemporaries) concerning andreceivedwisdomovertookrationality;"reactionary" regimesdefendedthe and states and social of organsof opinion rights standing Jews;"progressive" offeredno comfort.To beginto explainwhythis shouldhavebeenso would,I of thediscourseof Jewish think,requiremoreanalysisof thecultural underpinnings ritualmurderat mid-century thanFrankelis willingto engagein. His onechapter and Myth"does providea foray into the entitled"BetweenHistoriography the concerning fascinating plausibility-indeed,theattractiveness--ofthis question culturalconstructamongEuropeanelites, but it standsalone and somewhat andthematicsections.Yet,it seemsto fromthebook'sothernarrative disconnected rhetorical eliteandpopularopinion, structures, me,it is preciselyissuesconcerning to one to that needs and juxtapose claims about cynical scholarship, myth andraisond'dtatif one is to explainthe perplexingbehaviorof the pragmatism inthiscuriousaffair.Thisis theonequalitythatFrankel'sexcellent "progressives" a lacks: study satisfyingblendingof politicalandculturalanalysis.On all other levels,theworkremainsa modelof historicalscholarship. HillelJ. Kieval

Washington University St.Louis,Missouri Edna Nahshon. YiddishProletarian Theater: The Art and Politics of the Artef 1925-1940. Contributionsin DramaandTheaterStudies,No. 85. Westport,Conn.:

Greenwood Press,1998.xiv, 260 pp.

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Yiddishtheaterplayed a centralrole in the culturallife of the Jewish terminated whocameto NewYorkintheyearsof massimmigration by immigrants theNationalOriginsAct of 1924.At its peak,the Yiddishtheaterin New York andartisticachievements. EdnaNahshon's equaledBroadwayin its commercial book dealswith a particularchapterin the historyof the Yiddishtheater,the theateror,as it becameknownby its acronym,Artef. leftist/communist fora basicunderstanding of the Thebookgivesus thenecessarybackground Jewishpoliticalmake-upof New Yorkin the yearsbetweenthe two worldwars. Nahshonexplainsthe linksbetweenthe variousJewishpartiesandthe different Yiddishtheatersin New Yorkatthattime. Whenit comesto theanalysisof theartof theArtef,however,thebookleaves failures. muchto be desired.Initsfifteenyears,theArtefproducesmostlytheatrical Nahshondoesnotemphasizeenoughthe strikingfactthatthetheaterfailedin the revolutionary playsfor whichit was created.She mentionstheirlackof success whichwouldbe the ideological withoutpointout theircommondenominator, thatoverridestheatricalviability.The communistheroesfailedto commitment audience.TheSovietimportsandthesocially appealevento thedevoutcommunist theaterfailedwhen engagedAmericanplaysfailed.Inotherwords,theproletarian classicYiddish from the so-called came with Success ittriedto beproletarian. plays or Sholem as Israel Axenfeld artists such Aleichem ("Recruits") by repertoire knownalsoas "TheJackpot"). ("200,000," Is a Thisraisesinterestingquestionsfor theaterscholarsandpractitioners. to doomed theater in terms? Is a contradiction theater everyideological proletarian suchas themedieval failure?Whyis it thatanotherdeeplyideologicalenterprise theatercaptured themindsandheartsof its audiencein a waythatthe communist theaterneverdid?Nahshonfailsto raisesuchfundamental questions,let alonetry to answerthem. Nahshon'sbook also fails to deal with the theatricalaspectof her subject andarticulating matter.Shehastroubledefiningthenatureof variousproductions thetoolsforsuchananalysisarenotevidentinthe theirstrengthsandweaknesses; book.Playsareneverstagedas written.A director,unlikea conductor,does not stickto thetextin frontof him.In fact,directorswritea secondtext,knownas a promptbook,andit is thepromptbookthatservesasthebasisfortheperformance. Nahshonnever thatin heranalysisof the variousproductions I findit surprising studiedthe promptbooksof the Artefproductions.Insteadshe relies on often questionable analysisdoneby othersin theirpressreviews.Herowncriticalvoice is curiouslyabsentfromthebook.

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Whenshe goes beyondthe critics,her analysisis often unsatisfying.For instance,whenwritingabouta certainArtefproduction,she refersto Richard of Wagnerwho,shemaintains,"aimedat liberatingthe stagefromthesupremacy thespokenword"(p. 51). Theoppositeis true.Wagnerbelievedin the supremacy of the German language and the Germanword. His very concept of Gesamtkunstwerk music.(This aimedatthefusionof theGerman wordandGerman is alsothereasonwhyhe advocatedtheelimination of theJewsas a non-Germanic elementthat standsin the way of such union.)Nahshonseems to ignorethe meaningof basictheatricalterms.Sherefersto BennoSchneider'ssuccessin the as a"directorial directionof "200,000"("TheJackpot") coupdetheatre" (p. 160).A in a de is a sudden turn and sensational play. Serious "coup theatre,"however, to avoid it. try playwrights The book containsa digest of press reviewsthat were part of the leftist sceneinNew YorkbetweenthetwoWorldWars.Inthatrespectthebook theatrical forreaderswho cannotreadtheYiddishtextsin providesinterestinginformation the original.EdnaNahshon'sbookremindsthemof the richnessof the Yiddish theatrical worldthatonce was. Fromthatpointof view it is certainlya welcome additionto the scholarlyliterature on the Jewishtheater. JacobWeitzner HunterCollege New York,New York RakhmielPeltz. From Immigrantto Ethnic Culture:American Yiddishin South

Philadelphia.Stanford:StanfordUniversityPress,1998.xix, 269 pp. butsomewhatshabbydistrict,anareawithits is a charming SouthPhiladelphia survivesin Jewishcommunity A hundred-year-old ownuniquestyleof architecture. TheJewishresidentsaretypicallyelderlyfirstwhatis nowa mixedneighborhood. Americans.RakhmielPeltz has written a study of and second-generation calledA in Yiddishthattookplaceata discussiongrouphe organized conversations Gleyzeletey("aglassof tea"),whereYiddishwasspokendespitethefactthat"most atleastin public,ordinarily Yiddishspeakersin SouthPhiladelphia, spokeEnglish" (p. 11). How does one describeYiddishconversationin a communitythatdoes not of conversein Yiddish?Theproblemwassolvedwiththeestablishment ordinarily in which A Gleyzeletey."Myintentionwasto helpcreatea comfortable atmosphere

Review: [untitled] Author(s): George Jochnowitz Source: AJS Review, Vol. 25, No. 1 (2000 - 2001), pp. 144-146 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1566671 . Accessed: 17/07/2011 04:46 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

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Whenshe goes beyondthe critics,her analysisis often unsatisfying.For instance,whenwritingabouta certainArtefproduction,she refersto Richard of Wagnerwho,shemaintains,"aimedat liberatingthe stagefromthesupremacy thespokenword"(p. 51). Theoppositeis true.Wagnerbelievedin the supremacy of the German language and the Germanword. His very concept of Gesamtkunstwerk music.(This aimedatthefusionof theGerman wordandGerman is alsothereasonwhyhe advocatedtheelimination of theJewsas a non-Germanic elementthat standsin the way of such union.)Nahshonseems to ignorethe meaningof basictheatricalterms.Sherefersto BennoSchneider'ssuccessin the as a"directorial directionof "200,000"("TheJackpot") coupdetheatre" (p. 160).A in a de is a sudden turn and sensational play. Serious "coup theatre,"however, to avoid it. try playwrights The book containsa digest of press reviewsthat were part of the leftist sceneinNew YorkbetweenthetwoWorldWars.Inthatrespectthebook theatrical forreaderswho cannotreadtheYiddishtextsin providesinterestinginformation the original.EdnaNahshon'sbookremindsthemof the richnessof the Yiddish theatrical worldthatonce was. Fromthatpointof view it is certainlya welcome additionto the scholarlyliterature on the Jewishtheater. JacobWeitzner HunterCollege New York,New York RakhmielPeltz. From Immigrantto Ethnic Culture:American Yiddishin South

Philadelphia.Stanford:StanfordUniversityPress,1998.xix, 269 pp. butsomewhatshabbydistrict,anareawithits is a charming SouthPhiladelphia survivesin Jewishcommunity A hundred-year-old ownuniquestyleof architecture. TheJewishresidentsaretypicallyelderlyfirstwhatis nowa mixedneighborhood. Americans.RakhmielPeltz has written a study of and second-generation calledA in Yiddishthattookplaceata discussiongrouphe organized conversations Gleyzeletey("aglassof tea"),whereYiddishwasspokendespitethefactthat"most atleastin public,ordinarily Yiddishspeakersin SouthPhiladelphia, spokeEnglish" (p. 11). How does one describeYiddishconversationin a communitythatdoes not of conversein Yiddish?Theproblemwassolvedwiththeestablishment ordinarily in which A Gleyzeletey."Myintentionwasto helpcreatea comfortable atmosphere

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conversation wouldbe thecentralactivity.Mymainpurposewasto unencumbered observe"(p. 44). Theconversations, thetextandprintedintheappendix, excerptedthroughout turnedoutto be extremelyinformative. Differentreaderswill finddifferentdatain thesedocuments, ontheirinterests.I wasstruckbythefactthatEnglish depending wordssuch as "but"and"never"hadcompletelyreplacedolderformssuchas Standard Yiddishoberandkeynmol nit. Borrowingis normalin language,and immigrant languagesareparticularly likelyto absorbwordsfromthesurrounding it not to find was in "chance,"and"discharge" community; surprising "papers," thereplacement of functionwords-adverbs, Yiddishconversation. Nevertheless, etc.-is unusual. conjunctions, prepositions, I suspectthatthedisappearance of grammatical words,wordsrelatingonepart of a sentenceto another,fromSouthPhiladelphia Yiddishreflectsthe factthat to a Yiddishwasno longerbeingusedas aneverydaylanguagebutwasrestricted In Peltz's few domains,generallyconnectedwithstorytelling andautobiography. embracedYiddishas a meansof daily words,"Veryfew childrenof immigrants communication. Rather,theyusedYiddishin a ritualizedmannerperiodicallyto ethnic identityandculturein a groupsetting"(p. 203). Yiddishin this express has community ceasedto functionasanall-purpose language.Englishcomesto the Letus considerthefollowingexampleof codeswitching: lipsmorespontaneously. "WhenItkeentered,I greetedherin Yiddish.She,however,approached YanklB. in English,andhe respondedin English,despitethe fact thathe hadjust been talkingto me in Yiddish"(p. 57). Yiddish,Peltztellsus, is a sourcelanguageforproverbsandfolkwisdom.On theotherhand,it is notbeingusedin new situations.Whena Russianimmigrant, Yiddishwasof nohelp."AttheCenter,althoughmanymembers Marye,appeared, withher.... Theydidnotview couldspeakYiddish,only a few communicated their own who shared as someone Europeanheritagewho had been Marye butas someone in their midst SouthPhiladelphia, in everyday miraculously placed AndMaryecouldnotunderstand whoshouldlearnto be American. whytherewas so muchtalkaboutYiddishat the Centerbutso few peoplefor herto speakto there"(p. 105). betweena firstlanguageanda nativelanguage?Manyof Is therea distinction Peltz'sinformants, includingsomeof thosebornin America,hadlearnedYiddish

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beforeEnglish.Yet Englishhadbecomemorespontaneous forthem.Therewas codeswitchingandtwo-wayborrowing, whichwasto be expected.Butwhatarewe to makeof "but"and"never"?Hasthe syntacticstructureof SouthPhiladelphia Yiddishbegunto weaken?Even the most fluentYiddishspeakersamongthe informants gavetheimpressionof beingmoreeloquentin English.HasEnglish,in effect, become everyone'snative language-the languagethat comes most andmosteffectivelyto the lips? spontaneously fromwhatis Jewsaredescendedfromimmigrants ManySouthPhiladelphia suchas toteand nowUkraine.TheirYiddishmayincluderegionalpronunciations, orgevin("been") momeinsteadof tateandmame,meaning"daddy" and"mommy," ratherthangevenorgeveyn.Thepreservation of theserelativelyrareformsreflects a natural,unstudied,authenticYiddish.Nevertheless,it is probablyalsoevidence thatYiddishwas primarilyspokenamongrelatives.Thereis a certainamountof dialectlevelingin the community, butless thanI wouldhaveexpected. Peltzis optimisticaboutthefutureofA Gleyzeletey:"Itbecameclearthatthe for this elementof joy associatedwith speakingYiddishandwith congregating (p.69).I wonderwhether purposeensuredthegroup'sexistenceanddevelopment" Yiddish The South is speakersdescribedhere loved Philadelphia joy enough. Yiddishbut had alreadyfailed to pass it on to the next generation.I founda wherethe children differentsituationin my own studyof a Hasidiccommunity, couldspeakYiddishon any subjectandin any situation.'Yiddishis one of the everydaylanguagesof a rapidlygrowingcommunity. Inanarticlein theForward,DovidKatzsuggeststhatsecularYiddishistsand Hasidimarenaturalallieswhenit comesto Yiddish.2Thematerialin Peltz'sbook suggeststhatlinguistically,as well as ideologically,this alliancemaynot be so obvious. George Jochnowitz

Collegeof StatenIsland StatenIsland,New York HasidicChildren,"American 1."Bilingualism andDialectMixtureAmongLubavitcher Speech43 182-200. (1968): Forward(June26, 1998). 2. DovidKatz,"TheYiddishof theFuture,"

Review: [untitled] Author(s): James S. Diamond Source: AJS Review, Vol. 25, No. 1 (2000 - 2001), pp. 147-149 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1566672 . Accessed: 17/07/2011 04:46 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

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DavidAberbach.RevolutionaryHebrew,Empireand Crisis:FourPeaks in Hebrew Literatureand Jewish Survival.New York:New YorkUniversityPress, 1998. xii,

164pp. Theperspectivetakenin this littlebookis, in the contextof criticalpractice Hebrewliterature is treated today,atoncequaintand,atthesametime,refreshing. here as a sociologicalphenomenon,a gauge and a productof a particular sociologicalsituationor condition.Perhapshis awarenessof how farhe is from contemporary praxisis whatpromptsAberbachto write:"To the best of my the knowledge, approachof this book andthe sum of its conclusionshave no on Hebrew"(p. ix). Sucha claimis at bestdebatable. precedentin the literature with the sweeping The compactnessof the discussionis incommensurate its main thesis: that "the main of Hebrew literature of priorto peaks expansiveness 1948werecloselylinkedto upheavalsintheempiresinwhichtheywerecreatedas theauthor well as to theculture[s]of theseempires"(p. 11).By Hebrewliterature belleslettresof themodemperiodbutthefullcorpusof meansnotonlyimaginative workswrittenin HebrewfrombiblicaltimesupuntilIsraelistatehood. Aberbach discernsfourmomentsinthehistoryof theJewswhentheempirein culturereacheda crisispointthatledto the whichtheywerelivinganditsdominant a collapseof boththeregimeandtheculture.Eachof thesemomentsprecipitated turninginwardof theJewsandtherebycatalyzedthecreationof a Hebrewliterature of unsurpassed originalityandartisticquality(i.e., formandcontent).The four Hebrew literatureare the propheticliteraturecreated as the "peaks"of empiresinwhichtheprophetslivedreachedtheirapogeeandbegan Mesopotamian to decline(750-500B.C.E.);therabbinicliterature, specificallytheMishnahand Roman createdas a responseandas a challengeto vulnerable theearlymidrashim, politicaland culturalhegemonyas it beganto disintegrate(66-200 C.E.);the Hebrewpoetry,secularand religious,writtenduringthe fall of the Umayyad worksproduced of Cordoba (1031-1140);andtherevivedHebrewliterary caliphate the caused the in tsaristRussiaduring upheaval by failingregime. waswrittenattimesandplacesotherthanthese,but Tobesure,Hebrewliterature it was thesefourcrisisperiodsthatled to distinctive"aesthetic leaps"in formand hasalso "Hebrew than other more content(p. 8) anddemonstrate literature, that, any beenanunusuallysensitiveantennaof globalupheaval" (p.26). "The inadvertently

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roleof Hebrewin Jewishsurvivalhelpsto explainthegeneralrelationship between dominant culturesandminorities, betweencrisis,nationalism andcreativity" (p. 11). As is evident,the approachis extrinsicand extraliterary. Formalisticissues of structure, language, style,andnarratology-thetechnicalthingsthatmakeliterature are Aberbach writesabout"Hebrew" not ontheagenda.Everywhere literary-these is asa cultural Hebrew characterized its product. "Throughouthistory, byambivalence towardthe empiresin whichit was written.... Morethanany otherlanguage, fromtheterrorand HebrewservedtheJewishpeopleas anaesthetic'safeterritory' of unstableimperialrule"(p. 25). disillusionment ? as encompassingboth This holisticview of the Hebrewliterarytradition modemsecularandbiblical,rabbinic,andmedievaltextsandworksis notnew.It goes back at least to Dov Sadan.Moreover,readingHebrewliteratureas a hasa venerabletraditioninthehistoryof Hebrewletters. sociologicalphenomenon H. N. Schapira,AvrahamKariv,SimonHalkin,BarukhKurzweil,andSadanall as Aberbachdoes;RobertAlteralsodidandat handledmodemHebrewliterature timescontinuesto do so. As forthe attemptthatAberbachmakeshereto pullthe entireHebrewliterarytradition,lengthyanddiverseas it is, intothe conceptual of oneunderlying, unifiedthesis-here, too, SadanandKurzweilhave framework "beenthereanddonethat,"albeitwiththesesdifferentfromAberbach's. Theauthormakessomeinterestingandimportant pointsas he traversesthis see theprophetsnotonlyas to It is, forexample,helpful broadhistoricalitinerary. thebearersof a distinctiveuniversalmessagethatdefinestheviabilityof a society readthem,butto whichis howwe customarily bythemoralfiberof its individuals, see themin the contextof the specificsocietyandempiresthey addressed.We the cometo realizethatintheiremphasisonmoraldiscipline,theprophets prepared the the halakhah made did when the rabbis before for Jewish exile they long way "portablehomeland."Similarlystrikingis the insightAberbachadducesfrom scholarswho have studiedthis matterthat "thereare manyparallelsbetween JudaismandStoicism,notleastbecauseStoicismdealswithmoralquestionswhich thananyotherphilosophy closerto Judaism arecentralto Judaismandis, therefore, in the ancientworld"(p. 86). The discussionof Hebrewpoetryin the Islamic empireis valuable,too. It makesit clearthatthe"goldenage"of Spainwasnotso goldenafterall. It was, we arereminded,a time of majorpoliticalandmilitary instability,andtheculturalsynthesisthatthegreatpoetsachievedwasprecarious.

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Thebestpartof thefinalchapteronHebrewinthetsaristempireis theconnections Aberbachmakesbetweenthe Hebrewwritersof the nineteenthcenturyandtheir Russiancontemporaries. Aberbach's andhisskills knowledgeof Russianliterature asa comparatist wouldbe wellservedif he wereto doa fullstudyofthetransaction of modemHebrewliterature withtheRussiantradition. One wonderswhy this book is so short.The treatmentseems needlessly skimpy.Muchof thetextreadslike outlinenotesof lectures.Thetoneis flatand oftendry.We needto hearmuchmoreaboutthe figuresAberbachholdsup as Thediscussionsof GabirolandHaleviareespeciallytruncated. Andthe important. bookendsabruptly. Thereis no concluding on what the chapter largerimplications in his introduction mightbe of the"sociologicalGestalt"thatAberbachconstructs andfollowsthroughoninthesucceedingfourchapters. Itis ultimately unsatisfying to be shownthatHebrewliterature is a responseto Diasporaandthentoldnothing aboutwhatthispointmightportendforthefuture,whentheseedbedof "Hebrew" is a sovereignJewishstate. Thisbookwouldbeusefulas anintroductory course readingin anintroductory on modemHebrewliterature. JamesS. Diamond Princeton University New Jersey Princeton,

Yaacov Shavit.Athensin Jerusalem.Translatedby ChayaNaor andNiki Werner.

London:LittmanLibraryof JewishCivilization,1997.560pp. YaacovShavitis a leadingIsraelischolarof intellectualandculturalhistory. Thisworkexpandsuponhis previousstudiesof thewaysthatmodemJewishand Israeliwritershave negotiatedforeignandnative elementsin theirquestto forge a new secular culture,most notably in his book on the so-called Canaaniteidea in

Hebrew.Here,Shavittakesthe struggleoverthe natureof Jewishidentityand locatesit in a muchwiderintellectualcontext:the eternaldichotomybetween andJewishculture.Thebookis AthensandJerusalem, thatis, betweennon-Jewish this an encyclopedicif not exhaustivetreatment of subject,which,in its various is thesubjectof modemJewishthought. permutations,

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Elliott Rabin Source: AJS Review, Vol. 25, No. 1 (2000 - 2001), pp. 149-151 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1566673 . Accessed: 17/07/2011 04:46 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

BOOK REVIEWS

149

Thebestpartof thefinalchapteronHebrewinthetsaristempireis theconnections Aberbachmakesbetweenthe Hebrewwritersof the nineteenthcenturyandtheir Russiancontemporaries. Aberbach's andhisskills knowledgeof Russianliterature asa comparatist wouldbe wellservedif he wereto doa fullstudyofthetransaction of modemHebrewliterature withtheRussiantradition. One wonderswhy this book is so short.The treatmentseems needlessly skimpy.Muchof thetextreadslike outlinenotesof lectures.Thetoneis flatand oftendry.We needto hearmuchmoreaboutthe figuresAberbachholdsup as Thediscussionsof GabirolandHaleviareespeciallytruncated. Andthe important. bookendsabruptly. Thereis no concluding on what the chapter largerimplications in his introduction mightbe of the"sociologicalGestalt"thatAberbachconstructs andfollowsthroughoninthesucceedingfourchapters. Itis ultimately unsatisfying to be shownthatHebrewliterature is a responseto Diasporaandthentoldnothing aboutwhatthispointmightportendforthefuture,whentheseedbedof "Hebrew" is a sovereignJewishstate. Thisbookwouldbeusefulas anintroductory course readingin anintroductory on modemHebrewliterature. JamesS. Diamond Princeton University New Jersey Princeton,

Yaacov Shavit.Athensin Jerusalem.Translatedby ChayaNaor andNiki Werner.

London:LittmanLibraryof JewishCivilization,1997.560pp. YaacovShavitis a leadingIsraelischolarof intellectualandculturalhistory. Thisworkexpandsuponhis previousstudiesof thewaysthatmodemJewishand Israeliwritershave negotiatedforeignandnative elementsin theirquestto forge a new secular culture,most notably in his book on the so-called Canaaniteidea in

Hebrew.Here,Shavittakesthe struggleoverthe natureof Jewishidentityand locatesit in a muchwiderintellectualcontext:the eternaldichotomybetween andJewishculture.Thebookis AthensandJerusalem, thatis, betweennon-Jewish this an encyclopedicif not exhaustivetreatment of subject,which,in its various is thesubjectof modemJewishthought. permutations,

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Shavitconsidersthe encounterbetweenthe two sides underthreemajor aspects.The first section of the book, by far the largest,treatswriterswho envisionedthe two as polaropposites,irreconcilable antagoniststhatcompela choicebetweenthem.PartII examinesscholarsandvisionarieswhoturnedto the of SecondTempleJudaismfora different modelof cultural Hellenisticenvironment one allowingforcoexistenceandmutualinfluencewhilemaintaining interaction, internalcoherence.In the thirdpartShavitdescribesWesterntrendssince the thathavebeenappropriated Enlightenment by Jewishsociety.Eachchapterof the bookcondensesanentirefieldof scholarship, enoughto formthebasisfora book of its own. Yet even while treadingon familiarground,Shavitalwaysbrings forwardlesser-knowndocumentsor presentsmaterialin fresh ways, making incisiveobservations thatwill provokereadersto reconceptualize the issues. Intheprefaceandacknowledgments, Shavitinformsusthathebeganthebook in 1986,completedthe Hebreweditionin 1992,andexpandedtheEnglishedition by 1996.Whetherit is theproductof six ortenyearsof labor,theprodigiousscope of the bookcannotbutelicitastonishment andadmiration. Therangeof subjects andfieldsof citation(Greekscienceandphilosophy,Germanhistoriography and classicalscholarship,Hebrewliteratureof the Haskalah,Zionism,andmodem Jewishstudies)and the varietyof languagesquoted(Greek,Arabic,German, Italian,French,andLatin,besidesHebrewandEnglish)givethebookthefeel of a Shavit'sbook magnumopus.Inanacademicclimatein which"smallis beautiful," a the and welcome to trend. It provides stunning exception representsa studyof modem Jewish culture encompassingthe breadth of intellectualhistory characteristic of an earlierage of scholarship (Panofsky,Highet,Curtius,Seznec, Auerbach,etc.). thebookcontainssomeseriousflawsthatmarthesuccessof the Regrettably, author'sproject.The writingis quiteunevenandcouldhavebenefitedfromthe kindof intensiveeditingno longerfashionable. Oneunfortunate examplewillhave to standfor the rest:"However,the politicaland culturalunityof the various Hellenistic kingdoms was not based on a common territorialpolitical consciousness,but on a culturaland political(incomplete)unity, which was foundedon a linkto theHellenisticruler"(p. 424). Theuse of termsis notas clear or consistentas it mighthavebeen,especiallyin themajorcategoriesof "Greek" and"Hellenistic"; the slippagein the use of the term"culture," evenwithinthe

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book'sowndefinitions, is maddening (pp.453-54).Theauthorreliestooheavilyon some of which seem thelastpagealonehehasthreelists! lists, highlyarbitrary--on Mostdamagingfora workof suchenormousscopearethe frequent jumpsin in the firstsection,too oftenShavitveers logic, subject,andframe.Particularly betweenwritersof different narrative times,locations,andschoolswithinsufficient guidance,so thathis trainof associationsseemsoutof control.In oneparagraph (pp.230-231) he startswith SolomonLoewisohn(18thcent.),the subjectof the beforecareeningto theMishnah(2ndcent.), Philo(1st cent.), precedingparagraph, then Mendelssohn(again 18thcent.), while the next paragraphplunges into Alexandervon Humboldt(mid-19th cent.).The narrativeline is not sufficiently to maintain and this clarity consistencythroughsuchjolts. Consequently, strong bookis impossibleto readstraightthrough,whichdifferentiates it fromits nimble (andaugust)models. In termsof structure, thethreemainsectionsarenotjustifiedanddeveloped for eachsectionshouldhaveits clearlyenough.Surely, a bookof thismagnitude, ownintroduction contours;sectionIIcomesclosestto explainingits distinguishing while the third with all preliminaries. An additional that, offering partdispenses confusionarises from jumblingtogetherdifferentlayers of the discussion, especiallyin the secondsection,in whichhistorians'claimsaboutHellenistic basedonanimageof thatsociety,andShavit's Judaism, ideologiesandmovements ownevaluationof thehistoricalrealityaretossedtogether.Inshort,thebookdoes not steerthe readerthroughits innumerable thicketsanddetoursas capablyand seamlesslyas it shouldhave. to scholarsandstudents Nonetheless,AthensinJerusalemcanproveprofitable alike.Readerswill dobestby choosinganindividualchapterandtryingtheirluck. and Despitetheunevenness,all of thechapterscontaina richtroveof information thefootnotesandquotations aloneareworththepriceof admission. observations; One only wishesthatShavitandhis editorshadtakenthe time to producethe resourcethatthebookmighthavebeen. outstanding ElliottRabin of Louisville University Louisville,Kentucky

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Nancy E. Berg Source: AJS Review, Vol. 25, No. 1 (2000 - 2001), pp. 152-155 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1566674 . Accessed: 17/07/2011 04:47 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

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GlendaAbramson.Drama and Ideology in ModernIsrael. Cambridge:Cambridge

UniversityPress,1998.x, 265 pp. Israelis an intenselypoliticalandliteratesocietyin whichwritersareoften askedto commentonthe(recurring) issuesof theday,andwheredailyroutinesare oftencarriedout againsta backdropimbuedwith a sense of drama.Onewould thinkthattheater,the mostpoliticalof all genres,wouldbe the perfectoutletfor culturalexpression,yet untilrecentlytheaterhasbeenconsideredone of the least andits studyhasbeenthe mostneglected. developedareasof Hebrewliterature, GlendaAbramsonhasmadeimpressivestridesin addressing thisneglect,firstin her earlierwork,ModernHebrewDrama(London:Weidenfeld& Nicholson, 1979),andnow in hercurrentstudy. Abramsonstartsat a potentialdisadvantage in conducting thisresearchfrom of performance. outsideof Israel,therebymissingoutonthesignificantcomponent She is awareof this, notingat the beginningof herbookthatshe is focusingon and dramaratherthantheater,emphasizing thetextualanalysisoverperformance Theauthor'sstated experience.Thisdistinctionis at oncelimitingandliberating. aimis to acknowledgethe texts' "valueas documentsthatreflectextra-theatrical socialreality"(p.13). Sheobservesthatreactionsto politicaltheateraregenerallyideologicalandnot aesthetic,andthatonce writersarelabeledpolitical,theyhavedifficultyin ever thelabel.Abramson's statedpurposelargelyconfinesher sheddingortranscending to a similarstance.Fortunatelyshe does not limit herself as strictlyas her andaestheticsareconsidered. introduction maysuggest,andbothperformance Thedefinitionof politicaldramaat theheartof thisstudyis veryIsraeli.The andcurrent expression, playsunderdiscussiondealwithZionism,itsinterpretation, status.Whiletheauthordefineshersubjectas "originalworkswhichdealoneway oranotherwiththesocialandpoliticalproblemsof Israelisociety"(p. 9), playsby womenwho"tendalsoto viewsocialrealitiesfroma personalperspective, offering individualresponseto the samenationalproblems"(p. 8) are omittedfromthe discussion(includingEdnaMazya'sdramabasedon a kibbutzgangrape).The personalmaybe political,butnotin Israeliculture. ExceptforbrieflytreatingplaysthathelpedcreatetheZionistmasternarrative, thenationalethosandmythos of dissent.Critiquing thisstudyfavorstheliterature

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is seenas political,butestablishingorpromoting the sameis not(thismaybe the onwhat reasonforthedearthof worksfromtheright).Itis perhapsthisperspective is politicalthathelpsus definewhatis Israeliaboutthebodyof work,evenmoreso thanAbramson's assertionthatit is the addedmoraldimension. Thegenreof politicaltheaterdemandsextraliterary knowledgeof theaudience (whetherreaderor spectator),as Abramsonnotes.To this end she beginswitha Thefirstpartoffersa densesurveyof Israel'sshorthistory, introduction. three-part on the focusing developmentof Zionism,fromthe publicationof Herzl'sThe JewishStatethroughthe Intifada.The secondpartthen coversthe historyof Hebrewdrama.Abramsonconcentrates on the development in theLandof Israel ratherthantheRussianrootsof thegenre(see,forexample,MendelKohansky,The Hebrew Theatre:Its First Fifty Years, 1969). This first chapter concludes by

statesubsidyof offeringa bird's-eyeviewof thetheatersceneinIsrael,considering theaterandthe questionof audience.Forthe mostpart,the Israelitheater-going audienceis notunlikeits counterparts in other(readWestern)countries:middlethemajority of Israelisbuyingticketsto aged,educated, Additionally, high-income. or Israeli-born. are also secular and Ashkenazi plays materialbecauseit also Zionismsitsatthecenterof Abramson's introductory andthe nationalmyths.Issuesof gender, sitsatthe centerof the masternarrative asthefailureof andclass(exceptforembourgeoisement racism,sexualorientation, newformsand rise to events Centralpolitical Zionism)arebarelyconsidered. give themes. Thebookpointsto thewakeof theSix-DayWarasthebeginningof satirizing hero the fromthepreviousgeneration,andto 1972forthe dawningof the enfant theauthorimplies terrible.(Whilethereasonforthisdateis notdirectlyaddressed, thatthepremiereof Kenan'sFriendsTalkAboutJesususheredin the new era.) The targetsof politicaltheaternotedhere includethe ideologyof sacrifice in Shamir'sHe Walkedin theFields)andwar,themeansof collective (epitomized middle of themainstream and-later-the materialism (IsraeliAshkenazi) mourning theconflictbetweenreligionandthe class.Recurring issuesincludetheHolocaust, as in fictionalworks,areoften state,andthe Palestinian question.Arabcharacters, in theirownright.Butmoreand as symbolsratherthanas characters incorporated showstagedatthe morethisseemsto be changing.(Infact,Naomi,a one-woman thetypicaluseof Arab-asAkkoFestivalof fringetheaterearlierthisdecade,subverts

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of a Palestinian womansayssomethingaboutthe symbol.Inthisplaythe character statusof womeningeneral.Abramson doesnotincludethisplayinherstudy,asher focusis onworksperformed theatercompanies.) bymainstream Thebook'sstrongestchaptersarethosethatconcentrate onfewerplays,linked eitherbythemesorplaywrights. WhileAbramson treatsHanochLevinastheenfant terribleparexcellenceof Israelitheater,commendsNissimAloniforhis abilityto transcendIsraeliparticularism, and analyzesMittlepunkt'suse of the past to commenton the present,it is YehoshuaSobolwho comesto dominatethe book, andespeciallyhis play Ghetto.(A scene fromthe play appropriately gracesthe and to the The Holocaust as event as fore themyths cover.) literarysubjectbrings thefoundingof thestate,theimageof thenewHebrew,Israel'smilitary regarding andmoralsuperiority. TheverymanyplaysdealingwiththeHolocaustinthecanon,andtheattention paidto themeven in this study,belie the assertionof a limitedresponseto the Holocaustin Israeliliterature.By the end of the 1970s,Abramsonnotes, the Holocausthadbecomean integralpartof the Israeliperceptionof history.It is removedfromtheactualhistoricalevents,and curiousthatthisis truea generation to the alsoamongthosebornin countriesfaraway.Whilepresumably contributing of victimhood. Moral the culture the these of Holocaust, centrality playschallenge colorthe dramas. ambiguities for HereAbramsonoffersa readingof Sobol'smasterfulplayas a "metaphor the ideologicalconflictsof the 1980's"(p. 179), yet the metaphoris not fully spelledout.Theplaytraveledwell, she observes,garneringa strongreceptionin Germanyandthe UnitedKingdom.Her conclusionthatits receptionwas less positivein the United Statesis based on one review (albeitby FrankRich) oneproduction. (PhilipBoehmdirecteda verysuccessfulstagingof the regarding playin St. Louisin 1997.) of the play Ghettoandthe questionsraisedby its stagingin Consideration leads to a discussionof thetheatricalexperienceArbeitMacht Germany naturally Freiin TodlandEuropa,aninteractivedramaabouttheHolocaust.Indealingwith thisplay,originallypresentedattheAkkoFringeTheaterFestival,Abramson goes furthestbeyond analyzingthe writtentext to ask probingquestionsabout andreception. performance

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Herdiscussionmakesit clearthattheissueof responsecannotbeignoredin a drama studyof politicaldrama.Thisis trueas well in the case of Mittlepunkt's a docudrama on a Gorodish, taking militaryhero.Abramson pointsoutthecurious of theplaythathasallowedit to becomea popularchoicefor schools misreading and youthgroups.The responseto these plays is as interestingas the works themselves.WhileAbramsonacknowledges the imperativeto interpret response withina politicalcontext-"it hasto be saidthatmediacommenton the original dramais oftenconditionedby critics'politicalviews"(p. 12)--she gracefully declinesto characterize the critics'politics. Abramsonis an astutereaderherself;I wouldliketo haveheardmoreof her voice.Toooftenit seemsthatshe acceptssomeoneelse's pronouncement. Surely tojudgeLevin-a playwright shedoesnotneedMichaelHandelsaltz whoseworks includeonstagevomiting,the title "Shits,"andcharactersendowedwith gross of goodtaste." flatulence-as havingcrossedthe "boundary is it an encouraging sign?-in a volumesurveyingpolitical Surprisingly--or dramathe issueof censorshipis mentionedonlya handfulof times.(Civiltheater censorshipwas abolishedin 1991.) "Creatorsof political dramastill functionwithin the same ideological framework as thatof nationalconsensus"(p. 56), she states.So do audiencesand critics.Thisis yetanotherreasonto commendtheauthorof thisworkcomingfrom theoutside-yet withmuchof theliteraryandextraliterary knowledgeof thoseon of drama andideologyin the inside-for offeringthiscarefullyresearched study Israel.Thisbookis a welcomeadditionto the slightbutgrowingbodyof workin EnglishaboutHebrewtheaterthatincludesherearlierbook,andKohansky's,and LindaBen Zvi, ed., Theatrein Israel(1996).Furthermore, thoughabridged,the will providea valuableresourceforanyonewishingto readfurther. bibliography NancyE.Berg Washington University St. Louis,Missouri

David A. Brenner.MarketingIdentities:TheInventionofJewish Ethnicityin "OST

undWEST". Detroit:WayneStateUniversityPress,1998.246 pp.

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Gabriel Finder Source: AJS Review, Vol. 25, No. 1 (2000 - 2001), pp. 155-158 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1566675 . Accessed: 17/07/2011 04:47 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

BOOK REVIEWS

155

Herdiscussionmakesit clearthattheissueof responsecannotbeignoredin a drama studyof politicaldrama.Thisis trueas well in the case of Mittlepunkt's a docudrama on a Gorodish, taking militaryhero.Abramson pointsoutthecurious of theplaythathasallowedit to becomea popularchoicefor schools misreading and youthgroups.The responseto these plays is as interestingas the works themselves.WhileAbramsonacknowledges the imperativeto interpret response withina politicalcontext-"it hasto be saidthatmediacommenton the original dramais oftenconditionedby critics'politicalviews"(p. 12)--she gracefully declinesto characterize the critics'politics. Abramsonis an astutereaderherself;I wouldliketo haveheardmoreof her voice.Toooftenit seemsthatshe acceptssomeoneelse's pronouncement. Surely tojudgeLevin-a playwright shedoesnotneedMichaelHandelsaltz whoseworks includeonstagevomiting,the title "Shits,"andcharactersendowedwith gross of goodtaste." flatulence-as havingcrossedthe "boundary is it an encouraging sign?-in a volumesurveyingpolitical Surprisingly--or dramathe issueof censorshipis mentionedonlya handfulof times.(Civiltheater censorshipwas abolishedin 1991.) "Creatorsof political dramastill functionwithin the same ideological framework as thatof nationalconsensus"(p. 56), she states.So do audiencesand critics.Thisis yetanotherreasonto commendtheauthorof thisworkcomingfrom theoutside-yet withmuchof theliteraryandextraliterary knowledgeof thoseon of drama andideologyin the inside-for offeringthiscarefullyresearched study Israel.Thisbookis a welcomeadditionto the slightbutgrowingbodyof workin EnglishaboutHebrewtheaterthatincludesherearlierbook,andKohansky's,and LindaBen Zvi, ed., Theatrein Israel(1996).Furthermore, thoughabridged,the will providea valuableresourceforanyonewishingto readfurther. bibliography NancyE.Berg Washington University St. Louis,Missouri

David A. Brenner.MarketingIdentities:TheInventionofJewish Ethnicityin "OST

undWEST". Detroit:WayneStateUniversityPress,1998.246 pp.

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Thecenterpiece of thisstudy,OstundWest,wasa widelydistributed magazine Jewswhohadmigrated publishedinBerlinbetween1901and1923bywesternized to GermanyfromEasternEurope.Ost und Westwas in the vanguardof the embryonicJewishculturalrenaissancein lateImperialGermanythatblossomed duringthe WeimarRepublic.It was the first of severalJewishperiodicalsin Germanyto promotethe East EuropeanJew, or Ostjude,to a GermanJewish audience.ThemagazinehighlightedJewishlife in EasternEuropein numerous articles,illustrations,and shortstoriesin translationby Yiddishwriters.If the WesternJew,or Westjude, "enlightened" personifiedanossifiedformof Judaism, theOstjude,characterized his connection withall aspectsof theJewish by organic the"authentic Jew."Accordingto Brenner, theobjectiveof experience, represented this enterprisewas to "market"Jewishparticularism or a "pan-Jewish ethnic a of the eastern tradition with Western enlightened identity"--thatis, synthesis Judaism-toWestEuropeanJewsin generalandGermanJewsin particular. The issue of und Ost West the that the would inaugural magazine expressed hope bring the "culturallydifferentelementsof Judaismclosertogether."Impliedin this officialprogram,Brennerargues,was an exhortation to WestEuropeanJewsto welcomeJewishdiversity. The main protagonistof Brenner'sstudy is Leo Winz (1876-1952), a UkrainianJew andculturalZionistwho evolvedintothe savvyand transplanted prosperous publisherof severalJewishperiodicals,notthe leastof whichwas Ost und West.Winzwas partof a wave of RussianJewishstudentswho flockedto Germany,andespeciallyBerlin,fromthe 1880sto 1914,notmerelyto flee from persecutionbut because Germanysymbolizedfreedomand social mobility. theirattractionto the West,Winzandhis associatesremained Notwithstanding to theculture theirsteadfastcommitment poisedbetweentwoworlds,maintaining Winzwasa pioneer of EasternEuropean Jewry.Intheworldof Jewishjournalism, intheuseof sophisticated to broaden theappealof hismagazine's mediatechniques Jews. of a consciousness amongWestEuropean message-the advocacy minority Particularlyenlighteningis Brenner'sdiscussionof the mutabilityand of the positiveand negativestereotypesof the Ostjudeand interchangeability After only threeyears of publication,the positivestereotypeof the Westjude. in Ost und Westwas graduallysupersededby the negativeimageof the Ostjude Winzandhisassociatesfeltcompelled shallow,materialistic, self-hatingWestfude.

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to assailthe Westjude becausethepositiverepackaging of theEastEuropean Jew alonewas insufficientto guarantee thevictoryof a pan-European Jewishidentity. The negativeimageof the WesternJew in Ost und Westreflecteda redirected These strategyto appealto thefearof loss of Jewishidentitythroughassimilation. could coexist because of sides the same theyrepresented bipolarstereotypes flip coin;bothweremarketingtechniquesdesignedto advancethe causeof a panJewishidentity. European Brenner'sbookhasmuchto commendit. It is a valuableexplorationof the of the Jewishperiodicalpressin earlytwentieth-century maturation Germany.In addition,it nicely dovetailswith severalearlierstudiesof the meetingof the culturesof the Jewriesof WesternandEasternEurope,eachwithits own set of valuesandculturalcodes.Inparticular, Brenner's spiritual emphasison"marketing identities" theguilt-freecommodification of andappropriation nicelyunderscores anidealizedimageof the Ostjudein lateImperialGermany. Itsexamination of the The attraction of womento themessagein OstundWestis especiallyilluminating. Jewsappealedto thephilanthropic inclinations of German plightof EastEuropean Jewishwomen,whilenegativestereotypesof the WesternJewishmaleparvenu expressedtheirdistasteformalesocialclimbing. Forallof itsmanymerits,thisstudyultimately begsthequestion.Insupportof histhesis,Brennerassumestheformativeinfluenceof OstundWestonJewishselfconsciousness.I findthebasisforthisassumption-themagazine'sconsiderable circulationandthe occasionalbrouhahacreatedby one of its editorials-rather attestation of the impactof attenuated. Brennerwas unableto findcontemporary OstundWeston individualJews.By the sametoken,he gives shortshriftto the maturation alreadyin late ImperialGermanyof an indigenousGermanJewish of Germanand Jewishculture.Accordingto identitywith its amalgamation German to middle-class Ost und West marketed to appealinparticular was Brenner, Jewish Ost und and similar German To West Jews,especiallywomen. be sure, of a bourgeoisGermanJewishidentity,buta periodicalsenrichedtheconstruction doesnot seemto haveplayeda significantrole in the formof Jewishorientalism daily life of the greatmajorityof middle-classGermanJews before1914.In a similarvein,Brenneroverstatesthe extentto whichthe positiveevocationof the to ethnicJewishpluralism. GermanJewishopen-mindedness Ostjudeengendered The favorableimageof the Ostjudein the Jewishpressbefore1914may have

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Jewishwarrefugeesand sensitizedGermanJewsto theplightof EasternEuropean whettedthe appetiteof an elite minorityin the Weimarperiodto sampleEast of theexotic Jewishmusicandtheater,butsympathyforandadmiration European other are not tantamountto acceptance.Indeed,Brennerarguesthat Winz increasinglyabandonedthe positive stereotypeof the Ostjudein favorof the becausethe formerfailedto resonateamong negativestereotypeof the Westjude Jews Jewishreaders.BrenneralsoconcedesthatrelationsbetweenGerman German andthemigrantsfromEasternEuropewereoftenfarfromfriendly.Theimpression madeon GermanJewryby the encounterduringWorldWarI of GermanJewish Jewsdoubtlessmarkeda watershed soldiersontheeasternfrontwithEastEuropean in GermanJewishidentity.But the GermanJewishculturalrenaissancein the WeimarRepublicwasimpelledin equalif notlargermeasureby thecommunity's collectiveexperienceof antisemitismduringWorldWarI andin its aftermath, whichleft the majorityof GermanJews with a bewilderedsense of insecurity, andbetrayal. disillusionment, the valuableinsightsprovidedby this and similarbooks, Notwithstanding time has come to expandthe researchagendain this areafroman the perhaps of the examinationof the GermanJewishperceptionand instrumentalization East of flesh-and-blood life and material of mental the to Ostjude explorations the first know to would be towns. It in cities and German Jews interesting European fromBrodyorTarnowuponsettlingin Leipzigor of the"greenhorn" impressions conditionslike?Whatkindsof spiritualand their What were working Stuttgart. weretheycompelledto makein theirnew surroundings? emotionalcompromises How didthey representthemselvesto one otherin theirown vibrantperiodical presspublishedin Germanyin Yiddish,Polish,andRussian?Valuableresearchin fromthe thisdirectionhasalreadybeendoneforseveralotherJewishcommunities, with a But East Side. Lower in the Paris to to Plezl the in Vienna Leopoldstadt coupleof notableexceptions(e.g., LudgerHeid,Maloche-nichtMildtatigkeit: OstjfidischeArbeiterin Deutschland, 1914-1923 [Hildesheim, 1995]), this is still

largely uncharted-and therefore beckoning--territoryin German Jewish historiography. Gabriel Finder University Susquehanna Selinsgrove,Pennsylvania

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Zev Garber Source: AJS Review, Vol. 25, No. 1 (2000 - 2001), pp. 159-161 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1566676 . Accessed: 17/07/2011 04:47 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

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Kevin MacDonald. Separation and Its Discontents: Toward an Evolutionary TheoryofAnti-Semitism.Westport,Conn.:PraegerPublishers, 1998. x, 325 pp. MiltonShain.Antisemitism.BowerdeanBriefings.London:BowerdeanPublishing

Co., 1998.124pp. Imaginetwo citadelsof researchon antisemitism standingsideby side,each dedicatedto turningouta productquitethe oppositeof whatthe otherproduces. Eachworksefficientlyfora constituency thatwaitseagerlyforwhatcomesoff the academicline. The sign aboveone schoolreads"Rationalization andApologia: JewishClannishnessand CulturalSeparatism," while the sign abovethe other To confusematters, suggests"Religious,Racial and PoliticalAntisemitism." imaginethat each institutionuses similarreferencesand texts in well-known contextsin thehistoryof Jewishpersecution. Incontributing to ourunderstanding of the longesthatredin Westerncivilization,bothacademiesuse moreor less the samedescriptivelabels,so why arethe conclusionsso different?Is Judenhetzen Are or antisemitism anti-Semitism (sincethereis no suchthingas "Semitism")? son chosen Israel as God's [Exod4:22]), theology(e.g., people anthropological factorsto the now,contributing doctrine,etc.)then,andJewishaccomplishments distinctionor extinctionof the Jews?To whatextentis Jewishethnicmemoryto self-deceptionby arguablydifferentfromothergroupmemories--conducive negativeinformationaboutitself? Some wantto talk ignoringor rationalizing history,otherstheology.Some are fashionedby the handsof Esau (national othersdance intheEuropean andself-determination consciousness tradition),while and to David's fathers and or to Pan'slyre(church councils) harp(Bible rabbinic tradition).Still otherswant to focus on the phenomenonof antisemitismin categoriesof race,nation,andcolonialismin modemtimes.Considerthe word in discussionsanddepictionof Jewishness,thereligion, "Jew"usedso frequently culture,andpeoplehood,yetthebattleoveritsmeaninghasbeenas intenseas any debateof "whythe Jews?"in thehistoryof hatred. In Separationand Its Discontents,a volume intendedto penetratethe multi-

andubiquitous leveled,centuries-laden surveys problemof Jewhatred,MacDonald His whichantisemitic strainbestexplainstheideologyandpracticeof antisemitism. an social informed evolutionary theory present bycontemporary psychology, chapters, theiridentity of antisemitism fueled,ontheonehand,bytheneedof Jewstopreserve

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by voluntarysegregationfromthe largersocietyand,on the other,by religious andMuslim),economiccompetition, andotherconflicts. (Christian supersessionism Thefirstpartscrutinizestheups anddownsof Jewish-gentile relationsin the ancientworldandin the firstChristiancenturies,andit suggeststhatstereotypes of theoutresultfrompositiveevaluations of thein-groupandnegativeevaluations The middle of section examines texts and themes pivotal moments group. withWesternantisemitic associated movements. Itcontributes freshthinkingonthe Jewsas a powerlessminorityin the LateRomanEmpire(4d Christiancent.),the andthefatefulanti-Jewish legislation limpiezalawsduringtheIberianinquisitions, of theNaziparty.Finally,inthelastchapters, theauthorreturnsto his introductory that themeandarguesthatJewishhistoriography dictatestheoriesof antisemitism of biblical areself-promotional, by promoting groupaggrandizement proportions, andself-deceptive,by ignoringorrationalizing criticismfromoutside. memoriesof Israel'searlyexperiences.The Casein point:the tribal-racialist of over the Ha-Shem godsof othernationsdevelopedinresponseto the superiority continualpersecutionthat threatenedto eliminateJewish group solidarity. thatthe dualTorahis theblueprintof the MacDonald worksfromthe assumption eventualJewishdominionoverthe world.Sucha view of earlyJewishhistory as theMaccabeesasheinoustyrants,thePhariseesasclannish,nationalists portrays separatists,the Romansas innocent,and BabylonianJewryas responsiblefor thathenceforthwas to blotthe pagesof unleashingthe pretensefor antisemitism Westerncivilization. Similarly,the Jews in our time. Evil againstthe Jews-that is to say, the the Shoah,andthreatsto the sovereigntyof the effectof antisemitism, paramount Stateof Israel-is provokedbytheJewsthemselves.Inthisscenario,Jewsimagine themselvesas innocentvictimsof hatredandviolence.Theauthorcommentsthat religiousand secularJews alike see themselvesas a small,weak, good group dispersedamonga large, strong,bad group(the nationsof the world) that consistentlyandpersistentlyvictimizesthem.Also, the Jewishpeopleconsiders itselfblamelesswhen otherssufferfromJewishactionor inaction(e.g., Zionist actionsin Palestinecreateda statelesspeople,butmanyIsraelisandJewscitethe inthis).Though orirrational Palestinians as thecauseandsee nothinghypocritical MacDonald ("Thisis ... firstandforemosta maybe seenas a scholarprovocateur book that confidentlypredictsits own irrelevanceto those aboutwhom it is

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his pointis thatcriticismof Jewsandtheirwaysmightbe harshor not written"), but it is withinthe protectedsphereof legitimateresearchand speech. polite Nonetheless,a ramblingwho-is-who-isn'troundupof Jewsresponsiblefor the "Jewishproblem" bordersonthe irrational andis conduciveto misrepresentation. No onewhowritesonantisemitism canbeaccusedof tacklinga simpleissueor onelimitedin scope.To be sure,wordsonthe subjectarenotin shortsupply.We to thesewords,however,in fitsandstarts,depending onwhichareaof payattention antisemitismintriguesus. Shain'sbrief accounton the subjectwrittenfor the is anexcellentintroduction to the complexnatureof antisemitism. nonspecialist boththe oldandthenew. Shainbringsfreshnessto thestudyof antisemitism, Hiswell-structured on racial anti-Judaism, antisemitism, chapters religious political and the anti-Zionism, post-Shoahantisemitism compel readerto rethinkaccepted clich6s.Antisemitism on its own terms,cultivatedfromprimaryandsecondary the volume.The important leitmotifthroughout lesson sources,is an important is that no or text is to turn an entire a Nazi into taught singleteaching going society Germanyor bringa secondShoah.But if sucha developmentwereto recur,it would be the result of discourseand ideology contributingto an historical thatrevelsin revilementandpersecution. the author, imagination Commendably, usingreader-friendly languagecomposedin a staccatomannerandcaptivating the pointthatrealizationof antisemitism home andits visionof brings imagery, is ever and therefore necessitates constant apocalypse present vigil. MacDonald's bookis writtenfroma statistician's whereasShain's perspective, is writtenfroma learner'sperspective. bookwillwell serveresearch MacDonald's studentsin antisemitism; Shain'swill be of valueforthosewhoareinterestedin a in MacDonald's bookexposeshiddenagendasinterpreted surveyof antisemitism. andShainshowscorrectly hasconstructed how"history controversial commentary, theJew"andmoldedantisemitism. Shain's Thoughbothbooksarerecommended, is the to for the reader. Antisemitism place start,particularly general ZevGarber LosAngelesValleyCollege VanNuys,California

Collected Studies Source: AJS Review, Vol. 25, No. 1 (2000 - 2001), pp. 163-173 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1566677 . Accessed: 17/07/2011 04:47 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

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COLLECTED STUDIES StevenM. Cohenand GabrielHorencyzk,eds. NationalVariationsin Jewish Identity:Implicationsfor JewishEducation.Albany:StateUniversityof New York

Press,1999.vi, 325pp. Part I. Jewishresponsesto CONTENTS: StephenM. Cohen,"Introduction." modernity.Michael A. Meyer, "Being Jewish and..." Daniel J. Elazar,"Jewish

andConflicts."Sergio Religious,Ethnic,andNationalIdentities:Convergences The Jews of "Arthur Revisited: Today,1904-1994."Harvey DellaPergola, Ruppin Institutions "ATradition of Invention: E.Goldberg, among FamilyandEducational ContemporaryTraditionalizingJews." Part II European and North American

and PaulaE.Hyman,"National variations. Contexts,EasternEuropean Immigrants, JewishIdentity:A Comparative Analysis."GeoffreyAlderman,"BritishJewsor of CivicFreedom." TheReligiousConstraints Britonsof the JewishPersuasion? The "Reluctant StuartSchoenfeld, Cosmopolitans: Impactof Continentalism, and Globalizationon JewishIdentityin Canada."HenryL. Multiculturalism, of Secularism to Persuasion: "From Commandment Probingthe"Hard" Feingold, Relations:The AmericanJewry."Riv-EllenPrell, "FamilyEconomy/Family Part of AmericanJewishEthnicityintheEarlyTwentiethCentury." Development III. Regional variations in the United States. Deborah Dash Moore, "Inventing

ShlomoBardin,Zionism,andthe BrandeisCamp JewishIdentityin California: inNewYork:ExceptionortheRule?" Institute." BethamieHorowitz,"Jewishness to Identity: PartIV. TheIsraelidifference.Jonathan Cohen,"FromIndividuality Directionsin the Thoughtof J. B. Soloveitchikand EliezerSchweid."Asher of JewishIdentityAmongIsraeliYouthandImplicationsfor Shkedi,"Patterns Teachingof JewishSources."GabrielHorencyzkandZvi Bekerman,"A Social Constructivist Approachto JewishIdentity."StephenSharot,"JewishandOther NationalandEthnicIdentitiesof IsraeliJews."

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MurrayFriedmanandAlbertD. Chernin,eds.A SecondExodus:TheAmerican Movement ToFreeSovietJews.Hanover,N.H.:BrandeisUniversityPress,1999. 265 vii, pp. TheJewishCommunity Comesof CONTENTS: "Introduction: MurrayFriedman, A Albert D. Jews an Issue: Overview. Soviet I. Chemin,"Making History." Age." ZviGitelman,"SovietJews: NehemiahLevanon,"Israel'sRoleintheCampaign." Creatinga Cause and a Movement."II. Impact of strategic pressures. William

A 'Policyof Principle."' MarshallI. Goldman,"JacksonKorey,"Jackson-Vanik: Vanik:A Dissent."WilliamKorey,"FromHelsinki:A Saluteto HumanRights." RichardSchifter,"AmericanDiplomacy,1985-1989."11I Harmonyandstrife. "The'Noshrim'War:DroppingOut."MyrnaShinbaum, StevenF. Windmueller, on SovietJewry."RabbiDouglas America:TheNationalConference "Mobilizing ontheCommunity Level:A PersonalPerspective." WalterRuby, Kahn,"Advocacy "The Activist Micah H. "The Role of Nonestablishment Naftalin, Groups." Movement." Tosefta:Textual, HarryFox,TirzahMeacham,andDianeKriger,eds.Introducing Intratextualand IntertextualStudies. Hoboken, N.J.: KTAV Publishing House,

1999.xix, 340 pp. CONTENTS:Harry Fox, "IntroducingTosefta: Textual, Intratextualand Account." Tosefta:A Systematic JacobNeusner,"Describing Studies." Intertextual to the Genesisand Natureof Tosefta,the ReenaZeidman,"An Introduction "ThePrimacyof Toseftato Shamma Chameleon of RabbinicLiterature." Friedman, of Mishnahin SynopticParallels." YaakovElman,"OralityandtheTransmission TirzahMeacham,"Toseftaas Template: ToseftaPishain TalmudicLiterature." YerushalmiNiddah."JudithHauptman,"Womenand Inheritancein Rabbinic HerbertBasser,"The Elementsof a CriticalFeministImpulse." Texts:Identifying andtheNatureof the Fences and Decrees of Mishnaic and Toseftan Some Antiquity Worksin WhichThey Are Embedded."Paul Heger,"Toseftaand Historical TirzahMeacham,"Afterword." Memory:TheSukkotWaterLibation."

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SanderL. GilmanandMiltonShain,eds. JewriesAt TheFrontier:Accommodation,

Identity,Conflict.Urbana:Universityof IllinoisPress,1999.401 pp. CONTENTS: SanderL. Gilman,"Introduction: TheFrontier asa ModelforJewish Part I: Accommodation. Albert Lichtblau and Michael History." John,"Jewriesin GaliciaandBukovina,in LembergandCzernowitz: TwoDivergentExamplesof JewishCommunities in the FarEastof the Austro-Hungarian John Monarchy." TheSouthAfricanJewishExperience." PaulR. Bartrop, Simon,"AttheFrontier: "Livingwithinthe Frontier:EarlyColonialAustralia,Jews, and Aborigines." BernardReisman,"AlaskanJewsDiscoverthe LastFrontier." Part II: Identity. GideonShimoni,"FromOneFrontierto Another:JewishIdentityandPolitical in LithuaniaandSouthAfrica,1890-1939."Sally Frankental, "A Organization Frontier IsraeliJewsEncounter Experience: DiasporainCapeTown,SouthAfrica." SethL. Wolitz,"Bifocalityin JewishIdentityin the Texas-JewishExperience." JewishEthnicitieson the BrazilianFrontier." Zhou JeffreyLesser,"(Re)Creating andRealities."MarciaLeveson, Xun,"Jewsin ChineseCulture:Representations "TheEnemyWithin:SomeSouthAfricanJewishWriters."ClaudiaB. Braude, "FromtheBrotherhood of Manto theWorldto Come:TheDenialof thePoliticalin Rabbinic HeidiGrunebaum-Ralph, Oneselfat WritingunderApartheid." "Writing theFrontier: in AlbertMemmi'sLaStatuede Sel."Part JewishnessandOtherness "TheColorof Jews:Jews,Race,andtheWhiteAustralia III:Conflict.JonStratton, andIdentityPolitics:The Anti-Semitism, Policy."MiltonShain,"Ethnonationalism, "Neither NorthAmericanandSouth-African Livia Wittman, Experiences." Kdithe Maori nor Pakeha: Jewish Women's CulturalIdentity."R6gine Robin, JewishIntellectuals in Present-Day Quebec." "Francophone JonathanGoldstein,ed. Chinaand Israel, 1948-1998: A Fifty YearRetrospective.

Connecticut: Westport, PraegerPublishers,1999.xxxiii,215 pp. CONTENTS: Jonathan "Preface." Jonathan "TheRepublicof Goldstein, Goldstein, ChinaandIsrael."IsadorA. Magid,"'IWasThere':TheViewpointof anHonorary IsraeliConsulin Shanghai,1949-1951."LillianCraigHarris,"ThePeople's Republicof Chinaandthe ArabMiddleEast, 1948-1996:ArabPerspectives." Loh,"TheHegemonicMotif:ThePeople'sRepublicof China AnthonyAlexander

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STUDIES COLLECTED

andthe MiddleEast, 1949-1998."Aron Shai,"TheIsraeliCommunist Party's PolicyTowardthePeople'sRepublicof China,1949-1998."ReuvenMerhavand E. Zev YitzhakShichor,"TheHongKongConnectionin Sino-Israeli Relations." "The of Crucial Year Moshe "The Establishment 1991." Sufott, Yegar, People's Relations:BroaderImplications forSoutheast andSouth Republicof China-Israeli Asia."P. R. Kumaraswamy, "SouthAsia andPeople'sRepublicof China-Israel Relations." Yitzhak Shichor,"TheChineseFactorin theMiddleEast Diplomatic From AnIsraeliPerspective." Jonathan Goldstein,"Conclusion: SecurityEquation: to for 'Nationhood': An Battle Uphill 'Peoplehood' ChineseandJews."JonathanGoldsteinandFrankJosephShulman,"A Selected on Sino-Israeli Relations." Bibliography StephenR. Haynes and John K. Roth, eds. TheDeath of God Movementand the Holocaust: Radical Theology Encounters the Shoah. Westport, Connecticut:

Greenwood Press,1999.xvii, 152pp. TheHolocaust CONTENTS: StephenR. HaynesandJohnK. Roth,"Introduction: Part I: Thedeathof God andthe Deathof God-Encounteror Reencounter?" movementis born. "Towarda HiddenGod,"Time,April 8, 1966.Part l: Thedeath of Godand theHolocaust-reconsidering the encounter.Practitioners.ThomasJ. J.

Altizer,"TheHolocaustandtheTheologyof theDeathof God."WilliamHamilton, "Genocideandthe Deathof God."PaulM. vanBuren,"Fromthe Secularto the "RadicalTheologyandtheHolocaust." Gospel."RichardL. Rubenstein, Spiritual the Holocaust:TheDeathof Godandthe "After Edith Wyschogrod, Respondents. "The A. Thomas of Texts." Idinopulos, HolocaustandtheDeathof God: Profaning JohnK.Roth,"TheHolocaust, A Responseto Altizer,Hamilton,andRubenstein." Genocide,andRadicalTheology:AnAssessmentof theDeathof GodMovement." Part III: The death of God and the Holocaust--analyzing the encounter.John J.

Protestant Theology." Carey,"TheDeathof GodMovementandTwentieth-Century Gershon HubertG.Locke,"TheDeathof God:AnAfrican-American Perspective." "TheDeathof Historyandthe Life of Akeda:Voicesfromthe War." Greenberg, andPharisees:Jewish TimothyA. BennettandRochelleL. Millen,"Christians Responsesto RadicalTheology."JohnK. RothandStephenR. Haynes,"Epilogue."

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MartinKramer,ed. TheJewish Discovery oflslam: Studies in Honor ofBernard

Lewis.Tel Aviv:MosheDayanCenterfor MiddleEasternandAfricanStudies, 1999.viii, 311 pp. CONTENTS:Martin Kramer, "Introduction."Minna Rozen, "Pedigree Invented:BenjaminDisraeliBetweenEast and Reconstructed, Remembered, West."BenjaminBraude,"'Jew'andJesuitat the Originsof Arabism:William Identitiesin Conflict." JacobM.Landau,"Arminius GiffordPalgrave." Vimnb6ry: A Jewish Reformeron the JacobLassner,"Abraham Geiger: Nineteenth-Century Originsof Islam."LawrenceI. Conrad,"IgnazGoldziheron ErnestRenan:From Orientalist Philologyto the Studyof Islam."JoelL. Kraemer,"TheDeathof an PaulKrausfromPragueto Cairo."MartinKramer,"TheRoadfrom Orientalist: "The Asad (bornLeopoldWeiss)."Hava Lazarus-Yafeh, Mecca:Muhammad of IslamicStudiesfromEuropeto theYishuvandIsrael."Shulamit Transplantation of S. M. Interaction of JudaicandIslamicStudiesin the Scholarship "The Sela, of andtheHistoriography "Evariste Stem."DavidJ. Wasserstein, L6vi-Provengal IberianIslam." GabrielSheffer,andDavidVogel,eds.Israel:TheDynamicsof DavidLevi-Faur, London:FrankCassPublishers,1999.304 pp. ChangeandContinuity. DavidLevi-Faur,GabrielSheffer,andDavidVogel,"Changeand CONTENTS: for Comparative A Framework Analysis."GadBarzilai,"Courtsas Continuity: The Israeli Institutions: Perspective." SupremeCourtin a Comparative Hegemonic of The Politics: "Israeli Constitutional Menachem Fragility Impartiality." Hofnung, YaelYishai, Transformation." GabrielSheffer,"Structural ChangeandLeadership of the Israeli Politicsin a Comparative "Interest Perspective:The (Ir)regularity of the IsraeliEconomy:A Case."Daniel Maman,"The Social Organization and in Politics:Globalization "Business Analysis."GershonShafir, Comparative MichaelShalev,"Have theSearchforPeacein SouthAfricaandIsrael/Palestine." David Israel'sPoliticalEconomy?" 'Normalized' andLiberalization Globalization Patterns." National and the Israeli Policy Levi-Faur,"Warfare, Polity-Formation and Ethnic Democracy:Israeli Arabs in Alan Dowty, "Consociationalism DvoraYanow,"FromWhatEdahAreYou?Israeliand Perspective." Comparative

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AmericanMeaningsof 'Race-Ethnicity'in Social Policy Practices."Roger FriedlandandRichardD. Hecht,"Changing Places:Jerusalem's Holy Placesin ProblemDefinitions, Comparative Perspective." NogaMorag-Levine, "Imported Culture the and Local of Israeli Politics." DavidVogel, Abortion Legal Dynamics "IsraeliEnvironmental in Mark Tessler,Jodi Policy Comparative Perspective." Nachtwey,and AudraGrant,"TheGenderand PacifismHypothesis:Opinion ResearchfromIsraelandtheArabWorld."IraSharkansky, "ThePromised Landof the ChosenPeopleIs Not All ThatDistinctive:OntheValueof Comparison." Robert Rabinowitz, ed. New Voices in Jewish Thought. London: Limmud

Publications,1998. 101pp. CONTENTS: DavidHartman, ElianeGlaser,"Hebrewas Mythand "Foreword." in Renaissance Robert Dawkinsandthe Rabinowitz,"Richard Reality England." Futureof ModemOrthodoxy." KeithHarris,"Exploring JewishSpace:A Critique of Limmud."Adam Sutcliffe, "Judaismand the Paradoxof Enlightenment Alex Sinclair,"HowShouldWe ReadTorah?A CaseStudyof The Toleration." Sellingof Joseph." Keith Harris, ed. New Voices in Jewish Thought, Vol. II. London: Limmud

Publications,1999.90 pp. Land?: KeithHarris,"AnOrphaned CONTENTS: Jonathan Webber,"Foreword." to IsraelandtheGlobalExtremeMetalScene."Alex Gordon,"FromAmbivalence Ben Gidley, TimeandAmerican-Jewish Contradiction: Identity." Postmodernity, "GhettoRadicalism:TheJewishEastEnd."DavidClark,"JewishMuseumsand JewishRenewal."RobertRabinowitz,"PassoverCleaning." EdmundD. Pellegrino and Alan I. Faden, eds. Jewish and CatholicBioethics:An

Ecumenical D.C.:Georgetown UniversityPress,1999.xii, Dialogue.Washington, 154 pp.

of Jewish AlanI. Faden,"Issuesin BiomedicalEthics:Comparison CONTENTS: and ChristianPerspectives."Section 1: Ethics as philosophy. Tom L. Beauchamp,

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169

"Spinozaand Judaism."Section 2: The Sanctityof humanlife. BaruchA. Brody,

"JewishReflectionson Life and DeathDecisionMaking."RonaldM. Green, "JewishTeachingontheSanctityandQualityof Life."ShimonGlick,"TheJewish "TheSanctityof HumanApproachto LivingandDying."DavidC. Thomasma, Life Doctrine."Section 3: Sufferingand the sufferer. AvrahamSteinberg,"The

JamesKeenan,"TheMeaningof Meaningof Suffering:A JewishPerspective." Suffering?"Section 4: Healing and the healer. Fred Rosner, "The Imperativeto

Healin Traditional Judaism." MosheTendler,"Onthe Interfaceof Religionand D. Pellegrino, MedicalScience:TheJudeo-Biblical Edmund "Healing Perspective." J.D. Cassidy,"ACatholicChristian andBeingHealed:A Christian Perspective." EdmundD. Pellegrino,"Epilogue: Perspectiveon EarlyHumanDevelopment." and Bioethical Discourse." Religion RobertMoses Shapiro,ed. Holocaust Chronicles:Individualizingthe Holocaust ThroughDiaries and OtherContemporaneousPersonal Accounts.Hoboken,N.J.:

KTAVPublishingHouse,1999.xviii, 302 pp. AharonAppelfeld,"Individualization CONTENTS: RuthR.Wisse,"Introduction." of the Holocaust." Warsaw belles lettres. David G. Roskies, "Landkentenish:

in the YiddishBellesLettresin theWarsawGhetto."RafaelF. Scharf,"Literature Ghetto in the Polish Language:Z otchlani-From the Abyss." Warsaw'sJanusz

Korczak.RichardLourie,"WhoKorczakWasandWhyWe CannotKnowHim." BettyJeanLifton,"JanuszKorczakon PlanetRo." Warsawdiaries,letters,and of ThreatinDiaries otheraccounts.DavidEngel,"'WillTheyDare?':Perceptions Two "TwoFormsof JewishResistance, RutaSakowska, fromtheWarsawGhetto." Moses Lodz. Robert Archive." Shabes Functionsof Ringelblum's Shapiro, Oyneg "DiariesandMemoirsfromthe Lodz Ghettoin YiddishandHebrew."Marian Turski,"Individual Experiencein Diariesfromthe LodzGhetto."PinchasShaar, Bardof GhettoLodz."GilaFlam,"TheRoleof "MendelGrossman: Photographic Vilna.DinaPorat, andWitnessing." SingingintheGhettos:BetweenEntertainment "TheVilnaGhettoDiaries."SamuelDavidKassow,"VilnaandWarsaw,Two Jan Polishbystanders. GhettoDiaries:HermanKrukandEmanuelRingelblum." TomaszGross,"TwoMemoirsfromthe Edge of Destruction." MagdalenaM. and MariaDabrowska, Opalski,"TheHolocaustintheDiariesofZofiaNalkowska,

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Jaroslaw Iwaszkiewicz." Unpublished diaries and memoirs. Yitshak Arad,

"WartimeDiariesand Letterson the Holocaustin Soviet Archives."Daniel Diaries and Memoirsin the Archivesof the Jewish Grinberg,"Unpublished HistoricalInstitutein Poland."Methodological questions.NechamaTec,"Diaries andOralHistory:Reflectionson Methodological Issuesin HolocaustResearch." as ArtifactsandEvidence."IsaacLewin, RayeFarr,"TheUse of Photographs "Rabbinic Works." RahelR. Wasserfall,ed. Womenand Water:Menstruationin JewishLife andLaw.

Hanover,N.H.:BrandeisUniversityPress,1999.vii, 280 pp. CONTENTS:Rahel Wasserfall,"Introduction: MenstrualBlood into Jewish Blood." I. The historicalcontext.TirzahMeacham,"An AbbreviatedHistoryof the Developmentof the JewishMenstrualLaws."LeslieA. Cook,"BodyLanguage: Women'sRitualsof Purificationin the Bible andMishnah."CharlotteElisheva "Yalta'sRuse:ResistanceAgainstRabbinicMenstrualAuthorityin Fonrobert, TalmudicLiterature." ShayeJ. D. Cohen,"Purity,Piety,andPolemic:Medieval RabbinicDenunciationsof 'Incorrect'PurificationPractices."SharonKoren, PerezandFlorence RationalesfortheLawsofNiddah."DanielleStorper "Mystical "Rabbis,Physicians,andtheWoman's/Female Body:TheAppropriate Heymann, Distance."II. The ethnographicand anthropologicaltradition.Susan StarrSered

with Romi Kaplanand SamuelCooper,"TalkingaboutMiqvehParties,or Discoursesof Gender,Hierarchy,and Social Control."Lisa Anteby,"'There's Jews BloodintheHouse':NegotiatingFemaleRitualsof PurityAmongEthiopian in Israel."Rahel Wasserfall,"Community,Fertility,and Sexuality:Identity "The JoelleAllouche-Benayoun., JewishImmigrants." Formation AmongMoroccan andMeanings." Ritesof WaterfortheJewishWomenof Algeria:Representations RitualPurification JanetLiebman Jacobs,"TheReturntotheSacred: AmongCryptoNaomiMarmon,"Reflectionson Contemporary Jewsin the Diaspora." Miqveh Practice." TirzahMeacham,"Appendix: of Niddahin favorof A. TheElimination andInternal andtheVarietiesof Blood." Ziva;B. Retroactive Impurity

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JOURNALS EretzIsraelArchaeological,Historicaland GeographicalStudies.Vol. 26. Edited

by BaruchA. Levine,PhillipJ. King,JosephNaveh,andEphraimStem.Frank MooreCrossVolume.Jerusalem: IsraelExploration Society,1999.xii, 191 pp. 236 and (Hebrew).xxiv, pp.(English,French, German). Non-Hebrew section."Preface." Avraham CONTENTS: Biran,"ATributetoFrank MooreCross."PhilipJ. King,"FrankMooreCross,GentlemanandScholar."P. "Frank MooreCross,ScholarandTeacher." of Works KyleMcCarter, Bibliography Frank Jr. Moore Cross. White "The Professor 'Rewritten' Sidnie Crawford, by A LookatThreeTexts."WilliamG.Dever,"Archaeology BibleatQumran: andthe AncientIsraeliteCult:HowtheKh.el-Q6mandKuntillet'Ajraid'Asherah'Texts HaveChangedthePicture." JosephA. Fitzmyer,"TheSo-CalledAramaicDivorce TextfromWadiSeiyal."DanielE.Fleming,"IfEl Is a Bull,WhoIs a Calf?"David in Jeremiah1-20."ErnestS. andJackR. Lundbom, NoelFreedman "Haplography of Jewishand Christian The Interdependence Frerichs,"Point,Counterpoint: Maria and AmadasiGuzzo,"Plural the Hebrew Bible." Giulia of Interpretation BaruchHalpern,"Eli'sDeath FemininePersonalSuffixPronounsin Phoenician." Correlation." andthe IsraeliteGate:A Philological-Architectural LarryG. Herr, on JacobHoftijzer,"Remarks "Tallal-'Umayriandthe ReubeniteHypothesis." "Onthe EtymologyandMeaningof Hebrew Psalm45:7a."JohnHuehnergard, ndbi'." Philip J. King, "Travel,Transport,Trade."Andr6 Lemaire, "Nouveaux

andMortgagein EdwardLipifiski,"Transfer sceauxet bullespal6o-h6braiques." "Two Arrowheads P. Kyle McCarter, Bronze AncientAramaicDocument." Jr., andUsersof Hebrew AlanMillard,"Owners withArchaicAlphabetic Inscriptions." "TheHistoryof AramaicDialectsin the Lightof Seals."MatthewMorgenstern, EmilePeuch,"Le DiscoveriesfromtheJudaeanDesert:TheCaseof Nabataean." 'Fils de Dieu' en 4Q246."AnsonF. Rainey,"TheTaanachLetters."Wolfgang R6llig, "AramaicaHaburensiaIII. Beobachtungenan neuen Dokumentenin 'AramaicArgillaryScript'."LawrenceH. Schiffian, "TheHouseof theLaverin the TempleScroll."StanislavSegert,"WarOrdersand Songs: Essenes and E. Stager,"Jerusalem andtheGardenof Eden."MichaelStone Lawrence Hussites." and Theo Maartenvan Lint, "MoreArmenianInscriptionsfrom Sinai."John

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Strugnell,"Problemsin the Developmentof the Ahiqar Tale." James C. "Studieson 'David'sCompositions' RandallW. VanderKam, (11QPsa27:2-11)." TheSealof'AynadabSonof Younker,"AnAmmoniteSealfromTallJalul,Jordan: Zedek'il."Englishsummaries of articlesin Hebrew,French,andGerman. Hebrewsection.ShmuelAhituv,"A DivineVerdict:A JudicialPapyrusof the SeventhCenturyB.C.E."IsraelEph'al,"Onthe Pronunciation of SomeProper Names."HananEshel, "TheRulersof SamariaDuringthe Fifth and Fourth CenturiesB.C.E."Zeev B. Begin and Avihu Grushka,"WhereWas Ostracon Lachish-4Written?"AvrahamBiran,"Thehusot of Dan."ItzhaqBeit-Arieh, "Ostraconmniy fromHorvat'Uza."DanBarag,"Ownersof MultipleSealsin Judea(Duringthe Eighth-EarlySixth CenturyB.C.E.)."MagenBroshi,"A ontheApocalypseof Weeks(4Q247)."AaronDemsky,"KingMesha Commentary Takesa Census."MenahemHaran,"BetweenRoyalAnnalsandLiterarySources: TheBooksof theChroniclesof theKingsof JudahandIsrael,WhatWereThey?" Rachel Hachlili, "Namesand Nicknamesat Masada."EmanuelTov, "The Characterization of theAdditionalLayerof theMasoreticTextof Jeremiah." Ada ChaimCohen, Yardeni,"Twoin One?A Deed of Sale fromWadiMurabba'at." "BiblicalHebrew-Ugaritic The BHmrnm\lmn Comparative Philology: Comparison = Ug. hdrt."Mordechai a Definition of "Towards Cogan, ,a50 twnn ,na •0• and Baruch A. Oaths "Vows, Levine, Binding Agreements:The i~n\,\'W,." ArnihaiMazar,"Beth Sectionon Vows in the Lightof theAramaicInscriptions." Sheanduringthe IronAge II: Stratigraphy, ChronologyandHebrewOstraca." SamuelandSaul,DavidandSolomonin Abraham Malamat, Concerning "Episodes Notes."Nadav the Light of Mari Prophecies."HaggaiMisgav,"Epigraphical from the Aramaic of "The Historical Na'aman, Inscription TelDan." Background Dan andEkron." DanielSivan, on the From JosephNaveh,"Marginalia Inscriptions fromthe DavidAmit,"AnAramaic "SomeUnusualDoubletsinUgaritic." Inscription "TheBeginning IsraelFinkelstein, oftheStatein PeriodatHorvatMazor." Hellenistic to theEditionsof theDeadSea IsraelandJudah." ElishaQimron,"Improvements Scrolls."AmosKlonerandEstherEshel,"ASeventh-Century B.C.E.Listof Names fromMaresha." YairShoham,"HebrewBullaefromthe Cityof David."Ephraim theEstablishment of theFirstPhoenician Stern,"NewFindsfromDorConcerning theAssyrianArmy." "The of at the Site." Commanders City-State HayimTadmor,

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JewishHistory.Vol. 13, No. 1. Editedby EricZimmer.Spring1999. 164 pp. (English),4 pp. (Hebrew). CONTENTS: MordechaiBreuer,"Appointment andSuccessionamongYeshiva Deans."SimonSchwarzfuchs, "TheInheritance of theRabbinate Reconsidered." ShaulStampfer,"Inheritance of the Rabbinatein EasternEuropein the Modem FactorsandDevelopment overTime."JayR.Berkovitz,"Patterns Period--Causes, of RabbinicSuccessionin ModemFrance."YaronHarel,"TheControversy over RabbiEphraim Laniado's Inheritance of theRabbinate inAleppo."GershonBacon, "Warsaw-Radom-Vilna: ThreeDisputesoverRabbinical Postsin Interwar Poland and TheirImplicationsfor the Changein JewishPublicDiscourse."AdamS. Ferziger,"TheLooksteinLegacy:An AmericanOrthodoxRabbinical Dynasty?" The StudiaPhilonica Annual. Studies in Hellenistic Judaism. Vol. 11. Editedby

DavidT.RuniaandGregoryE. Sterling.Atlanta:ScholarsPress,1999.viii, 196pp. CONTENTS: Articles.GregoryE. Sterling,"Recherche orRepresentative? WhatIs theRelationship BetweenPhilo'sTreatisesandGreek-Speaking Maren Judaism?" R. Niehoff,"JewishIdentityandJewishMothers:WhoWasa JewAccordingto Philo?"HindyNajman,"TheLawof Natureandthe Authorityof MosaicLaw." BernardBesnier,"Migration et telosd'aprdsle de migratione Abrahami." Moshe fromtheHebrew Schwabe,"Philo,De opificiomundi? 15.Editedandtranslated with an introductory note by AdamKamesar." Instrumenta-review article.T. Runia, "Philonicain the Catena in Genesim."

Books Received Source: AJS Review, Vol. 25, No. 1 (2000 - 2001), pp. 175-182 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1566678 . Accessed: 17/07/2011 04:47 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

BOOKS RECEIVED Abramson, Henry. A Prayer for the Government: Ukrainians and Jews in Revolutionary Times, 1917-1920. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard

UniversityPress,for the UkrainianResearchInstituteand Centerfor JewishStudies,Harvard University,1999.xix, 255 pp.

Adams, Joy Effron Abelson. Images of America: Jewish Community of

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SyracuseUniversityPress,1999.xxvi, 289 pp.

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Aschheim, Steven E. Brothers and Strangers: The East European Jew in German and German Jewish Consciousness, 1800-1923. Updated

paperbacked. Madison:Universityof WisconsinPress, 1999. xxxi, 331 pp.

Bardach, Janusz, and Kathleen Gleeson. Man Is Wolf to Man: Surviving the

Gulag.Paperbacked. Berkeley:Universityof CaliforniaPress, 1999. xvi, 391 pp.

Bareket, Elinoar.Fustat on the Nile: The Jewish Elite in Medieval Egypt. The

24. Leiden:Brill,1999.xvi, 295 pp. 8 plates. MedievalMediterranean

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ModemHebrewClassics.Boulder, Pattersonand EzraSpicehandler. Col.:WestviewPress,1999.ix, 299 pp. 175

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Birmingham, Stephen. "The Rest of Us": The Rise of Amerca's Eastern

EuropeanJews. ModemJewishHistory.Reprinted. Syracuse,N.Y.: SyracuseUniversityPress,1999.xv, 413 pp.

Boccaccini, Gabriele. Beyond the Essene Hypothesis: The Parting of the Ways Between Qumranand Enochic Judaism. GrandRapids, Mich: William

B. Eerdmans,1998.xx, 230 pp. Cohen, Jeremy: Living Letters of the Law: Ideas of the Jew in Medieval

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Cohn, Norman. Noah's Flood: The Genesis Story in Western Thought.

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1999.vi, 325 pp. Collins, John J. The Apocalyptic Imagination: An Introduction to Jewish

ApocalypticLiterature.2nd ed. GrandRapids,Mich.: William B. Eerdmans,1998.xiii, 337 pp. Coser,Rose Laub,LauraS. Anker,andAndrewJ. Perrin.Womenof Courage: Jewish and Italian Immigrant Womenin New York.Contributionsin

Women'sStudies 173. Westport,Conn.:GreenwoodPress, 1999. x, 162pp.

Dan, Joseph, and Esther Liebes, eds. The Library of Gershom Scholem on Jewish Mysticism: Catalogue. 2 vols. Jerusalem:Jewish National and

UniversityLibraryPress,1999.xv (English),1122pp.(Hebrew).

David, Abraham.In Zion and Jerusalem: The Itinerary of Rabbi Moses Basola

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Eisenstadt,Peter. Affirmingthe Covenant:A History of TempleB'rith Kodesh, Rochester,New York,1848-1998. Syracuse,N.Y.: SyracuseUniversity

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Oreg.:FrankCass,1999.vi, 168pp. Elon, Ari, Naomi MaraHyman,and ArthurWaskow,eds. Trees,Earth,and Torah: A Tu B'Shvat Anthology. Philadelphia: Jewish Publication

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Erlich, Josef. Sabbath.Modem Jewish History. Syracuse,N.Y.: Syracuse UniversityPress,1999.xxiv, 182pp. Fackenheim,Emil L. WhatIs Judaism?: An Interpretationfor the Present Age.

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Fox, Harry, and Tirzah Meacham, eds. Introducing Toseftia: Textual, Intratextualand IntertextualStudies. Hoboken,N.J.: KTAV, 1999. xix,

340 pp. Freedman, Benjamin. Duty and Healing: Foundations of a Jewish Bioethic.

ReflectiveBioethics.New York:Routledge,1999.vii, 344 pp. Friedman, Murray,andAlbertD. Chernin,eds.A SecondExodus:TheAmerican Movement to Free Soviet Jews. Brandeis Series in American Jewish

History,Culture,and Life. Hanover,N.H.: UniversityPress of New EnglandforBrandeisUniversityPress,1999.vii, 265 pp. Gilman, SanderL., and Milton Shain. Jewries at the Frontier: Accommodation,

Identity,Conflict.Urbana:Universityof IllinoisPress,1999.401 pp. Gold, Judith Taylor. Monsters and Madonnas: The Roots of Christian Anti-

Semitism.Rev. ed. Syracuse,N.Y.: SyracuseUniversityPress, 1999. xii, 220 pp.

Goldberg, Arnold. Rabbinische Texte als Gegenstand der Auslegung:

StudienII Texteund StudienzumAntikenJudentum73. Gesammelte MohrSiebeck,1999.viii, 463 pp. Tilbingen:

Goren, Arthur A. The Politics and Public Culture of American Jews. The

Modem Jewish Experience.Bloomington:IndianaUniversityPress, 1999.274 pp.

Gottesman,Milton M. Hoopskirtsand Huppas: A Chronicle of the Early Years of the Garfunkel-TragerFamily in America, 1856-1920. New York:

AmericanJewishHistoricalSociety,1999.xii, 95 pp. The ChocolateDeal: A Novel. Detroit:WayneStateUniversity Haim. Goury, Press,1999.xii, 144pp.

Harran,Don. Salamone Rossi: Jewish Musician in Late Renaissance Mantua.

OxfordMonographson Music.New York:OxfordUniversityPress, 1999.x, 310 pp.

Hartman,Geoffrey. A Critic's Journey: Literary Reflections, 1958-1998. New

Haven:YaleUniversityPress,1999.xxxi, 297 pp.

Haynes, Stephen R., and John K. Roth. The Death of God Movement and the Holocaust: Radical Theology Encounters the Shoah. Christianityand

the Holocaust--CoreIssues.Westport,Conn.:GreenwoodPress,1999. xvii, 152pp.

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178

Heger, Paul. The Three Biblical Altar Laws. Beihefte zur Zeitschrift ffir die

alttestamentliche Wissenschaft279. Berlin:Walterde Gruyter,1999. 463 xi, pp. Hirshman,Marc(Menahem).Torahfor the EntireWorld.Tel Aviv: Hakibbutz 1999. 189pp. Hameuchad, Ilan, Tal. Integrating Womeninto Second TempleHistory. Texts and Studies in

AncientJudaism76. Tiibingen:MohrSiebeck,1999.xiii, 296 pp.

Kalmin, Richard. The Sage in Jewish Society of Late Antiquity. London:

Routledge,1999.x, 180pp. Kamen, Henry. The Spanish Inquisition: A Historical Revision. Paperbacked.

New Haven:YaleUniversityPress,1999.xii, 369 pp.

Kartun-Blum,Ruth. Profane Scriptures: Reflections on the Dialogue with the Bible in Modern Hebrew Poetry. Cincinnati:Hebrew Union College

Press,1999,97 pp. Katz, Stephen. The CentrifugalNovel: S. Y. Agnon's Poetics of Composition.

Teaneck,N.J.:FairleighDickinsonUniversityPress,1999.219 pp.

Katz, Yossi. The Religious KibbutzMovementin the Land of Israel. Jerusalem:

Bar-IlanUniversityPress,1999.358 pp. MagnesPressandRamat-Gan:

Kramer, Martin, ed. The Jewish Discovery of Islam: Studies in Honor of

BernardLewis.Tel Aviv:MosheDayanCenterforMiddleEasternand AfricanStudies,TelAviv University,1999.viii, 311 pp.

Kreisel, Howard. Maimonides' Political Thought:Studies in Ethics, Law, and

the HumanIdeal. SUNY Seriesin JewishPhilosophy.Albany:SUNY Press,1999.x, 360 pp.

Lamm, Norman. The Religious Thought of Hasidism: Text and Commentary.

Sourcesand Studiesin Kabbalah,Hasidism,andJewishThought,vol. 4. New York:YeshivaUniversityPress,1999.xlix, 711 pp.

Langer, Lawrence L. The Game Continues: Chess in the Art of Samuel Bak.

Boston:PuckerGallery,1999.87 pp.

Leet, Leonora. Renewing the Covenant: A Kabbalistic Guide to Jewish

Rochester,Vt.:InnerTraditions,1999.viii, 264 pp. Spirituality.

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SacredScience.Rochester,Vt.:InnerTraditions,1999.xiii, 249 pp. TheYemeniteGirl.A Novel.Libraryof ModernJewishLiterature. Curt. Leviant, Reprinted. Syracuse:SyracuseUniversityPress,1999.187pp. Levi-Faur,David,GabrielSheffer,andDavidVogel, eds.Israel:TheDynamics of Change and Continuity. Israeli History, Politics and Society.

Portland,Oreg.:FrankCass,1999.304 pp.

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179

Trans.MichaelB. Smith. Levinas,Emmanuel.Alterityand Transcendence. EuropeanPerspectives.New York:ColumbiaUniversityPress, 1999. xxiv, 195pp. Lipton, Sara.Images of Intolerance: TheRepresentationof Jews and Judaism in

the Bible moralis6e.Berkeley:Universityof CaliforniaPress, 1999. xvi, 241 pp.

Maccoby,Hyam. Ritual and Morality: TheRitual Purity Systemand Its Place in

Judaism.Cambridge: Cambridge UniversityPress,1999.xii, 231 pp. Morozov, Boris. Documents on Soviet Jewish Emigration. Cummings Center

Series.Portland,Oreg.:FrankCass,1999.xviii, 301 pp. Melammed,Rende Levine. Heretics or Daughters of Israel? The Crypto-Jewish

Womenof Castile.New York:OxfordUniversityPress,1999.vi, 256 pp.

Melnick, Jeffrey. A Right to Sing the Blues: African Americans, Jews, and

AmericanPopularSong.Cambridge, Mass.:HarvardUniversityPress,

1999. ix, 277 pp. Mittelberg,David. TheIsrael Connectionand AmericanJews. Westport,Conn.:

Praeger,1999.xvii, 192pp.

Molodowsky, Kadya. Paper Bridges: Selected Poems. Translated,introduced,

and editedby KathrynHellerstein.Detroit:Wayne State University Press,1999.543 pp.

Morgenstern,Arie. Mysticism and Messianism: From Luzzatto to the Vilna

Gaon.Jerusalem: Ma'or,1999.405 pp.(Hebrew).

Neusner, Jacob. The Four Stages of Rabbinic Judaism. London: Routledge,

1999.xv, 226 pp.

New Voices in Jewish Thought: A Collection of Essays. Edited by Robert

London:LimmudPublications,1998.90 pp. Rabinowitz.

New Voices in Jewish Thought:A Collection of Essays, vol. 2. Edited by Keith

Harris.London:LimmudPublications,1999.101pp.

Olitzky, Kerry M. From YourFather's House: Reflectionsfor Modern Jewish

JewishPublicationSociety,1999.xxv, 108pp. Men.Philadelphia: Paul,Terri.GlassHearts.Chicago:AcademyChicagoPublishers,1999.326 pp. Pellegrino,EdmundD., andAlanL. Faden,eds.Jewishand CatholicBioethics: An EcumenicalDialogue. Moral Traditionsand Moral Arguments.

Washington,D.C.: GeorgetownUniversityPress, 1999. xii, 154 pp. Keith H. ConstructingModernIdentities:Jewish UniversityStudents in Pickus,

Germany,1815-1914. Detroit:Wayne StateUniversityPress, 1999.

222 pp.

180

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Aaron.TheRay:TheWorldofRabbiJosephB. Soloveitchik. Rakeffet-Rothkoff, 2 vols. Hoboken:N.J.:KTAVPublishingHouse,1999.xxxvi, 296 and 300 pp. Reich, Tova. Master of the Return:A Novel. Libraryof Modem Jewish Literature.Reprinted. Syracuse,N.Y.: SyracuseUniversityPress, 1999.240 pp. David G.AgainsttheApocalypse:Responsesto Catastrophe in Modern Roskies, JewishCulture.Reprinted. Syracuse,N.Y.: SyracuseUniversityPress, 1999.xii, 374 pp. The Jewish Searchfor a UsablePast. Helen and MartinSchwartz --. Lecturesin Jewish Studies, 1998. Bloomington:IndianaUniversity Press,1999.xii, 217 pp. Rubenstein,Jeffrey L. TalmudicStories: NarrativeArt, Composition,and Culture.Baltimore:JohnsHopkinsUniversityPress,1999.xvi, 435 pp. Rubinstein,Ernest.An Episodeof Jewish Romanticism:FranzRosenzweig's "TheStar of Redemption".SUNY Series in Judaica:Hermeneutics, Mysticism,andReligion.Albany:SUNYPress,1999.xiii, 306 pp. Salamon,Hagar.The Hyena People: EthiopianJews in ChristianEthiopia. Contraversions: Critical Studies in Jewish Literature,Culture,and Society.Berkeley:Universityof CaliforniaPress,1999.xi, 157pp. Samuelson,NorbertM. A User's Guideto Franz Rosenzweig'sThe Star of Redemption.CurzonJewishPhilosophySeries.Surrey,Eng.:Curzon Press,1999.xxv, 386 pp. Schmidt,Gilya G., ed./trans.The First Buber: YouthfulZionist Writingsof MartinBuber.Syracuse,N.Y.: SyracuseUniversityPress,1999.xxvii, 225 pp. Schuldiner,Michael,and Daniel J. Kleinfeld,eds. The Selected Writingsof MordecaiNoah. Contributionsin AmericanStudies 107. Westport, Conn.:GreenwoodPress,1999.ix, 171pp. Schwartz,BaruchJ. The HolinessLegislation:Studiesin the Priestly Code. Publicationof the PerryFoundationfor BiblicalResearch.Jerusalem: TheMagnesPress,1999.448 pp. (Hebrew). Schwarz,Daniel R. Imaginingthe Holocaust.New York:St. Martin'sPress, 1999.353 pp. Jewish Segal,Ariel.Jews of the Amazon:Self-Exilein Paradise.Philadelphia: PublicationSociety1999.xxiii, 341 pp.

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181

Shapiro,RobertMoses, ed. Holocaust Chronicles:Individualizingthe Holocaust Through Diaries and Other Contemporaneous Personal Accounts.

Hoboken:N.J.:KTAV,1999.xviii, 302 pp.

Simon, Uriel. The JPS Bible Commentary: Jonah. Philadelphia: Jewish

PublicationSociety,1999.xliii, 52 pp.

Sorkin, David. The Transformationof GermanJewry, 1780-1840. Reprint ed.

Detroit:WayneStateUniversityPress,1999.255 pp. Uffenheimer,Benjamin.Early Prophecyin Israel. Publicationsof the Perry Foundation for BiblicalResearch.Jerusalem: MagnesPress,1999.591 PP. Weiss, David W. ReluctantReturn:A Survivor's Journey to an Austrian Town.

andCulture.Bloomington:IndianaUniversityPress, JewishLiterature 1999.xii, 189pp. Wenger, Beth S. New YorkJews and the Great Depression. Paperback ed.

Modem JewishHistory.Syracuse:SyracuseUniversityPress, 1999. xiv, 269 pp.

Whitfield, Stephen J. In Search of AmericanJewish Culture.Brandeis Series in

AmericanJewishHistory,Culture,andLife.Hanover,N.H.:University Pressof New EnglandforBrandeisUniversityPress,1999.xvi, 307 pp.

Wineman, Aryeh. Ethical Tales from the Kabbalah. Philadelphia: Jewish

PublicationSociety,1999.xi, 174pp. Yassif, Eli. The Hebrew Folktale: History, Genre, Meaning. Trans. Jacqueline

IndianaUniversityPress,1999.xvii, 560 pp. Teitelbaum. Bloomington:

Valler, Shulamit. Womenand Womanhoodin the Talmud.Brown JudaicStudies

321. Atlanta:ScholarsPress,1999.xx, 139pp. Wasserfall,Rahel R., ed. Womenand Water:Menstruationin Jewish Life and

Law. BrandeisSeries on JewishWomen.Hanover,N.H.: University Pressof New Englandfor BrandeisUniversityPress, 1999. viii, 280

PP. Zimmer, Yitzhak (Eric). The Fiery Embers of the Scholars: The Trials and Tribulations of German Rabbis in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth

MosadBialikfor Ben-GurionUniversityof the Centuries.Jerusalem: 1999. xii, 355 pp.(Hebrew) NegevPress,

Zipperstein,Steven J. ImaginingRussian Jewry: Memory,History, Identity.The

Samuel and Althea Stroum Lectures in Jewish Studies. Seattle: Press,1999.xii, 139pp. Universityof Washington

182

BOOKSRECEIVED

JOURNALS Eretz-Israel:Archaeological,Historicaland GeographicalStudies,vol. 26. FrankMoore Cross Volume. Jerusalem:Israel ExplorationSociety, 1999. xii, 191 pp. (Hebrew),xxiv, 236 pp. (English,French,and German). StudiaPhilonicaAnnual.Editedby David T. Runiaand GregoryE. Sterling. Studiesin HellenisticJudaism11, BrownJudaicStudies323. Atlanta: ScholarsPress,1999.viii, 194pp.

‫פולמוס אתרוגי קורפו ורקעו ההיסטורי‬ Author(s): ‫יוסף שלמון‬ Source: AJS Review, Vol. 25, No. 1 (2000 - 2001), pp. 1-24 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1566679 . Accessed: 17/07/2011 04:47 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

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Back Matter Source: AJS Review, Vol. 25, No. 1 (2000 - 2001) Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1566680 . Accessed: 17/07/2011 04:48 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

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2001 MealReservations, Hotel, and TravelInform mustbereceived November 16,2001 paidreservations byAJSbefore for KOSWERCATERINGBY THE HILTON WASHINGTON

Number

$ Total

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@ $25.00 = $ .. @ $25.00 = $

Tuesday # # SundayBanquet # MondayDinner

@ $25.00 =$.$

AllMeals

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PRICESINCLUDEALLSERVICE CHARGESAND GRATUITIES

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to makeoraddconference mealreservations

SPECIAL DISC

throughtheBrand 1-800-370 Ifromouts Bryan(x4129)o email: bry

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CONFERE

reserves theright TheAssociation to makesuchchangesin theConference arrangements as may be necessary.

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