Studies in Early Jewish Epigraphy

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15/09/2003

14:44

Page i

STUDIES IN EARLY JEWISH EPIGRAPHY

ARBEITEN ZUR GESCHICHTE DES ANTIKEN JUDENTUMS UND DES URCHRISTENTUMS HERAUSGEGEBEN VON

Martin Hengel (Tubingen), Peter Schafer (Berlin), Pieter W . van der Horst (Utrecht), Martin Goodman (Oxford), Daniel R. Schwartz (Jerusalem)

XXI

STUDIES IN EARLY JEWISH EPIGRAPHY EDITED BY

JAN WILLEM V A N HENTEN AND

PIETER W I L L E M V A N D E R H O R S T

EJ. BRILL LEIDEN • NEW Y O R K • K O L N 1994

T h e p a p e r in this b o o k meets the guidelines for p e r m a n e n c e a n d durability o f the C o m m i t t e e o n Production Guidelines for B o o k L o n g e v i t y o f the C o u n c i l o n L i b r a r y Resources.

Die Deutsche Bibliothek - CEP-Einheitsaufhahme S t u d i e s i n e a r l y J e w i s h e p i g r a p h y / ed. b y J a n W i l l e m v a n H e n t e n a n d Pieter W . v a n der Horst. - Leiden ; N e w Y o r k ; K o l n : Brill, 1 9 9 4 (Arbeiten zur Geschichte des antiken Judentums und des Urchristentums ; 21) ISBN 90-04-09916-6 NE: Henten, Jan Willem van p r s g . ] ; G T

©

ISSN

0169-734X

ISBN

90 04 09916 6

Copyright 1994 by E.J. Brill, Leiden, The Netherlands

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by E.J. Brill provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to Copyright Clearance Center, 27 Congress Street, Salem MA 01970,

USA. Fees are subject to change.

P R I N T E D

I N

T H E

N E T H E R L A N D S

CONTENTS Preface

vii

Abbreviations Introduction by the editors WILLIAM

ix 1

HORBURY

Jewish Inscriptions and Jewish Literature in Egypt, with Special Reference to Ecclesiasticus

9

J A N W I L L E M VAN H E N T E N

A Jewish Epitaph in a Literary Text: 4 Mace 17:8-10

44

J O H A N H . M. STRUBBE

Curses Against Violation o f the Grave in Jewish Epitaphs from Asia Minor

70

P l E T E R W. VAN DER H O R S T

Jewish Poetical T o m b Inscriptions

129

A L I C E J. B y DE V A A T E

Alphabet-Inscriptions from Jewish Graves

148

DAVID N O Y

The Jewish Communities o f Leontopolis and Venosa....

162

GERT LUDERITZ,

What is the Politeuma?

183

TESSA RAJAK

Inscription and Context: Reading the Jewish Catacombs o f Rome

226

G E R A R D MUSSIES

Jewish Personal Names in Some Non-Literary Sources

242

Index I H HI

277 277 283 285

o f passages Inscriptions, ostraca and papyri Bible Ancient writings

PREFACE The present volume contains nine papers read at a conference o n ancient Jewish epigraphy organized by members o f the Faculty o f Theology at Utrecht University. The editors, who were the conveners o f the symposium, are grateful to Professor Martin Hengel for agreeing to publish this volume in the series AGAJU. They also wish to thank Mrs. Gonni Runia-Deenick who skil fully refashioned all the manuscripts into camera ready copy. They further owe thanks to Dr Peter Staples for correcting the English o f the contributions by the Dutch participants. The style o f references and abbreviations used in this volume is by and large that o f the Society of Biblical Literature Membership Directory and Handbook, Decatur 1992, 209-226. An exception is our use o f CIJ (instead of CII) forJ.-B. Frey's Corpus Inscriptionum Judaicarum (2 vols.; Rome: 1936-1952; reprint o f vol. 1 with a Prolego m e n o n by B. Lifshitz; New York: 1975); the reason for our preference is given in note 1 to the editors' Introduction to this volume. Abbreviations not listed in the SBL Handbook are found either in Liddell-Scott-Jones or are provided by the contributors. A list o f additional abbreviations is given after this Preface for the convenience o f the reader (the most extensive and reliable list o f abbreviations used in the study o f ancient epigraphy can be found in the excellent Guide de I'epigraphiste, eds. F. Berard, D. Feissel, P. Petitmengin & M. Seve, Paris: 1989). The volume offers n o bibliography since several o f the authors provide one for their specific topic. Moreover, a select but recent bibliography can be found in P. W. van der Horst, Ancient Jewish Epitaphs (Kampen: 1991) 161-170. An index locorum covers nonliterary sources, Bible, and other ancient writings. The editors

ABBREVIATIONS BS

Beth She'earim I-III. (eds. B. Mazar, M. Schwabe, B. Lifshitz & N. Avigad) CdE Chronique d'Egypte CEG Carmina Epigraphica Graeca CJZC Corpus judischer Zeugnisse aus der Cyrenaika (ed. G. Luderitz) CPJ Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum I-III (eds. V. Tcherikover, A. Fuks & M. Stern) D o m . Flev. Gli scavi del Dominus Flevit I (eds. B. Bagatti & J. T. Milik) GV Griechische Vers-Inschriften I (ed. W. Peek) ICI Inscriptiones christianae Italiae septimo saeculo antiquiores (ed. M. Buonocore) IGC Recueil des inscriptions grecques chretiennes d A s i e Mineure I (ed. H. Gregoire) IGLS Inscriptions grecques et latines de la Syrie (eds. L. Jalabert et al.) IGUR Inscriptiones Graecae Urbis Romae (ed. L. Moretti) IOSPE Inscriptiones antiquae orae septentrionalis Ponti Euxini Graecae et Latinae (ed. B. Latyschev) JIGRE Jewish Inscriptions o f Graeco-Roman Egypt (eds. W. Horbury & D. Noy) NRSV New Revised Standard Version O.Tait Greek Ostraca in the Bodleyan Library at Oxford (eds. J. G. Tait & CI. Preaux) PApoll. Papyrus grecs d A p o l l o n o s A n o (ed. R. Remondon) PGM Papyri Graecae Magicae (ed. K. Preisendanz) REB Revised English Bible RE C A M Regional Epigraphic Catalogues o f Asia Minor I-II (ed. S. Mitchell) SEG Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum (eds. J. J. E. Hondius et al.) TSAJ Texte und Studien zum Antiken Judentum

INTRODUCTION P l E T E R W . VAN DER H O R S T A N D J A N W l L L E M VAN H E N T E N

The study o f ancient Jewish epigraphy has received quite a series of new impulses o f late. Although the old collection o f epigraphical material by Jean-Baptiste Frey is still indispensible, as our main tool it is now gradually being replaced by new and better editions o f parts o f the corpus o f Jewish inscriptions. It is well known that right from the appearance of its first volume in 1936, C7/was regarded as very deficient by the specialist epigraphists, even though it could not be doubted that Frey's work was a major step forward as compared to earlier, partial collections from the nineteenth and twentieth centuries which covered only o n e country or city or site. Frey was criticized not only for being sloppy in his presentation o f the evidence but also for having overlooked quite a number o f inscriptions. O n the other hand he had included some which d o not belong in his edition. Many o f these defects were remedied in the 1975 reprint o f the first volume (which covers Europe) by Baruch Lifshitz, who wrote a very extensive Prolegomenon, in which he proposed a considerable number o f corrections and additions. But, unfortunately, Lifshitz died before he could start working o n Frey's vol. II, which covers 1

2

3

4

1

vont

J.-B. Frey, Corpus Inscriptionum du Hie siecle avant Jesus-Christ

Judaicarum. au

Recueil des inscriptions juives

qui

Vile siecle de notre ere ( 2 vols.; R o m e :

P o n t i f i c i o Istituto di A r c h e o l o g i a Cristiana, 1 9 3 6 - 1 9 5 2 ) . T h e first v o l u m e was r e p r i n t e d in taining

1 9 7 5 ( N e w Y o r k : Ktav) with a n e x t e n s i v e

m a n y additions

and

corrections

Prolegomenon

con

by B . Lifshitz. T h i s w o r k will

be

r e f e r r e d to as CIJ; t h e o f t e n u s e d abbreviation CII s h o u l d b e a v o i d e d since it also stands for Corpus Inscriptionum 2

r e p r i n t e d in his Hellenica (1952-1958),

sive

(1937)

73-86,

Epigraphique

III

3 (1941)

30-46.

T h e o n l y s c h o l a r b e f o r e Frey w h o a i m e d at a m o r e o r less c o m p r e h e n collection

was J. O e h l e r , " E p i g r a p h i s c h e B e i t r a g e

J u d e n t u m s , " MGWJ5S 4

III (Paris: 1 9 4 6 ) 9 0 - 1 0 8 , a n d Bulletin

Paris 1 9 7 4 , n o . 2 4 ( p p . 1 0 1 - 1 0 4 ) . A . F e r r u a , " A d d e n d a e t corri

g e n d a al CIJ," Epigraphica 3

Iranicarum.

L . R o b e r t , " U n c o r p u s d e s i n s c r i p t i o n j u i v e s , " REJ 1 0 1

I n a n a p p e n d i x to his b o o k The Jews oj Ancient

H . J. L e o n r e p r i n t e d all Jewish tions a n d a d d i t i o n s o f CIJ vol. I ) .

zur G e s c h i c h t e

des

(1909) 292-302; 443-452; 525-538. inscriptions

Rome ( P h i l a d e l p h i a : 1 9 6 0 )

f r o m R o m e with m a n y c o r r e c

( m o s t o f w h i c h w e r e a c c e p t e d b y Lifshitz in t h e

reprint

2

P. W . VAN DER HORST AND J. W. VAN HENTEN

Asia —including Palestine —and Egypt, but not the rest o f North Africa, and is still more deficient than vol. I. It is therefore to be welcomed that recent work is focusing especially on the areas that Frey's second volume did and did not cover. The Cambridge Divinity Faculty Jewish Inscriptions Pro j e c t recently yielded its first produce: William Horbury & David Noy (eds.), Jewish Inscriptions of Graeco-Roman Egypt. With an Index of the Jewish Inscriptions of Egypt and Cyrenaica (Cambridge UK, Cambridge University Press, 1992; xxiv + 378 pp., 32 plates). This magnificent volume comprises all the epigraphical data from the Egyptian diaspora. Even though these had been re-edited by D. M. Lewis in an appendix to vol. Ill of the Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum in 1964, they were in need o f a new edition in which work o f the past three decades (especially by the very productive brothers Bernand) would be taken into account. The volume is much more than just a re-edition o f the Egyptian inscriptions from Frey (or Lewis). It contains several new inscriptions and also an extensive commentary and exhaustive bibliography to each item. Further it is g o o d news that Asia Minor is now being taken care o f by staff-members o f the Tubinger Atlas des Vorderen Orients p r o j e c t . As to the evidence from Roman North Africa, Y. le Bohec published a comprehensive survey o f all Jewish inscrip tions in that area in 1981. And the Cyrenaica material has been dealt with two years later when G. Luderitz published his excellent Corpus jiidischer Zeugnisse aus der Cyrenaica. Asia Minor is still most urgently in need o f a new treatment, but the Tubingen project is promising on this point; and also the full publication o f the Jewish inscriptions from Sardis by J. H. Kroll has been a n n o u n c e d . The Cambridge project is now focusing on a new 5

6

7

8

9

5

V . A . T c h e r i k o v e r , A . Fuks a n d M . Stern, Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum

(3

vols.; C a m b r i d g e Mass.: 1 9 5 7 - 1 9 6 4 ) vol. I l l , p p . 1 3 8 - 1 6 6 . 6

A g o o d e x a m p l e o f t h e very useful p u b l i c a t i o n s f r o m

H u t t e n m e i s t e r 8c G . R e e g , Die antiken Synagogen

this p r o j e c t is F.

in Israel ( 2 vols.;

Wiesbaden:

"Inscriptions j u i v e s et j u d a i s a n t e s d e l ' A f r i q u e

Romaine,"

1 9 7 7 ) ; see also f o o t n o t e 8. 7

Y. le B o h e c ,

Antiquites AJricaines 1 7 ( 1 9 8 1 ) 1 6 5 - 2 0 7 . 8

Wiesbaden

Tubinger van

der

1578b",

Atlas Horst, in

1 9 8 3 ; this v o l u m e a p p e a r e d as o n e des V o r d e r e n

Orients.

'"Lord, help the

Idem,

Essays

on

For

a minor

Rabbi'. T h e

the Jewish

World

o f the

Beihefte of

the

s u p p l e m e n t see

P. W .

Interpretation of S E G

XXXI

oj Early

Christianity

(Novum

T e s t a m e n t u m et O r b i s A n t i q u u s 1 4 ; F r i b o u r g - G o t t i n g e n : 1 9 9 0 ) 1 8 2 - 1 8 6 . 9

J. H . K r o l l , " T h e G r e e k I n s c r i p t i o n s , " The Synagogue

at Sardis.

Archaeo-

3

INTRODUCTION

edition o f the evidence from Western Europe. As for ancient Palestine, we have the three volumes on the Beth She'arim cata combs by Mazar, Schwabe, Lifshitz, and Avigad. The Masada documents are in the process of being published n o w . For other places in Hellenistic and Roman Palestine, especially Jerusalem, there is a whole series o f recent articles with publications o f new inscriptions in various journals (see especially the Israel Explo ration Journal and Revue Biblique). L. Y. Rahmani did research into Jewish ossuary inscriptions from ancient Palestine and hopefully the catalogue o f these ossuaries will soon be published. Evidently the accessibility o f the epigraphic evidence o f ancient Jewry has been increased considerably over the last decades, especially in the areas from Frey's second volume. In addition to that, an intro duction to the field was published recently, which offers a status quaestionis, a sketch o f the main problem areas and bibliographical aids for nonspecialists. 10

11

12

13

Biblical and Judaic scholars have often neglected Jewish inscriptions in the past, but in the last two decades there seems to be a growing awareness o f the importance o f these non-literary sources. Several scholars have made great efforts to attract a wider audience for non-literary Jewish and Early Christian texts. The Australian scholar Greg Horsley is an outstanding example o f this trend and it is certainly partly due to his important series New Documents * that the interest of Biblical scholars for documentary texts has been renewed. Other stimuli are the history o f the Jews 1

logical Exploration 1

-

0

ojSardis

Report

( C a m b r i d g e Mass.;

B. M a z a r , Beth She'arim I: Catacombs

B . Lifshitz,

Beth

She'arim II:

The

A v i g a d , Beth She'arim III: Catacombs 1 1

Y. Y a d i n 8c J. N a v e h ,

Greek 12-23

Masada

I:

forthcoming).

1-4 (Jerusalem: 1 9 7 3 ) ; M . Inscriptions

(Jerusalem:

1

2

See

N.

(Jerusalem: 1 9 7 6 ) . The Aramaic

and

(Jerusalem: 1 9 8 9 ) ; H . M . C o t t o n & J. G e i g e r , Masada Documents

Schwabe

1974);

Hebrew

Inscriptions

II: The Latin

and

Greek

Century

After

(Jerusalem: 1 9 8 9 ) . M . Hengel,

The

'Hellenization'

oj Judaea

in

the First

Christ ( L o n d o n : 1 9 8 9 ) 9 - 1 0 . 1

3

P. W . van d e r H o r s t , Ancient

millennium

of Jewish funerary

Jewish Epitaphs.

epigraphy (300

a l s o L . H . K a n t , "Jewish I n s c r i p t i o n s in

An

introductory

survey

of a

BCE - 700 CE) ( K a m p e n : 1 9 9 1 ) . S e e Greek and

L a t i n , " ANRW

II 2 0 . 2

( B e r l i n - N e w York: 1 9 8 7 ) 6 7 1 - 7 1 3 . 1

4

G . H . R . H o r s l e y , New Documents

Illustrating

Early Christianity

(5 volumes;

M a c q u a r i e University: 1 9 8 1 - 1 9 8 9 ) . T h e series is n o w b e i n g c o n t i n u e d by S. R . L l e w e l y n in c o l l a b o r a t i o n with R . A . Kearsley in vol. 6 ( 1 9 9 2 ) . S e e n o w also P. W . van d e r H o r s t , "Das N e u e T e s t a m e n t u n d die j i i d i s c h e aus h e l l e n i s t i s c h - r o m i s c h e r Zeit," BZ N F 3 6 ( 1 9 9 2 )

161-178.

Grabinschriften

4

P. W . VAN DER HORST AND J. W . VAN HENTEN

in Asia Minor by Paul Trebilco, with a synthesis o f the epigraphical evidence, and the recent publication o f the spectacular Jew ish inscription(s) o f Aphrodisias by Joyce Reynolds and Robert T a n n e n b a u m . The mention o f a large group o f 'Godfearers' in the inscription as a distinct category alongside Jews and prose lytes has rekindled the debate on the status o f the Godfearers, on the relation o f these epigraphical 0eoCTe(3eXs" to the New Testament o(3oi>|ievoi and ae(36|ievoi, and on the question of whether or not this designation was a terminus technicus. This find has brought h o m e to many a New Testament scholar the importance o f nonliterary sources for the study of early Christian and early Jewish religion. 15

16

17

This satisfying development was one o f the motives for members of the Department o f New Testament and Early Jewish Studies at the Theological Faculty o f Utrecht University to organize a small scale symposium on Jewish epigraphy in antiquity. The con ference took place on May 18-19, 1992. The organizers were happy to have as lecturers also distinguished collaborators o f the Jewish Inscriptions Project in Cambridge and o f the Tubinger Atlas des Vorderen Orients: William Horbury, David Noy, Gerd Luderitz, and Hanswulf Bloedhorn. Their papers are to be found in the present volume (except Bloedhorn's), together with five papers read by Dutch participants. Some o f the conference papers by Dutch scholars were o f too introductory or general a nature to jus tify publication in this volume, e.g. a general survey o f epigraphic sources by the Leiden epigraphist H. W. Pleket, and a paper on numerical structures in inscriptions by J. Smit Sibinga. Tessa Rajak, who chaired some sessions o f the conference, kindly accepted our invitation to contribute to the volume. Several important aspects o f the material under discussion are

1

5

P. T r e b i l c o , Jewish Communities

in Asia

Minor

(SNTSMS 69; Cambridge:

1991). 1

6

Jews

and

Godfearers

at Aphrodisias.

Greek

Inscriptions

with

Commentary

(Cambridge: 1987). 1

the

7

S e e also L . H . F e l d m a n , "Proselytes a n d 'Sympathizers' New

Inscription

from

Aphrodisias,"

REJ

148

in t h e L i g h t o f

( 1 9 8 9 ) 2 6 5 - 3 0 5 ; S. J. D .

C o h e n , "Crossing the B o u n d a r y a n d B e c o m i n g a Jew," HTR

82 (1989)

V e r y u s e f u l is t h e r e c e n t survey by F e r g u s M i l l a r in E . Schiirer, the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus Christ

13-33.

A History

of

(rev. e d . by G . V e r m e s , F. M i l l a r a n d

M . G o o d m a n ) III 1 ( E d i n b u r g h : 1 9 8 6 ) 1 5 0 - 1 7 6 .

INTRODUCTION

5

highlighted in the papers presented in this volume. The connec tion between documentary and literary texts is being explored in some o f the contributions. Others offer a discussion of a collection of related inscriptions like curse inscriptions or metrical epitaphs, or focus on aspects o f the history o f Jewish communities in the diaspora. Inevitably there is now and then some overlap in the papers (for example in those of Horbury and Van der Horst), but it seemed to the editors that the small degree in which this was the case could not justify requiring the speakers/writers to avoid it at all costs. William Horbury (University o f Cambridge, UK) opens the volume with a contribution in which he compares Jewish in scriptions from Egypt with Jewish literature from the same area and period, especially the b o o k o f Sirach, Ecclesiasticus. After presenting a nuanced and balanced picture o f the linguistic situation o f the Jews in Egypt, he discusses epigraphic themes in Ecclesiasticus with special attention to the contact and divergence in the genres o f encomium, lamentation and consolation, and concludes inter multa alia that both the epitaphs and Ecclesiasticus verge on the 'nihilism' o f the Epicurean or rather Sadducean view of death. Jan Willem van Henten (University o f Utrecht) presents an elaborate discussion o f all aspects o f the beautiful literary epitaph in the 17th chapter o f 4 Maccabees. It turns out to show some resemblance to real Jewish tomb inscriptions but also to have several points o f contacts with formulae in pagan and Christian epitaphs from Asia Minor and with conceptions found in Greek traditions about heroes who liberated their country or city from tyranny. Some o f the data discussed would seem to corroborate the old suggestion by Norden that the b o o k originated in Asia Minor. Johan Strubbe (University o f Leiden), the author o f a com prehensive work on the pagan epitaphs from Asia Minor with curses against tomb violation, now brings his learning to bear on Jewish curse epitaphs from the same area. Apart from some very useful methodological remarks concerning the identification o f such curses as Jewish, his contribution is especially valuable for its rich documentation, chief of which is the appendix containing an exhaustive catalogue o f all Jewish curse epitaphs from Asia Minor (texts, translations and bibliography).

6

P. W . VAN DER H O R S T A N D J. W . V A N HENTEN

Pieter W. van der Horst (University o f Utrecht) deals with the 18 or 19 metrical epitaphs o f Jewish origin, 12 o f which are from Leontopolis in Egypt. After a brief overview o f the material he situates the genre in its ancient context (there are many thou sands o f pagan and Christian instances) and discusses some o f the poems in more detail. The striking absence o f expectations concerning afterlife in most o f these epitaphs is highlighted, as are the many features derived from Greek poetry. In an appendix the Greek (and in one case Latin) texts o f all extant Jewish metri cal epitaphs is presented. Alice J. Bij de Vaate (Utrecht/Amsterdam) discusses the enig matic alphabetic inscriptions in a number of Jewish graves. These alphabets (or parts o f them) certainly were n o epitaphs. By means of a comparison with quite a number of other alphabet inscriptions from the ancient world and with some literary data she comes to the tentative conclusion that we most probably have to d o here with a kind o f epigraphical apotropaic magic: the inscriptions were to function as a means to protect the grave against any form of evil. David Noy (University o f Reading/University o f Cambridge) presents an overview of the material from both Leontopolis (Egypt) and Venosa (Italy), the two diaspora cities with the largest corpus of evidence after Rome. He draws attention to such peculiarities as the relatively high number of epitaphs in verse, the frequent use of the epithets pasiphilos and mikros, the use o f the word hos before age indications, the tendency to mention death in childbirth, the lack o f records o f people aged over 50 at Leontopolis, and the proliferation o f titles indicating both leading positions in the civic structure and places o f honour in the Jewish community at the much later Venosa. Useful tables with indications o f ages at death are included. Gert Liideritz (Tubingen) presents us with a wide-ranging study o f Tro\f,Teu(j.a. He discusses quite a number o f instances, both literary and epigraphical, o f this term in order to determine what exactly the Jewish politeuma in Cyrenaica might have been, a much debated question. After a thorough analysis o f the most relevant sources he concludes that most probably it did not consist of the complete Jewish population o f the city concerned, but rather functioned as a kind o f (3oi>\f], an aristocratic governing body o f the Jewish community.

INTRODUCTION

7

Tessa Rajak (University o f Reading) deals with the context o f epitaphs, which is very important for the interpretation o f the inscriptions. She focuses on the Jewish epitaphs o f Rome, because their context is lost to a large extent, and examines some major unanswered questions in this area. The spatial context in which the inscriptions were located and the meaning o f the symbols depicted with the texts are discussed, as well as problems like the differing types o f Jewish milieu, the social standing o f the Jews, the organization o f the catacombs, the religious exclusivity in the burial milieu and Jewish symbols as statements o f identity. She concludes that progress might still be made via the original records o f discovery and excavation, and via comparative study with non-Jewish material. Gerard Mussies (University o f Utrecht) extensively discusses non-literary evidence for Jewish onomastics in the GraecoRoman world. He deals especially with the various types o f Greek names adopted by Jews and subdivides them into four different categories; his treatment o f the (pagan) theophoric elements,in several names is particularly helpful. Interesting is also his dis cussion o f the various ways in which Hebrew names were adapted to Greek declensions and o f the systems to form hypocoristic names. As a by-product o f his study o f the new onomastic evidence in the Aphrodisias inscription, Mussies presents some acute observations on the much debated opening lines, and he also decisively refutes some o f the arguments currently used to determine the gender of Jael, the TrpocrrdTns' o f the community, in this inscription. The editors express the hope that the contributions in this volume will stimulate the study o f early Jewish epigraphy and incite further investigations into this fascinating Field o f research. Utrecht, June 1993

JEWISH INSCRIPTIONS AND JEWISH LITERATURE IN EGYPT, WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE T O ECCLESIASTICUS WILLIAM

HORBURY

What light d o Jewish inscriptions and literature in Egypt throw on one another? The question was noticed by P. M. Fraser, who confronted all Ptolemaic Greek literature, including Jewish works, with the contemporary inscriptions. Since his monu mental b o o k this question seems not to have been pursued. In the case o f Graeco-Roman Egypt, however, it is strongly suggested by the fortunate preservation o f a body o f inscriptions and a body o f literature from the same time and place. Outside the Holy Land itself, Jewish inscriptions usually abound just when and where definitely assignable Jewish literature is lacking. Egypt fared better. Moreover, in Egypt as elsewhere most Jewish inscriptions are epitaphs, and epitaphs form the class o f inscriptions which stands closest to literature; but in Egypt the resemblances between Jewish epitaphs and Jewish literature are even stronger than might have been expected. The literature is often epitaphic in theme, and the surviving epitaphs are unusually often o f some literary pretension. Like other inscriptions, however, they con tinue to be o f high value as documents of communal life. 1

Comparison is therefore encouraged by shared place and time, and by contacts in style and subject-matter. Here it is asked how the inscriptions (especially epitaphs) accepted by Jewish patrons in Egypt, on the one hand, and the contemporary Jewish litera ture in Egypt, on the other, can be mutually illuminating. Are the aspects o f the Jewish community reflected in the inscriptions also reflected in the literature? T o judge by the inscriptions, how repre sentative is the literature which survives? Can each contribute to the interpretation o f the other? The discussion o f these questions here will be in three parts: (i) introductory, to point out the literature and inscriptions in view; (ii) general, on language and style; and (iii) particular, on themes in the inscriptions and in one selected book, Ecclesiasticus. 1

P. M . Fraser, Ptolemaic Alexandria ( 3 vols., O x f o r d : 1 9 7 2 ) , for e x a m p l e in a c o n t r a s t ( 1 . 2 8 2 - 4 , 2 8 6 ) b e t w e e n the differing Jewish attitudes s u g g e s t e d by t h e p r o s e u c h e d e d i c a t i o n s a n d by the T h i r d Sibylline b o o k .

10

W. HORBURY

(i) Introduction T h e literature current among the Jews in Egypt is rich in epitaphic material, as noted already. T o this day their books d o much to supply the needs of commemoration and consolation in universities, colleges and schools. Benefactors are c o m m e m o rated with Ecclesiasticus 44 ("Let us now praise famous m e n " ) , departed teachers with a lesson from Wisdom 3 ("The souls o f the righteous are in the hand o f God") or 7 ("I myself also am a mortal man, like to all"), and consolation for the untimely death of pupils can be sought in a lesson from Wisdom 4 ("Youth that is soon perfected shall condemn the many years and old age o f the unrighteous"). These famous passages by n o means exhaust the material, which also includes Ecclesiasticus on death and mourn ing, discussed below. The literature here in view for comparison with the inscrip tions consists o f books likely to have been translated or written in Ptolemaic and early Roman Egypt. These include, first and fore most, the L X X Pentateuch, followed by most o f the Prophets and Hagiographa, III Maccabees, the Wisdom o f Solomon and the Greek Ecclesiasticus. These Greek books are probably all Ptole maic, but for III Maccabees and Wisdom an early Roman date is also possible. Outside the biblical and apocryphal corpus, from Ptolemaic times there are the Letter o f Aristeas, the Third Sibyl line book, Aristobulus the exegete, and a diverse group o f biblical expansions and paraphrases (on Genesis, Joseph and Asenath; on Exodus, Jannes and Jambres, Artapanus, and the iambic Exagoge of Ezekiel Tragicus); and from the early Roman period, Philo, the Prayer o f Joseph, the Fifth Sibylline, and perhaps the Christian Epistle o f Barnabas. Jews in Egypt will certainly have read other Jewish books as well, not to speak o f gentile literature; but the books named can reasonably be considered as Egyptian Greek literature o f the Jews and, later, of the Christians. From this litera ture o n e o f the wisdom-books, Ecclesiasticus, is singled out for attention here. The Greek version o f the book, as its preface shows, was made specifically for circulation in Ptolemaic Egypt. Jewish inscriptions and especially epitaphs from Egypt chal lenge comparison with contemporary literature to an unusual de gree, as again was noted above. The vocabulary o f the short prose epitaphs which predominate is o f course intertwined, here as else-

JEWISH INSCRIPTIONS AND JEWISH LITERATURE IN EGYPT

11

where, with the literary vocabulary o f character and status; but among Jewish inscriptions from the ancient world those o f Egypt are unique for their proportion o f metrical epitaphs o f some length. (See Professor P. W. van der Horst's contribution to this volume.) T o be more precise, out of about 135 Jewish inscriptions sur viving from Graeco-Roman Egypt, 114 are epitaphs, all in Greek apart from five in Aramaic or Hebrew. N o less than fourteen o f these epitaphs — about 13% — are Greek funerary poems; the contrasting proportions are two out o f 218 Greek inscriptions at Beth She'arirrr(1%), two or three — from Larissa in Thessaly, from Lorium, near R o m e , and from Rome itself—out of all other Jewish Greek inscriptions, and one or two, both from Rome, out o f all known Jewish Latin epitaphs from antiquity (still smaller proportions). The Greek poem from the city o f Rome [141] should in fact provisionally be considered with the Egyptian material, for it is the epitaph o f a native o f Egypt, Theodosia, who was probably also Jewish. Further discoveries may o f course change these totals, but the number o f known inscriptions is sufficiently large to make the high proportion o f verse inscriptions in Egypt remarkable. 2

3

4

This p h e n o m e n o n is perhaps mainly explained by the relative ly early date o f the whole body o f Egyptian Jewish inscriptions. Most c o m e from before the end o f Trajan's reign, and a g o o d number are definitely earlier in the Roman period, or Ptolemaic. A m o n g the fourteen metrical epitaphs, one is very probably Ptole maic, o f 117 B.C. [30=67/1490]; the latest possible date for another is 5 B.C. [33=67/1510]; two others have probable dates in the first century B.C. (49 B.C. [114=67/ 1489], 21 B.C. [32=67/ 1509]); another is definitely from the reign o f Augustus, o f A.D. 8 [40= CIJ

2

N u m b e r s in square brackets b e l o w refer to e n t r i e s in W i l l i a m H o r b u r y

& D a v i d N o y , Jewish Inscriptions total g i v e n a b o v e i n c l u d e s o n e

of Graeco-Roman

Egypt

(Cambridge: 1992);

i n s c r i p t i o n n o t in that c o l l e c t i o n , t h e

the

prose

e p i t a p h o f J o s e p h , p r o b a b l y f r o m T e l l e l - Y e h o u d i e h , p u b l i s h e d by P. J. Sijpesteijn, "Inscriptions f r o m Egypt," Chronique 3

Jews and 4

65 ( 1 9 9 0 ) 122-5 (122-3).

Godfearers at Aphrodisias

(Cambridge: 1987) 31.

F o r b i b l i o g r a p h y see [ 1 4 1 ] ; the e p i t a p h can c o n v e n i e n d y

G . K a i b e l , Epigrammata H.

dEgypte

CIL xi 3 7 5 8 , r e p r i n t e d a n d d i s c u s s e d by J. R e y n o l d s & R . T a n n e n b a u m ,

R . H o r s l e y , New

University:

Graeca ex lapidibus

Documents

1987), no. 114.

Illustrating

b e s e e n also in

conlecta (Berlin: 1 8 7 8 ) , n o . 5 6 6 o r G . Early

Christianity,

iv

(Macquarie

12

W . HORBURY

1539]. The others are all probably from before the Jewish revolt o f 115-8. This dating means that the metrical inscriptions come from a time when the epigram was still a popular verse form, not least in Egypt. Local fashion is indeed likely to form a second element in explanation o f their numbers in Egypt. The great majority c o m e from the settlement o f Onias at Leontopolis [27-40], but examples were found at two other sites in the Delta, Schedia near Alexandria [ 2 3 ] , and Demerdash on the outskirts o f ancient Heliopolis [114]; the Roman epitaph o f the Egyptian Theodosia is probably another example. When this distribution is viewed together with the popularity o f metrical epitaphs among non-Jews in Egypt, readily seen from E. Bernand's collection o f metrical in scriptions, the metrical epitaphs seem likely to represent a general rather than exceptional Jewish usage in Egypt. Jewish patronage need not imply Jewish authorship o f the funerary poems, but it certainly does not exclude it, and there is n o reason why Jews in Egypt, where Greek metrical verse by Jews flourished (see below), should not have been epigrammatists and composers o f Greek epitaphs. The closely-related arts o f lamentation and fune ral oration were highly esteemed later on in rabbinic circles in Judaea, Galilee, and the eastern and western diaspora. 5

6

(it) Language and Style When the books are confronted by contemporary inscriptions, the question o f language is immediately raised. The Ptolemaic epi taphs include two in Aramaic, from Alexandria [3-4, CIJ 1424-5]. From the Roman period there are three Hebrew epitaphs, not earlier than the second century, and in two cases probably a g o o d 5

E. Bernand,

Inscriptions

metriques

de I'Egypte

greco-romaine

(Paris:

1969),

n o . 3 7 ; n o t in CIJ. 6

M u c h material,

is c o l l e c t e d a n d Talmud,

ii

mainly

quoted

(Leipzig:

r e l a t i n g to

the

by J. H a m b u r g e r ,

s e c o n d century

1 8 8 3 ) , 6 7 9 - 6 8 5 , s. " L e i c h e n r e d e " ;

K a p p a r a (late s e c o n d - c e n t u r y G a l i l e e )

A.D.

Real-Encyclopadie

is t h e saying

fur

onwards, Bibel

in t h e n a m e

naorD

I T D D

und

o f Bar

DDn (b.

Mo'ed

Qat.

2 5 a ) . T u b a l - C a i n ' s sister N a a m a h was said to have b e e n e x p e r t in s o n g s

and

laments

perhaps whom word

in

(Targum

the

Ps.-Jonathan

early sixth century,

"dixerunt appears

in

earlier p e r i o d

of

on

Gen

4:22). From

is t h e V e n o s a

S p ^ v o u ? d u o a p o s t u l i et d u o r e b b i t e s " Roman the

Aramaic apophthegm

transliteration

Greek epigrams addressed

in spirit a n d subject-matter

in

from

later

west,

the

{CIJ 6 1 1 ; t h e

inscription). to H i l l e l

epigram.

(m.

for

Greek

From

E g y p t c o n s i d e r e d h e r e is

to a skull, attributed

it is close to G r e e k

the

e p i t a p h o f Faustina,

the the

'Abot 2 : 7 ) ;

JEWISH INSCRIPTIONS AND JEWISH LITERATURE IN EGYPT

13

deal later [118-9=67/ 1533-4, 133=67/ 1536]. Two probably late Roman synagogue dedications from Alexandria are in Greek, but conclude with crbo in Hebrew characters [15=67/ 1438, 17=67/ 1437]. These seven are far outnumbered by wholly Greek inscrip tions, as just noted, but they suggest that some Egyptian Jews knew Aramaic under the Ptolemies, and Hebrew in the later Roman empire. Accordingly, the Greek literature indicated above would not fully represent the linguistic range o f the Jewish community in Egypt. Is this conclusion justified? Jews in Ptolemaic Egypt did not commonly understand Hebrew, as the preface o f Ecclesiasticus shows particularly clearly, and Ben Sira's grandson chose to translate into Greek, not Aramaic. Nevertheless, there are con firmations o f the use o f Aramaic and Hebrew. First, on Aramaic, there is a g o o d deal to support C. C. Torrey's argument that the Aramaic Jewish vernacular o f Persian Egypt continued to be spoken by some Jews in Graeco-Roman Egypt. This was allowed, without specific reference to Torrey, by V. Tcherikover, who urged that during the second century B.C. Aramaic was replaced among Egyptian Jews by Greek as the language o f literature and documents, but is unlikely to have disappeared completely. The two Aramaic epitaphs, even con sidered on their own, are likely to indicate some currency o f the spoken language; for Aramaic, a vernacular without strong sacred associations for Jews in antiquity, is unlikely to have been used where it was not understood. The place particularly concerned in this instance is Alexandria itself, as noted already; the epitaphs were found in situ in a hypogaeum ascribed to the early Ptole maic period at Ibrahimiya, on the eastern outskirts o f the city. Besides these epitaphs, however, other Jewish Aramaic writings ascribed to the same period are papyri and ostraca from Upper Egypt which include Greek names. Further, Jewish Aramaic epitaphs from Edfu (Apollinopolis Magna) have been published since Torrey wrote; these are ascribed to the Persian period, but might be later. Definitely from a later time—A.D. 38, in fact — is 7

8

9

7

C . C . T o r r e y , Aramaic Graffiti on Coins of Demanhur ( N e w York: 1 9 3 7 ) 4-6. V . T c h e r i k o v e r in V . T c h e r i k o v e r , A . Fuks Be M . S t e r n ( e d d . ) , Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum (hereafter CPJ), i ( 1 9 5 7 ) 3 0 - 3 1 . W . K o r n f e l d , "Judisch-aramaische G r a b i n s c h r i f t e n aus E d f u , " Anzeiger der Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Wien, Philosophische-historische Klasse, 1 1 0 (1973) 123-37. 8

9

14

W. HORBURY

the Aramaic word Mdpiv recorded by Philo as uttered by gentiles in mockery o f the Jewish acclamation o f Agrippa I in Alexandria (Philo, Flacc. 39). Philo's description implies a disclaimer o f any Aramaic knowledge, but this is perhaps rather like southern English disclaimers o f any knowledge o f the language they speak in Yorkshire, or, nearer his own time and place, the care taken in the Letter o f Aristeas to maintain that Judaean Jews use Hebrew rather than Aramaic ( 1 1 ) , or the distaste for Aramaic expressed in a saying ascribed to R. Judah the Prince (b. Sofa 49b); but although Philo only says that the m o b used the Syrian language because Agrippa was a Syrian king, one may guess that part o f the point o f their insult was to mimic the use o f Aramaic by some Jews, a linguistic trait which gave a handle to the wide spread description of Jews as Syrians — itself by n o means a polite description in Alexandria and Egypt. T o return to Torrey's argument, he emphasized that Aramaic among Egyptian Jews might explain — other explanations can o f course be envisaged — a striking description in the Acts o f the Apostles; the tribune Claudius Lysias who saves Paul's life by taking him into custody in the temple court at Jerusalem is represented as assuming that the man known as 'the Egyptian', who stirred up unrest in Judaea, will not know Greek (Acts 21:37-8). Lastly, going beyond Torrey, some minimal awareness o f Aramaic in the Diaspora o f the Greeks, not in Egypt itself but further west, in Corinth, seems to be suggested by Paul's own use o f the phrase Maranatha, without translation, in I Corinthians 16:22. Paul was writing in Greek, probably in A . D . 54, for a largely gentile Christian community which was, nevertheless, informed by Jewish literature and cul ture, and had also been taught by the Alexandrian Jew Apollos; and he assumes that this Aramaic phrase at least needs n o explanation. O f course it is possible that Maranatha, here used by Paul to reinforce a solemn curse, was a standard phrase o f Christian prayer, originating in Jerusalem or Antioch; but that consideration does not affect the point that at least a little Aramaic was evidently acceptable in a Greek-speaking community with Jewish associations and a link with Alexandria. By analogy, some Aramaic among the mainly Greek-speaking Egyptian Jews can be envisaged without difficulty. What can be suggested as the communal background o f Egyptian Jewish Aramaic in the Graeco-Roman period? In early

J E W I S H INSCRIPTIONS A N D JEWISH LITERATURE IN EGYPT

15

Ptolemaic times, the Aramaic o f the Persian period n o doubt continued to be widely used for a generation — the generation to which the Ibrahimiya epitaphs and the papyri and ostraca from upper Egypt are ascribed. After that, however, Aramaic would be principally the language o f new Jewish immigrants from Judaea, Syria and the east, a language spoken by parents but probably not by their children. In the second century B.C. such immigrants appeared in large numbers in the reign o f Ptolemy Philometor, notably in the settlement o f Onias, and Fraser puts the con solidation o f the Alexandrian Jewish community in his reign. Later still such immigration will have continued, as is suggested by Claudius's letter to Alexandria o f 41, in which the Jews are forbidden to bring into the city other Jews from Egypt or from Syria. Visits for trade or other purposes will have brought other Aramaic-speaking Jews to Egypt for a time. Ben Sira's grandson tells us o f his move to Egypt without giving the reason. Commer cial reasons are exemplified in the grand manner in the Tobiad narrative o f the tax-farmer Joseph and his son Hyrcanus in Egypt (Josephus, Ant. xii 154-236). Political refugees are relatively well d o c u m e n t e d . Onias's flight from Judaea to Egypt when the Judaean government was hostile repeats a theme which will have been familiar in life as well as literature; it is met in the Hebrew Bible in the narratives of Jeroboam (I Kings 11:40, 12:2, expanded in L X X III Kingdoms 12:24 c-f, on his marriage in Egypt) and Jeremiah (Jer 41:17-Jer 4 4 ) , and it recurs in the New Testament and the Talmud (Matt 2:13-23, b. Sank. 107b, on the Herodian and Hasmonaean periods, respectively). An early Roman instance in life is the attempt of Sicarii to find refuge in Alexandria, the Delta and Upper Egypt during the suppression o f revolt in Judaea in the early 70's (Josephus, / . W. vii 409-21), the incident which led to the demolition o f the temple o f Onias. Furthermore, both immigra tion and temporary residence by Jews from Aramaic-speaking regions took place against the background o f a numerous Syrian population in Egypt, who themselves can be expected to have used Aramaic as well as G r e e k . It was probably always possible to hear some Aramaic spoken by Jews in Egypt. 10

11

1

0

dir6 Zuptas" f\ Alyiirrov

KaTaTTX^ovTa? 'IouSaCous", L e t t e r

of

Claudius,

lines 9 5 - 6 in CPJ ii, n o . 1 5 3 , p . 4 1 . 1 1

T h e e v i d e n c e is s u m m a r i z e d

by V . T c h e r i k o v e r

in CPJ i ( 1 9 5 7 ) 4 - 5 .

16

W. HORBURY

With this conclusion on the Ptolemaic and early Roman period in mind, three later pieces o f evidence for Aramaic in Egypt can be noted. In a Greek column-dedication o f the later Roman empire, probably from Alexandria, the donor's father bears the Aramaic name Abbiba [ 19= CIJ 1446]. Further, from the fourth or fifth century comes the Berlin papyrus o f the Aramaic p o e m 'Ezel Mosheh preserved in the Fragment Targum on Exod. xiv, showing Egyptian familiarity with synagogal poetry which has been transmitted in the Targums, and in a Cologne papyrus from the year 417 there is the Antinoe marriage contract in Aramaic and Greek. From elsewhere in the western diaspora, at this later period, are two bilingual Neapolitan Jewish inscriptions of the fifth or sixth century, in Latin with short Aramaic formu l a e . These confirm that Aramaic was current among some Jews in the west, and underline the likelihood that it was used in Egypt. T o look back now over the whole Greek and Roman period, it may be said provisionally that Aramaic was general among Egyptian Jews in the earliest Ptolemaic times; under the Ptolemies Greek became the norm after a generation, but some Aramaic continued to be spoken, particularly by recent immi grants from Judaea, Syria and the east; in the later Roman empire it probably once again became more widespread. 12

13

This first conclusion bears on literary problems. For example, the Aramaic-speaking presence provides a possible setting for the Aramaic form o f the early chapters o f the Wisdom o f Solomon which is conjectured by F. Zimmermann. Again, the agree ments between Septuagint and Targum may have as part o f their background an Egypt in which — as in Judaea—both Greek and Aramaic biblical translations were current. The main point here,

1

2

Y. Y a h a l o m ,

47 (1978) Dukan XII,

'"Ezel

M o s h e ' — a c c o r d i n g to t h e B e r l i n Papyrus,"

Tarbiz

1 7 3 - 8 4 [ H e b r e w ] ; P. C o l . Inv. 5 8 5 3 , e d . C . Sirat, P. C a u d e l i e r , M .

& M . F r i e d m a n n , La

Opladen:

1986). The

Ketouba

new

de Cologne

(Papyrologica

a s p e c t g i v e n by t h e A r a m a i c

Coloniensia

marriage

con

tract to t h e q u e s t i o n o f the use o f Semitic l a n g u a g e s in the d i a s p o r a is p o i n t e d out

by F. M i l l a r ,

" T h e Jews o f t h e

Graeco-Roman

Diaspora between

n i s m a n d Christianity, A . D . 3 1 2 - 4 3 8 , " in J. L i e u , J. N o r t h & T . Rajak

Paga (edd.),

The Jews among Pagans and Christians in the Roman Empire ( L o n d o n : 1 9 9 2 ) 9 7 - 1 2 3 (99). 1

3

N o s . 2 a n d 4 in E . Serrao,

di N a p o l i , " Puteoli

12-13 (1988-9)

"Nuove iscrizioni d a u n s e p o l c r e t o g i u d a i c o 1 0 3 - 1 1 7 (she

notes Aramaic

influence

n o . 2 , b u t t h e f o r m u l a e in b o t h 2 a n d 4 are A r a m a i c r a t h e r t h a n H e b r e w ) ; o w e m y k n o w l e d g e o f this p u b l i c a t i o n to D r D . E . N o y .

on I

JEWISH INSCRIPTIONS AND JEWISH LITERATURE IN EGYPT

17

however, is that the surviving Greek literature o f Egyptian Jews is not fully representative of Jewish speech, which in Ptolemaic and early Roman Egypt also embraced Aramaic. Secondly, is there confirmation o f the knowledge o f Hebrew which was suggested by the five inscriptions from the later Roman empire? The survival o f Hebrew as a vernacular seems to be ruled out by the translation o f the book o f Ben Sira into Greek, and by the deep respect for the L X X expressed in the Letter o f Aristeas, Philo, and the festival o f the Septuagint; but at least a limited Ptolemaic currency for Hebrew in biblical reading and prayer is suggested by the Nash Papyrus o f the Decalogue and the Shema\ The habit of writing the Tetragram in Hebrew characters in Greek biblical texts, attested in Egypt about the end o f the Ptole maic period by the divine names in Hebrew square characters in the Greek Genesis and Deuteronomy texts o f Papyrus Fuad 266, would cohere with this view to suggest at least a small Hebreweducated public. Lastly, the movement towards revision of Greek texts into closer accord with Hebrew exemplars is likely to, be already reflected in the condemnation o f revisions in the Letter o f Aristeas 310-11; and the Letter (30 and 38) possibly also attests for Egypt a custom o f public reading o f the Law in Hebrew before its t r a n s l a t i o n . It is perhaps just worth noting also that Philo, admittedly in a flight o f rhetoric, envisages the possibility not only o f Jews learning Greek, but also of Greeks learning the lan guage o f the Bible (V.M. ii 4 0 ) ; behind the passage, is there knowledge o f cases in which Greek-speaking Jews learned He b r e w ? At any rate, on the basis o f the papyri just mentioned, and the allusion to revisions in the Letter o f Aristeas, a small-scale knowledge o f Hebrew in connection with the Bible and prayer can be assumed in Ptolemaic and early Roman Egypt; like the 14

15

16

1

4

by F. et du from tions 1 5

T h e writing o f t h e T e t r a g r a m in this M S . is d e s c r i b e d a n d d i s c u s s e d D u n a n d , Papyrus grecs bibliques (Papyrus F. Inv. 266): Volumina de la Genese Deuteronome (Introduction) (Cairo: 1 9 6 6 ) , 39-55; the papyrus may c o m e t h e F a y u m , a c e n t r e o f Jewish s e t t l e m e n t w h i c h has y i e l d e d inscrip i n c l u d i n g a p r o s e u c h e d e d i c a t i o n f r o m C r o c o d i l o p o l i s [\\1=CPJ 1532a]. 1

' EppaitcoLS ypduuaai ical tjxovf) \ey6[ieva

( 3 0 ) , eic r&v trap' uuiv Xeyouivcov

EPpaiK(3v ypa|iu.dTa)v ( 3 8 ) , so i n t e r p r e t e d by J. H . A . H a r t , Ecclesiasticus: Greek Text oj Codex 248 ( C a m b r i d g e : 1 9 0 9 ) 2 6 9 - 7 0 . 1

6

the

H a r t , Ecclesiasticus, 2 6 8 d o u b t s that any l e a r n i n g o f H e b r e w in P h i l o ' s t i m e c a n b e i n f e r r e d f r o m t h e p a s s a g e , b u t his d o u b t s e e m s to b e m a i n l y b a s e d o n the d e b a t a b l e a s s u m p t i o n that n o - o n e w h o k n e w b o t h H e b r e w a n d G r e e k c o u l d have written as P h i l o d o e s a b o u t the L X X .

18

W. HORBURY

knowledge o f Aramaic, it will have become more widespread in the later Roman empire, when other Hebrew papyri, for example Hebrew biblical papyri from Antinoe, corroborate the evidence o f the five Hebrew inscriptions. From the earlier period, however, with which the present comparison of literature and epitaphs is mainly concerned, n o Hebrew inscriptions have c o m e to light, and it cannot be said that the epigraphic material shows up the literature as unrepresentative in the way that seemed true o f the use o f Aramaic. Unlike Aramaic, Hebrew was not a Ptolemaic and early Roman Egyptian Jewish vernacular. 17

Thus far, then, the surviving Egyptian Jewish literature has seemed not fully to represent the range of Jewish speech in Egypt; we should probably allow for some circulation o f Aramaic writ ings, as the Aramaic epitaphs suggested, and for a few copies o f Hebrew texts. This charge receives some counterweight, however, when the style rather than the language o f the books is con sidered. The books give some indications o f Jewish Greek style which complement the epigraphic evidence. The epitaphs can be strikingly literary, as already noted, although they also exhibit unpolished Greek. The literature is divided in a not wholly similar way. It includes literary Greek, such as the prose o f III Maccabees and Philo, but the remainder is not simply lacking in polish. The L X X Pentateuch and much else in the Jewish Greek literature is, rather, a close translation from the Hebrew, often with relatively modest Greek literary aims, but seeming also to have the aim o f fidelity to the diction and rhythm o f the Hebrew. This Greek style can perhaps be called 'barbaric'. In using this adjective o n e may recall the Jewish and early Christian accep tance o f the term 'barbarian', 'non-Greek', for the Jewish and Christian scriptures and philosophy (so, among Christian apolo gists, Justin Martyr, First Apology, v 4, vii 3; Clement o f Alexandria, Strom, i 9 ) . Thus Philo says that the beauties o f the law, until it was translated into Greek, were known only to the barbarian part o f the human race (V.M. ii 27-8). Clement o f Alexandria, against this background, follows Josephus and Tatian in arguing for the barbarian origin o f all that is best in Greek wisdom, leading up to the philosophers' debt to Moses (Strom, i 15-16, 21, 25, 29).

1

7

Papyri are

s u r v e y e d by C . Sirat a n d

hebraiques trouves en Egypte

(Paris: 1 9 8 5 ) .

o t h e r s , Les papyrus

en

caracteres

JEWISH INSCRIPTIONS A N D JEWISH LITERATURE IN EGYPT

19

The style that can be called barbaric is particularly noticeable in the translation o f poetry. Hebrew writing which was recog nized as poetic, including the Pentateuchal poetry ascribed to Moses and others, was rendered in a Greek equivalent o f the stressed Hebrew verse, without any attempt at the quantitative classical metres, even though Philo and Josephus describe the originals as if they were hexameter compositions (e.g. Josephus, Ant. ii 346). The biblical psalms were o f course rendered in this way, and this style o f translation is also represented in the Greek Ecclesiasticus, in a distinctively developed fashion in the Wis d o m o f Solomon, and in a work probably read in Egypt, the Psalms o f Solomon. This fashion is all the more striking in view of the abundance o f Jewish Greek poetry in the classical metres, notably the hexameters o f the Sibyllines and the iambics o f Ezekiel Tragicus in the literature, and the elegiac distichs o f the funerary epigrams accepted by Jewish patrons in the inscriptions. In the roughly contemporary Greek o f Ecclesiasticus and Wis d o m , the biblical style must have been consciously followed. Later in antiquity, and again in the renaissance and after wards, the roughness o f the Jewish Greek renderings o f biblical verse was smoothed out in metrical Greek paraphrases. O n e may therefore suspect that the continuing tradition o f translation and composition in the manner o f biblical verse represented a certain cultivation o f and pride in the barbaric style, redolent o f the Hebrew Bible. Probably there was Jewish precedent for the defiant attitude struck by the Christian apologists who gloried in their 'barbarian philosophy'. "The doctrine o f the barbarous Jews, as you call them, is most pious" (Clementine Homilies iv 13, in a passage probably from a Jewish s o u r c e ) . "I met with certain barbaric writings, too old to be compared with the wisdom o f the Greeks, too divine to be compared with their errors; and it came about that I was persuaded by these, because o f the unpretending cast o f the language ..." (Tatian, Ad Graecos, 29). Such an attitude would explain the adornment o f the non-metrical Greek equiva lent o f biblical verse in Wisdom by 'Greek eloquence', as Jerome noted; the same is true to some extent o f the Greek Ecclesiasticus. 18

1

8

For

t h e J e w i s h o r i g i n o f b o o k s iv-vi o f t h e

H o m i l i e s see

M.

Simon,

Verus Israel ( E . T . O x f o r d : 1 9 8 6 ) 4 9 - 5 1 ; in a lecture to the British A s s o c i a t i o n o f Jewish Studies Cambridge)

(July 1 9 9 2 )

D r J. N .

B. C a r l e t o n

Paget

has r e c o n s i d e r e d a n d d e f e n d e d this view.

(Queens'

College,

20

W. HORBURY

T h e writers will have j u d g e d themselves to be working in a traditional style, which could appropriately be adorned but which remained essentially awkward and plain by comparison with that o f classical verse. In style, therefore, the inscriptions hardly exhibit the range o f the literature; they present both literary and unpolished Greek, but only very rarely d o they seem to echo the characteristically He braic Greek which is so prominent in the literature. The literature itself, however, both prose and verse, can be divided into barbarian and Hellene sections. It represents both a strong attachment to Hebraic style, and a contrasting delight in elaborate Greek litera ry style. Some such division appears in the epitaphs not in respect of style, but in the distinction between Hebrew and Greek perso nal names. The division in the literature has obvious potential for symbolizing difference o f custom or conviction, perhaps between the zealous and those whom they would have considered lax; but sometimes at least freer thought can take the Hebraic form, as in the L X X J o b , o r zeal for Jewish observance can be arrayed in elaborate Greek prose, as in III Maccabees and Philo. Finally, the literary Greek o f the metrical inscriptions suggests that the Hellene section o f the Jewish Egyptian literature may o n c e have been larger than now appears. There was a Jewish public in Egypt for Greek verse in the tradition of Homer and the tragedians, as Philo shows and the Jewish compositions in hexa meters and iambics confirm; but the inscriptions give the fullest and clearest evidence for Jewish appreciation o f another popular verse-form, the epigram. (One could also ask, for example, if the Pappos to whom Leonides o f Alexandria (mid-first century A.D.) sent a birthday epigram was Jewish, but the question remains spe culative. ) Jewish composition o f funerary epigrams is a strong possibility, as noted above, but there is n o reason why Jewish authorship in this genre should have been restricted to funerary occasions or inscribed verse. This consideration in turn suggests, 19

20

1

9

O n epigram

in E g y p t at this p e r i o d

see

H o r b u r y & N o y , Egypt,

xxi-

xxiii. 2

0

D . L . P a g e , revised a n d p r e p a r e d f o r p u b l i c a t i o n

D i g g l e , Further

Greek Epigrams

xxx); Leonides

belonged

by R . D . D a w e & J.

( C a m b r i d g e : 1 9 8 1 ) , lines 1 9 7 4 - 7 ( p . 5 3 4 , n o .

to the circle o f P o p p a e a ,

who

h a d Jewish

sympa

thies, a n d t h e n a m e s P a p p o s o r P a p o u s w e r e widely u s e d by Jews in J u d a e a a n d Egypt, i n c l u d i n g the wealthy P a p o u s o f inscription [ 1 2 6 ] ( t h e f o u n d e r a proseuche).

of

JEWISH INSCRIPTIONS AND JEWISH LITERATURE IN EGYPT

21

more generally, the likelihood that the Jewish taste for literary Greek evident in the inscriptions engendered Jewish Greek literary works, now lost, in other genres t o o . Not all Jewish work of this kind need have entered the nets o f Alexander Polyhistor or later Christian writers; the Christian writers will have been less c o n c e r n e d with what did not seem o f value in biblical inter pretation, catechesis or apologetic. Here the inscriptions implicitly call into question the doubt whether there once existed a larger body o f Greek Jewish literature than now survives. 21

2 2

(iii) Epigraphic Themes in Ecclesiasticus How then d o particular books appear in the light o f the epitaphs? Can epitaphs and literature illuminate one another? Here these questions are asked with Ecclesiasticus in view. This Greek trans lation was made for an Egyptian Jewish audience, but the inscrip tions show it up as barbaric in style, making concessions to the Greek literary tastes o f many Egyptian Jews only in vocabulary, not in verse-form. In content, however, it shares with the inscrip tions three epitaphic themes: encomium, lamentation, and conso lation. The epitaphs themselves represent Jewish patronage, and Jewish authorship is a strong possibility, as noted above. Like other epitaphs, however, they are governed by convention, and cannot be taken to express fully the opinions on virtue and death held by the patrons who commissioned them. T o a great extent they share the forms and sentiments o f the non-Jewish Greek epitaphs o f Egypt, although the plain and aniconic style o f the Jewish monu ments will perhaps have distinguished them from non-Jewish memorials more clearly than appears simply from comparison o f the inscriptions themselves. In any case, the inscriptions were set up by Jewish patrons, and will therefore indicate views and 23

2

1

In discussion o f the

point

from

examples

Jewish H o m e r '

p a p e r Prof. P. W . van d e r H o r s t s u p p o r t e d

including

the

chronicle

reference

to

this

Sosates,

the

(see M . D . G o o d m a n in E . Schiirer, revised by G . V e r m e s , F.

Millar, M . Black, M . G o o d m a n

& P. V e r m e s ,

The History

of the Jewish

People

in the Age of Jesus Christ, iii.l ( E d i n b u r g h : 1 9 8 6 ) , 5 5 9 , n . 7 4 ) . 2

2

S u c h d o u b t is e x p r e s s e d by M . D . G o o d m a n in S c h i i r e r revised, i i i . l ,

4 7 2 , n . 4 ; see the review by the p r e s e n t writer in VT 3 8 ( 1 9 8 8 ) 2 3 9 - 4 3 ( 2 4 2 ) . 2

3

among

See,

for

example,

monuments

p l a t e s x-xiv in

quoted

Horbury

or cited below,

Arsinoe daughter of Theodosius

& Noy,

Egypt,

those o f D e m a s

showing,

( x ) , Jesus

( x i i ) , A b r a m o s (xiii), a n d M a c h a o n

(xi),

(xiv).

22

W.

HORBURY

expressions thought to be acceptable in the Jewish community as a whole. (a)

Encomium

First, how does Ecclesiasticus compare with the epitaphs in the vocabulary o f character and status used especially in encomium? This vocabulary appears in Ecclesiasticus not only in the final encomium o f the fathers, but also in the proverbs which form the staple o f the book. It offers both contrasts and contacts with the inscribed texts, but is likely to reflect a roughly comparable social background. Ecclesiasticus lacks one o r two favourite moral epi thets from the inscriptions. Those not found include aXvnog and XpTiCTTos", the latter being particularly c o m m o n in epitaphs (but dxpTlCTTOS" appears twice (16:1; 37:19), and xpTloror|0eia. once (37:11)). On the other hand, the characteristically scriptural epithet StKaios" occurs in Ecclesiasticus (although by n o means so often as in Wisdom), but is lacking in the inscriptions. Where content is the same, expression may still differ; the chaste wife is ac6(f)pa)v in a Jewish epitaph, or her body is d y v o T p c u f j e s " [36= CIJ 1513, 33= CIJ 1510, both discussed below], but she is alaxwrripd or d|ia)|JLOS' in the Greek Ecclesiasticus (26:15; 40:19). O n e shared epithet is d y a G d s " , used o f the g o o d wife in Ecclesiasticus (7:19; 26:1, 3, 16), in 26:16 as yet another word in the sense o f ' m o d e s t ' or 'chaste'. In 12:7; 29:14 (Hebrew not extant) and 39:25 it is used o f the g o o d man ( 3 1 0 ) , as opposed to the sinner (diiapTtoXos", chosen to render in, ' b a d ' ) . In these three places dyaQog accordingly, through contrast with the 'sinner', takes on biblical overtones overlapping with those o f SiKdios", but at least in the first two places generosity is central to the sense; the ' g o o d man' lends or stands surety, while (in 29:14, and probably also in 12:7) the diiapTCoXos" is the borrower who does not repay, as in Ps. 36 (37):21 L X X . Generosity in a non-financial sense remains cen tral when, in the praise of the fathers, Phinehas is distinguished in more Hellenic fashion by the dyot06TT|S' o r generosity o f his soul's eagerness (45:23), a rendering which follows the tendency found elsewhere to picture the high-priests as ethical examples. 24

The generous ' g o o d man' portrayed in Ecclesiasticus is very 2 4

For

illustration

see

W . Horbury,

E p i s d e to t h e H e b r e w s , " JSNT19

"The A a r o n i c

( 1 9 8 3 ) 43-71 (59-63).

Priesthood

in

the

JEWISH INSCRIPTIONS AND JEWISH LITERATURE IN EGYPT

23

like his counterpart in the inscriptions. The metrical epitaph o f the Leontopolis dignitary Abramos [39=67/ 1530a; plate xiii] ends by presenting him simply as 'a g o o d man'; the whole may be quoted, since other lines in it are discussed below. TT£VTT|KOTCl TpiWV 6 T O 0 V KUKXOV f|6" dviKTaVTa

airros"

fpnaaev eLs 'Ai8r|v. olov Sqias" d^4>lKaXu^Tls• ,

b TravSapdTwp

Si xQwv &fi|icxJ>ai/r|S' 'APpduou IJAJXHS" T O O ncucapLOTOTdTou oxk dyepacrros' &j>u y a p cwa T T T O X I V , dXXd ical dpxr) TTav8f|ia) eSviKT) kore^er kv aoia8ioo&v y a p re T6TTCOV TToXiTapxfiv a^To? ^reipio, )

-

Tqv Si[iepf| SaTTdvnv ^ a v u a a s "

iTdvaa 8e Kal

T £ K V W V

dXXd au, bv

aoi,

kueoix b j a

TOL,

xdpiouv. 1

ijwx *!. """P^ accuses",

10

dyaOaiv au£ouev yevef|.

2) -rrapoSelTa,

l&iav dyaGoO Td(f>ov

T€ KaTev$r\[L&v Tola ^pdaas" oL

y d l a v ex S" £Xa4>pdv d ?

5

T O V

aravTa

dvSpos" dmGr

xpovov.

When he had already accomplished a span of fifty-three years, the all-subduer himself carried him off to Hades. O sandy earth, how notable a body you cover: that which had the soul of Abramos, most fortunate of men. For he was not without honour in the city, but was crowned in his wisdom with a communal magistracy over all the people. "For you were honoured by holding a city magistracy in two places, fulfilling the double expense with gracious liberality. Until you hid yourself in the grave all things that befitted you were yours, dear soul, and we, a family of good children, increase them." "But you, passer-by, beholding the grave of a good man, depart with these favourable words for him: 'May you find the earth light upon you for all time'." " G o o d man" here (line 11) suggests first o f all that Abramos showed the generosity befitting his station, as was emphasized earlier in the epitaph (line 8 ) ; his soul (line 4) manifested its quality in his bounties, and had this piece been in prose he might have been accorded a 'goodness o f soul', dyaSoTTis' ijjuxfjs', recalling Ben Sira's praise o f Phinehas (Dr J. W. van Henten draws attention also to the comparable IV Mace. 14:20 (cf. 15:28; 18:20), in which the mother o f the seven sons is "of like soul with Abra ham", 'A(3padp: 6\i6i\)vxov). The ' g o o d ' children, similarly, are setting up his stone with generous filial piety (line 10). This interpretation o f dyaGd? as 'generous' is o f course in full accord with the usage o f the word in Ecclesiasticus, and this sense o f

24

W. H O R B U R Y

recurs in Jewish and early Christian Greek as reflected in the New Testament. Thus the generous vineyard-owner in Matt 20:15 is dyaOds", and the wealthy and charitable Joseph o f Arimathaea and Barnabas are both described in Luke-Acts as dvr\p dyaOds", although in the last two cases something is added from the more distinctively Jewish or Christian vocabulary (Luke 23:50; Acts 11:24). The characteristically Greek farewell to the liberal Abramos can also be seen, however, in the light of the contrast with dpiapTCoXos" in Ecclesiasticus, to be open to a further and more biblical understanding when read by a Jewish passer-by. Abra mos would then be ' g o o d ' not simply as a benefactor, but also in a sense verging on 'righteous', as contrasted with 'sinner'; compare again Joseph o f Arimathaea, fully described as d v f | p dyaSos" Kal StKaLOS" (Luke 23:50). Once again, however, the biblical contexts evoked, especially in wisdom passages like Ps 37, would probably not be far removed in theme from the primary interest o f the epitaph in benefaction. In any case the passer-by, whether Jew or Greek, is left at the end not with Abramos's personal name, but with the deceased as the exemplar o f a social virtue — an effect of such epithets whether in literature or on stone. The section consisting o f chapters 38-41:13 in Ecclesiasticus has many contacts with the inscriptions. It deals first with the physi cian, sickness, funeral rites and mourning, then with the work of the scribe and o f various craftsmen, then with the wise man and (in a hymn) the underlying goodness and justice of God's works, then with the fear of death and with the social virtues, and lastly with death, children, and a g o o d name. The virtues c o m m e n d e d include g o o d faith and generosity, as HIOTIS and X^P S" respective ly may be rendered in Sir 40:12 & 17. Titans in the sense of reliability which it has by contrast with venality in Sir 40:12 is a civic virtue suitable to a magistrate, as is X ^ P ? , associated with e\€r\\iOG\)VT\ in Sir 40:17 (as in 17:22) and therefore to be rendered 'generosity'; compare the use of x^P S" in the plural to describe bounties by a Jewish office-holder in the epitaph of Abramos, who held office in two places, dyaGos"

L

1

L

Tt|V

8t|jLepf| 8aiTdvr|V

k^avixjas

xdpicn.v,

"fulfilling the double expense with gracious liberality" [39= CPJ 1530a, 1.8]. (In the English biblical versions at Sir 40:17, therefore, 'bounti-

JEWISH INSCRIPTIONS AND JEWISH LITERATURE IN EGYPT

25

fulness' (AV) or 'bounty' (RV) seem preferable to 'kindness' (NRSV, REB); the later renderings are probably influenced by ion in the Hebrew text, but the second half-line in the Hebrew clearly refers to almsgiving, and this is probably the specific 'kindness' intended in the first half.) 25

1

These qualities of T r C a T i ? and X^P ? are the virtues ascribed to the young Somoelos in another Leontopolis metrical epitaph [29=6771451]: el

Se 6eA£is\ yv&vai

Suwiaai

TTOCTOT)

TTLOTLS"

But if you wish, you can know how great was (my) faithfulness and grace, and how all are possessed by grief. From Ecclesiasticus, then, it seems likely that Somoelos here is praised for virtues suited to a magistrate, reliability and generosity (I would now add this interpretation to the comments on [ 2 9 ] ) ; though likely to be young, for his father is still alive, he will have c o m e from a background wealthy e n o u g h to support office holders, and perhaps did hold office. Socfua is a virtue linked with charity in e n c o m i u m , both in Ecclesiasticus and in the epitaphs, once again as a feature in the portraits o f dignitaries; it was shown by Abramos, in the epitaph already quoted, OVK dyepaoTOS' «f>u yap a v d TravSfip.a) eOviicfj

TTT6XIV,

dXXd

icdi dpxn

karkfyeT kv oofyiq

"for he was not without honour in the city, but was crowned in his wisdom with a communal magistracy over all the people" [ 39= CPJ 1530a, lines 5-6]. Here wisdom is especially associated with government, as often in the wisdom literature itself. Thus in Ecclesiasticus the en comium o f the fathers mentions the 'wise words' o f 'the rulers o f the p e o p l e ' (r|you|ievoi XaoO), and also their works o f charity (8iKmoa0vai), among the reasons why nations shall tell o f their crania (44:4,10,15).

2

5

S o (in a c c o r d with t h e G r e e k a n d the usual associations o f

npiJi

Sira) N R S V , R E B , a n d G . L . P r a t o , E tenia della teodicea in Ben Sira

in B e n (Rome:

1 9 7 5 ) , 3 2 5 & n . 4 6 , 3 9 3 - 4 ; with less probability, t h e virtues in b o t h halves o f the line Wisdom

are t a k e n in a g e n e r a l s e n s e

in A . A . D i L e i l a & P. S k e h a n ,

of Ben Sira ( N e w York: 1 9 8 7 ) , a d loc.

The

26

W. HORBURY

2o(f)ta. appears also in the epitaph o f Demas [30=C//1490; plate x ] , who died aged 38 T T O X X W V dvGpamw (3oi06s" €
(b) Lamentation The second epitaphic theme to be considered, lamentation, is o n c e again prominent both in the inscriptions and in Ecclesias ticus. Ben Sira enjoins it as a basic duty (7:33-4 (37-8)); he repeats customary precepts on mourning in a paradoxical demonstration that folly is worse than death (22:11-12), but he does so here with an emphasis on moderation which anticipates his fuller direct teaching o n lamentation (38:16-23), in which he seeks to recon cile proper feeling with due restraint. His concern for moderation receives illumination from the conventional but very marked stress o n lamentation in the inscriptions.

J E W I S H INSCRIPTIONS AND J E W I S H LITERATURE IN EGYPT

27

The third passage in Ecclesiasticus mentions duties incumbent on chief mourners, including provision o f a winding-sheet for the TTp60eCTiS' when the corpse is laid out, and the burial itself; and its advice is enforced with an aphorism from the deceased, in the manner o f an epitaph (38:22, discussed below). The main duty in view, however, is lamentation. The advice given is to mourn whole-heartedly for a day or two, lest one should cause offence, but then to be comforted: TrtKpavov K \ C U > 0 | I 6 V Kal 0epp.avoi> K o i r e x o v . . . Kai TrapaK\r|0r)TL (38:17). The particularly forceful language of the counsel to m o u r n — "make your weeping bitter, and your lamentation heated" — probably represents the original Hebrew t h r o u g h o u t , but in any case is close to the urgent tone o f the frequent injunctions to mourn in the epitaphs. Specially note worthy is the use in Ecclesiasticus here o f 0 e p | i a £ v c o , 'make hot', representing Hebrew Dnn (see the previous footnote); the phrase recalls two biblical passages with the same pair o f Hebrew and Greek verbs, on the burning grief felt by the avenger o f blood ( O T L T e 0 e p ( i a v T a i Tfj K a p S t a , Deut 19:6) and by the psalmist brooding on death ( e 0 e p u \ d v 0 T | f) K a p 8 C a | i o u evrbs u\ou, K a l ev Tfj pieX^Trj \iov 26

27

eKKau0r|(7eTai TrOp, L X X

Ps 38

(39) :4) ,

2 8

This verse in Ecclesiasticus touches three much-discussed features o f the Egyptian epitaphs: their stress on lamentation, their references to being 'set on fire' (with grief, or in cremation?), and the apparent contradiction between advice to mourn and not to mourn in o n e unusual inscription. Ecclesiasticus resembles the epitaphs first o f all, then, in its forceful counsel to lament bitterly and heatedly. Lamentation is inculcated at 7:34, 22:11, and this passage; despite the accompanying words on moderation in 22:11 2

6

2

7

2

8

T h i s p r o b a b l y refers (so D i L e i l a a d l o c . ) to p u b l i c l a m e n t a t i o n n e a r the time o f the funeral, constituting part only o f the week's m o u r n i n g ( 2 2 : 1 2 ) ; this, it can b e i n f e r r e d , m i g h t b e c o n c l u d e d " m o r e gently" (fjSiov, 2 2 : 1 1 , i n v o k i n g , like 3 8 : 2 3 , the t h o u g h t that the d e p a r t e d is at r e s t ) . M S . B. (here, the C a m b r i d g e University Library f r a g m e n t T.-S. 1 6 . 3 1 2 ) , text onm, m a r g i n nnm; S. S c h e c h t e r , in S. S c h e c h t e r & C . T a y l o r , The Wisdom of Ben Sira ( C a m b r i d g e : 1 8 9 9 ) , 6 2 , a d l o c , f o l l o w e d by R . S m e n d , Die Weisheit des Jesus Sirach ( B e r l i n : 1 9 0 6 ) , a d l o c , r e a d b y a p r o b a b l e e m e n d a tion, in a c c o r d with the G r e e k , nnm. ( S c h e c h t e r c o m p a r e s also t h e u s e o f t h e A r a m a i c c o g n a t e in T a l m u d B a b l i , S h a b b a t h 1 5 3 a RTDDH DTtR "make l a m e n tation h e a t e d " . ) M . H . S e g a l , Sepher Ben Sira ha-Shalem(2nd edn, Jerusalem: 1 9 5 8 ) , ad l o c , notes Schechter's proposal but does n o t indicate a preference; D i L e i l a & S k e h a n a d l o c . f o l l o w t h e t e x t of t h e f r a g m e n t w i t h o u t m e n t i o n i n g t h e m a r g i n , t h e G r e e k , o r the p r o p o s e d e m e n d a t i o n . T h e s e passages are cited by Segal, Ben Sira, a d loc.

28

W. HORBURY

and 38:16-17, the threefold occurrence in Ecclesiasticus o f the counsel to lament attests the importance attached to this traditional duty, and it is significant that the more outspoken advice o n moderation in the last passage has to be preceded by a strong and almost violent expression o f the call to mourning. The summons to lament which is also characteristic o f the Egyptian Jewish epitaphs had further analogies in contemporary Judaea, if, as seems likely, an Aramaic inscription from the tomb of Jason in Jerusalem is to be interpreted as a lament; but it is particularly well-marked in the Egyptian material. Three epi taphs include a threefold call to lament, and a large number have a single request for tears or m o u r n i n g . Three o f them may illustrate the contacts with Ecclesiasticus in content and language. The first, evidently set up by an heir, has a threefold call [34= CIJ 1511; plate xi]: 29

30

d u e l eyw'IriaoOs', b c^u? 6% ^duets',

(e£i*|KOVTa kr&v)

rapoSeixa,

fj\0ov S e i ? ' A e l 8 a v

T 6 V e^amvr^ \xera^arra eis \ivxbv aliovttv kv aKOTia S i d y e i v . Kal av 8k, Aax/iOee, KaTOKXae p r a o l yap dvdvicri

KXaucraTe 8f| q i a n a v T a ?

SaxpiairnKpoTdTois"T U U ( 3 O ) eaw -rrpoxeeiv

Tewov

a [ 6 ] , ky
ii

eaol

KXaixjaTe I a m Jesus,

m y father was P h a m e i s ,

passer-by; a n d at t h e a g e

sixty I w e n t d o w n to H a d e s . A l l o f y o u w e e p t o g e t h e r f o r h i m s u d d e n l y p a s s e d to t h e d e e p p l a c e o f t h e ages, to dwell in

of

who

darkness.

A n d y o u , D o s i t h e u s , b e w a i l m e ; f o r it is l a i d u p o n y o u t o p o u r f o r t h m o s t bitter tears o v e r m y t o m b . Y o u a r e m y c h i l d , f o r I d e p a r t e d c h i l d l e s s . W e e p , all t o g e t h e r , f o r t h e h a p l e s s J e s u s .

This harsh but impressive epigram is almost solely on the duty o f

2

9

S o N . Avigad, "Aramaic Inscriptions

(1967)

in

the T o m b

funeraires palestiniennes: of

'dwelling'

rendering require

'lament'

a masculine

"Inscriptions

t o m b e a u d e J a s o n e t ossuaires," RB 9 0 ( 1 9 8 3 ) 4 8 2 -

5 3 3 , takes Rrp ' l a m e n t ' as t h e identically-spelt sense

o f J a s o n , " IEJ 1 7

101-11 ( 1 0 5 , comparing Leontopolis epitaphs). E. Puech,

(referring implies

to

the

feminine

subject,

word meaning

tomb); gender

although

but

his

(when

this is

he

'nest',

objection takes

in

the

that

the

the

itself q u e s t i o n a b l e )

verb is

to not

clearly j u s t i f i e d ( t h e plural o f the w o r d in this sense o c c u r s as p ' p , T a r g . Ps.Jonathan G e n 4:22). 3

0

S e e H o r b u r y & N o y , Egypt,

inscriptions);

KXaiiaaTe

Sijpesteijn,

dTuxfjv

2 9 8 (injunctions

"Inscriptions

veoSrepov GavovTa).

from

to l a m e n t , f r o m

Egypt," 1 2 2 - 3

fifteen

(ol TrapoSeiTCU

J E W I S H INSCRIPTIONS A N D J E W I S H LITERATURE IN E G Y P T

29

lamentation, as prescribed in Ecclesiasticus. With "weep, all together" compare in Ecclesiasticus "Be not wanting to those who weep, and mourn with those who mourn" (7:34). The ground for lamentation is the heavily emphasized thought o f death as exile; the dead man 'went', 'passed away', 'departed', to abide in 'Hades', 'the deep place o f the ages', 'in darkness'. The injunction to mourn the dead man as an exile to perpetual darkness represents a topic also used in Ecclesiasticus: e i r i v e K p a i KXaOaov, e^iXiirev yap 4>(3s\ "weep for the dead, for he has left the light" (22:11). The lines addressed to Dositheus, presumably the heir, are particular ly close to the third passage on mourning in Ecclesiasticus, quoted at the beginning o f this section (38:16-17); they treat mourning as a requirement, but also specify 'most bitter' tears, like Ben Sira's 'embittered' weeping. Consolation is entirely absent. Similarly, the early epitaph o f Demas [30], quoted in (a) above for its o n e line o f direct encomium, otherwise speaks only o f sorrow, and enjoins lamentation: K X a u c r a T e TrpoXnrdvTa ... T T O X L V , di>9panra)v 8 ' f\Qea K a l (f>iXiav, "weep for him that has left... his city, and the haunts and friendship o f men" (lines 5-6). N o consolation is offered, but the call to mourn the one who has 'left' his own place exemplifies a topic used with similar vocabulary in Ecclesiasticus, as just noted. T

O

V

A third epitaph is governed, again, by a threefold summons to lamentation, but is a shorter and humbler composition, made up of metrical tags (37= CIJ1522): TTaTTTrtcova ueixpov KXaOaov euiarag. KXOC [i£ iirfrnp, f] TT[eiTu]pwnevTi, cue [oaie ]Tn"aeTT|v: KXai)[aaTe] TrdvTes\ S t a n d n e a r a n d w e e p f o r P a p p i o n , t h e little o n e . M o t h e r , w i t h g r i e f , w e e p f o r m e , d e a d a t t w e n t y - s e v e n ; all o f y o u ,

consumed weep.

Here the mother is "set on fire" (•neTrvpu>\i.evr\), in what seems — although this has been questioned — to be an allusion to burning grief. The 'heated' lamentation c o m m e n d e d in Ecclesiasticus with a different Greek verb (0ep|i.atva)) will be compared below. Thus far, the Egyptian epitaphs can be seen emphatically to echo the summons to lament given by a Judaean Jew, Ben Sira. In this respect both Ecclesiasticus and the epitaphs tally with

30

W. HORBURY

ancestral practice as reflected in the Jewish scriptures. In study o f the epitaphs it has been asked if the value placed in them o n lamentation is not likely to be distinctively Jewish, and their correspondence here with Ecclesiasticus and probably also with the tomb o f Jason might seem to support the answer Yes; but it seems better to regard Jewish emphasis on lamentation as repre senting an emphasis found generally also in contemporary gentile culture, as the importance o f the theme in non-Jewish Greek epitaphs from Egypt confirms. Ecclesiasticus is therefore o f interest here principally as showing that this emphasis is reflected equally by literature and by inscriptions in Egypt, and was shared by Egyptian and Judaean Jews; it can fairly be said to represent a general Jewish attitude, and it exhibits o n e o f the bonds o f c o m m o n feeling between the diaspora and the home land, as well as between Jews and their non-Jewish neighbours. Pappion's epitaph, however, is part o f the evidence cited in another discussion o f Jewish practice; is cremation rather than inhumation reflected in the use o f the verb TTi>p6co here and in two other epitaphs [32=67/1509, line 4 f\\i [Tr]eTrupu)Kav eyco "I whom they burned (? with grief)"; 83= 67/1507 [ic]\de Trcnrip Kal M-T|Tr|p ol Tfupc5|j.evoL evvea€TT\v, "Weep, father and mother, — either burnt up by grief, for or having burnt her, — the nine-year-old"]? In Pappion's epitaph the mourning mother rather than the departed daughter can most readily be taken as "the one who is burned", but in the other two the burning can without difficulty be under stood o f the deceased, and G. Zuntz argued that this meaning, with cremation in view, is at least possible in all three passages. Nevertheless, it seems more likely that the burning grief o f the mourners is the subject o f all three, as was implied in the case o f Pappion's epitaph by the rendering "consumed with g r i e f above. Trupoco was often used metaphorically, of the fire o f love but also o f indignation and grief, as in III Mace 4:2, II Cor 11:29; and there is considerable evidence for ancient Jewish dislike o f cremation (Tacitus, Ann. xvi 6 thought it Jewish custom "corpora condere quam cremare, more Aegyptio"). T o an earlier discussion citing this and other e v i d e n c e there may now be added the main 31

32

33

3 1

H o r b u r y & N o y , Egypt, 7 6 - 7 , o n [ 3 3 ] .

3

2

G . Z u n t z , reviewing CPJ in, in JSS 1 0 ( 1 9 6 5 )

3

3

H o r b u r y & N o y , Egypt, 6 6 - 9 , o n [ 3 2 ] .

291-2.

JEWISH INSCRIPTIONS A N D JEWISH LITERATURE IN EGYPT

31

passage on mourning and funeral rites in Ecclesiasticus (38:1623). It tantalizingly fails to specify a mode o f burial, neither com mending inhumation nor forbidding cremation nor mentioning secondary interment o f bones; inhumation might seem most readily compatible with the 'rest' o f the dead (38:23, ev avanavoei veKpoO, Hebrew no rmeD or no rnerra; cf. 22:11), but the wording can hardly be pressed to rule out cremation. O n the other hand, as noted above, Ecclesiasticus here inculcates 'heated' lamentation by metaphorical use o f another verb signifying 'to make hot', 0epu\ai vco, representing Hebrew Dan; and this usage itself has biblical antecedents (Deut 19:6, Ps 39:4, quoted in Greek above). Accordingly, the metaphorical use o f Trupda) for burning indig nation and grief can be compared with the metaphorical use o f 0epu\a.(,v(jo in Ecclesiasticus and the Jewish scriptures — in Deutero nomy, the Psalter and Ecclesiasticus with specific reference to grief at a death, and in Ecclesiasticus with a reference also to lamentation, such as is in general likely to be present in the epitaphs. Here, therefore, Ecclesiasticus contributes to the inter pretation o f the inscriptions, taking its place beside III Maccabees as evidence that 'fiery' grief will have been a familiar c o n c e p t among Jews in Egypt, and strengthening the view that Trupoco is to be understood metaphorically in the three epitaphs sometimes taken to reflect a practice o f cremation. Lastly under the heading o f lamentation, the advice in Eccle siasticus to be comforted after whole-hearted mourning (38:17) is comparable with the injunctions to the bereaved in the short but unusual metrical epitaph o f Rachelis [36=67/1513]: KOL £evoi, KaTaKXaujare TrdvTes"' ac6(f>pova, TTaai(J>'iXr|v, &s (CTWV) X'.

doTcol

PaxfjXiv

uf| \i£ uaTnv TT€V0LT£ Kevd{?}"

el 8 6<Xi>yov Cfpa xpovvov Kepiuevov,

dXXd eXeous- eXirlSa dya0r|V eyw -npoaSexopai. Kal' AyaGoKXffc {er&v) Xrj.

5

Fellow-townsmen and strangers, all weep for Rachelis, chaste, friend to all, about thirty years old. "Do not mourn me in vain, [? uttering] empty [? groans]. If it was decreed that I should live but a short time, yet I look for a good hope of mercy." Also Agathocles, about 38 years old. Here the poet or the stele itself calls for weeping (line 1), but

32

W . HORBURY

Rachelis tells the mourners to be comforted (line 3) .The apparent contradiction has been connected with other contrasts between lines 1-2 and lines 3-5; broadly speaking, the former are classical in style and content, but the latter, probably also meant as verse, are much rougher, and biblical in i d i o m . In fact the successive injunctions closely correspond to those in Ecclesiasticus, as noted in c o m m e n t on [36] (see the previous footnote). Moreover, the epitaph and Ecclesiasticus both speak o f death as decreed by divine judgment, and if the Greek version is followed this occurs in both cases in a speech by the deceased, a point discussed below (line 4 o f the epitaph, KeKpi|jivov, compare Sir 38:22 |J.v^a0r|Ti T O Kptu.0. uou). The great difference between Ecclesiasticus and the epitaph (and between this epitaph and most other Egyptian Jewish epitaphs o f this period) lies in Rachelis's "good h o p e " o f an after life, also discussed below. With regard to lamentation, mean while, Ecclesiasticus here suggests that lines 3-5 in the epitaph continue rather than contradict lines 1-2, and that, as would be expected, the thought of death as a divinely decreed judicial sen tence was widespread among Jews. Conversely, the inscription underlines the strikingly epitaphic style o f the speech by the deceased in the Greek Ecclesiasticus (38:22). 34

On the theme o f lamentation, then, the inscriptions c o m e close to Ecclesiasticus in both content and language. The b o o k can accordingly contribute to their elucidation, whether on the exege sis o f a single unusual epitaph (Rachelis) or on debated questions o f burial custom raised by more than one inscription (Pappion). The stress on the importance o f lamentation which is c o m m o n to Ecclesiasticus and the inscriptions emerges as o n e o f the bonds uniting Egyptian and Judaean Jews, and Jews and their gentile neighbours. (c) Consolation and Death Lastly, a third epitaphic theme c o m m o n to Ecclesiasticus and the inscriptions is consolation. Here, perhaps, the inscriptions most clearly offer a special contribution to the reconstruction o f ancient Judaism. It is on this theme, however, that divergence between the two bodies o f material has already begun to appear. Both

F o r c o m m e n t see H o r b u r y & N o y , Egypt, 8 2 - 6 , o n [ 3 6 ] .

JEWISH INSCRIPTIONS A N D JEWISH LITERATURE IN EGYPT

33

agree, with rare exceptions in the epitaphs, in treating death as the end; but Ecclesiasticus builds up consolation upon the thought o f death as universal, whereas in the Egyptian Jewish epitaphs the main reaction to death is simply the lamentation illustrated above. O n e or two inscriptions have links with the main consolatory argument offered in Ecclesiasticus, at least one seems to reflect a less argued but still consolatory admonition to enjoy life, such as also occurs in the b o o k , others lightly touch the consolatory theme o f rest, again present in Ecclesiasticus, and two suggest a consolation absent from Ecclesiasticus, the after-life; but all these consolations except the last assume the finality o f death, in some epitaphs there is n o consolation, and in any case lamentation predominates over consolation. The contact and divergence between the sources on this third theme are illustrated by the aphorism put in the mouth o f the departed in the Greek Ecclesiasticus (38:22, partly quoted above): 35

T O Kpiua uou, o n O U T C O S " epol k)(Ges K C U . aol ofjiepov.

uvfpOrrri

KCXI

T O

aov

R e m e m b e r the s e n t e n c e u p o n m e , for so also shall t h i n e be; yesterday for m e , a n d to-day for thee.

In Ecclesiasticus this grim commonplace leads to repetition o f the advice to be comforted (38:23), and its thought is more explicitly used for a theological consolation in a later passage on death (41:34 "Fear not the sentence o f death" which is "from the Lord over all flesh"). Within the passage on the duty o f mourning (38:16-23) the aphorism directly from the deceased comes in appropriately in the context o f the burial, mentioned in verses 16 and 23, and corresponds to a characteristic feature o f Egyptian Jewish and other epitaphs, a speech by the departed. It seems likely, then, that the Greek o f verse 22, in which the deceased is the speaker (|iou ... e|iot), represents the original Hebrew. The single Hebrew witness here, the same Cambridge fragment o f MS. B which was cited above (T.-S. 16.312), indeed makes the poet continue as speaker (l^...1pn); but, a change o f subject being unexpected, yodh in pn and ^ will have been read in the course o f transmission as the ,

3

5

S e e Prato, Teodicea,

Prockter,

3 3 2 - 6 3 , discussing 4 1 : 1 - 1 3 a n d r e l a t e d passages; L . J .

'"His y e s t e r d a y a n d y o u r s today'

(Sir 3 8 : 2 2 ) : R e f l e c t i o n s o n

Ben

Sira's view o f d e a t h , " Journal for Semitics 2 ( 1 9 9 0 ) 4 4 - 5 6 ( w i t h o u t the particular c o n c e r n with c o n s o l a t i o n i n v o l v e d in Prato's m a i n

subject).

34

W. HORBURY Be>

virtually identical waw. Epigraphic material therefore contri butes here to the textual reconstruction o f the Hebrew Ecclesiasti cus. On the other hand, advice fully agreeable to Ecclesiasticus here is not readily found in the Egyptian Jewish epitaphs. Instead, elements in the advice are attested singly. Thus, within the speeches o f the departed, Rachelis's epitaph [36=67/1513, quoted above] enjoins comfort after grief, and also shares with Ecclesias ticus the thought o f death as a judicial sentence, but still lacks Ben Sira's particular consolatory argument. Her "good hope o f mercy" remains close in vocabulary to the expression o f national hopes in Ecclesiasticus (2:7-9, developing Deut 30:9), but is also close to Jewish expressions o f a hope o f immortality, such as Wis 3:4, 9; the latter is probably intended. The principal consolation in Ra chelis's epitaph therefore traverses the assumptions o f Ben Sira's consolation, although, conversely, passages in Ecclesiasticus like 2:7-9 could have been understood, by those who shared the senti ments o f the epitaph, in the sense o f their own fuller hope. Immortality is again the consolation, once again in a speech by the deceased, in the concise and moving metrical epitaph o f Arsinoe, who died in child-birth; this ends 37

rat Td^x)?

kv KOXTTOIS" Kpimrei T O e\ibv Seuasba'iovg enere

OUTO?

dyvoTpa^es", 4 ^ X n °*

N o w t h i s g r a v e h i d e s i n its b o s o m my

soul

has

flown

to

the

m y chastely-nurtured body,

holy

ones"

[ 3 3 = CIJ

1510,

but with

comment].

The 'perfect' disciples, qualified to sing the Creator's praise, are oatoi in the Greek Ecclesiasticus (39:13, 24), and to a Jew this line in the epitaph might recall being "gathered to the fathers" (Gen 15:13, etc.), but its hint at an after-life for the soul is once again remote from Ben Sira's consolation. This is o n e o f two Egyptian Jewish epitaphs in which body and soul are linked and distinguished. The other, that o f Abramos, quoted above, is much closer to Ecclesiasticus. First, the divinity that snatched Abramos to Hades was the all-subduer, 6 TravScr

3

6

T h i s possibility is n o t r a i s e d by S c h e c h t e r & T a y l o r , S m e n d ,

D i L e i l a & S k e h a n , all a d l o c ; P r o c k t e r , '"His yesterday'". 3

7

Segal

or

t h e r e is n o special d i s c u s s i o n o f this v e r s e in

H o r b u r y & N o y , Egypt, 8 5 - 6 , o n [ 3 6 ] ,

J E W I S H INSCRIPTIONS AND J E W I S H LITERATURE IN

EGYPT

35

38

|idTO)p; the portentous epithet is used in a fully Hellenic context, but its solemn reserve contrasts with the more vivid mythology o f the epitaph o f a bride, who is made to say, in allusion to the story of Proserpine [31=G7/T508] us po[8]ov [e]v KffTTWL [V]OTL(TIV Spoaepdlai T 6 0 [T|]XOS" [al ] (JwiS'ia)? \J£ XaPa)(pw)v wxer' Iwv' A i 8 r | [ s" ] ... suddenly Hades came and snatched me away, like a rose in a garden nurtured by fresh rain. In Abramos's epitaph, by contrast, it seems likely that a supreme deity is envisaged (see the previous footnote). Here, therefore, the epigram corresponds to the negative side of the characteristically scriptural assertion that the deity himself "kills and makes alive, leads down to Hades and leads up" (LXX I Kingdoms (I Sam) 2:6, cf. Deut 32:39), a negative side which is singled out in Ecclesias ticus, following Job and Ecclesiastes. The epitaph thus connects the universality o f death with an almighty power, as Ben Sira does (41:3). Secondly, the reference to Abramos's soul which follows this opening statement leads into obituary rather than future hope; Abramos was snatched to Hades, but his body now beneath the sandy earth once held the notable soul o f a generous magistrate and benefactor, and his children too can say that they have behaved handsomely towards him, addressing him as "dear soul" in lines following the epitaphic convention that the de ceased both speaks and is spoken to. The passer-by is asked to say, May you find the earth light u p o n you for all time. (This c o m m o n epitaphic wish occurs also in the epitaph o f Arsinoe daughter o f Theodosius, quoted below, and in [109= CIJ 1484, 113= CIJ 1488] , ) Thus, after the initial reference to Hades, the epigram moves from the mention of the soul, connected with the past lifetime o f Abramos, back again to the initial theme o f the repose o f his body in the present beneath the earth. The epitaph therefore seems compatible with the Epicurean doctrine o f the mortality o f the soul (Lucretius hi 417-829), ascribed by Josephus 3 9

3

8

F o r t h e r e f e r e n c e o f this e p i t h e t to an o m n i p o t e n t divinity r a t h e r t h a n

t i m e , a g a i n s t a G r e e k literary b a c k g r o u n d , see H o r b u r y & N o y , Egypt,

98,

on

[ 3 9 ] , line 2. 3

9

On

this w i s h

(Urbana: 1 9 4 2 ) , 65-8.

see

R.

Lattimore,

Themes

in

Greek

and

Latin

Epitaphs

36

W. HORBURY

also to the Sadducees, who "hold that souls perish along with bodies" (Ant. xviii 16). The epigrammatist's treatment o f Hades as the place to which Abramos was "snatched away" could merit Ben Sira's comment ou yap koriv eTTdvoSos" (38:21). Thirdly, the particular consolations in this epitaph, implied rather than worked out, are two which, o n c e more, appear in Ecclesiasticus: the universality o f death (41:3), and rest in the grave (38:23). A similar train o f thought emerges in the Doric dialogue epitaph o f another Arsinoe, daughter o f Theodosius [38 (and plate xii) = CIJ 1530]: ordXa uavuTeipa.

— T L ? kv Kuavauyei Tup.(3a)L Keiaai; Kal -rrdTpav Kal yevkrvy eveire. ' A p a i v o a , Koupa 8' AXli/ns- Kal 9 r | 8 o a l o i o , auio9d 8' Oviov ya Tpo^os" aueTepa. —

TroaaaeTTis' 8* wXiaSas" vrro aKOToev KXlua AdOas";

iKoaeTTis' yoepov x ^ P

CevyioQr$

0V

veKixov. —

8eyduous-;—(C)EI>x0T)v.—KaTeXlvTraves" aura 1

T £ K V O V ;

aTeKvos e(3av el^'AtSao

86uous\—

ir| aol Koixf>a xOwv d cf>9iuevoio (|>uXdKTa)p. — Kal aol, £eive, (f>epoL Kapirov dtTo aTaxwov. T h e stele b e a r s witness. — " W h o are y o u that lie in t h e d a r k t o m b ? Tell

me

your

country

Aline and Theodosius,

and

your

father."

"Arsinoe,

a n d the land which nourished

the land of Onias." "How old were you w h e n into the shadowy region

you

daughter

of

u s is

called

slipped

down

o f L e t h e ? " "At twenty years o l d I w e n t to

the m o u r n f u l place o f the dead." "Were y o u j o i n e d in m a r r i a g e ? " "I w a s . " house light

"Did you

leave

him

of Hades." "May the upon

you."

"And for

a child?" "Childless earth, you,

the

guardian

stranger,

may

I went

to

of the dead, it b e a r

the be

fruitful

crops."

Here too the p o e m returns at the end to the initial thought o f the tomb, and then the prayer that the earth may be light is developed with grace and tact to bring consoling hints of rest and o f nature's continuity; but the 'dark' tomb in the first line prepares for a mournfully repetitive insistence o n the u n d e r w o r l d — " t h e shadowy region of Lethe", "the mournful place o f the dead", "the house o f Hades". This threefold reference to the underworld recalls the similar threefold reference in the epitaph o f Jesus son of Phameis, quoted in the previous section. In Arsinoe's epitaph here the theme o f rest is again part o f such consolation as is offered, but the principal emphasis lies on the finality o f death,

JEWISH INSCRIPTIONS AND JEWISH LITERATURE IN EGYPT

37

again in accord with Ben Sira's maxim that "there is n o way up again" (38:21, quoted above). Perhaps the nearest analogy, in form as well as content, to the aphorism from the deceased in Ecclesiasticus is in [32=67/1509], where the departed Horaia, speaking also for her dead husband and daughter, dismisses the reader o f their epitaph with the distich 'A W

,

&irexeis & I

twelve,

d y y e X X e i v iraaiv

T O V

oa<$)6&

ra SiTavTa rap' tyi&v:

OavaTou

T O

T & X O S *

.

B u t s t r a n g e r , y o u h a v e c l e a r l y all t h e r e

is t o k n o w o f u s ; t e l l

all

m e n o f t h e swiftness o f d e a t h .

Here the universality o f death is stressed in a general warning o f its swift approach. In both points o f content, as in its form as an utterance o f the departed, Horaia's saying is comparable with Sir 38:22. O n the other hand, it probably implies an injunction to enjoy life, such as occurs not here but elsewhere in Ecclesiasticus in this connection ("Remember that death will not tarry ... d o not defraud yourself o f a g o o d day ... for there is n o seeking o f luxury in Hades", 14:12-16). Advice o f this kind had long been familiar in the ancient world, including Judah (Isa 22:13), but by the s e c o n d century B.C. it was doubtless often associated with Epicurus; it was rejected in the Wisdom of Solomon (2.T-9) and by St. Paul (I Cor 15:32-4), but can occur in a Jewish inscription more expressly than is the case in Horaia's epitaph, just as it does in gentile epitaphs — as Ecclesiasticus would lead o n e to expect. Thus the tomb of Jason has the Greek inscription 40

41

eucf>pa'iv£o~Te o l £covTes" d8eX(f>oi., K ( O L ) T r e t v cua* o f t S e ! ? ) dOdvaros' "Rejoice, brethren w h o immortal".

4

0

are alive, a n d d r i n k t o g e t h e r ;

no-one

is

4 2

T h e letter o f E p i c u r u s to M e n o e c e u s , against the fear o f d e a t h a n d f o r

r e c o g n i t i o n o f p l e a s u r e as t h e h i g h e s t g o o d , i n c l u d e s a c o m p l a i n t that s o m e in

ignorance

or opposition

wrongly identify

this p l e a s u r e

with

luxurious

living ( D i o g e n e s Laertius x 1 2 4 - 6 , 1 2 9 , 1 3 2 ) . 4

1

F o r a G r e e k m e t r i c a l e p i t a p h f r o m C o s in w h i c h

Trelve, pXeTri? TO T e X o ? see A . D e i s s m a n n , Light from

the

L o n d o n : 1 9 1 0 ) , 2 9 5 - 6 , with p h o t o g r a p h ; G . K a i b e l , Epigrammata dibus

departed

the Ancient

East

says (E.T.

graeca ex lapi-

conlecta (Berlin: 1 8 7 8 ) , n o s . 2 6 1 , 3 6 2 , 4 8 0 a , 4 3 9 are c i t e d by C . L a r c h e r ,

Le livre de la Sagesse, i (Paris: 1 9 8 3 ) , 2 2 8 , to illustrate W i s 2 : 6 . 4

2

The

text

follows

Puech,

"Inscriptions

funeraires,"

492-4.

OuSels"

38

W. HORBURY

This may relate to memorial dinners held at the tomb (E. Puech, as cited in the previous footnote), but that would not remove its Epicurean overtones. Horaia's stress on the universality o f death therefore offers some analogy to the consolatory argument o f Sir 38:22, 41:3-4, in addition to the similarly partial analogies found in other epitaphs, but her final injunction as a whole implies counsel closer to the more Epicurean comfort o f Sir 14:11-19, a passage itself comparable with the Judaean Greek inscription o f the tomb of Jason. In sum, therefore, the Egyptian epitaphs fail to correspond fully to the more theological line of consolation developed in Ecclesias ticus. Sometimes, indeed, as in the epitaphs o f Jesus son o f Phameis and Demas quoted in the previous section, compositions of some length offer n o consolation at all; this is true also o f the elaborate double epigram [141], commemorating the daughter o f an Egyptian and probably Jewish family in R o m e with an invective against Charon. On the other hand, as seen in the present section, some material in the epitaphs can be compared at least in part with the theological consolation of Ecclesiasticus, and some passages point also to other kinds o f consolation; rest in the grave is an opening and closing theme in the epitaphs o f Abra mos and Arsinoe daughter o f Theodosius, Horaia hints at advice to enjoy life (both topics are met in Ecclesiasticus), and Rachelis and the other Arsinoe express hopes o f immortality (absent from Ecclesiasticus). In form, however, there is a closer correspon dence. Ecclesiasticus and the relevant inscriptions have contacts in vocabulary, and almost all of the epitaphs in question put their words o f consolation into the mouth o f the deceased, just as happens with the grim but salutary aphorism o f Sir 38:22. The marked resemblance between Ecclesiasticus and many o f the inscriptions on this theme which emerges, despite these diffe rences, is in the presupposition that death is bitterly lamentable for its finality. This correspondence between many o f the epitaphs and Eccle siasticus on death as the end has been mentioned already; but it dQdvaTOS" b e c o m e s p o p u l a r epitaphs from

from

those

Beth

which

it

as p a r t o f an a d d r e s s to t h e d e p a r t e d

She'arim has

when

and

Rome,

addressed

gaining to

"Jewish I n s c r i p t i o n s in G r e e k a n d Latin," ANRW & n.34)).

the

associations survivors

ii.20.2

in Jewish different

(L. H .

(1987) 671-713

Kant, (680

JEWISH INSCRIPTIONS AND JEWISH LITERATURE IN EGYPT

39

deserves separate notice in its bearing on the description o f Judaism in this period. In Ecclesiasticus, following earlier biblical tradition, there is n o pleasure, no praise of God, n o life in Hades (14:12 (quoted above), 17:27; 41:4). This position receives some qualification from the importance in Ecclesiasticus o f national hopes, as at 2:7-9, cited above, and from Ben Sira's view o f death as 'rest' (dvdTTauai9), also noted above (22:11; 38:16); but the main emphasis is on the finality o f death. Similarly, immortality figures expressly in only two of the epitaphs. The concept o f rest is implied in occurrences o f the widespread wish that the earth should lie lightly on the dead; but the theme of death as departure to the shadows is far more prominent, and in the nature o f the widely-used imagery o f Hades the thought o f departure is continuous with the harsher thought of death as captivity. So, in epitaphs quoted above, Demas left the city, and the haunts and friendship of men, Arsinoe daughter o f Theodosius went child less to the house o f Hades, the all-subduer snatched Abramos away to Hades, Hades himself, as in the myth o f Proserpine, snatched away a bride whose name is lost, and Jesus son o f Phameis suddenly passed to the deep place o f the ages (el? \ivxbv alujvcov), to dwell in darkness. (The "deep places (|iuxot) o f Hades" are mentioned in the Wisdom of Solomon (17:13 (14)) and Philo (e.g. Heres 45), and the Essenes hold that base souls are punished in a [ivxos, according to Josephus {J.W. ii 155).) As noted already, the epitaphs do not necessarily express the full mind o f the Jewish community on death, but they show that a mainly mournful and often mythological commemoration could regularly be accepted as suitable, even though it seemed to leave the departed, by contrast with the affirmations o f the Wisdom o f Solomon, in the dominion or palace o f Hades (<x8ou (3aai\eiov, Wis 1:14). In Ecclesiasticus Hades is scarcely described; it is the negation of life, and references to it are descriptive mainly through echoes of earlier biblical passages on Hades. By contrast, in the epitaphs the Greek legends o f Hades are primary, although for the most part Hades is not personified (the exception is [31=67/ 1508], alluding to Hades and Proserpine). Does this content suggest that the epitaphs were remote from Jewish feeling? Mythological allusions were de rigueur in funerary epigrams, but the hold o f the myths o f Hades on Jewish as well as gentile imagination should not be underestimated. It appears in Wisdom and Philo, as cited

40

W . HORBURY

in the previous paragraph, but it was not restricted to the diaspora; it can also be seen in Josephus, for example o n Essene views o f the after-life (J.W. ii 155-6), and will have formed part o f the back ground o f the practice o f placing a coin in the mouth o f the departed, in accord with the Greek custom o f providing Charon's fare, now attested in Jewish burials in Jerusalem. Egyptian Jewish patrons are likely to have appreciated the mythological elements in the epitaphs. On the subject o f Hades there was in any case a considerable overlap between biblical and Greek con ceptions, recognized in earlier discussion o f the epitaphs. This overlap was both signalled and encouraged by the use o f Greek q8r\s to render Hebrew "nato, in the L X X Pentateuch and other biblical and post-biblical writings, including Ecclesiasticus in the passages just cited, among others. It could extend to the personi fication of Hades (Isa 5:14 LXX, cf. Wis 1:14). T h e accord between the epitaphs and Ecclesiasticus in their main emphasis is therefore not lessened by the contrast between the mythology o f the epitaphs and the biblical reserve o f Eccle siasticus. Both verge on what has been called the 'nihilism' o f Epicurean views o f death, a characteristic discerned in some Latin epitaphs o f this period against a Greek and Roman literary back g r o u n d which includes the verse o f Lucretius and H o r a c e . Opinions o n death which can broadly be called Sadducaic seem therefore to have been influential among Jews in Egypt as well as Judaea, where the inscriptions of the tomb of Jason come close to Ecclesiasticus. With the Egyptian epitaphs in view it seems natural that the grandson's translation o f Ben Sira for circulation in Egypt preserved the strong statements o f the original o n this subject. The polemical tone o f the argument for immortality in Wis 1-3 can accordingly be seen to have a possible setting in inner-Jewish as well as Jewish-gentile controversy; the two in scriptions expressing hope o f an after-life will represent circles in which this argument might be acceptable, but these inscriptions 43

44

45

4

3

Z. Greenhut,

" T h e "Caiaphas" T o m b

in N o r t h T a l p i y o t , J e r u s a l e m , "

'Atiqot 2 1 ( 1 9 9 2 ) 6 3 - 7 1 ( 7 0 - 7 1 ) . A s n o t e d in the text a b o v e , C h a r o n figures in [141] (n.4, above). 4

4

P. W . van d e r H o r s t , Ancient

& N o y , Egypt, 4

5

C . Pietri,

(544-6).

Jewish Epitaphs

(Kampen: 1991); Horbury

xxiii-xxiv. "Grabinschrift II ( l a t e i n i s c h ) , "

RAC

xii ( 1 9 8 3 )

cols.

514-90

JEWISH INSCRIPTIONS AND JEWISH LITERATURE IN EGYPT

41

are much outnumbered by those in which the departed is in Hades, and there is fierce lamentation but little or n o consolation. Jewish patronage o f these epitaphs also suggests that more weight should be given to Josephus's description o f the Sadducees in terms recalling the Epicureans. His philosophical accounts o f the Jewish sects need not simply arise from his special wish to use philosophical terms, perhaps for the benefit o f gentile readers; probably they also reflect the way in which many Jews themselves viewed their schools o f thought, finding, as Josephus did, a resemblance between the Epicurean and the Sadducaic views o f death. All these points underline the need to allow for exceptions, both in Judaea and in Egypt, when the prevalence o f hopes for an afterlife among Jews in the first century B.C. is affirmed. The inscriptions together with the Greek as well as the Hebrew Ecclesiasticus suggest the wide and long-term influence of opinions about death which were characteristic o f the Sad ducees, and the convergence o f these epigraphic and literary sources is o f particular note in the absence o f clear first-hand evidence for Sadducaic customs and convictions. T o conclude, attention to three shared themes has suggested that Ecclesiasticus as translated for Egyptian Jews, and the inscribed epitaphs of Egyptian Jews, throw light on one another in various ways. The metrical inscriptions in particular show up the b o o k as 'barbaric' in style, and as a markedly Jewish b o o k despite its Greek dress. On the other hand, in content and presuppositions Ecclesiasticus and the epitaphs are remarkably close. In two verses (38:17, 22) the context provided by the inscriptions has confirmed or suggested that the Greek is a better guide to the original than the surviving Hebrew, and in another (40:17) that the sense o f the Hebrew is best given by the Greek. The epitaphs rather than other inscriptions such as proseuche dedications have been in view, but the dedications too, in their respect for the royal 46

47

48

4

6

xviii

H a r t , Ecclesiasticus, 16,

on

the

2 8 0 ; an e x a m p l e w h i c h h e d o e s n o t specify is

mortality

of

the

soul,

cited

above

in

connection

Ant. with

Lucretius. 4

7

T h i s v i e w is e x e m p l i f i e d

Biblica

in A . E . C o w l e y ,

"Sadducees,"

Encyclopaedia

iv ( L o n d o n : 1 9 0 7 ) cols. 4 2 3 4 - 4 0 ( 4 2 3 8 ) a n d E . P. S a n d e r s ,

Judaism:

Practice and Belief, 63 B.C.- 66 C.E. ( L o n d o n : 1 9 9 2 ) 3 0 1 , 3 0 3 . 4

8

S a n d e r s , Judaism,

mention

Epicurean

2 9 8 - 3 0 3 allows for the Sadducaic p o s i t i o n , b u t d o e s n o t

i n f l u e n c e o n g e n t i l e s at this p e r i o d ; e d u c a t e d Jews a r e

likely to have b e e n affected by it.

42

W. HORBURY

house, would be found to accord with the outlook o f Ecclesiasticus (e.g. 38:2; 39:4). Here, then, inscriptions and literature seem to attest the same set o f Jewish attitudes, applauding social virtues, lamenting death, and starting consolation—when it is offered — from a recognition o f death's universality and finality. This con clusion balances the contrast pointed out by P. M. Fraser (n.l above) between the attitudes implied by the dedications on the one hand, and the Third Sibylline on the other. The inscriptions suggest that apocalyptic oracles on resurrection or immortality are likely to have encountered reserve in sections o f the Jewish community during the late Ptolemaic and early Roman periods, although they also show that hopes for an after-life had some influence; and they help to explain, as noted already, the pole mical tone o f Wisdom's argument for immortality. At the same time the comparison o f Egyptian inscriptions with a b o o k trans lated for Egypt but written in Judaea has drawn attention to the links between Egypt and Judaea, notably in the shared attestation of a Sadducaic position on death. T o recapitulate, some o f the main conclusions reached in this paper as a whole on the literature vis-a-vis the inscriptions are tabulated below. (i) The inscriptions confirm the importance o f Greek among Jews in Egypt, but show that the surviving Greek literature o f these Jews does not fully represent their languages and culture; Ara maic speech will have been important among them, and some restricted knowledge o f Hebrew in connection with bible-study is likely, as papyri confirm. This point is o f interest for the inter relationship o f the Targums and the L X X , and for the possible circulation o f Hebrew biblical texts outside Judaea. (ii) In the light o f the metrical inscriptions, the 'barbaric' style o f the usual Greek translations o f Hebrew verse sticks out like a sore thumb. The adoption o f this mode of translation might correspond to a Jewish attitude like that later struck by Tatian and other early Christians, on the surpassing merit o f the 'barbarian' scriptures and philosophy. (iii) The large number o f literary and poetic inscriptions suggests the likelihood that formerly there will have been more Greek books by Jews than now survive.

JEWISH INSCRIPTIONS AND JEWISH LITERATURE IN EGYPT

43

(iv) The values expressed in Greek terms in the encomia o f the Egyptian Jewish epitaphs are not remote from the thought o f the Judaean Jew Ben Sira in his development o f the biblical Wisdom tradition; epithets overlap only occasionally, but general presuppo sitions seem closely similar. (v) O n lamentation, the inscriptions are close to Ecclesiasticus in both content and language. The b o o k accordingly contributes to their elucidation, confirming, for example, that they are unlikely to reflect the practice o f cremation. Conversely, the great empha sis in the inscriptions on the duty o f lamentation, also accepted as a duty in Ecclesiasticus, helps to explain Ben Sira's characteristic advocacy o f moderate mourning. More broadly, the a c c o r d between b o o k and inscriptions on lamentation reflects c o m m o n feeling o n the subject between diaspora and homeland, and between Jews and their gentile neighbours. (vi) Consolation is much less important in the epitaphs than in Ecclesiasticus, and may not figure at all even in relatively ambitious compositions. O n the other hand, the epitaphs present some contact with Ben Sira's arguments, and in two cases attest a consolation which he does not propound, hope for an after-life. The epitaphs d o not necessarily fully express Jewish views o n death, but they show that predominantly mythological and mournful inscriptions were regularly thought suitable, even though they seemed to leave the departed in Hades. Here again Egyptian Jews seem close to Judaeans, as Ecclesiasticus and the tomb o f Jason suggest; the greater mythological content o f the inscriptions does not lessen this concord, given some familiarity with Greek myth among Judaean Jews, and the overlap between biblical and Hellenic conceptions o f Hades. (vii) T h e agreement o n the finality o f death between the majority o f the inscriptions and the Greek Ecclesiasticus, and between the Greek and the Hebrew Ecclesiasticus, suggests that a broadly Sadducaic position on death was influential among Jews in both Egypt and Judaea in the late Ptolemaic and early Roman periods.

A J E W I S H E P I T A P H I N A L I T E R A R Y T E X T : 4 M A C C 17:8-10

JAN W I L L E M VAN H E N T E N

The reader of 4 Mace 17:9f. may for a moment be surprised to find an epitaph in a writing full o f pagan and Jewish literary motifs and all kinds o f rhetorical devices. The first line o f the passage really looks at first glance like the beginning o f a funeral inscription: "Here lie buried an aged priest, an old woman and her seven sons...". At a second glance, these verses appear to belong to o n e o f the images the author uses in chapter 17 to enhance the glory o f the Maccabean martyrs. T h e p h e n o m e n o n o f a passage marked in a certain way as an inscription but transmitted as part o f a literary text is n o t unusual in ancient literature. The famous epigram in commemoration o f the Spartan victims o f Thermopylae attributed to Simonides is found in the Histories o f Herodotus (7.228) and in a Latin version in Cicero's Tusculanae disputationes (1.101). It is also transmitted in the Anthologia Palatina (7.249). Well known Jewish examples o f 'docu ments' in literature are for instance the political decrees in historical writings like the Book o f Ezra in the Hebrew Bible (1:24; 6:3-5, 6-12; 7:12-26), 1 Maccabees (8:23-32; 12:6-18, 20-23) and Josephus. These decrees are intriguing, because scholars are faced with the problem o f whether they are authentic or not. In the case of Ezra, related non-literary sources have been transmitted (lines 30-32 o f the Babylonian Cyrus Cylinder), but the discrepancies between them and the decree of Cyrus in Ezra could be a reason to doubt the authenticity o f the decree in Ezra. Be this as it may, it 1

2

3

1

I w o u l d like to t h a n k M s A . J. Bij d e V a a t e , D r J. H . M . S t r u b b e , D r G .

M u s s i e s a n d Prof. P. W . v a n d e r H o r s t f o r their very useful 2

W . P e e k , Griechische 'Q

£elv',

Ket|xe6a

Vers-Inschriften

advice.

(Berlin: 1 9 5 5 ) n o . 4 :

dyyeXXeiv AaKeScup.ovtois' OTL TfjSe Tots' icetvwv

^nacri

Trei06uevoi.

("Stranger, b e a r this m e s s a g e to t h e Spartans, that w e lie h e r e o b e d i e n t to their laws") C i c e r o , Tusc. disp. 1 . 1 0 1 : Die,

hospes, Spartae nos te hie vidisse

Dum Sanctis patriae legibus 3

See for example

iacentis,

obsequimur.

R . J. v a n d e r S p e k ,

perspectief. E e n vergelijking

"Cyrus d e Pers

in

tussen d e Assyrische e n P e r z i s c h e

o p z i c h t e v a n o n d e r w o r p e n v o l k e n , " Tijdschrift

voor geschiedenis

Assyrisch

politiek ten

9 6 ( 1 9 8 3 ) 2f.,

A JEWISH EPITAPH IN A LITERARY TEXT: 4 MACC 17:8-10

45

seems interesting to investigate 'documentary texts' embedded in a literary context and deal with some obvious questions in this connection: D o we find in these texts the same formulae and procedures as in related non-literary sources? Does the formal structure correspond to some o f these sources? Is the vocabulary somehow special in relation to the literary context and similar to that o f inscriptions o r papyri? What exactly is the connection between the 'document' and the literary work in which it is em bedded? The epitaph in 4 Mace 17:9f. is clearly fictitious, as can be seen from the immediate context. Nevertheless, it is useful to study this passage in the light o f the questions just mentioned and to elaborate the correspondences to Jewish and non-Jewish in scriptions. Affinity with non-literary sources could tell us more about its meaning and the historical context o f the work, and the possibility that some Jewish epitaphs might ultimately have a literary parallel in the epitaph of 4 Mace 17:9f. cannot be excluded beforehand. 1. Text, translation and some introductory comments 4 Maccabees is a discourse on the autonomy o f reason and at the same time a eulogy o n the Maccabean martyrs (cf. 1:1 with 1:2, 1 0 ) . The work probably dates from about 100 CE and originates 4

22f. A . K u h r t , " T h e Cyrus C y l i n d e r a n d A c h a e m e n i d I m p e r i a l Policy," 25

(1983)

83-97.

P. A c k r o y d , " P r o b l e m s in

the

Handling

R e l a t e d S o u r c e s in t h e A c h a e m e n i d P e r i o d , " Achaemenid and

Theory

History

im

I.

III,

Untersuchungen

Makkabderbuch

zur Authentizitdt

(Bonner

von Urkunden

Biblische

Beitrage

and

Method

(eds. A . Kuhrt & H . Sancisi-Weerdenburg; Leiden: 1 9 8 8 )

C o n c e r n i n g 1 M a c e 8 a n d 1 2 a n d J o s e p h u s J.-D. G a u g e r , Beitrdge Apologetik.

JSOT

o f Biblical

zur

33-54. judischen

bei Flavius Josephus

49; Koln/Bonn:

und

1977).

S o m e scholars d e n y the historicity o f t h e d e c r e e s o f Cyrus, D a r i u s , a n d A r t a x e r x e s in Ezra also b e c a u s e o f the very close c o n n e c t i o n s with t h e c o n t e x t

of

t h e narrative in Ezra. J. C . H . L e b r a m , "Die T r a d i t i o n s g e s c h i c h t e

d e r Esra-

gestalt

History

und

Sources, 103-138.

die

Structures Cf. U .

Frage nach and

dem

Synthesis

historischen

Esra," Achaemenid

K e l l e r m a n n , Nehemia.

Quellen,

Uberliejerung

( B Z A W 1 0 2 ; Berlin: 1 9 6 7 ) . W . T h . In d e r S m i t t e n , Esra, und

I,

(ed. H . Sancisi-Weerdenburg; Leiden: 1 9 8 7 ) und

Quellen,

Geschichte Uberliejerung

Geschichte (Studia S e m i t i c a N e e r l a n d i c a 1 5 ; A s s e n : 1 9 7 3 ) . S e e for a c o n c i s e

s u m m a r y o f various o p i n i o n s L . L . G r a b b e , Judaism from

Cyrus

to Hadrian

(2

vols.; M i n n e a p o l i s : 1 9 9 2 ) 2 . 3 2 - 3 6 . 4

S e e f u r t h e r o n 4 M a c c a b e e s C . L . W . G r i m m , "Viertes B u c h d e r M a c c a -

b a e r , " Kurzgefafites

exegetisches Handbuch

zu den Apokryphen

des Alten

Testamentes

( 6 vols.; e d s . O . F. Fritzsche & C . L . W . G r i m m ; L e i p z i g : 1 8 5 1 - 1 8 6 0 ) 3 7 0 . J. F r e u d e n t h a l , Die Flavius

Josephus

Vernunft

eine

(TV Makkabderbuch),

beigelegte Schrift

Predigt

aus

dem

4.283-

Uber die Herrschaft ersten

der

nachchristlichen

46

J. W . VAN HENTEN 5

from Antioch in Syria or a city in Asia Minor. The martyrology in 4 Maccabees is focussed o n the ideal way o f life. Neither an actual struggle for liberation nor the institutions o f a Jewish nation ultimately matter to the author. The martyrs defeat the tyrant in a moral and spiritual sense by their perseverance (imo|j.ovr|) until death: "they became responsible for the downfall o f the tyranny

Jahrhundert

( B r e s l a u : 1 8 6 9 ) . A . D e i B m a n n , "Das vierte M a k k a b a e r b u c h , " Die

Apokryphen

und

Tubingen:

1 9 0 0 ) 2 . 1 4 9 - 1 7 7 . E . N o r d e n , Die antike Kunstprosa.

hundert

v.Chr.

Pseudepigraphen

des Alien

Testaments

bis in die Zeit der Renaissance

( 2 vols.; e d . E . K a u t z s c h ; Vom VI. Jahr 3

( 2 vols.; L e i p z i g / B e r l i n :

1 . 4 1 6 - 4 2 0 . A . D u p o n t - S o m m e r , Le guatrieme

livre des Maccabees.

1915 )

Introduction,

traduction et notes ( B i b l i o t h e q u e d e l ' E c o l e des H a u t e s E t u d e s 2 7 4 ; Paris: 1 9 3 9 ) . E . B i c k e r m a n , " T h e D a t e o f F o u r t h M a c c a b e e s , " Louis English Section Christian "Das

History

vierte

( 3 vols.; A G J U 9; L e i d e n : 1 9 7 6 - 1 9 8 6 )

M a k k a b a e r b u c h , Ignatius

M a r t y r e r b e r i c h t e , " Rivista The

Third

and

Ginzberg Jubilee

Volume,

( N e w Y o r k : 1 9 4 5 ) 1 0 5 - 1 1 2 ; r e p r i n t e d in Studies in Jewish

Fourth

1 9 5 3 ) . R. R e n e h a n ,

von

di Archeologia

Antiochien

Cristiana

Books oj Maccabees.

b e e s , " Rheinisches

Museum

"Die l i t e r a r i s c h e

F o r m des vierten

fur

Philologie

und

die

altesten

25 (1949) 47-72. M . Hadas,

Edited a n d translated

"The G r e e k Philosophic

and

1 . 2 7 5 - 2 8 1 . O . Perler,

( N e w York:

Background of Fourth Macca

1 1 5 ( 1 9 7 2 ) 2 2 3 - 2 3 8 . J. C . H . L e b r a m ,

M a k k a b a e r b u c h e s , " VC 2 8 ( 1 9 7 4 )

81-96.

A . O ' H a g a n , " T h e Martyr in t h e F o u r t h B o o k o f M a c c a b e e s , " Studii

Biblici

Franciscani

Liber

Sprache, Stil und

Annuus

2 4 ( 1 9 7 4 ) 9 4 - 1 2 0 . U . Breitenstein,

Gedankengut

des Vierten Makkabaerbuchs

P. L . R e d d i t t , " T h e C o n c e p t o f Nomos 249-270.

H . A n d e r s o n , "4 M a c c a b e e s

l a t i o n a n d I n t r o d u c t i o n , " The Old

Beobachtungen

zu

(Basel/Stuttgart:

1976).

in F o u r t h M a c c a b e e s , " CBQ 4 5

(1983)

(First C e n t u r y A . D . ) .

Testament

Pseudepigrapha

A N e w Trans

( 2 vols.; e d . J. H .

C h a r l e s w o r t h ; L o n d o n : 1 9 8 5 ) 2 . 5 3 1 - 5 6 4 . J. W . van H e n t e n , De joodse

marte-

laren als grondleggers

Makk.

(Diss.

Leiden:

van een nieuwe orde. Een studie uitgaande

1986)

178-225.

H.-J. K l a u c k ,

van

"Hellenistische

2 en 4

Rhetorik

D i a s p o r a j u d e n t u m . Das E x o r d i u m des Vierten M a k k a b a e r b u c h e s ( 4 1 . 1 - 1 2 ) , " NTS aus

3 5 ( 1 9 8 9 ) 4 5 1 - 4 6 5 . I d e m , "4. M a k k a b a e r b u c h , " Judische

hellenistisch-romischer

im

Makk. Schriften

Zeit I I I / 6 ( e d s . W . G . K u m m e l & H . L i c h t e n b e r g e r ;

G u t e r s l o h : 1 9 8 9 ) 6 4 5 - 7 6 3 . B . H e i n i n g e r , "Der b o s e A n t i o c h u s : e i n e S t u d i e z u r Erzahltechnik

des

4.

M a k k a b a e r b u c h s , " BZ

"Eusebeia u n d L o g i s m o s . Z u m p h i l o s o p h i s c h e n baer,"/5/22 of

Like

(1989)

43-59.

R.

Weber,

Hintergrund von 4. Makka-

( 1 9 9 1 ) 2 1 2 - 2 3 4 . R . D a r l i n g Y o u n g , " T h e ' W o m a n with t h e S o u l

Abraham'. Traditions

"Women

33

about

This": New Perspectives

the

Mother of

on Jewish

the

Women

Maccabean

Martyrs,"

in the Greco-Roman

World

( S B L E J L 1; e d . A.-J. L e v i n e ; Atlanta: 1 9 9 1 ) 6 7 - 8 1 . 5

J. W . v a n H e n t e n ,

b u c h e s , " Tradition

and

"Datierung u n d H e r k u n f t des Vierten M a k k a b a e r

Re-interpretation

in Jewish

and Early

Christian

Essays in H o n o u r o f J u r g e n C . H . L e b r a m ( S P B 3 6 ; eds. J. W . van

Literature. Henten,

H . J . d e J o n g e e t al.; L e i d e n : 1 9 8 6 ) 1 3 6 - 1 4 9 . K l a u c k , "4. M a k k a b a e r b u c h " ( s e e footnote

4)

6 6 8 f . J. N . B r e m m e r , " T h e A t o n e m e n t in

G r e e k s , Jews, a n d Christians," Sacred History

the

Interaction

and Sacred Texts in Early

A S y m p o s i u m in H o n o u r o f A . S. van d e r W o u d e

( e d s . J. N . B r e m m e r & F.

G a r c i a M a r t i n e z ; K a m p e n : 1 9 9 2 ) 7 5 - 9 3 , e s p . p p . 87f. D . A . C a m p b e l l , Rhetoric of Righteousness

in Romans 3.21-26

of

Judaism. The

( J S N T S u p 6 5 ; Sheffield: 1 9 9 2 ) 2 1 9 - 2 2 8

( p . 2 2 8 : "definitely after 1 3 5 C E , a n d possibly u p to a c e n t u r y later").

A JEWISH EPITAPH IN A LITERARY T E X T : 4 MACC 17:8-10

47

which beset our nation, overcoming the tyrant by their fortitude so that through them our fatherland was purified" (1:11). The motives which the martyrs bring forward to justify their decision to die rather than submit to the tyrant are, among other things, their piety and loyalty to the Jewish law (e.g. 9:1, 29; 16:16). The author clearly used 2 Maccabees as a source for his description o f the martyrdom and its context (3:20-4:26). As in 2 Maccabees, this context is determined by the threat to the Jewish people by Antiochus IV, which the Lord allows to take place because o f the sins o f the people (3:21; 4:16-21). As Jurgen Lebram rightly stated, the literary form o f 4 Maccabees resembles to a great extent the Athenian funeral orations o f the classical and early Hellenistic period. These orations were originally delivered at the tomb o f the soldiers who fell for Athens, but that does not mean that 4 Macca bees was also delivered at the tomb o f the martyrs in Antioch or somewhere else. There are at least two instances o f an emrd^iog Xdyos", which were not given as a speech, and 4 Maccabees t oo seems to be a literary work. The epitaph is found in ch. 17, which contains mainly an enumeratio o f the glorious acts o f the martyrs. It can be considered as fictitious, if only for its introduction, which points to a hypothetical epitaph. 6

7

Text:

8

Kal

yap

d£iov

fjv

TaOTa TOLS" diro introduction) 'EvTaO0a 8ewTai SeXovTos", L

piXP

CTT' avrov TOO emTa(J)(.ou d v a y p d i j ; a i Kal TOU kQvovg elg \iveiav \ey6\ieva (17:8,

Kal

yepcov lepeus*

Kal

ywf)

Tupdwou ( 3 i a v o't Kal e£e8(.KT|aav

8id

BavaTou

rag fiaodvovs

9

yepaid

TTJV TO

Kal

'Eppatwv 10

yevog

imo\ieivavTes.

errTd 1101869

TToXiTeiav

eyKeKT)-

KaTaXOaai

eig Qeov d^opahrres" (17:9-10, epitaph)

Kal

6

T r a n s l a t i o n A n d e r s o n ( s e e f o o t n o t e 4 ) , slightly a l t e r e d . P l a t o , Men. Lysias, Or. 2 . O t h e r f u n e r a l o r a t i o n s : T h u c y d i d e s 2 . 3 4 - 4 6 , D e m o s t h e n e s , Or. 6 0 , H y p e r e i d e s , Or. 6 , a n d f r a g m e n t s f r o m G o r g i a s (see f o r t h e t e x t H . D i e l s & W . K r a n z , Die Fragmente der Vorsokratiker griechisch und deutsch ( 3 vols; Berlin: 1 9 5 1 - 1 9 5 6 ) 2 . 2 8 4 - 2 8 6 . S e e L e b r a m (see f o o t n o t e 4 ) . V a n H e n t e n (see f o o t n o t e 4 ) 1 7 9 - 1 8 5 . Klauck, "4. M a k k a b a e r b u c h " (see f o o t n o t e 4 ) 6 6 0 - 6 6 2 a n d 7 5 1 . I n g e n e r a l : N . L o r a u x , L'invention d'Athenes. Histoire de I'oraison funebre dans la "cite classique" (Civilisations e t S o c i e t e s 6 5 ; Paris: 1 9 8 1 ) . C o n c e r n i n g t h e literary character o f 4 M a c e , see L e b r a m , esp. p . 8 3 . 7

8

LXX 9

1 0

A c c o r d i n g to A . Rahlfs, Septuaginta. Id est Vetus Testamentum interpretes ( 2 vols.; Stuttgart: 1 9 3 5 ) 1 . 1 1 8 2 . C o d e x R* reads 81& rvpavvov. C o d . A and V read £6vos\

Graece

iuxta

48

J. W . VAN HENTEN "It w o u l d i n f a c t b e a p p r o p r i a t e t o e n g r a v e o n t h a t p l a c e n e a r t h e i r tomb,

1 1

as

a m e m o r i a l to those m e m b e r s o f o u r n a t i o n

remembrance

for

the

members

of

the

people"),

w o r d s : ' H e r e lie b u r i e d a n a g e d priest, a n o l d woman

( o r : "a w o m a n w h o w a s

an

elder")

(or:

1 2

( o r : "as a

the

following

"respectable")

a n d her seven

sons,

t h r o u g h t h e v i o l e n c e o f a tyrant b e n t o n destroying t h e polity (or: " p o l i t i c a l b o d y " o r "way o f life") their p e o p l e ,

1 3

staying

of the Hebrews. T h e y

faithful to G o d

1

4

and

vindicated

enduring

torments

even u n t o death."'

It is not too difficult to summarize the meaning o f this passage in outline. In the context of the praise o f the martyrs, the text alludes to a commemoration o f the violent and glorious death o f these nine Jews who did not surrender to the tyrant Antiochus IV. The introductory formula in 4 Mace 17:8 clearly refers to an epitaph, as is indicated by the phrases &va.ypdi//ai Kal T a O r a . . . eig \xveiav Xey6[ieva ("engrave/inscribe these words ... as a memorial") and eTr' a u T o O T O O £mTatou (see below). The persons mentioned in the epitaph are o f course the Maccabean martyrs: the ninety years old Eleazar and the anonymous mother and her seven sons (cf. 2 Mace 6:18-7:42), who are the key persons in 4 Maccabees. The priesthood o f Eleazar (17:9), who was a scribe according to 2 Mace 6:18, is mentioned in other passages in 4 Maccabees too (5:4, 35; 7:1 I f ) . Before making a closer comparison o f 4 Mace 17:8-10 with the vocabulary o f Jewish epitaphs, some details o f these phrases require further commentary. The words err' airroO emTa(f>lou (17:8) are problematical. Dupont-Sommer reads with recension q and codex 46 eir' auTou TOV T a d > o u and some scholars seem to translate the text o n the basis of T&fyov instead of e m T a d > i o u . However, emTacf/iou should be T O U

15

1 1

DeiBmann

(see

footnote

4)

1 7 3 : "...auf e b e n

(^TrLTd^Los" as adjective, s u p p l e m e n t e d by iriva^).

dieses G r a b g e m a l d e "

A n d e r s o n (see f o o t n o t e 4 )

5 6 2 : " u p o n their t o m b itself". K l a u c k , "4. M a k k a b a e r b u c h " ( s e e f o o t n o t e

4)

7 5 1 : "auf d e m G r a b m a l selbst". 1 2

A n d e r s o n (see f o o t n o t e 4 ) 5 6 2 .

1

3

A n d e r s o n I.e. "race".

1

4

A n d e r s o n I.e. "looking u n t o G o d " .

1

5

D u p o n t - S o m m e r (see f o o t n o t e

jiidischen Kleine

M a r t y r e r k u l t , " TLZ

Schriften

4) 68, followed

by E . B a m m e l , " Z u m

7 8 ( 1 9 5 3 ) 1 1 9 - 1 2 6 ; r e p r i n t e d in I d e m ,

Judaica.

I ( W U N T 3 7 ; T u b i n g e n : 1 9 8 6 ) 7 9 - 8 5 , esp. p. 8 3 f o o t n o t e 4 3 .

'EmTd^aos" c a n b e u s e d as a n o u n , with the m e a n i n g ' f u n e r a l o r a t i o n ' toteles, Rhet. Dem. dec.

(Aris-

1 4 1 5 b ; D i o Cassius 5 5 . 2 . 2 ; 5 7 . 2 0 . 3 ; D i o n y s i u s o f Halicarnassus, De

2 3 . 1 0 ; 4 4 . 3 ; J o s e p h u s , Ant. orat. 9 [Mor. 2

849F])

or

1 7 § 1 7 7 ; L u c i a n u s , Alex.

'memorial game'

(often

6 0 ; Plutarchus, in

inscriptions,

i n s t a n c e / G I I . 1 1 0 0 6 11. 22f.; 1 0 1 1 11. 9f.; 1 0 2 9 1. 1 3 ; / G V . l 6 6 0 1. 4 ) .

Vitae for

A JEWISH EPITAPH IN A LITERARY TEXT: 4 MACC 1 7 : 8 - 1 0

49

16

considered as the preferred reading, and cannot be taken simply as referring to the grave itself. The first meaning o f emrd^ios (as an adjective) is that it indicates something at o r over a grave. The context o f 17:8 shows that we can assume this meaning here too, because the verse continues 17:7, where the author considers the idea that he could "portray the story o f the piety o f the mother on something" (em £coypaf]aa.i Tfjs" evoefteias GOV l a r o p t a v ) . In 17:7 this place is not specified, but en' avrov T O U emTad>(,ou in 17:8 follows on em T L V O S * in 17:7, which means that both verses should be connected with a hypothetical situation near the burial place. A funeral oration (emTd^ios- \ 6 y o s " ) in com memoration o f the fallen was usually delivered at the tomb and this was the obvious place for an epitaph t o o . 17

18

T L V O S "

T T J V

19

20

The orators o f the funeral orations d o not refer, however, to an inscription o n or near the grave as a remembrance o f the respectful deeds o f the deceased, but point to the grave at the beginning o f their speech to attract the attention o f the audience. Lysias writes for instance: "If I would consider the possibility to make clear to you, who are present at this grave (to napovTe? em T(38e T O O Td(,ou as a reference to the piece o f stone (or metal) near the grave, on which the epitaph was to be inscribed: perhaps a tombstone, or a stele, or the stone which closed the grave. 21

1 6

K l a u c k , "4. M a k k a b a e r b u c h " (see f o o t n o t e 4 ) 7 5 1 , f o l l o w i n g H a n h a r t . Cf. J o s e p h u s , Ant. 7 § 4 2 c o n c e r n i n g D a v i d m o u r n i n g f o r A b n e r " H e t h e n g a v e h i m a m a g n i f i c e n t burial in H e b r o n a n d c o m p o s e d l a m e n t s f o r t h e d e a d ; s t a n d i n g by his grave ... (emTa^tous* TC auyypaifjdu.evos' Sp^vous" ai)Tbg e m TOU T&QOV OT&S)", transl. R. M a r c u s . 1

7

LSJ 6 6 4 s.v. Cf. t h e c o r r e s p o n d e n t adjectives £TTITV\I$(8IOS a n d £mrv[ifiios " a t / o v e r a t o m b " , see f o r instance H e l i o d o r u s , Eth. 4 . 8 . 8 a n d MAMA 1 2 3 2 1. 7. 1

8

1

9

2

0

2

1

Cf. in c o n n e c t i o n to 4 M a c e 1 7 : 8 - 1 0 L e b r a m (see f o o t n o t e 4 ) 8 4 : "Der R e d n e r n i m m t h i e r B e z u g a u f d a s fiktive G r a b d e r M a r t y r e r u n d s c h l a g t e i n e dafiir p a s s e n d e Inschrift vor, die das G e d a c h t n i s d e r G e t o t e t e n l e b e n d i g h a l t e n soli. D e r a r t i g e H i n w e i s e a u f das G r a b d e r e r , d e n e n d i e L o b r e d e gilt, f i n d e t m a n i m £TTiTdios' X d y o ? . . . " H e r e f e r r e d in this r e s p e c t to T h u c y d i d e s 2 . 4 3 . 2 , D e m o s t h e n e s , Or. 6 0 . 1 a n d H y p e r i d e s , Or. 6 . 1 , 3 . S e e also Lysias, Or. 2.1 a n d 6 0 , V a n H e n t e n (see f o o t n o t e 4 ) 1 8 1 . Klauck, "4. M a k k a b a e r b u c h " (see f o o t n o t e 4 ) 7 5 1 . See for pagan references b a e r b u c h " (see f o o t n o t e 4 ) 7 5 1 .

to a fictitious e p i t a p h

Cf. already G r i m m ( s e e f o o t n o t e 4 ) 3 6 1 .

K l a u c k , "4. M a k k a

50

J. W. VAN HENTEN

To yevog probably refers t o the Jewish people (cf. 12:17). Els' 0e6v dd'opcovTes' expresses the obedience o f the martyrs to G o d . There is a similar phrase referring to the obedience to Jesus in H e b 12:2 (d^opGOVTes" e l ? ... 'InCToOv; cf. Epictetus 2.19.29). Finally it is difficult to establish precisely the meaning o f the word TroXiTeCa. Not only is the usual meaning "polity", or "con stitution" possible here, but also alternatives like "political body" or "way o f life" should be taken into consideration. T O V

22

2. The vocabulary and content of 4 Mace 17:8-10 in comparison to Jewish epitaphs and other Jewish inscriptions Neither the phrase els* (ivetav Xeyopieva. nor the combination o f and dvaypd4>w in the introductory formula in 17:8 are attested in literary sources or inscriptions, but the word piveta is, o f course, very often found in formulae in the context o f pagan, Christian and Jewish epitaphs (\weias X^P > M-vetas* e v e K e v , \ivelas eveKct etc.). Such a formula occurs for instance at the end o f a Jewish inscription from Crete in remembrance o f an infant called Judas (CIJ731d 11. 5-6): ...(\i)ve'vag x&pw ^Ttov a ' . There are a few other examples of Jewish epitaphs with this formula (CIJ 733g; CIJ App. 3 6 7 ; ICos 3 2 3 ) . In two inscriptions from a synagogue (CIJ 7 5 4 and 804) there is a related formula inrep u w l a s , which also eTrLTd^Los"

LV

23

24

25

2

2

1

26

Cf. 4 M a c e 3 : 2 0 ; 8:7; 2 M a c e 4 : 1 1 ; 8 : 1 7 ; 1 3 : 1 4 ; also 6 : 2 3 A

concerning

Eleazar, a n d see below. 2

3

It is d o u b t f u l w h e t h e r this e p i t a p h is Jewish.

"Tant a cause

Cf. Frey's c o m m e n t a r y :

d e s n o m s , q u ' a c a u s e d e la f o r m u l e f i n a l e ,

\iveiag

lv

x&P >

c o u r a n t e sur les i n s c r i p t i o n s classiques e t tres r a r e sur les e p i t a p h e s j u i v e s , t o u t invite a c o n s i d e r e r n o t r e titulus c o m m e p a i e n " (vol. 1 p . 5 7 0 ) . T h e r e a r e , however, Jewish at t h e J e w i s h

e p i t a p h s with this f o r m u l a , a n d t h e i n s c r i p t i o n was f o u n d

b u r i a l p l a c e in T h e s s a l o n i k i . S o t h e e p i t a p h m a y b e J e w i s h .

H o w e v e r , P. W . v a n d e r H o r s t , Ancient Jewish Epitaphs. a millennium

of Jewish funerary

epigraphy

(300

An introductory

survey

of

BCE - 700 CE) ( C o n t r i b u t i o n s t o

B i b l i c a l E x e g e s i s a n d T h e o l o g y 2 ; K a m p e n : 1 9 9 2 ) p . 1 8 , advises in p r i n c i p a l against the application

o f only o n e criterion

to c o n s i d e r a n i n s c r i p t i o n

as

Jewish. 2

4

ICos 3 2 3 , see W . R . P a t o n & E . L . H i c k s , The Inscriptions

of Cos

(Oxford:

1 8 9 1 ) n o . 3 2 3 , is p r o b a b l y Jewish t o o . Its d e c o r a t i o n s e e m s to b e "a variation o f t h e g a b l e d T o r a h shrine", S. M . S h e r w i n - W h i t e , "A N o t e o n T h r e e C o a n I n s c r i p t i o n s , " ZPE 2 1 ( 1 9 7 6 ) 1 8 3 - 1 8 8 , esp. p . 1 8 7 . 2

5

S e e B . Lifshitz, Donateurs

et fondateurs

dans

les synagogues

juives

(Paris:

1967) no. 28. 2

Kal

6

CIJ804

( = IGLS

4 1 3 2 0 ; Lifshitz n o . 3 9 ) 11. 4f.: Kal b-nkp \iviag

'ESealou Kal 'Hauxlou Trpoy6va)v ^uotnaev

ri\v

i/RFJCFXIXRW.

Etaaictou

A JEWISH EPITAPH IN A LITERARY T E X T : 4 M A C C 1 7 : 8 - 1 0

51

occurs in a probably Christian inscription from Syria o f unknown date (IGLS4 1636). CIJ 148, an epitaph from Rome for a man called Ursus ("Here lies Ursus, scribe, who lived for 22 years and two years and three months. In remembrance o f the fiance. May his sleep be in peace") contains the phrase [lveia T O U pi(e)XXovi-p.lou ("in r e m e m b r a n c e o f the f i a n c e " ) . In a few other Jewish epitaphs from Rome we find a formula with [iveia which is not attested in pagan epitaphs. The clearest example is CIJ 370, an epitaph for Makedonis, a Hebrew from Caesarea in Palestine: \ivla 8LKOLLOD els* euXoyiav ("in remembrance o f a righteous one, for a b l e s s i n g " ) . It contains an allusion to Prov 10:6f like the slightly different phrase livrilJTi S I K C U O U els* euXoyiav in other epitaphs. So, although there is no parallel for the phrase els* [iveiav Xey6|ieva in Jewish inscriptions, the word |iveta together with dvaypdif-ai and €Tfira(j)iov, point to a funerary inscription. But is there actually any resemblance between the Jewish epitaphs which have been preserved and this fictitious instance in 4 Mace 17:9f.? The dead persons are indicated in 4 Mace 17:9 as yepcov lepeus* Kal yuvf) yepaid Kal kind TraiSes' ("an aged priest, an old [?] woman and her seven sons"). In comparison to other epitaphs, it is peculiar that the names o f the deceased are not given. Even the shortest examples of Jewish epitaphs usually contain the name (-s) o f the dead person (-s). The name o f the priest was known ('EXed£apos*/'EXeaCdp), as appears from 4 Mace 1:8; 5:4, 14; 6:1, 5, 14, 16; 7:1, 5, 10, 12; 9:5; 16:15; 17:13 (cf. 2 Mace 6:18, 24). The mother and her seven sons, however, are anonymous in 2 and 4 Maccabees. They are only ascribed personal names in rabbinic 27

28

29

2 7

2

S e e also 5 5 2 1 8 3 1. 2 .

8

Cf. CIJ 1 1 9 a n d 3 4 3 . Mvela

a n d pvipr)

several f u n e r a l f o r m u l a e , cf. pvetas"

lv

x&P

s e e m to b e i n t e r c h a n g e a b l e

a

n

q u e n t l y u s e d in p a g a n , C h r i s t i a n a n d Jewish Jews oj Ancient

d •J.VTJ^LTIS'

X^P

inscriptions.

l v

in

> w h i c h is fre

H . J. L e o n ,

The

Rome ( P h i l a d e l p h i a : 1 9 6 0 ) 1 2 6 . Cf. also J. R e y n o l d s & R . T a n -

n e n b a u m , Jews and

Godfearers at Aphrodisias

(Cambridge Philological

Society

S u p p l e m e n t a r y V o l u m e 1 2 ; C a m b r i d g e : 1 9 8 7 ) 3 8 - 4 0 c o n c e r n i n g uvfjixa. 2

9

See

C / / 8 6 11. 2 - 3 . Cf. CIJ 7 6 , 2 0 1 , 6 2 9 , 6 6 1 a n d 7 3 1 c . Cf. IGC

326, a

Christian inscription f r o m the n e i g h b o u r h o o d o f T m o l o s (Lydia) f r o m fifth c e n t u r y C E . Cf. the two positive statements in Prov 10:6f.: p ' - a and

,

HDna? p-f** ~or 1

("blessings

are

showered

on

the

righteous...

r i g h t e o u s are r e m e m b e r e d in blessings"). S e e V a n d e r H o r s t ( s e e 23)

37f.

for

the

correspondences

epitaphs

with v e r s i o n s

funerary

formulae

Vaate

(Diss.

also

between

the

v o c a b u l a r y in

o f L X X a n d A q u i l a o f Prov 10:7. See the

Amsterdam).

forthcoming

dissertation

the

2JK"i"7 nrra The

footnote

the

Greek

concerning

b y M s A . J.

Bij

de

52

J. W . VAN HENTEN

versions o f their martyrdom (b. Git 57b; Midr. Lam. Rab. 1:16) and in Christian traditions. But maybe we should not pay too much attention to this detail, because the deceased were known from the literary context o f the epitaph. The first part o f the vocabulary o f 4 Mace 17:9-10 is not unusual in comparison to Jewish epitaphs. The name 'E(3paioi for Jews occurs in different spellings ('E$peos, Aippeos:, 'Ep'patos'). Its meaning should not be equated with that o f 'IouSaioi. According to M. Hengel and other scholars 'E^paTo? would indicate in the diaspora Jews who came from Palestine or who had special ties with their h o m e l a n d . Van der Horst suggests that the word was also used in combination with auvaytoyri (cruvaycoyn 'E(3patcov) to distinguish a Jewish community from other religious or ethnic g r o u p s . This could find some support from literary sources, where 'E(3paTos* sometimes seems to be used to emphasize the otherness o f Jews, especially in the context o f a direct confronta tion with non-Jews. The 'epitomist' o f 2 Maccabees usually refers to (ol) ' I o u S a i o i , but in the passages on martyrdom suddenly switches to ol 'E(3paToi. In 2 Mace 7:31 the youngest boy says to the king: "And you, King Antiochus, who have devised all kinds o f harm for the Hebrews, you will not escape God's hand" (cf. 11:13 and 15:37). In the chapters on martyrdom in 4 Mace 5-18, ol 'IouSaioi is used only once (5:7), and ol 'E|3paIoi several times in 30

sl

32

33

34

35

36

3

0

See

R. D o r a n ,

"The Martyr: a S y n o p t i c V i e w o f t h e M o t h e r a n d

S e v e n Sons," Ideal Figures in Ancient Judaism. J. J. C o l l i n s & G . W . E . N i c k e l s b u r g (see f o o t n o t e

Her

(SBLSCS 12;

eds.; C h i c o : 1 9 8 0 ) 1 8 9 - 2 2 1 . V a n

4 ) 237f. G . S t e m b e r g e r , "The M a c c a b e e s in R a b b i n i c

The Scriptures and Occasion

Profiles and Paradigms

Henten

Tradition,"

the Scrolls. Studies in H o n o u r o f A . S. van d e r W o u d e o n

of His 6 5 t h Birthday

( e d s . F. G a r c i a M a r t i n e z , A . H i l h o r s t

the

& C.

Labuschagne; Leiden: 1992) 193-203. 3 1

C # 2 9 1 , 317, 354, 502, 535, 750b, 784, 793.

3

2

CIJ 570,

3

3

CIJ 3 7 9 , 5 0 5 , 7 5 4 . Cf. 7 1 8 .

3

4

Cf. CIJ 3 7 0

donis

the

510.

MaKe86vLs

Hebrew

from

>

6 Aippeos- Keoapebg

Caesarea

"Zwischen Jesus u n d Paulus," ZTK72 99 and

1 0 2 . J. Z . S m i t h ,

Judaism," 1980)

Approaches

in

Palestine").

See

TTaXeaTtvri? further

("Make-

M.

Hengel,

( 1 9 7 5 ) 1 5 1 - 2 0 6 , esp. p . 1 6 9 a n d f o o t n o t e s

"Fences a n d N e i g h b o r s :

to Ancient

rf\s

Judaism

Some

Contours

of

II (BJS 9; e d . W . S. G r e e n ;

1-25, e s p . p p . 18f. P . J . T o m s o n , "The N a m e s Israel a n d Jew in

J u d a i s m a n d in the N e w T e s t a m e n t , " Bijdragen

Early Chico:

Ancient

47 (1986) 120-140 and 266-289.

V a n d e r H o r s t (see f o o t n o t e 2 3 ) 7 0 . 3

5

3

6

V a n d e r H o r s t (see f o o t n o t e 2 3 ) 87f. S e e f o r i n s t a n c e 2 M a c e 3 : 3 2 ; 4 : 1 1 , 35f.; 5 : 2 5 ; 6 : 1 , 8; 8 : 1 0 ; 9 : 1 8 ; 1 0 : 8 , 1 2 ,

14f., 2 4 , 2 9 .

A JEWISH EPITAPH IN A LITERARY T E X T : 4 MACC 17:8-10

53

the context o f the torturing o f the martyrs (8:2; 9:6, 18; sing, in 5:2). Probably this usage is c o n n e c t e d with notions o f the exclusiveness o f the Jewish people, such as its long history, its own law and wisdom and its covenant with the Lord (cf. 2 Mace 7:31; 11:13). References to w o m e n and priests are found frequently in Jewish inscriptions, but a priest and a woman together d o not occur in Jewish epitaphs, not to mention the exact combination o f a priest and a woman with her seven children. The noun ye;pcov and the adjective y e p a i d after y w r j in 4 Mace 17:9 need not mean "old man" or "old", but may refer to the office o f elders or mem bership o f the gerousia. However, this meaning is hardly con firmed by Jewish inscriptions and the context o f 4 Maccabees 3 7

38

39

40

41

42

3

7

Cf. also 4 M a c e 4 : 1 1 a n d J u d i t h as a "Eppata

in J d t 1 0 : 1 2 ; 1 2 : 1 1 a n d

14:18. 3

8

3

9

4

0

4

1

O f c o u r s e , t h e w o r d ywr\ o c c u r s o f t e n in Jewish e p i t a p h s , f r e q u e n t l y with t h e m e a n i n g 'spouse', see f o r instance CIJ22, 2 3 , 3 5 a ( R o m e ) , 5 7 8 , 6 1 9 d ( V e n o s a ) ; 7 6 1 , 7 7 3 , 7 7 9 , 7 8 0 ( f r o m E u m e n e i a , A p a m e i a o r H i e r a p o l i s . in P h r y g i a ) ; 1 4 9 1 a n d 1 5 0 2 ( L e o n t o p o l i s ) ; BS 2 1 4 9 a n d 1 7 0 ( B e t h S h e ' a r i m ) a n d SEG 3 1 1 4 0 7 ( J e r i c h o ) . S e e f o r a n overview R . S. K r a e m e r , "Hellenistic Jewish W o m e n : T h e E p i g r a p h i c a l E v i d e n c e , " Society of Biblical Literature 1986 Seminar Papers ( e d . K . H . Richards; Atlanta: 1 9 8 6 ) 1 8 3 - 2 0 0 . CIJ346, 3 4 7 , 3 7 5 ( R o m e ) ; 7 4 6 ( E p h e s u s ) = IEph 1 6 7 6 , see H . W a n k e l , R . M e r k e l b a c h e t a l . , Die Inschriften von Ephesos ( 7 vols.; D i e Inschriften g r i e c h i s c h e r S t a d t e aus K l e i n a s i e n [ h e n c e f o r t h IGSK] 11-17; B o n n : 1 9 7 9 1 9 8 1 ) , w h o s u g g e s t r e a d i n g lepews" f o r loupe09); A p h r o d i s i a s i n s c r i p t i o n A 1. 2 7 ( R e y n o l d s & T a n n e n b a u m , s e e f o o t n o t e 2 8 ) p . 5 ; CIJ 7 8 5 ( C i l i c i a ) ; 9 3 0 (Jaffa); 1 4 0 4 ( J e r u s a l e m ) ; BS 2 4 9 ; 1 8 0 a n d 1 8 1 ( B e t h S h e ' a r i m ) . S e e also U p i a o - a in CIJ 3 1 5 a n d 1 5 1 4 ( = JIGRE 8 4 ) a n d possibly lepeia in CIJ 7 9 6 (Galatia, n e a r E u d o x i a s , = RECAM 2 1 3 3 ) a n d CIJ 1 0 8 5 ( B e t h S h e ' a r i m ) . S e e f u r t h e r B . J. B r o o t e n , Women Leaders in the Ancient Synagogue (BJS 3 6 ; C h i c o : 1 9 8 2 ) 7 3 - 9 9 . P. T r e b i l c o , Jewish Communities in Asia Minor ( S N T S M S 6 9 ; C a m b r i d g e : 1 9 9 1 ) 5 0 a n d 1 3 9 . V a n der H o r s t (see footnote 2 3 ) 9 6 . W . H o r bury & D . N o y , Jewish Inscriptions of Graeco-Roman Egypt ( C a m b r i d g e : 1 9 9 2 ) 1 5 8 . LSJs.v. 345f. Cf. TTpeo-pu-repa in CIJ 7 3 1 c a n d SEG 3 5 9 9 5 , see B r o o t e n (see f o o t n o t e 3 9 ) 12f. a n d 4 1 . R . S. K r a e m e r , "A N e w I n s c r i p t i o n f r o m M a l t a a n d t h e Q u e s t i o n o f W o m e n E l d e r s in t h e D i a s p o r a Jewish C o m m u n i t i e s , " HTR 7 8 ( 1 9 8 5 ) 4 3 1 - 4 3 8 . V a n d e r H o r s t (see f o o t n o t e 2 3 ) 106f. repon- o c c u r s in t h e f a m o u s inscription f r o m A p h r o d i s i a s (face B 1. 1 1 ) to identify a specific p e r s o n . T h e m o s t p r o b a b l e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n is that it is u s e d h e r e to d i s t i n g u i s h b e t w e e n two Jewish p e r s o n s c a l l e d O x y c h o l i o s by their a g e (cf. 1. 11 'O^uxoXios yepoov with 1. 1 7 '0£i)x6Xios" vecdTepos ). S e e R e y n o l d s & T a n n e n b a u m ( s e e f o o t n o t e 2 8 ) 6f. a n d 1 0 3 . A n e p i t a p h f r o m E u m e n e i a , w h i c h is c o n s i d e r e d Jewish by L . R o b e r t ( s e e f o o t n o t e 4 6 ) , refers to a M e n a s s o n o f Philippus as PouXeuT^s" a n d yepaios'; h e r e ' m e m b e r o f t h e gerousia', s e e J. A . van R o s s u m , De gerousia in de Griekse steden van het Romeinse Rijk (Diss. L e i d e n : 1 9 8 8 ) 3 . 1

4

2

Tepcov

and yepaid

seem

1

to occur j u s t o n c e

in Jewish

inscriptions,

54

J. W . V A N HENTEN

shows clearly that Eleazar was an old man (see for instance 4 Mace 5:4 and 9:6). The meaning o f the adjective y e p a i d may be less obvious in connection to the mother, because there is apart from this word n o indication in 4 Maccabees that she was an old woman. This means that a political sense cannot be ruled out; but, nevertheless, the meaning "old" is the most probable one, because according to ancient standards a woman with seven children was considered old (possibly also as "reverend" or "respectable"). The formula 'EvTaOOa eyKeKT|8ei)VTai... in 4 Mace 17:9 is interest ing in the light o f Jewish epitaphs. At first sight it seems to be a variant o f the rather c o m m o n formula ev0d8e KeiTai..., which was also usual on Jewish epitaphs, especially from R o m e . The verb eyKT|8eiJC0 ('to bury in a certain place') is, contrary to the simplex Kr|8euco, very rare in literary sources. There are probably twelve occurrences o f the simplex KT)8euto in Jewish epitaphs and o n e with TrpOKr|8euco ('bury before o n e s e l f ) . In (probably) five o f these instances the prepostion ev precedes the verb, which is only separated from the preposition by the relativum fj (referring to a 43

44

45

46

1 S

w h e r e a s t h e office o f yepoucadpx'ns' m e n t i o n e d f r e q u e n d y in e p i t a p h s f r o m R o m e (CIJ9, 9 5 , 1 0 6 , 1 4 7 , 1 8 9 , 3 0 1 , 3 5 3 , 3 5 5 , 3 6 8 , 4 0 5 , 4 0 8 , 4 2 5 , 5 1 1 , 7 3 3 b ; SEG 2 6 1 1 7 8 ; 3 3 7 9 1 ) , also in s o m e Italian e p i t a p h s o u t s i d e R o m e ( 6 7 / ^ 5 3 3 , 5 6 1 , 6 0 0 , 6 1 3 ) , a few f r o m Palestine (CIJ803, BS2 1 4 1 ; SEG 2 6 1 6 8 7 ) a n d o n e f r o m M a l t a (SEG 3 5 9 9 5 ) . S e e V a n R o s s u m (see f o o t n o t e 4 1 ) 1 9 4 with f o o t n o t e 2 3 . 4

3

1989) 4

4

4

5

4

6

LSJ 3 4 5 s.v. yepcuos" I. F. R e h k o p f , Septuaginta-Vokabular 6 0 "ehrwiirdig, alt".

(Gottingen:

L e o n ( s e e f o o t n o t e 2 8 ) 1 2 2 . S e e also G . E . K i r k , "Early C h r i s t i a n G r a v e s t o n e - F o r m u l a e o f S o u t h e r n Palestine," PEQ ( 1 9 3 9 ) 1 8 1 - 1 8 6 . A . Ferrua,' "Epigrafia sicula p a g a n a e cristiana," Rivista di Archeologia Cristiana 1 8 ( 1 9 4 1 ) 1 5 1 - 2 4 3 , e s p . 2 1 8 - 2 2 3 . S. L . A g n e l l o , "Iscrizioni c e m e t e r i a l i i n e d i t e d i Siracusa," Rivista di Archeologia Cristiana 3 6 ( 1 9 6 0 ) 1 9 - 4 2 . I d i d n o t f i n d any o t h e r o c c u r r e n c e s in literary s o u r c e s t h a n t h e two m e n t i o n e d in LSJ 4 7 2 s.v.: besides 4 M a c e 1 7 : 9 J o s e p h u s , Ant. 9 § 1 0 4 (relating that J e h o r a m was n o t b u r i e d in t h e s e p u l c h r e s o f his fathers: ...o$Te Teas' TTOtTpcoOILS' eveKTJSeuaav avrbv Greens'). CIJ 7 7 5 , 7 7 6 , 7 7 7 , 7 7 8 , 7 7 9 , 7 8 0 (all f r o m H i e r a p o l i s in Phrygia) = W . J u d e i c h e t al., Altertumer von Hierapolis ( J a h r b u c h d e s kaiserlich d e u t s c h e n a r c h a o l o g i s c h e n Instituts, viertes E r g a n z u n g s h e f t ; B e r l i n : 1 8 9 8 ) n o s . 2 1 2 , 6 9 , 3 4 2 , 7 2 , 8 0 a n d 2 2 5 . A c c o r d i n g to L . R o b e r t , "Epitaphes d ' E u m e n e i a d e Phrygie," Hellenica 11-12 ( 1 9 6 0 ) 4 1 4 - 4 3 9 , esp. p p . 4 3 6 - 4 3 9 , another epitaph f r o m E u m e n e i a in P h r y g i a ( 3 r d c e n t u r y C E ) with KT]8eiJCJ pass, a n d irpoKT|8ei5a) s h o u l d b e c o n s i d e r e d Jewish t o o (a p a r a l l e l o f t h e c u r s e i n s c r i p t i o n s f r o m A c m o n i a , p . 4 3 9 ) , b e c a u s e o f the p h r a s e Xf^eTcu Trapd T O O dOavdTou GeoO H d a r e i y a aloaviov: "Ce ' f o u e t eternel' r a p p e l l e le 'balai d e fer' o u 'la faucille' d e s e p i t a p h e s j u i v e s d ' A k m o n i a " ( p . 4 3 8 ) . M s Bij d e V a a t e k i n d l y b r o u g h t this i n s c r i p t i o n to m y attention. S e e f o r f u r t h e r r e f e r e n c e s t h e article b y D r J. H . M . S t r u b b e in the p r e s e n t v o l u m e ( n o . 4 in his C a t a l o g u e ) , p p . 109f.

A J E W I S H EPITAPH IN A LITERARY T E X T : 4 M A C C

17:8-10

55

4 7

coffin) . In some o f these epitaphs the verb Kr-Seuco occurs twice, the second time usually in connection with a ban to bury others at the burial place. One inscription is from Eumeneia and the others are from Hierapolis in Phrygia (CIJ 775-780); all g o back to the second or third century C E . The structure o f four o f these inscriptions from Phrygia is very similar (CIJ 775, 776, 778 and 779), and the other three correspond to them to a certain extent. Let us have a look at one o f the four inscriptions with a similar pattern and content (CZ/775): 48

f| aopos* Kal 6 nepl ai)Tr\v T6TTOS" AupOnXlas") AtjyoiiaTas" 2w iTeiKoO, kv f| KT]cku9r|aeTat axru\ Kal 6 di/r-p Tns* rXuKa)viav6s*l& Kal "AiTpos* Kal Td TeKva auTolv. el 8k e n erepos* Kr|8euaei, 8laxrei TTJ KaToiKla T O J V kv 'IeparroXei KaToiKOWTwv louSallcov TrpoaTelpou (Srivdpia) < . > Kal T W CKCT|TriaavTL (8r|vdpia) (8iaxlXia). dvTlypaovl diTeTeOri kv T W dpx'up TCOV 'IouSaloov. ("This coffin and the place around it belong to Aurelia Augusta, the daughter of Zotikos, in which will be buried she as well as her husband Glykonianos, also called Apros, and their children. If someone else will bury here (a person), he should pay a fine of ... denarii to the community of the Jews who live at Hierapolis, and two thousand denarii to the claimant. A copy is deposited at the archive of the Jews.") 4 9

50

4

7

See for instance

CIJ 7 7 6 11. 1 - 4 : f)CTop6s"Kal TO UTT6 ai)Tf\[v 0 e ] u a ovv T<3

|3a0pLK(3 Deal] | 6 T6TTOS" AupnXCas" rXuKwWjSos" ' A p p i a v o O Kal T[OU] | dvSpos* aiTfjs* M(dpKou) AfipCnXlou)' AXe^dvdpov

QeofyLXov eTrtKXlnv' Acr?]d<^> [Xa]o0' lovSalwv

kv

§ [K]n8eu8[f|]o-ovTa[i.] aiiToC... ("the coffin a n d the b u r i a l - g r o u n d u n d e r it, with the

base

and

daughter son

the

burial-place

of Theophilus,

[coffin] 778

around

of A m m i a n u s , and her

it b e l o n g

husband

Glykones,

the

Marcus Aurelius Alexander,

the

by s u r n a m e Asaf, o f t h e

to A u r e l i a

people

o f t h e Jews,

in

which

they will b e b u r i e d " ) . Similar p h r a s e s in n o . 7 7 5 11. 1 - 3 ; 7 7 7 11. 1 - 3 ;

11. 1 - 3 ; 7 7 9 11. 1 - 4 a n d 7 8 0 11. 1 - 5 . S e e c o n c e r n i n g Xa6s* as d e s i g n a t i o n

a Jewish

community

"Inscriptions

d'Asie

in

a

city J u d e i c h

(see

footnote

46)

M i n e u r e a u M u s e e d e L e y d e , " Hellenica

97. L.

of

Robert,

11-12 (1960)

2 1 4 - 2 6 2 , esp. p p . 2 5 9 - 2 6 2 . T r e b i l c o (see f o o t n o t e 3 9 ) 2 5 7 f o o t n o t e 1 6 . 4

8

S e e o n t h e Jews at H i e r a p o l i s J u d e i c h (see f o o t n o t e 4 6 ) 4 6 . A . T . Kraa-

b e l , Judaism Study

in

Western

oj the Jewish

Asia

Minor

Community

at

Mass.: 1 9 6 8 ) 1 2 5 - 1 3 5 . E. Schiirer, Jesus by

Christ

(175

B.C.

- A.D.

135).

under Sardis,

the Roman Lydia

The History

Empire

(Diss.

with a

Harvard;

Preliminary

Cambridge,

of the Jewish People in the Age of

A N e w English Version Revised a n d

G . V e r m e s , F. M i l l a r & M . G o o d m a n

( 3 vols.; E d i n b u r g h :

3 / 1 . 2 7 f . , 1 0 6 . A c c o r d i n g to M i l l a r o.c. p . 2 8 CIJ 779

Edited

1973-1987)

a n d 7 8 0 "may p e r h a p s b e

Jewish". T r e b i l c o (see f o o t n o t e 3 9 ) 3 0 , 1 7 l f . , I78f., 1 9 9 , 231f., 2 5 7 a n d 2 6 1 . 4

9

O n KOTOLKC a

see

Kraabel

(see

footnote

48)

130-134.

Trebilco

(see

footnote 39) 171. 5

0

while

'Apxeiof the

m e a n s in t h e p l u r a l e s p e c i a l l y

singular

magistrates',

see

could

among

other

'archives' o r ' p u b l i c

things also m e a n

records',

'residency

of

the

LSJ 2 5 1 s.v. 1,1-2. A t the e n d o f CIJ 7 7 6 the p l u r a l is u s e d .

56

J. W . VAN HENTEN

51

First the names of the owner o f the place and h e r o r his spouse are given, w h o will b e buried there in the future with their children (absent in n o . 7 7 6 ) . Then a sentence follows which expresses that anyone who would bury someone else at this place had to pay a severe penalty to the Jewish c o m m u n i t y . So an important purpose o f these epitaphs is the protection o f the burial place and the coffin against violation by others. The inscriptions end with the reference to a copy in the (Jewish) archive. T h e formula f) oopbg Kal 6 Trepl avTT\v T6TTOS* . . . kv fj KT|8eu6f|aeTai 52

53

aimr) K a l 6

dvf)p

auTfjs'/auTos' Kal f\ yuvf)

airrou . . . Kal T d T£Kva

illustrates besides other correspondences that formulae and patterns o f composition in epitaphs can b e specific for a certain region. T h e regional definition o f certain formulae seems to b e confirmed by non-Jewish epitaphs with KT|8elJC0 and eyKT|8ei>co (see below), which puts the phrase 'EvTaOSa eyKeKf|8euvTai... in 4 Mace 17:9 in a specific light. There could be some connection between 4 Mace 17:9-10 and the Jewish epitaphs from Hierapolis and Eumeneia in Phrygia.

auTtov

Unfortunately the vocabulary in the remaining part o f the fictitious epitaph shows n o affinity at all with phrases in Jewish inscriptions. Nevertheless, one other detail o f the epitaph deserves our attention in this paragraph. The fact that a political reason is given for the death o f the deceased (8id TUpdvvou (Slav TT\V 'EPpalcov TToXiTeLav KaTaXOaai S ^ X O V T O S * ) is peculiar in the light of Jewish epitaphs. It belongs more to the domain o f honorary inscriptions, which could in some cases b e funerary inscriptions all the same. People were often honoured for their political merit, as appears from many pagan inscriptions. In a decree from Attaleia (Pamphylia) o f the imperial period for instance, Lucius Calpurnius Longus was honoured by the people o f his home town, A c c o r d i n g to Millar (see f o o t n o t e 4 8 ) 2 7 , b o t h instances refer to t h e s a m e archive. Cf. CIJ 7 7 8 sing, a n d 7 7 9 plur. a n d s e e K r a a b e l (see f o o t n o t e 4 8 ) 1 2 7 . 5

1

Women

are the owners

in n o s . 7 7 5 a n d 7 7 6 , s e e K r a e m e r ( s e e

f o o t n o t e 3 8 ) 194f. T r e b i l c o (see f o o t n o t e 3 9 ) 1 1 2 with f o o t n o t e 4 4 . 5

2

Cf. CIJ 7 7 7 a n d 7 8 0 a n d t h e i n s c r i p t i o n f r o m E u m e n e i a ( s e e f o o t n o t e

46). 5

3

and most

T h i s is e v i d e n t i n n o s . 7 7 5 (with a s e c o n d p e n a l t y f o r t h e c l a i m a n t ) 7 7 6 . A c c o r d i n g t o n o . 7 7 8 a penalty o f 5 0 0 d e n a r i i h a d to b e p a i d t o t h e holy

treasury; i n n o . 7 7 9 t h r e e

fines

are m e n t i o n e d ,

one of 2500

d e n a r i i f o r t h e m o s t h o l y treasury, o n e o f 5 0 0 d e n a r i i f o r t h e m o s t gerousia

a n d o n e o f 3 0 0 for the informer.

I n t h e case

E u m e n e i a - i n s c r i p t i o n a curse s h o u l d h o l d b a c k violators.

holy

o f the related

A JEWISH EPITAPH IN A LITERARY T E X T : 4 MACC 17:8-10

57

because o f its gratitude to him: 6 Sfjiios* kTe\.\ix\oev Aeuiaov KaXTToiipviov Aoyyov, vibv MdpKou KaXTroupvlou Poud>ou,

TraTpco-

TOU

TToXecos" f\[iCSv, e u x a p L a T t a s " £ v e K a . There are some in stances o f Jewish honorary inscriptions (CIJ 731 f, 738, 766 and 1450 = JIGRE 129, JIGRE 18 = IGRR 1077 and Luderitz nos. 70-71 from Berenice). C//731f from Samos dates from the second half of the third century CE and informs the reader that the elders and the Jews o f the synagogue o f Samos honoured an elder, whose name is only partially transmitted. According to CIJ 738 from Phocaea (Ionia) and probably dating from the third century CE a woman Tation was given the privilege o f the TrpoeSpta (i.e. having a seat o f honour in the synagogue) and of a golden crown: vos" Tfj?

5 4

55

56

57

Tation, daughter o f Straton, son o f E ( m ) p e d o n , having erected

the

assembly hall a n d the enclosure

her

of the o p e n

courtyard with

o w n f u n d s , g a v e t h e m as a g i f t t o t h e J e w s . T h e s y n a g o g u e o f Jews h o n o u r e d

the

Tation (e[Tdur|]aev), daughter of Straton, son

E ( m ) p e d o n , with a g o l d e n c r o w n a n d t h e privilege o f sitting in seat o f h o n o u r .

5 4

11.

5 8

E . B o s c h & S. A t l a n , "Antalya Kitabeleri," Belleten Cf.

also

no.

Herrmann, demie and

12 and

Ergebnisse

der

for

einer

other

Reise

Wissenschaften

in

11 ( 1 9 4 7 ) 8 7 - 1 2 5 n o .

honorary inscriptions

in Nordostlydien

Wien

for instance

(Denkschriften

80; Vienna: 1962) nos.

of a Graeco-Roman

and New Testament

P.

der Aka-

7-14

S i l a n d o s , s e c o n d / t h i r d c e n t u r y C E ) . F. W . D a n k e r , Benefactor:

Study

of the

(Saittai Epigraphic

Semantic Field (St. L o u i s , M i s s o u r i :

1 9 8 2 ) . A c c o r d i n g to R o b e r t , " T A X E I O N , " Hellenica

11-12 ( 1 9 6 0 ) 2 0 formulae

with Tiudo)

from

o r TCp.nLi.ct

in

honorary inscriptions

Phrygia

and

Lydia

c o u l d also b e c o n n e c t e d with the giving o f a gratuity. 5 5

S e e the c o m m e n t a r y by H o r b u r y & N o y (see f o o t n o t e 3 9 ) 2 6 - 3 0 .

5 6

S e e Lifshitz (see f o o t n o t e 2 5 ) . G . L u d e r i t z , Corpus judischer

der Cyrenaika

Zeugnisse

aus

( B e i h e f t e z u m T u b i n g e r Atlas d e s v o r d e r e n O r i e n t s R e i h e B 5 3 ;

Wiesbaden:

1983)

inscriptions

from

148-155. Delos.

See

also

SEG

First e d i t i o n

D e l o s ' e t la j u i v e r i e d e l i e n n e , " Bulletin

3 2 8 0 9 a n d 8 1 0 , two

b y P.

Bruneau,

de correspondance

Samaritan

'"Les I s r a e l i t e s hellenique

de

106 (1982)

465-504. 5 7

[• • K ] a l

[Zdp.ov?]l

[-

commentary

ol

TTpea(3iJTepoi Kal

- -

I [-

-au]vaya)yns" eTlpr|Cfav A P - Lifshitz

- r&]v I [2

"Prolegomenon"

(C// )

'IouSatwv

Tfis*

- TrpeaptijTepov... 90 and

KaTd

See for

G. Dunst,

"Eine

j u d i s c h e Inschrift aus S a m o s , " Klio 5 2 ( 1 9 7 0 ) 7 3 - 7 8 , w h o also gives a tentative r e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f t h e c o m p l e t e text. S e e also BE 1 9 7 1 5 0 8 a n d F. M i l l a r (see f o o t n o t e 4 8 ) 7 2 ( r e a d [CIJ] 5 8

CIJ

pt(3oXov

738: ,

footnote

XP

U C T (

TOO

'Ev-I

KaTaaKeu-l d a a a a

"H auvaywyfi

' E v T r e - l Swi/os"

7 3 1 f in stead o f [CIJ]

ZTpdTwvos'

TOU uiratGpou

'Io]i>8aLois .l TOO

Tdnov

5

e[Tel^T|]ae^• T W 'IouSatlcov dvq>l

OIKOV

Kal T 6 V

£K TC3[V LS]Ctovl e x a p t a a T O Tdnov

ire-l

T[OLS'

Z[TpdT]a)vos'

Kal TrpoeSpla. T r a n s l a t i o n T r e b i l c o

3 9 ) , w h o discusses this i n s c r i p t i o n

f o o t n o t e 2 5 ) 21f.

731e).

TreSwvos" T 6 V

o n p p . l l O f . S e e Lifshitz

(see (see

58

J. W . VAN HENTEN

The going hand in hand o f remembrance and political honours appears from one o f the metrical epitaphs from Leontopolis (CIJ 1530A= JIGRE 39 11. 5-8): For

h e ( A b r a m o s ) w a s n o t w i t h o u t h o n o u r i n t h e city, b u t w o r e

t h e w r e a t h o f magistracy for the w h o l e p e o p l e in his w i s d o m , For

y o u w e r e h o n o u r e d with the l e a d e r s h i p o f two places,

generously performing a double duty.

5 9

It is striking that the verb Tiu\dco, which is part o f the customary formulations in honorary inscriptions (see the pagan inscription just mentioned, C # 7 3 1 f 1. 3; 738 1. 6; 766 1. 11; SEG 32 810 1. 3; cf. CIJ 1530A 1. 7 ) , occurs somewhat further in 4 Mace 17 at the beginning o f the famous passage on the effective meaning o f the death o f the martyrs in 17:20-22, which can easily be read as a continuation o f the epitaph in verses 9-10. The passage indicates the honours the martyrs deserve: their vindication by G o d in connection with a reference to Deut 33:3 in 17:19 ('All the holy ones are under your hands'), and the honour o f their glorious and saving death. The first part reads: "And these (the martyrs) were sanctified by G o d and not only honoured with this distinction (Kal OUTOL ohv ayiaa8e:vTes' 8id 8e6v TeTt^r-vTai, oh \i6vov T a i n r ) T f j T i | i f j ) , but also by the fact that through them our enemies did not take possession of our people, and the tyrant was punished and our fatherland purified ( I 7 : 2 0 f . ) . " As a matter o f fact even the intermediate part between the epitaph and 17:19-22 which is veiled in athletic metaphorical language (17:11-18) is connected with honorary inscriptions by the symbol o f the crown o f victory or glory ( a T e ^ a v o s * ) . In 4 Mace 17:15 it is said: "piety won the 60

6 1

62

5 9

oi)K dyepacfTOS" e<j>i" ydp dvd TTT6\LV, dXXd Kal dpyfj iTav8Ti|j.a) eGviicfj eoreeT' kv acxf>tg-

dioo&v ydp re

T6TTG)V iToXiTapxtov

avrbg ereiLid),

T1]V 8iu.epfj 8aiTdvr|V e^aviiaas* xdpLcav. S e e f o r t h e full text, the q u o t e d translation a n d s h o r t c o m m e n t a r y V a n d e r H o r s t (see f o o t n o t e 2 3 ) 156f. Further H o r b u r y & N o y (see f o o t n o t e 3 9 ) 9 5 - 1 0 2 . S e e also V a n d e r H o r s t a n d L u d e r i t z in this b o o k , p p . 134f. a n d 2 0 8 - 2 1 0 . 6 0

T h e r e is hardly a parallel of this use of Tiudco etc. in t h e S e p t u a g i n t (cf. Esth 8 : 1 2 c ) . 6 1

A n d e r s o n ( s e e f o o t n o t e 4 ) 5 6 3 a n d K l a u c k , "4. M a k k a b a e r b u c h " (see f o o t n o t e 4 ) 7 5 2 translate differently. 6

2

S e e on this p a s s a g e V a n H e n t e n , " T h e T r a d i t i o n - H i s t o r i c a l B a c k g r o u n d of R o m . 3 . 2 5 : A S e a r c h f o r P a g a n a n d Jewish Parallels," From Jesus to John. Essays on Jesus and the New Testament Christology in Honour of Marinus de Jonge ( J S N T S u p 8 4 ; ed. M . C . de B o e r ; Sheffield: 1 9 9 3 ) 1 0 1 - 1 2 8 .

A J E W I S H E P I T A P H IN A LITERARY T E X T : 4 M A C C 1 7 : 8 - 1 0

59

63

victory and crowned (aTecfxivoOaa) her own athletes". Crowns ( o f gold or olive) for honoured persons are mentioned in CIJ 738 1. 8, 1450 1. 8, JIGRE 18 1. 14, Luderitz 70 1. 17 and 71 11. 23-25. The crown o f victory for the martyrs, which is often mentioned in Christian martyrological literature, is probably an adaptation o f these honorary crowns, to which pagan inscriptions often refer. T h e combination o f a reference to a crown o f h o n o u r and a formula with Tiuda) is attested in CIJ 738, 1450, 1530A and a Samaritan honorary decree from Delos (SEG 32 810). Here our list o f correspondences between 4 Mace 17:8-10 and Jewish inscriptions ends. The result o f our comparison is that there is an interface between the fictitious epitaph in 4 Maccabees and Jewish inscriptions formed by c o m m o n vocabulary, but only in 4 Mace 17:8f. There is parallel terminology to ^yKeKfjSewTcu in Jewish epitaphs from Phrygia (but note the discussion o f much closer non-Jewish parallels from several regions in Asia Minor in the next paragraph). Nevertheless, the non-literary parallels show repeatedly that the epitaph in 4 Maccabees stands on its own., It even has features which run counter to the standards in Jewish epitaphs, such as the omission o f the names o f the deceased. From the perspective o f the data in Jewish inscriptions, however, the pecularities o f 4 Mace 17:8-10 stand out. The honours to the mar tyrs are not paid by the Jewish community, but c o m e from the Lord. The group of persons, which should be commemorated, is very special, and the fact that they died because o f a political conflict with the Seleucid king catches the eye too. Maybe pagan inscriptions can bring these aspects into relief. 64

65

6

3

6

4

T h i s v o c a b u l a r y d o e s n o t o c c u r e l s e w h e r e in 4 M a c c a b e e s . Cf.

cn-e^avT^opos- in CIJ 7 4 2 a n d 7 4 9 ; also CIJ 7 7 7 , SEG 3 2 8 0 9 11. 3f.

a n d 8 1 0 1. 7. S e e T r e b i l c o (see f o o t n o t e 3 9 ) 110f., 1 7 8 . H o r b u r y 8c N o y

(see

footnote 39) 30, 100. 6

5

S e e A . J. B r e k e l m a n s , Mdrtyrerkranz.

suchung

im fruhchristlichen

Stewart,

"Greek Crowns and

tienne. Memorial 1984)

Andrejean

Eine

symbolgeschichtliche

Unter-

Schrijttum ( A n a l e c t a G r e g o r i a n a 1 5 0 ; R o m e : 1 9 6 5 ) . Z . Christian

M a r t y r s , " Antiquite

paienne

et

chre-

Festugiere (eds. E . L u c c h e s i & H . D . Saffrey; G e n e v e :

1 1 9 - 1 2 4 . O n c r o w n s o f h o n o r in e p i g r a p h i c s o u r c e s in g e n e r a l D a n k e r

(see f o o t n o t e 5 4 ) 467f.

60

J. W . V A N H E N T E N

3. Possible connections with non-Jewish epitaphs and inscriptions of another kind Formulae indicating buried persons with KnSeuo) occur regularly in pagan and Christian epitaphs and there are also instances of composita like ^yKT-Seua), emicr|8elja) ('bury'), TrpoKT|8ei>co (see above) and TTpoeyKT]8eua) in funerary formulae. A search with the PHI CD ROM disk resulted in a total of 78 occurrences of forms with the simplex or composita in inscriptions, completions by the editors i n c l u d e d . Only eight of these are in inscriptions from outside Asia Minor (three from Attica, one from Macedonia, one from Bostra in Arabia, one from Palestine and two from Italy), 35 instances are in inscriptions from Ionia (chiefly from Teos, but also from Ephesus and Smyrna), the others are from Caria, Galatia, Lycaonia, Lycia, Lydia, Phrygia and Pisidia. O f course, not all epigraphical material is included o n the PHI compact disk, but the evidence probably indicates the geographical dis tribution of funerary formulae with Kn8euco and composita with this verb. This would mean that these formulae occur especially in Asia Minor. A surprisingly high concentration of epitaphs with KT)8eua) and eyKT|8eu(o from Lycia, not included o n the PHI disk, seems to confirm this assumption. 66

67

68

From Phrygia there are several Christian inscriptions with KnSeuo) which contain a formula to restrain others from burying someone at the place. A Christian epitaph from the third century CE (after 212) originating from Hierapolis in Phrygia corresponds to the first part of the Jewish epitaphs from Hierapolis discussed above: f) adpos" Kal 6 Trepl avrr\v TOTros" Mdp(Kou) Aup(T|Xtou) 69

Auatfiaxou T O O ALOKXeous", ev f\ KeKf|8eirrai auToss KT|8eu0r|aeTai 8e

6

6

PHI Demonstration

6

7

See

TAM

CD ROM

6 ( T h e Packard H u m a n i t i e s Institute: 1 9 9 1 ) .

3 . 1 , i n d i c e s , p p . 352f. s.v. emKT|8etJa)

a n d KT|8eiia)

(Termessus

in P i s i d i a ) . S e e also SEG 6 7 3 9 ( n e a r T r e b e n n a in L y c i a ) . 6

8

D r J. H . M . S t r u b b e , L e i d e n , kindly b r o u g h t to m y n o t i c e s o m e

rences which

are

KT|8eiJa>, eyKT|8ei3a)

not

always i n c l u d e d

etc.

o c c u r very f r e q u e n t l y in f u n e r a r y

O l y m p u s in Lycia, see SEG 6

TAM

3 5 1 0 8 4 (Aphrodisias, 9

SEG

28 1156

on

the

2 . 3 , p p . 3 6 4 - 4 0 7 a n d 425f.

2.519

(eTepw no.

disk.

with

inscriptions

from

(see b e l o w ) . S e e

8£

oi>8evl

££6v

358.

T.

Drew-Bear,

KXiSeOom

'earai

of Phrygia

also

Nouvelles

els'

TOOTO

T6

( 2 vols; O x f o r d :

inscriptions

de

( Z u t p h e n : 1 9 7 8 ) 106f. n o . 4 5 . S e e also SEG 6 2 3 0 ; 1 5 8 1 1 b 11. 6-9. MAMA and 358.

occur

Formulae

Caria).

f i p t o o v ) . S e e W . M . Ramsay, The Cities and Bishoprics 1895-1897)

PHI

Phrygie 4 355

A JEWISH EPITAPH IN A LITERARY TEXT: 4 MACC 17:8-10

61

70

Aup(r|\la) MapCa f) Kal Tpata. However, one should not preconclude that formulae like these were specific to Phrygia. Pagan inscriptions from several regions in Asia Minor contain formulae with eyKT|8ei>a) or KT-Seuo) plus preposition e v . Ilasos 394 reads for example: T O u\vr|p:eiov M e [ v ] l T T T r o u [ T O U - -] I [-]avou, ev <S KT)86U8r|aeTaL a u T o s Kal [f)] I yuvf| n\ou Kal T a irai8la \iov Kal Ta K0|i(3la | J . O U . 72 71

1

'EyKT|8eua) is used in three epitaphs from Teos in formulae to prevent others from burying at the place (for instance (inSevos" eT€[p]ou exovrog' c£oualav e v i c n 8 e u a a l T i v a . . . ) , which occur very 73

7

0

L . A . P e n n a c c h i e t t i , "Tre i s c r i z i o n i cristiane i n e d i t e d i H i e r a p o l i s Frigia," Rivista di Archeologia Cristiana 3 9 ( 1 9 6 3 ) 1 3 1 - 1 3 7 , e s p . p p . 136f. n o . 3 . A l t h o u g h t h e r e a r e a f e w o t h e r non-Jewish e p i t a p h s f r o m A s i a M i n o r in w h i c h t h e c o m b i n a t i o n o f aopds* a n d KT|8ei)o) is f o u n d , this C h r i s t i a n i n s c r i p t i o n f r o m H i e r a p o l i s is a c l o s e p a r a l l e l to t h e m e n t i o n e d Jewish e p i t a p h s f r o m Phrygia. S e e f o r m o r e r e l a t e d i n s c r i p t i o n s f r o m H i e r a p o l i s J u d e i c h (see f o o t n o t e 4 6 ) a n d L . A . P e n n a c c h i e t t i , "Nuove iscrizioni di H i e r a p o l i s Frigia," Atti della reale accademia delle scienze di Torino, classe di s c i e n z e m o r a l i storiche e filologiche 1 0 1 ( 1 9 6 6 - 1 9 6 7 ) 2 8 7 - 3 2 8 n o . 7 , p p . 297f. 7 1

IEph 2 2 9 9 C col. 2 , ISmyrna [ G . Petzl, Die Inschriften von Smyrna ( 2 vols.; I G S K 2 3 - 2 4 ; B o n n : 1 9 8 2 - 1 9 9 0 ) ] 1 9 5 11. 8f., 2 4 6 1. 7. Cf. also Ilasos [ W . Blumel, Die Inschriften von Iasos ( I G S K 2 8 1 / 2 ; B o n n : 1 9 8 5 ) ] 3 9 4 1. 2 a n d 6 2 9 11. 3f. a n d an e p i t a p h f r o m C a r i a , see W . B l u m e l , " N e u e I n s c h r i f t e n aus K u z y a k a , " Epigraphica Anatolica 1 3 ( 1 9 8 9 ) 10f.; SEG 3 9 1 1 1 4 . S e e also f o o t n o t e s 6 7 - 6 8 . 7

2

7

3

Td

S e e f u r t h e r W . B l u m e l , Die Inschriften von Iasos (see f o o t n o t e 7 1 ) 2.86f. Koupta c o u l d b e the g r a n d c h i l d r e n , see LSJ S u p p l . 8 6 s.v. Kopptov.

R . D e m a n g e l & A . L a u m o n i e r , "Inscriptions d'lonie," BCH 46 (1922) 3 0 7 - 3 5 5 , e s p . pp. 336f. n o . 2 4 11. 4f. Full text o f this e p i t a p h by a n u n k n o w n w o m a n , f o r h e r h u s b a n d O n e s i m o s , h e r m o t h e r a n d herself, a c c o r d i n g to SEG 2 6 0 2 a n d the e d i t i o n o f D . F. M c C a b e & M . A . Plunkett, Teos Inscriptions. Texts and List ( T h e Institute f o r A d v a n c e d Study; P r i n c e t o n : 1 9 8 5 [ c o r p u s o n c o m p u t e r ] ) n o . 1 9 7 : [ — T T | V K]apdpav [Ta{i]l [Tqv?] KareoKeixioev £atrrfj Kal Tto dv8p[l]l ['Ovr|]aLLUp SaTopveivou Kal TQ TrpoevKe[KT|]l [ 8 ] eupii/n pTrrpl M a p i e u r i . LinSevos* eTe[p]l ou ZXOVTOS e£ovolav evKT\8evaal Tiva [tii]\ p a Tils' auvxttopiiojetos' airrfjs' f\ TOU dv8p6[s,]l 'Ovr)oi[Lov dv 8£ TLS* eTrixeipiioTj, 8ajaeil [e]ls* TOV lepcoTaTov 4>LOKOV 8nvdpial T r e v T a K o c u a . I f W i l h e l m ' s r e a d i n g o f t h e n a m e o f t h e m o t h e r (MapL^pn.) is c o r r e c t (SEG 2 6 0 2 ; D e m a n g e l 8c L a u m o n i e r r e a d Mayie\n\), we p r o b a b l y have to d o with a variant o f t h e J e w i s h n a m e M a r i a m m e / M i r j a m ( s e e G . M u s s i e s in t h e p r e s e n t v o l u m e , pp. 2 5 1 ) , w h i c h m e a n s that t h e i n s c r i p t i o n c o u l d b e J e w i s h o r C h r i s t i a n . S e e also t h e e p i t a p h b y a n u n k n o w n p e r s o n f o r his n e p h e w , c h i l d r e n , d e s c e n d a n t s a n d wife S a b i n a ( ? ) , D e m a n g e l 8c L a u m o n i e r n o . 2 3 ; SEG 2 6 0 1 ; M c C a b e & Plunkett n o . 2 4 8 : [- - K a l ] Kaiv[ . . ] T<3 TOO d8[eXou ul<5 K a l ] I [TOLS* TjeKVois auTou Kal TCO ye[vei Kal]I [ S a p ? ] etvr) -rf] yuvaiKl airroD, &[ore pt)8evl]l [kr]epoi e^elvai els Tavras Tds* [Kal p d p a s j ^VKT|8eu0fjvar eav 8e T[LS"]I etTLxeLp]Vicrn, d-rroTetaei T(3 l[epa)]l [TdT]a> Tapelco (8r|vdpia), Kal T[T] lepa)]l [TdTTj Po]uXi5 ( S n v a p i a ) , a'- TauTnts* Tils'] I [ £ m y p a ] c u t i s ' dvTlypa[(f>ov dire] I [TeQr] els] Td d p x e i a ; a n d the e p i t a p h by Paresia, for h e r son A l e x a n d r o s , h e r h u s b a n d G r a p [ t o s ] a n d herself, -

62

J. W . V A N H E N T E N

frequently with the simplex KT|8euG) in epitaphs from other regions too (see for instance ISmyrna 239: Kal Zrepov UT|8eva K n 8 e u 0 f | i ' a i ) . They can b e considered as parallels o f the formulae in Jewish epitaphs from Hierapolis with a similar function, which shows that these formulae are not restricted to epitaphs from Phrygia. Lycia catches the eye with dozens o f occurrences o f eyKT|8eua), mostly in formulae which forbid the burial o f others than the persons mentioned in the epitaph. A funerary inscription from Olympus has eyKT|8eua) at lines 3, 5 and 7 . Lines 5 and 7 belong to the second part o f the inscription with the prohibition concerning the burying o f other persons than the ones for w h o m the grave was meant (Aurelius Diotimus, the owner o f the grave, his wife, children, grandchildren and brother Bassus): 74

Axjp^Xios") A L 6 T £ L | I O S ' T?]epaTos"

Sorre'ipou T O U Kal

'OXuu'rrnvos' ov

kuvr\o&\n)v

'Apaa-?

TUU-

POV evypd^a)? PouXopai evKn8eu9fjv'ai kavrbv Kal yuvaiKd pou Kal Teicva Kal evyova Kal d5 8eX6v u o u B d a a o v krepoi 8k ou8evl k£bv kvKT]8euaal T t v a , e l \ir\ eyco TLVL evyp&fyoys e m T p e (|;a), f| 6 Piaadpevos" evKT|8ei>aai eKTelai 'OXuuTrnvwv Tf} TT6XL * <£>', &\/ 6 kXkv^ag XfpifjeTai v a c a t [TO

TP'LTOV]

A similar use o f eyKT|8€ua) with an interdiction to bury someone else in the grave is found in a lot o f other epitaphs from O l y m p u s . TAM 2.3 no. 949 from the third century CE reads for example: 75

Demangel

& Laumonier

ITapncfCa

'Poiio[u

8eup[eva>

ulqi

[eTepw, eyci

n o . 2 5 ; SEG 2 6 0 3 ; M c C a b e & P l u n k e t t n o . 1 9 9 :

KaTeaiceii]l a a e

TT^V K a p d [ p a v

'AXe£dv]l 8pa> Kal TW aup[pi(p

e-rrel 6 ] l u l 6 s '

pou 'AXe£ [avSpos*

e v K e ] l KT)8eupe8a,

£ [vTauOa

eairrfj

rpa-nrar

Kal 6 a{ip]l Pid?

eyKT]8eu9fj]l v a r

e m x e t p f j a ] I a i , diroTetae [i Tfj leparrdTT)]! pouXfj 8 n v [ d p i a 7 4

7 5

990,

Kal T W ] I TTPOKT|-

pr|8]l evl

8e

e£ecnrio

pou rpaTr[T6s* Kal el

8e

TLS*

[6e"Xei

--.-].

TAM 2 . 3 n o . 9 5 4 . TAM 2 . 3 n o s . 9 4 9 , 9 5 1 , 9 5 3 , 9 5 4 , 9 5 5 , 9 6 0 , 9 6 2 , 9 6 3 , 9 7 6 , 9 7 9 , 9 8 3 , 9 8 9 , 998, 999, 1001, 1002, 1003, 1005, 1009, 1012, 1014, 1017, 1021, 1023, 1031,

1034,

1035, 1036, 1037, 1044, 1045, 1049, 1052, 1060, 1061, 1063, 1071, 1072,

1073,

1074, 1077, 1083, 1085, 1094, 1100, 1103, 1104, 1107, 1108, 1109, 1110,

1111,

1118, 1122, 1123, 1124, 1126, 1127, 1130, 1131, 1132, 1134, 1135, 1140,

1141,

1 1 5 2 , 1 1 5 8 , 1 1 6 3 , 1 1 6 4 , 1 1 6 7 . S e e also n o . 1 2 1 2 f r o m Phaselis. 'EyKT|8el3a)

also o c c u r s apart f r o m t h e relevant f o r m u l a , see n o s . 1 0 0 0 1. 5 , 1 0 1 1 11. 1 0 - 1 2 , 1 0 3 3 11. 3f., 1 0 4 2 11. 8f., 1 0 8 9 1. 1 3 , 1 1 0 3 11. 16f., 1 1 1 8 11. 4f., 1 1 3 0 1. 3 a n d 1 1 6 4 1. 5 , all f r o m

Olympus.

A JEWISH EPITAPH IN A LITERARY TEXT: 4 MACC 17:8-10

63

Aup(r)Xios') MouKiavos" •npaiTiopiavos' Kcrreaiceuaaa T O V TupPov eaura Kal yuvaiKi pou Aup(T]Xla) 2 e P a £ l a Kal TeKvois' fiptov CTepa) 8 e 5

ouSevl pevos

1

efeaTai eKTelaei

evKn8euaal Tiva, f| 6 TW

Piaad

leparrdTco Tapelw *

Jjfy'.

Non-Jewish epitaphs from Asia Minor contain other formulae which are interesting with respect to 4 Mace 17:9. The formula o f a few (largely) Christian epitaphs from Sengen (Galatia) o r Egribayat (Lycaonia) resembles closely the beginning o f our fictitious epitaph: ...ev0d8e K e K V j S e u T a i . . . (4 Mace ev0aOTa). MAMA 7 582 (Sengen) reads for instance: ev0d8e KaiKT|8euTe ... 'AXe£av8pos\ O n a Christian epitaph from Eumeneia (Phrygia), probably dating from the end o f the third century CE, we find again a formula similar to 4 Mace 17:9. The epitaph reports that Aurelius Neikeros constructed the tomb for himself, his wife and their children, but granted the use o f it to his friend Aurelius Mannus, who was a soldier attached to the officium o f the provincial gover nor Castrius Constans. LI. 5f. contain the formula ev0d8e KeKT|8euTe Aup("nXios") Mavvog a T p a T i 6 r n r | s \ So the non-Jewish epitaphs confirm that the formula at the beginning o f 4 Mace 17:9-10 with 76

7 7

7

6

Full text: e v 9 d 8 e KdiK^SeuTe <J>iX6-l PPOTO? dyXadpop^os* d-l SpTiTOS" dKavrTTos- p(.T| S'l ol irdivrag eviKa rouvop'l 'AXe£av8pos' obv icaXXlcn-i>s" I d p a TeKvus* AftpfjXios' TTaO-l Xog obv K€ 'AVTL6XOU K£ TTav-l KpaTtou dvecfTfjaapev T6 0C0-I Xov T(3 TToGivoTaTO) Ke yXuKU-l TaTW i p w v TTaTpl pvi^pri [s ] I x d p t v . A c c o r d i n g t o W . C a l d e r , " I n t r o d u c t i o n " t o MAMA 7 p . x l , "there is n o e v i d e n c e o f e i t h e r p a g a n i s m o r Christianity in n o . 5 8 2 . . . " S e e also MAMA 7 5 8 5 1. 1 ev0d8e K[eKi^SeuTcti... ; 8 3 2 6 a , a n d t h e ( c o m p l e t e d ) b e g i n n i n g o f a n epitaph f r o m T e o s (third century C E o r later), see D e m a n g e l & L a u m o n i e r (see f o o t n o t e 7 3 ) n o . 3 5 ; SEG 2 6 1 4 ; M c C a b e & P l u n k e t t ( s e e f o o t n o t e 7 3 ) n o . 2 4 0 : [6 ev9d8e Kn8eu9els* MeveKpd-rns' ' A T ] I frdXou... 1

7

7

T e x t p u b l i s h e d by W . M . R a m s a y , " T h e Cities a n d B i s h o p r i c s o f Phryg i a , " / i / 5 4 ( 1 8 8 3 ) 3 7 0 - 4 2 6 , e s p . 4 0 1 f . n o . 2 0 a n d 4 3 6 ( R a m s a y suggests i n this article a d a t e f r o m t h e fifth c e n t u r y C E a n d Sebaste as p l a c e o f o r i g i n ) a n d with slight alterations in Cities and Bishoprics ( s e e f o o t n o t e 6 9 ) 2 . 5 2 9 n o . 3 7 3 : Aup. NeiKepa)? B'. Korea-I Ketiaaev T6 fipwovl [ e ] a i r n 3 Kal yuvaiKall TeKVOLS eGr|Ka 8el4>CXov. 'Ev0d8el KeKi^Setrre Afip.l M d w o ? aTpaTic5TT|S'l iTTTreus" aayLTTdpLS"! SpaKwydpis e £ 6iK[t]l ou TOO XapTTpoTdToul i | y e p 6 v o s Kacn-pto [u] I Kc6voTavTos l bg dv 8 ' emTT|8eu-l a e i eTepos", eore ab-\ [T<3 -rrpos" T6V 9 e 6 v ? ] . S e e f u r t h e r t h e n e w e d i t i o n a n d c o m m e n t a r y by L . R o b e r t , Noms indigenes dans VAsie Mineure greco-romaine (Paris: 1 9 6 3 ) 3 6 1 - 3 6 3 . ,>

1

s

>

,,

Cf. a n o t h e r e p i t a p h f r o m H i e r a p o l i s : J u d e i c h ( s e e f o o t n o t e 4 6 ) n o . 2 7 8 [ = R a m s a y , Cities and Bishoprics 1 . 1 1 6 n o . 2 0 ] 11. 1-2: [ev9d8e 'ATTOX] Xcovios" ( 8 1 ? ) EtiTuxctfrs' MoXupd evKeicf|8ei)TaL airr6s\ KT)8eu9VjaeTai 8e Kali [Td TeKva aft] TOO 'ATroXXtovls" Kal 'ATTOXXXJOVLOS" dXXa) 8e e^eaTai oi)8ev(. A l s o a n e p i t a p h f r o m T e o s , see BCH 4 6 ( 1 9 2 2 ) 343f. n o . 3 5 . -

64

J. W . V A N HENTEN

the perfectum o f e y K n S e u a ) and an indication o f the deceased persons shows affinity with formulae in epitaphs from Asia Minor. Besides the Jewish parallels from Phrygia there are non-Jewish formulae which correspond to 4 Mace 17:9 (with eyKT)8eua) or KnSeua) + ev; e v 0 d 8 e and KT)8eua) perf.) and are attested in Ionia, Galatia, Lycaonia, Lycia and Phrygia. Possibly these connections in the sphere o f vocabulary are not really a coinci d e n c e . They could be an indication that 4 Maccabees originates from Asia Minor, if they would match with other evidence. ev0afJTa,

78

79

The peculiarity that the fictitious epitaph mentions a political reason for the death o f the martyrs (4 Mace 17:9) can b e con nected with pagan conceptions, which in some cases are ex pressed in particular o n inscriptions. The martyrs died because o f the attempt o f Antiochus IV to destroy the politeia of the Hebrews. The key words used in this connection are rvpavvog, TroXiTeta and KaTdXixo. These phrases and a related context o f the abolition o f a political system by a tyrant appear in pagan literary sources. But if we replace T r o X i T e i a by related words such as v6\ioi, 8f\[iog (in the sense o f rule by the people) or 8r)[±0KpaTta we find this vocabu lary also in non-literary pagan sources, such as Athenian decrees against tyranny and decrees with a treaty o f alliance o f Athens with other states. An inscription found at Athens near the agora contains a law concerning the overthrow o f democracy, proposed by Eucrates two years after the battle o f Chaeronea (338 BCE). It is stated in this inscription among other things that the hands o f the murderer o f a person who intended to found a tyranny would be clean: kav T L ? e n a v a o r f j i T W L 8f|Lia)i e m Tupavi/i8i f| TT\V T u p a w ' i S a awKaTaaTfjoT|i f\ T O V &fp.ov T O V 'A&Y|va.'ia)v f| T T ) V 8n|ioKpaTiav TT)V 'AQr\vr\oiv KaTaXiianL, bg civ TOV T O U T C O V T L Tror|aavTa aTroKTeti/ni oaios" eoTO) ("If anyone rise up against the Demos for tyranny o r j o i n in establishing the tyranny or overthrow the Demos o f the Athenians o r the democracy in Athens, whoever kills him who 80

7 8

T h e P H I disk gives o n e i n s t a n c e o f evTdOGa p l u s

is n o t certain: ...rpaTr[T&s' v a t . . . , BCH46 7

9

None

Kal eyeb

kvKe-]

£yicn8e(>a>, b u t t h e text

I KT|8e{ipe0a, k[vravQa

eyicri8eu0fj-] I

( 1 9 2 2 ) 337f. n o . 2 5 ( T e o s , I o n i a ) . o f t h e e i g h t i n s c r i p t i o n s w i t h KnSeuw

etc. from

outside

M i n o r o n t h e P H I disk h a s e i t h e r t h e c o m p o s i t u m

€YKT|8eija)

or the com

Asia

b i n a t i o n o f KT|8elJa) a n d t h e p r e p o s i t i o n kv. 8

0

Plato,

Halicarnassus

Leg. 9 8 6 4 d ; Isocrates,

Pan.

1 4 8 ; Polybius 2 . 4 7 . 3 ; Dionysius o f

7 . 8 . 3 ; Pausanias 7 . 2 7 . 7 ; L i b a n i u s , Declam.

2 0 . 1 4 ; Progymn.

7.4.1.

A JEWISH EPITAPH IN A LITERARY TEXT: 4 MACC 1 7 : 8 - 1 0

65 81

does any o f these things shall be blameless"; transl. M e r i t t ) . This law had several predecessors, such as the laws o f Draco and the decree o f Demophantos (410-409 B.C.), which also contain phrases such as T u p a v v e a ) and KOTCIXUG) TTJV S n L i o i c p a T i a v . The terminology is also found in the oration in which Lycurgus accused Leocrates. This oration is connected with the Athenian funeral orations for the victims o f war, because Lycurgus wanted to show that Leocrates, who fled from Athens after the battle o f Chaeronea, was just the opposite o f the famous national heroes, who died for their country (cf. 83-101). The related phrases in the Athenian laws against tyranny could imply that f| ' E ( 3 p a i u ) V T r o X i T e t a has a constitutional meaning, which in the context o f 4 Maccabees comes close to 6 Trcrrpios' V6[LO$ ('the ancestral consti tution'), which was identical to the law revealed by G o d in ancient times to Moses (cf. 4 Mace 3:20; 4:19, 23; 5:16; 8:7 and 18:5; also 2 Mace 8:17). Other relevant pagan material concerns the liberation o f a polis (or other state) from tyranny or the rescue of a state from a severe threat to its existence from outsiders or insiders. This liberation was sometimes commemorated during so-called 2u)Tripia-feasts. Amongst the most famous were the Zarrf^pia o f Delphi during which the deliverance o f the sanctuary from the threat o f the Gauls in 279 BCE by A p o l l o Pythios, Zeus Eleutherios and o f course some mortals was commemorated. They were organized on a bigger, pan-hellenic, scale by the Aetolians since about 250 8 2

83

84

85

8

1

B. D . M e r i t t ,

" G r e e k I n s c r i p t i o n s , " Hesperia

2 1 ( 1 9 5 2 ) 3 4 0 - 3 8 0 n o . 5 11.

7 - 1 1 . S e e the c o m m e n t a r y o n p p . 3 5 7 - 3 5 9 . A l s o C . M o s s e , La fin de la democratie atheniene. Aspects sociaux et politiques J.-C 8

du declin de la Cite grecque au LVe siecle

2

Andocides

1.96-98.

See

M.

Ostwald,

against T y r a n n y a n d S u b v e r s i o n , " TAPA 8

avant

(Paris: 1 9 6 2 ) 2 8 2 n. 3 .

3

Contra

Leocr.

124-127: reference

"The

86 (1955) to

the

Athenian

Legislation

103-128.

decree of Demophantos.

See

further E. Berneker, "Hochverrat u n d Landesverrat im griechischen Recht," Eos 8

4 8 ( 1 9 5 6 ) [ = Symbolae Taubenschlagl] 4

KaTaXuoa

105-137.

with T6V 8fjpov as o b j e c t o c c u r s for i n s t a n c e in t h e d e c r e e

a treaty o f a l l i a n c e o f A t h e n s with A r c a d i a , 362/1

BCE

(IG

griechisch-rdmischen Altertums 5

See

2

112 Welt

11. 2 6 , von

2; M u n i c h - B e r l i n :

90. Also / G i l 8

II

H.

2

700

Achaia,

3 0 - 3 2 ) , see bis

338

H.

Elis a n d

Phleius

B e n g t s o n , Die

v.Chr.

(Die

on

from

Vertrdge

Staatsvertrage

der des

1 9 6 2 ) 2 5 0 - 2 5 2 . S e e f o r f u r t h e r r e f e r e n c e s SEG

29

2 3 6 f r a g m . a 11. 1 1 - 1 3 ; 6 8 7 11. 1 4 - 1 6 . G. Kippenberg,

v d p o i , " Die Restauration

"Die j i i d i s c h e n

der Gotter. Antike Religion

8c R . Schlesier; W u r z b u r g : 1 9 8 6 ) 4 5 - 6 0 .

Uberlieferungen und

Neo-Paganismus

als

TrdTpioi (R.

Faber

66

J.

W . VAN

HENTEN

BCE. The decree with the institution of the Zarrfipia of Priene (297 BCE) commemorates the divine rescue from the tyranny o f Hieron (11. 11 and 20), the abolishment o f his tyranny and the return to liberty and autonomy o f the polis (11. 14f., 17, 25) , The removal o f tyranny in Eretria in 308 BCE and the turning back to the laws o f the ancestors and to democracy was recalled during a procession for Dionysus. 8 6

87

Of course the train o f thought and the conceptual universe o f 4 Maccabees differs from the content and purpose o f these inscrip tions. But the meaning o f the Jewish martyrs for the Jewish people can be understood as analogous to liberators o f these poleis from tyranny. This appears from a short description by Plutarch of the deeds of Aratus o f Sicyon, one o f the most glorious liberators in the ancient world. Aratus participated in the rescue o f several states. In his biography Plutarch mentions that the citizens o f his h o m e town Sicyon sacrificed to him once a year, on the day on which he liberated the city from the tyranny o f Nicocles. These sacrifices were called Z o r r r i p i a . . In his Precepts of Statecraft (Mor. 804E-F) Plutarch writes: "In this way Aratus arrived at fame, beginning his public life with the destruction o f the tyrant Nicocles (OUTGO Trapf]X9ev els' 86£av "ApaTos , d p x T ) v iroiriadLievos' TroXiTelas' T T ) V NiKOKXeous T O O Tupdvvou KaTdXuaiv) " , Probably TToXLTela means in this phrase 'political career' and not 'consti tution' or some related idea and it is the liberator who overcomes the tyrant and not the other way around, as one would think with regard to 4 Mace 17:9-10 at first sight. But the vocabulary concerning the establishment o f a tyranny or its abolishment is, of course, very much related as the above mentioned Athenian legislation against tyranny and Lycurgus's Contra Leocratem show. As a matter o f fact, Plutarch's remark c o n c e r n i n g Aratus corresponds very well to the appraisal o f the Maccabean martyrs 88

1

89

1

8

6

Cf.

F. H i l l e r v o n L. Robert,

G a e r t r i n g e n , Inschriften

" H e l l e n i c a , " Revue

r e p r i n t e d in Opera minora selecta 8

7

W . Dittenberger (ed.),

von

de philologie

Priene 70

( 7 vols.; A m s t e r d a m :

Sylloge Inscriptionum

(Berlin: 1 9 0 6 )

(1944)

5-56, esp.

1969-1990)

Graecarum

no. pp.

11. 5-9;

3.1371-1375.

(Leipzig:

3

1915-

1 9 2 4 ) n o . 3 2 3 . S e e f o r discussions o f this text A . - F . J a c c o t t e t , "Le lierre d e l i b e r i e , " ZPE

80

t i o n , "Greek, Roman 8

8

(1990)

1 5 0 - 1 5 6 . N . Lewis, " T h e

and Byzantine Studies 3 1 ( 1 9 9 0 )

P l u t a r c h , Arat.

53.3f. S e e FGrH

390. 8

9

Transl. H . N . Fowler

(Loeb).

la

'Ivy o f L i b e r a t i o n ' I n s c r i p 197-202.

2 3 1 . B. N i e s e , "Aratos ( 2 ) , " PW

2.383-

A JEWISH EPITAPH IN A LITERARY TEXT: 4 MACC 1 7 : 8 - 1 0

67

in 4 Mace. This appears for instance from the summary o f their deeds in 4 Mace 1:11, which is related to 17:9 in content and phrases: a i T i o i K a T e c n T | a a v T O O KaTa\u0f|va.i rf]v K a r a T O U fBvovg TupavvCSa ("they became responsible for the downfall o f the tyranny"). 90

4. Conclusion In the line o f the conventions of ancient rhetoric, the author o f 4 Maccabees c o m b i n e s several topoi in his enumeration o f the merits o f the martyrs. The seven boys are the pillars o f the house that endured the earthquake o f the tortures o f the tyrant and the mother its roof (17:3). In 17:5 she and her sons are compared to the m o o n and the stars, probably a hint at their afterlife. The fictitious epitaph is situated between the reference to a picture in 17:7 and the athletic metaphor in 17:11-18. The content o f the epitaph is in line with the train of thought in the rest o f the b o o k , and its vocabulary overlaps with that o f other passages. The epithet yepaid is also used for the mother in 8:3 and 16:1 and Antiochus IV is stereotypically depicted as a tyrant in 4 Maccabees. His defeat by the martyrs is hinted at several times (1:11; 8:2; 9:30; 16:14; 17:21 and 18:5; with the verb K a T a X u t o also at 8:15; ll:24f. and 17:2), and the perseverance o f the martyrs is stressed repeatedly (particular ly in phrases with UTTOLievto/uTfOLiovri) , 91

9 2

9 3

Nevertheless, the epitaph in 4 Mace 17:8-10 also resembles authentic Jewish epitaphs. The comparison with non-literary Jewish epitaphs shows that the first part o f v. 9 with the formula 'EvTdOSa ... e y K e K f ] 8 e u v T a . i , which is virtually without parallels from literary sources, can be connected with Jewish funerary inscriptions from Phrygia, where Kr|8eua) occurs in combination with the preposition e v . The assumption that this terminology could be specific to a certain region seems to be confirmed by 94

9

0

9

1

9

2

9

3

S e e further V a n H e n t e n (see f o o t n o t e 4 ) 2 1 9 - 2 2 4 .

Cf. J. M a r t i n , Antike Rhetorik. Technik und Methode tumswissenschaft 2 / 3 ; M u n c h e n : 1 9 7 4 ) 1 4 7 - 1 6 6 . Cf. t h e s a m e c a t e g o r i e s children.

( H a n d b u c h der Alter-

o f p e r s o n s in 4 M a c e 4 : 9 : priests, w o m e n 1

1

and

Cf. 4 M a c e 16:1 c o n c e r n i n g the m o t h e r : wrepeivas" Tas p e X P QavdTou S e e also 9:6. O n t h e Jewish c o m m u n i t i e s in Phrygia see K r a a b e l ( s e e f o o t n o t e 4 8 ) 6 1 - 1 5 4 a n d T r e b i l c o (see f o o t n o t e 3 9 ) 5f., 8 5 - 1 0 3 .

fiao&vovs. 9

4

68

J. W . VAN HENTEN

non-Jewish evidence. However, one should not prejudge that the formula in 4 Mace 17:9 corresponds to phrases in Phrygian in scriptions only. The Jewish epitaphs from Hierapolis and Eume neia share phrases and conventions with non-Jewish epitaphs not only from Phrygia but also from other regions in Asia Minor. As a matter o f fact, phrases with eyicr|8eua) or KT|8euto and the preposi tion ev appear in non-Jewish inscriptions from Ionia, Galatia, Lycaonia, Lycia and Phrygia. The greatest similarity to the for mula in 4 Mace 17:9 occurs in Christian epitaphs from Galatia, Lycaonia and Phrygia (beginning with ev0d8e Keicf^euTai etc., see above). The compositum eYKT|8etja) occurs several times in inscrip tions from Teos (Ionia) and very often in epitaphs from Olympus in Lycia. This evidence could point to Asia Minor as the place o f origin o f 4 M a c e . In that case there would be a second literary Jewish writing from ancient Asia Minor, besides the Jewish substratum o f the first two books o f the Sibylline Oracles originat ing from Phrygia. Another indication o f a possible provenance from Asia Minor is the geographical information in 4 Mace 3:204:26 in comparison to the parallel material in 2 Mace 3:1-6:11, which unmistakably shows a shift in the direction o f Asia Minor. In 4 Mace 4:2 Cilicia is added as one o f the areas of the strategia o f Apollonius and some details concerning the Seleucid kings are not congruent with the information in 2 Maccabees and could reflect a much later situation, during which the Seleucids hardly left the northern part of Syria and the South-east o f Asia Minor (particularly Cilicia) . However, these deviations from 2 Maccabees d o not necessarily imply Asia Minor as place o f origin and are also quite congruent with a provenance from A n t i o c h . Therefore it may be safe to wait for further arguments and conclude at this moment that there are indications that 4 Maccabees could originate from some city in Asia Minor, but that Antioch in Syria as place of origin cannot be excluded. 95

96

97

9 8

99

9

5

9

6

See footnotes 7 3 and 75. So already N o r d e n

(see f o o t n o t e

4 ) 419f., w h o points

to t h e A s i a n i c

style a n d suggests a city f r o m A s i a M i n o r as p l a c e o f o r i g i n . 9

7

J. G e f f c k e n , Komposition

und Entstehungszeit

8 . 1 ; L e i p z i g : 1 9 0 2 ) 5 0 . J. J. C o l l i n s , "Sibylline

der Oracula

Sibyllina

Oracles. A N e w

(TU NS

Translation

a n d I n t r o d u c t i o n , " in C h a r l e s w o r t h (see f o o t n o t e 4 ) 1 . 3 3 2 . 9

8

See further V a n H e n t e n

(see f o o t n o t e 5 ) 1 4 6 - 1 4 9 . C a m p b e l l (see f o o t

note 5 ) . 9

9

Cf. K l a u c k , "4. M a k k a b a e r b u c h " (see f o o t n o t e 4 ) 666f.

A JEWISH EPITAPH IN A LITERARY T E X T : 4 MACC 17:8-10

69

Against the background o f the pagan sources which were dis cussed in connection with the cause o f the death o f the martyrs, Eleazar and his companions somehow seem to be depicted as the glorious saviours o f the Jewish nation from the tyranny o f Antiochus IV. The pagan parallels show at the same time that the martyrs acted in a way which was very different from the deeds o f non-Jewish liberators. They did not start a war o f liberation, but simply refused to obey the tyrant and "endured the tortures unto death" (17:10; cf. 1:11; 9:6; 16:1), like Socrates and other philoso phers, who also stood up to tyrants. The terminology in 4 Mace 1:11 and 17:9, which can be related to Aratus o f Sicyon and probably other liberators from tyranny, shows that the death o f the martyrs had a political and patriotic significance. These nine persons, nota bene an old priest, a woman and her seven sons, did not fight, but nevertheless prevented the tyranny which would have ended the ancient Jewish way o f life according to the law o f the Lord. They were not even soldiers, but they defeated the great king o f the Greeks. The triumphant martyrs show in an exem plary way that faithfulness to the Lord and His law should be seen as the basic principle o f the life o f Jews. Their death was exem plary and a token o f the strength of the Jewish people at the same time, and they were deservedly commemorated as heroes o f this people. They were evidence that the Jews had their own glorious heroes, w h o could measure up to the pagan liberators from tyranny or other illustrious persons who sacrificed their lives for their p e o p l e . 100

101

1

0

0

R e f e r e n c e s f r o m A s i a M i n o r to tyrannies a n d t h e i r a b o l i s h m e n t are

f r e q u e n t , see f o r instance F. H i l l e r v o n G a e r t r i n g e n (see f o o t n o t e 8 6 ) n o s . 1 1 , 37f.

H.

Engelmann

Klazomenai

& R.

M e r k e l b a c h , Die

Inschriften

I n g e n e r a l H . B e r v e , Die Tyrannis

bei den Griechen

C.

Grece

Mosse,

von

Erythrai

La

tyrannie

dans

la

antique

( 2 vols.; D a r m s t a d t : 1 9 6 7 ) . (Paris:

1969).

J.

Labarbe,

" L ' a p p a r i t i o n d e la n o t i o n d e tyrannie d a n s la G r e c e a r c h a i q u e , " classique40 1

0

1

L'antiquite

(1971) 471-504.

S e e f u r t h e r V a n H e n t e n (see f o o t n o t e 4 ) a n d " T h e Martyrs as H e r o e s

o f the Christian P e o p l e . and

und

( 2 vols.; I G S K 1-2; B o n n : 1 9 7 2 - 1 9 7 3 ) 5 0 3 . BE 1 9 5 0 1 8 3 . BE 1 9 7 3 9 5 .

S o m e Remarks o n the Continuity between

C h r i s t i a n M a r t y r o l o g y , with

Pagan Analogies"

(forthcoming).

Jewish

CURSES AGAINST VIOLATION OF THE GRAVE IN JEWISH EPITAPHS OF ASIA MINOR JOHAN H. M. STRUBBE

A small number o f Jewish epitaphs contain a curse against viola tors o f the grave. P. W. van der Horst has devoted a small chapter to these funerary maledictions in his recent b o o k on Ancient Jewish Epitaphs. The subject deserves a lengthier treatment, because it raises several difficulties. First o f all, it is very hard to distinguish between Jewish and non-Jewish curses because the use o f male dictions to deter violators was c o m m o n among pagans, Christians and Jews, who all used identical formulas. Secondly, there is the problem o f the interpretation o f the curses: it is not always exactly clear what the writers o f the curses had in mind. Thirdly, there are some general problems: the background o f the interdiction to violate the grave in Jewish circles, the relations between pagans and Jews, and the respect o f the pagan Greeks for the Jewish curses. I will discuss several o f these problems in this contribution which is limited to Asia Minor, where curses against violators o f the grave were most common. I offer a collection o f all funerary curses which may have been set up by Anatolian Jews (the inscriptions are edited in the Catalogue at the end o f this paper), and I discuss carefully the Jewish or non-Jewish character o f the texts. I will pay special attention to the question whether the fune rary maledictions prove that the general population o f the Anato lian cities had knowledge o f the Jewish Law, reverence for the Jewish G o d and respect for the Jewish tradition. O n this point I d o not fully agree with P. Trebilco, who has drawn far-reaching posi tive conclusions in his book on Jewish Communities in Asia Minor. 1

2

1. The background of the interdiction to violate the grave. Curses against eventual violators of graves are frequently found in the pagan epitaphs o f Asia Minor. Violation could consist o f two 3

1

P. W . van d e r H o r s t , Ancient Jewish Epitaphs ( K a m p e n : 1 9 9 1 ) 5 4 - 6 0 . P. T r e b i l c o , Jewish Communities in Asia Minor ( C a m b r i d g e : 1 9 9 1 ) . J. S t r u b b e , Lampas 1 6 , 1 9 8 3 , 2 4 8 - 2 7 4 ; i d e m , in Magika Hiera. Ancient Greek magic and religion ( e d d . C . A . F a r a o n e & D . O b b i n k ; O x f o r d : 1 9 9 1 ) 3 3 - 5 9 . I k n o w o f s o m e 3 6 5 items. 2

3

CURSES AGAINST VIOLATION OF THE GRAVE

71

different acts, first offences against the grave monument itself; second, infringements o f the property rights o f the owner. Examples o f the former are the destruction o r damaging o f the grave, the pillage o f the tomb, the erasure o f the inscription. Examples o f the latter are the burial o f the corpse o f a stranger who does not belong to the family; the opening o f the grave (for that same purpose); the throwing out of the bones; the alienation o f the monument. I hold that all these offences were committed mainly by the p o o r and destitute, who had not the means to build a grave for their own departed relatives. Consequently they put the corpse in the grave o f another family or dismantled an existing tomb to build a new o n e . T h e same acts o f violation are found in the interdictions o f the Jewish epitaphs. T h e interdiction to bury an unauthorized person is found most frequently (Catalogue Nos. 2-4, 5?, 6-12); the interdiction to damage the monument is rather rare (Catalogue Nos. 1, 10, 12-13). T h e use o f interdictions by Jews is not surprising: the idea o f death as a sleep, o f the dead sleeping in the grave until resurrection, o f the tomb as an "eternal h o m e " was widespread among the Jews. In the Greek epitaphs o f the Jewish necropolis at Beth She'arim o n e finds similar interdictions to o p e n the grave, to remove the deceased. In these texts and in other epitaphs written in Aramaic, the interdiction is sanctioned with a threat or with a curse. So it is not quite right, I think, to say that the Jews o f Asia Minor have adopted the practice o f using grave curses from their gentile environment. But o f course they may have been influenced by their pagan neighbours, just as they took over local funerary terms and formulas, shapes and decorations o f the tomb stones. The wish to protect the grave from being damaged, and the bones from being disturbed, may have been much stronger if the Jews believed in a bodily resurrection o f the dead, as some 4

5

4

V a n d e r H o r s t , Ancient Jewish Epitaphs, 5 9 - 6 0 ; s e e also a H e b r e w e p i t a p h f r o m J e r u s a l e m , cited by i d e m , 1 5 3 - 1 5 4 N o . X . J. S. C r e a g h a n , Violatio Sepulcri. An Epigraphical Study ( D o c t . Diss., m i c r o f i l m ; P r i n c e t o n : 1 9 5 1 ) 8 1 a r g u e s that t h e r e is n o i n t e r d i c t i o n of grave r o b b e r y in t h e P e n t a t e u c h , b u t t h a t E u s e b i u s (Praep. Evang. 8 . 7 . 7 ) reports s u c h a r e g u l a t i o n as p a r t of t h e M o s a i c Law: UTI 8t|Kac, pfi pvf|paTa oXax; Katoixouevcov Kiveiv ("absolutely [ f o r b i d d e n ] t o d i s p l a c e t h e graves a n d t h e m o n u m e n t s of t h e d e c e a s e d " ) . 5

B . Lifshitz, RB 72, 1 9 6 5 , 5 3 5 ; L . H . K a n t , ANRWII. 20. 2 ( B e r l i n - N e w Y o r k : 1 9 8 7 ) 6 7 8 ; T r e b i l c o , Jewish Communities, 60-61, 1 7 7 . For the Aramaic texts o f B e t h S h e ' a r i m , see v a n d e r H o r s t , Ancient Jewish Epitaphs, 1 2 5 n o t e 4 0 .

72

J. H . M . STRUBBE 6

apparently did. That the Jews did not want strangers to be buried in their family tombs is evident o n the basis o f the property rights alone. But pagans, I think, objected to this also because rites were performed for the dead near the grave, and offerings were brought to the departed in accordance with the idea, which seems to have b e e n very strong in Asia Minor, that the deceased enjoyed some kind o f life after death and continued to need food and drink. A stranger laid down in the grave would illegally share these rites and offerings and usurp them. Were the Jews influenced by these pagan ideas and thus adopted the custom o f the funerary curses? It seems possible: the Jews slowly developed various beliefs in afterlife, partly under Greek influence, ranging from nihilism to the resurrection o f the body o r the eternal dwelling o f the soul among the heavenly planets; they may have adopted also the belief in a continued existence o f the dead body in the grave. In this context, there is an interesting grave inscription from the neighbourhood o f Akmonia, which is most probably Jewish. It records that the owner o f the grave, Aur. Aristeas, has given several tools (forks, shovel, spade) to the yeiToatiVTi TCGV KpcoT07c\)X,eiTO>v (the neighbourhood o f the inhabi tants o f [the quarter near] the first city gate) o n condition they bedeck the grave o f his wife, Aurelia, with roses (po8(aai) each year. This is the well-known Roman ceremony o f the rosalia, in 7

8

6

V a n d e r H o r s t , Ancient Jewish Epitaphs, 1 1 5 - 1 2 2 . V a n d e r H o r s t , Ancient Jewish Epitaphs, 1 1 4 - 1 2 6 , 1 3 7 - 1 3 9 ; i d e m , Het Nieuwe Testament en de Joodse grajinscripties uit de Hellenistisch-Romeinse tijd ( U t r e c h t : 1 9 9 1 ) 1 9 - 2 2 ; K a n t , ANRW II. 20. 2, 7 0 2 - 7 0 6 ; S. D . C o h e n , From the Maccabees to the Mishnah ( P h i l a d e l p h i a : 1 9 8 7 ) 9 1 - 9 2 . 7

8

W . M . R a m s a y , Revue des Etudes Grecques 2 , 1 8 8 9 , 2 3 - 2 6 N o . 2 ; i d e m , The Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia I. 2. West and, West-Central Phrygia ( O x f o r d : 1 8 9 7 ; r e p r . N e w York: 1 9 7 5 ) N o s . 4 5 5 - 4 5 7 (cf. L . R o b e r t , Hellenica XI-XII, Paris 1 9 6 0 , 4 0 9 - 4 1 2 , w h o d i s c u s s e s its Jewish character; A . R . R . S h e p p a r d , Anatolian Studies 2 9 , 1 9 7 9 , 1 7 5 ; T r e b i l c o , Jewish Communities, 7 8 - 8 1 N o . 6 . 1 ) ; see also A . T h . K r a a b e l , Judaism in Western Asia Minor under the Roman Empire ( T h . D . thesis; H a r v a r d U n i v . , C a m b r i d g e M a s s . : 1 9 6 8 ) 1 0 9 - 1 1 4 . T h e t e x t is f r o m Susuz; 3 r d cent. A D . T h e inscription is p r o b a b l y Jewish b e c a u s e o f t h e p r o p e r n a m e M a t h ( i ) o s , w h i c h is S e m i t i c r a t h e r t h a n i n d i g e n o u s . T h e a r g u m e n t that t h e writer uses t h e threat [ e a j m i a w o i q 7tp6[c, TTI]V 8iKcao<x6[vr|v] xov Qeov in case t h e n e i g h b o u r s d o n o t b e d e c k t h e t o m b with roses e a c h year, is n o t decisive: t h e p h r a s e m a y b e Jewish o r Christian. R o b e r t a n d T r e b i l c o a d d u c e d as a t h i r d a r g u m e n t t h e fact t h a t w e h a v e o n l y o n e C h r i s t i a n i n s c r i p t i o n f r o m A k m o n i a ; f o r this a r g u m e n t , s e e n o t e s 6 1 , 9 1 . T r e b i l c o a d d e d a fourth speculative argument: in the 3 r d cent. A D a society ( t h e 7ipcoT07t\)X,etxai) w h i c h was legally a b l e t o o w n a n d i n h e r i t l a n d , was m u c h

73

CURSES A G A I N S T V I O L A T I O N OF T H E GRAVE

which not only the tomb was decorated with roses but also a banquet was held at the tomb and a sacrifice was offered. The sacrifice is not mentioned in the inscription; so scholars have emphasised that it did not take place. I would like to note that the inscription very generally speaks o f po5{£eiv, it does not specify certain parts o f the ceremony to be performed or not. I think it possible that the rosalia here included a banquet together with an offering o f f o o d for the deceased (presumably not a sacrifice because most Jews probably did not worship their dead). If such ideas were not exceptional, they may have contributed to the practice of the curses. Before discussing the funerary curses, it may be noticed that the Anatolian Jews, just like their pagan neighbours, also used other means to deter eventual violators, such as fines. For ex ample, there are some epitaphs from Nikomedeia in Bithynia in which the desecrator is threatened with a fine to be paid to the synagogue. 9

10

2. The problem of the "children's children" curse. Many authors assume that the curse (eiq) xeKvoc T E K V C O V and its variations are Jewish. The curse is named "the children's chil dren curse" because it is considered to call down a curse upon the children o f the children of the wrongdoer. As a starting point for the discussion o f the Jewish character o f the curse, I present a list o f all attestations. 11

more 9

likely to b e Jewish t h a n

Christian.

F o r t h e afterlife d e s c r i b e d in p a g a n

K a n t , ANRWII.

20.

t e r m s at L e o n t o p o l i s in Egypt,

see van d e r H o r s t , Ancient

Jewish Epitaphs,

4 2 - 4 3 . I n a n c i e n t Israel,

offerings

o f f o o d , g e n e r a l l y b r e a d a n d w i n e , w e r e c o m m o n l y b r o u g h t to t h e grave, E . J. B i c k e r m a n ,

see

2, 7 0 3 ; f o r the w o r s h i p o f the d e a d , see i b i d e m , 7 0 4 , b u t

The Jews in the Greek Age ( C a m b r i d g e M a s s . -

London:

see

1988)

271-272. 1

0

F.

K.

abbreviated

Doerner, as TAM)

J. 8c L . R o b e r t , Revue

Tituli

Asiae

Minoris

des Etudes

Grecques

I list t h e

1

(Wien:

1978;

further

92, 1979, 519 N o . 557. Some

e x a m p l e s are given by van d e r H o r s t , Ancient 1 1

IV.

N o s . 3 7 6 - 3 7 7 ( = C a t a l o g u e N o . 1) a n d 3 1 9 , f o r w h i c h see Jewish Epitaphs,

e d i t i o n s as c o m p l e t e l y as p o s s i b l e . T h e

are l i m i t e d to t h o s e w h i c h d e a l with t h e

commentaries

m e a n i n g of the

G r e e k texts, I o n l y n o t e d i v e r g i n g r e a d i n g s o f the

curse.

other

59-60. curse.

A s to

cited the

74

J. H . M . STRUBBE

1. Akmonia (Ahat Koy; Phrygia), late Antonine period: 'Apa 5e I eaxai eiq T E K V O C T E K V C O V exellpov \ir\ TeGfjvai r\ T O V t>6v uoi) I Ex)%v%r\v K a i yuvociKoc oruToi), 'There will be a curse extending to his children's children (to prevent that) another corpse will be buried than my son Eutyches and his wife". 2. Near Akmonia (Kayli; Phrygia), first half o f the 3rd cent. AD: M E T C C T O 5e I TOVC, 8o(o T E G T I V C C I o<; d v dvo(c;ei ii KOC0EA,EI r\rcoAT|a£iT O yotndptov, eoTcct ocmcp d p d iq I T O V O I K O V K a i T E K V O C T E K V C O V . v a c , "After these two will be buried, whoever will open or destroy or sell the grave, there will be a curse for him extending to his house and to his children's children". 12

13

3. Near Akmonia (Kayli; Phrygia), probably Imperial period: [ M E T C C 8 E T O ] T O U C , 8\)o I [T£0f|voc]i oc, av dvop*ul[c;ei, e] vac K E I V O C , I [eiq] vac T E I I [ K V O C vac - - ] , "After these two will be buried, who ever will disturb (the tomb), he (will have a curse extending to his children's ?) children". 14

1

2

Cf. CIG III, N o . 3 8 6 1 with a m a j u s c l e text o n t h e basis o f a n

earlier

e d i t i o n by J . F r a n z , w h i c h was b a s e d o n a c o p y o f R . W o l f f o f L . 1 only; W . J . H a m i l t o n , Researches in Asia Minor,

Pontus

and Armenia

H i l d e s h e i m : 1 9 8 4 ) 4 0 5 N o . 2 6 in m a j u s c l e s (CIG

II ( L o n d o n : 1 8 4 2 ; r e p r .

III Add.,

1 0 9 4 with H a m i l

t o n ' s m a j u s c l e t e x t ) ; R a m s a y , Cities and Bishoprics I. 2, N o . 5 6 5 o n t h e basis o f two c o p i e s

(cf. J . Z i n g e r l e , Jahreshefte

des Osterreichischen

Archdologischen

Insti-

tuts 2 3 , 1 9 2 6 , B e i b l . 3 7 3 n o t e 4 : for the r e a d i n g in L . 1; CIJ II, N o . 7 6 3 w i t h m a j u s c l e t e x t a n d translation; cf. J . & L . R o b e r t , Revue 1954,

Monumenta MAMA)

Asiae Minoris

Antiqua

VI ( M a n c h e s t e r : 1 9 3 9 ; f u r t h e r a b b r e v i a t e d as

C . W a t s o n (cf. O . H a a s , Die Phrygischen Typologische Scheintur,

und

Sprachdenkmdler,

epigraphische

Untersuchungen

der kleinasiatischen

69-70

No.

4.

1 with

translation).

See

Tursteine.

Grabreliefs

Trebilco,

W . M . Ramsay,

of the N.T.

The

4

( L o n d o n : 1 9 2 0 ) 3 6 3 N o . 5 for a translation. L L . 3-6.

R a m s a y , Cities and Bishoprics I. 2, N o . 5 6 6 ( G . Lafaye, Inscriptiones

ad res Romanas

pertinentes

IV, Paris 1 9 2 7 [further a b b r e v i a t e d as IGR],

as c o m i n g f r o m K e r a m o n A g o r a ; & C a l d e r , MAMA Birnie, J.

430

mit

Jewish

Times 2 6 , 1 9 1 4 / 1 5 , 1 7 1 N o . 5 a n d The Bearing oj Recent Discovery on the

Trustworthiness

B.

Sofia 1 9 6 6 , 4 0 N o . 6 1 ,

kleinasiatischen

M a i n z a m R h e i n 1 9 8 6 , N o . 4 2 1 [ p h . o f MAMA];

Communities, Expository

3

Grecques 6 7 ,

N o . 2 8 7 ( p h . ) o n the basis o f a c o p y o f W . M . C a l d e r , A . B . B i r n i e , J .

w h o cites t h e c u r s e o f L L . 3-6; M . W a e l k e n s , Die

1

des Etudes

1 0 3 N o . 2 4 f o r t h e r e a d i n g in L . 1 ) ; W . H . B u c k l e r & W . M . C a l d e r ,

Graecae No. 638,

CIJ II, N o . 7 6 5 with t r a n s l a t i o n ) ; B u c k l e r

VI, N o . 2 7 7 ( p h . ) o n the basis o f a c o p y o f W . M . C a l d e r , A .

C . W a t s o n , with s h o r t c o m m e n t a r y ( W a e l k e n s , Tursteine,

[ p h . o f MAMA]

with s h o r t c o m m e n t a r y ) . S e e W . M . R a m s a y , The

ory Times 2 6 , 1 9 1 4 / 1 5 , 1 7 2 N o . 6 a n d Bearing Recent Discovery,

No. Exposit

3 6 3 - 3 6 4 N o . 6 for

a translation. F o r c o m m e n t s o n y o ^ t d p i o v in L . 2 , see the b i b l i o g r a p h y g i v e n by W a e l k e n s , loc.cit. a n d see n o t e 1 5 . L L . 1-3. 1

M.

4

B u c k l e r & C a l d e r , MAMA

VI, N o . 3 2 3 ( p h . ) o n the basis o f a c o p y o f W .

C a l d e r , A . B . B i r n i e , J . C . W a t s o n . L L . 1-5. I n L L . 3 - 4 B u c k l e r a n d C a l

d e r r e s t o r e d : vac KEIVOC, [ K a l xeicva] TEIKVCOV - - ; I s u g g e s t r e s t o r i n g in L L . 4 ff. Tel[icva vac TEKVCOV E^EI d p d v ] , cf. N o . 4 .

75

CURSES A G A I N S T V I O L A T I O N OF T H E GRAVE

4. Near Akmonia (Usak; Phrygia), probably second half o f the 2nd cent. AD: Tiq Se KOCKOK; noiaei I lavix] xfj y o u v T n , e£ei telicva T E K V C O V d p d v , "But whoever will d o harm t o this grave, he will have a curse (extending t o ) his children's children". 5. Afyon (Phrygia), probably Imperial period: "Oq d v 8e Toullxcp vac fipqxp raiccoq 7coiT|oei, •ulrcoKaTdpaToq eatco eiq T E K V C O V TEKva, "But whoever will d o harm to this tomb, he will be cursed, to his children's children". 6. Prymnessos (Suglun; Phrygia), after AD 212: "Oq CXV TOVX(p TCp II x[d(p]cp K(XK(D£ 7l[oilT|aT|, 6CTTC0 W t ] o K a T d p a l [ T O q l e K v o i i ; ] T E K V C O [ V ] , "Whoever will d o harm to this grave, he will be cursed, (to) his children's children". 7. Prymnessos (Suglun; Phrygia), A D 217-219: Tiq d v 8e T O X J T Q ) T

AT|c; \iov Koaiiiaq, I dnoxetaei x& lepcoxdTQ) xalueicp Srjvdpia 8ia%{X,ia 7i6VTalKoaia Kai ambc, eoToo T E K V C O V II T E K V O I ^ \)7COKaTdpaToq, "But whoever will d o harm to this grave or will place a corpse in it other than that o f my slave Kosmia, he will pay 2.500 denaria to the most sacred treasury and he will be cursed, (to) his children's children". 15

16

17

18

1 5

J.

(Wien:

Keil

& A. von

Premerstein,

1 9 1 1 ) N o . 2 5 5 with

lation; cf. O . H a a s , Phryg. Sprachdenkm., 7;

W a e l k e n s , Tursteine,

nities, 26,

uber

eine

II.

Reise

in

Lydien trans

3 8 N o . 3 7 , w h o cites the curse o f L L .

N o . 4 1 1 with c o m m e n t a r y ; T r e b i l c o , Jewish

1 7 2 N o . 8 a n d Bearing

l a t i o n ; B u c k l e r 8c C a l d e r , MAMA

Recent

Discovery,

5-

Commu

7 0 N o . 4 . 2 with t r a n s l a t i o n ) . S e e W . M . R a m s a y , The Expository

1914/15,

XIII

Bericht

s h o r t c o m m e n t a r y (CIJ II, N o . 7 6 7 with

Times

3 6 4 N o . 8 f o r a trans

VI, 1 5 1 N o . 2 2 7 * a n d L . R o b e r t ,

Hellenica

(Paris: 1 9 6 5 ) 9 7 for the p r o v e n a n c e . F o r c o m m e n t s o n yot»vxri in L . 6 , see

t h e b i b l i o g r a p h y given by W a e l k e n s , loc.cit.; T r e b i l c o , Jewish

Communities,

215

n o t e 4 9 . T h e w o r d , like yo-otdpiov in text N o . 2 , s e e m s to b e d e r i v e d f r o m the Latin guntha, 1 6

1940,

gutus

("vase") a n d to indicate the grave o r p a r t o f it. L L . 5-7.

F. K. D o e r n e r , Jahreshefte

des Osterreichischen

B e i b l . 1 3 2 N o . 1 2 ( p h . ) ( T r e b i l c o , Jewish

Archdologischen

Communities,

Instituts

32,

7 0 - 7 1 N o . 4 . 4 with

translation). L L . 4-6. 1 7

W . H . B u c k l e r , W . M . C a l d e r & W . K. C . G u t h r i e , MAMA

TV ( M a n

c h e s t e r 1 9 3 3 ) N o . 2 8 ( p h . ) (J. K r i s c h a n , Wiener Studien 7 0 , 1 9 5 7 , 2 1 4 ) . L L . 4 - 7 . In L . 7 o n e c o u l d also restore: i<; TEKV<X] TEKVCO[V]. 1 8

No.

W . J. H a m i l t o n , Researches

II, 4 3 7 N o . 1 7 5 in m a j u s c l e s (CIG

3 8 8 2 i with H a m i l t o n ' s m a j u s c l e text; cf. L a f a y e , IGR

cites L . 1 2 ) ; cf. W . M . Ramsay, Zeitschrift fur N.F.

Add.,

Sprachforschung

28 (=

8 ) , 1 8 8 7 , 3 8 3 - 3 8 4 : revision a n d p u b l i c a t i o n o f L L . 8 - 1 5 ; B u c k l e r , C a l d e r &

G u t h r i e , MAMA 214;

Vergleichende

III

TV, N o . 6 7 8 , w h o

TV, N o . 2 7 ( p h . ) (J. K r i s c h a n , Wiener

W a e l k e n s , Tursteine,

N o . 4 9 2 [ p h . o f MAMA]

Studien

70, 1957, 213-

with c o m m e n t a r y ) . S e e L .

76

J. H . M . STRUBBE

8. Eumeneia (Isikli; Phrygia), after AD 212: Et 8e T I C ; I £7ti%£ipf|aei dva[a]llK£\)daai T O V T O T C O V , I E O T C O amcp KaTl[d]pa T E K V C O V TEKJva] I Kai TCO o\)Lipoa)A,£[u]loavTi, "But if some body will attempt to demolish the plot, there will be a curse for him (extending to) his children's children and for the man who has given advice". 19

9. Near Kollyda (Kalin Harman; north-eastern Lydia), A D 261/62: El' T I C ; 0£AT|G£i I aKupaAAaaai T O Ltvf|Lia T O U T O , EIC^EI T O V 'A7t6X,X.cova K£%oA,couillvov Kai Tf|v Kupiav 'Avaemv 5id I TEKva T E K V C O V , Eyova Eyovcov, "Should anyone intend to desecrate this tomb, he will find enraged Apollo and Lady Anaeitis, to his children's chil dren and grandchildren's grandchildren". 20

10. Near Saittai (Icikler; north-eastern Lydia), AD 108/09: Ei 5 E T I C ; 7ipo[aaLidp]lTr| TTI OTTiAXn, T O V 'Ac;ioTTr|v[6v K E ( ? ) ] I T O E K E I 8co5£Kd6r|v Ka0r|Li[£Vov (? ) I d]v£c;£iXaoTov TEKva T E K V [ C O V ] I £ C ; E I . v a c , "But if someone does wrong to the stele, he will find (Men) Axiottenos and (?) the Group o f Twelve Gods, which is residing there, implacable, (to) his children's children". 21

Robert,

CRAIBL

1 9 7 8 , 2 8 3 ( = Opera

Minora

Selecta.

Epigraphie

grecques V, A m s t e r d a m 1 9 8 9 , 7 3 9 ; f u r t h e r a b b r e v i a t e d as OMS)

et

Antiquites

notes 55-56 for

t h e m e a n i n g o f t h e curse. L L . 8 - 1 5 . 1

9

P. Paris, Bulletin

de Correspondance

Hellenique

8, 1 8 8 4 , 2 3 3 - 2 3 4 N o . 1 with

a m a j u s c l e text; R a m s a y , Cities and Bishoprics I. 2, N o . 2 3 1 {CIJII,

N o . 7 6 1 with

majuscle

390 note

text

and

translation;

r e s t o r a t i o n o f L . 1; cf. i d e m , restoration

cf.

Robert,

CRAIBL

o f L . 1 2 ; T r e b i l c o , Jewish

l a t i o n ) . S e e W . M . C a l d e r , in Anatolian

Hellenica

XI-XII,

1 9 7 8 , 2 8 2 [ = OMS Communities,

7 0 N o . 4 . 3 with trans

Studies presented

to W. H. Buckler

W . M . C a l d e r & J. Keil; M a n c h e s t e r : 1 9 3 9 ) 1 8 ; R o b e r t , Hellenica n o t e 8; A . S t r o b e l , Das Heilige Land

6:

V, 7 3 8 ] n o t e 5 0 :

der Montanisten

XI-XII,

(edd. 390

(Berlin 1 9 8 0 ) 6 7 n o t e 1 8 ,

w h o all discuss t h e r e l i g i o u s b a c k g r o u n d o f t h e text; see also n o t e 7 0 . L L . 81 4 . I n L . 1 2 Paris, R a m s a y a n d Frey r e a d T 8 K [ v o i q ] ;

corrected

by R o b e r t

CRAIBL. 2

0

P. H e r r m a n n , Ergebnisse

einer Reise in Nordostlydien

5 4 ( p h . ) ( I . D i a k o n o f f , BABESCH: 22

Bulletin

(Wien: 1962) 59 N o .

Antieke Beschaving

[ p h . ] w i t h c o m m e n t a r y o n 1 6 6 ; cf. T r e b i l c o , Jewish

cites L L . 7 - 1 1 with t r a n s l a t i o n ) ; P. H e r r m a n n , TAM 2 1 3 with s h o r t c o m m e n t a r y . S e e L . R o b e r t , Revue

54, 1979, 148 N o .

Communities,

73, who

V. 1 ( W i e n : 1 9 8 1 ) N o .

Numismatique

6 e serie 1 8 ,

1 9 7 6 , 4 8 n o t e 1 0 7 , w h o cites t h e curse o f L L . 9 - 1 0 a n d m a k e s s o m e observa t i o n s o n t h e association o f t h e two g o d s . L L . 7 - 1 1 . I t h i n k that 8 i d in L . 1 0 d o e s n o t m e a n "on a c c o u n t o f

(so T r e b i l c o ) , b u t that it has t h e s a m e m e a n

i n g as eiq. 2

1

Cf. G . Petzl, Zeitschrijt fur Papyrologie

und Epigraphik

30, 1978, 260, who

p u b l i s h e s L L . 5-9; S. Bakir-Barthel & H . M i i l l e r , Zeitschrift fur Epigraphik

Papyrologie

und

3 6 , 1 9 7 9 , 1 8 2 - 1 8 3 N o . 3 6 ( p h . ) with translation o f L L . 1-5 a n d s h o r t

commentary

(Supplementum

Epigraphicum

Graecum

XXIX,

1979,

No. 1179

77

CURSES A G A I N S T V I O L A T I O N OF T H E GRAVE

11. Neapolis (Inebolu; Caria), probably Imperial period: [ - - ] I ivoi<; Koci ercdpaxoq ea(x>a[i xeicva xeKv]k)<; [-- ?], " - and he will be cursed, (to) his children's children". 12. In the valley o f Acipayam (probably from Kilise; Pisidia), Imperial period: Qvoi 'EA,A,r|{i}vcov I KOCI nepocbv, i xxq I Xoi\iavr\, xeicva I X E K V O N ; ai\iaxi K O C I II 0avdxoi<; d7uo8a>ao ua[i], "If someone will damage (the tomb), the gods o f the Greeks and o f the Persians will pay him back with b l o o d a n d deaths, (to) his children's children". 22

,

23

13. Near Osmankalfalar (near the Sogiit Golu; Pisidia), probably 3rd cent. AD: 'Edv xiq e7ti%ipr|aei r\ TTJ VKICL r] xcp %iovi II xa>v cruvyeveaw eK(3dA,ri I TI Aicexa<; r\ akXoq I xiq, xr|ai K a x d xorcov I (j.ia[0](oxf\ * (p' K a i xa> I [Ka](oa[po]<; [cp]ll vac (a[K(p * . ] I m l xcp d5ilicr|aavxi I |HT|5e yfj Kaplrcov |xr|5[e] Glldtaxcoc, X £ [ K ] V C X I vac X E K V O X ; , "If someone will violate the gravehouse or the column, (or if someone) o f the relatives or Aketas or another person (will try) to throw out (the

[ f u r t h e r a b b r e v i a t e d as SEG]; E . N . L a n e , The Second Century No.

1 [non

1987,

vidi];

1987, 262

1, 1 9 8 1 , 1 9 4 - 1 9 5

Gods of Greece and Rome,

Leiden

1 2 2 N o . 4 7 A , w h o cites L L . 5-9 with t r a n s l a t i o n ) . S e e L . R o b e r t ,

Bulletin

de Correspondance

cf. C h . R . L o n g , The Twelve Hellenique

1 0 7 , 1 9 8 3 , 5 2 0 (- Documents

3 6 4 ) a n d H . S. V e r s n e l , Zeitschrift fur Papyrologie

d' Asie Mineure,

und Epigraphik

Paris

58, 1985,

f o r t h e m e a n i n g o f t h e curse. L L . 5-9. In L L . 6-7 Petzl gave 'A^ioxxriv[6v

....]oo; B a k i r see a n omikron

B a r t h e l & M i i l l e r r e a d ev] I tcp, f o l l o w e d b y all later e d i t o r s ; I o n t h e p h . in t h e p l a c e o f a n omega: TO 8GO8£K&0T|V (= 8a>8£K<x-

8co8eKa0eov;

0i(o)v,

e d i t o r s ev] tcp EKZI

this is g r a m m a t i c a l l y m u c h better t h a n t h e r e a d i n g o f t h e

8co8eKd9r|v.

If, h o w e v e r , t h e r e a d i n g o f t h e e d i t o r s is t h e

c o r r e c t o n e , o n e s h o u l d translate: " A x i o t t e n o s , w h o is r e s i d i n g t h e r e in

the

G r o u p o f T w e l v e Gods". ^

G . D o u b l e t & G . D e s c h a m p s , Bulletin

1890, 1894, 100:

de Correspondance

6 3 0 N o . 3 5 with a m a j u s c l e text (cf. J. Z i n g e r l e , Philologus 3 4 7 - 3 4 8 : r e s t o r a t i o n o f L L . 1-2; cf. J. S t r u b b e , in Magika

Hellenique

24,

5 3 [= N.F. 7 ] , Hiera,

55 note

r e s t o r a t i o n o f L L . 1 - 2 ) . L L . 1-2. T h e t e x t is p r o b l e m a t i c . A t t h e

begin

n i n g o f L . 1 Z i n g e r l e r e s t o r e d [eve%ea0oj xoxc, 7taxpioi<; v6]l(u)oic, vel sim. ( ? ) . A t t h e e n d D o u b l e t & D e s c h a m p s r e a d e7tdpaTo<; zq x a ( t h o u g h they gave in

their

m a j u s c l e text E I I A ) . Z i n g e r l e r e s t o r e d e a ( x ) a [ i . I n L . 2 D o u b l e t & D e s c h a m p s c o p i e d Y E ( a p p a r e n t l y f o l l o w e d b y a v a c ) , w i t h o u t t r a n s c r i p t i o n o r restora t i o n ; Z i n g e r l e r e s t o r e d ' E p i v ] l u a [ i — ] ; I have o b j e c t e d in Magika

Hiera that in

Caria ercdpaxoc, is n e v e r f o l l o w e d by t h e n a m e o f a divinity; xeicvoq = xeicvotc,. 2 3

L . R o b e r t , CRAIBL

tary (SEG

XXVIII,

1 9 7 8 , 2 7 9 - 2 8 6 ( = OMS V, 7 3 5 - 7 4 2 ) ( p h . ) with c o m m e n

1978,

N o . 1 0 7 9 with a n e w r e s t o r a t i o n in L . 5 b y H . W .

P l e k e t ) . T h e i n s c r i p t i o n was m e n t i o n e d liennes environs

b e f o r e b y L . R o b e r t , Etudes

(Paris: 1 9 3 7 ) 3 6 5 ; J. 8c L . R o b e r t , La Carie II. Le plateau (Paris: 1 9 5 4 ) 7 9 ; L . R o b e r t , CRAIBL

de Tabai

Anatoet ses

1 9 7 5 , 3 2 7 . L L . 1-5. I n L . 5 R o b e r t

r e a d (X7to8(oai ( ? ) , b u t o n 2 8 1 n o t e 3 7 h e n o t e d that two m o r e letters f o l l o w e d ,

(djioScoaixe ? ) ; drco8coao ua[i] was r e s t o r e d by Pleket.

78

J. H . M . STRUBBE

b o n e s ) , he will pay 500 denaria to the contractor o f the estate and [xxx] denaria to the Imperial treasury; and for the man who has done the wrong, the earth and the sea (will not bring) fruit, (to) his children's children". 24

14. Oinoanda (Incealiler; Pisidia), undated: 'Exepcp 8e ur|8elvi e£ov eivai e r c i a e l l v e v K e rcTcoua r\ eakai e7idpaxoq Oeoic; I 7taoiv K a i rcdoaic, I xeicva T E K V C O V , "It is not permitted to anyone else to place a corpse in (the tomb) or he will be cursed with all the gods and goddesses, (to) his children's children". 25

15. At Isparta (Pisidia), during the reign o f the Emperors M. Aurelius and L. Verus or o f Caracalla and Geta: Ei Se II T I C , e r e p o c ; I erci%[eip]f|C7ei I [eLipaAJeiv Ti[vd], 9r|aei I n[poa]T8iLio[\)] etc, I T O V vac cp{(TKov [ T ] C O V II Kt)p{ vac cov A\)[To]KpaTolpcov * acp'

I K a i etc; TTJV TCOIAIV * a ' , vac

I Tic, dv

e r e p o c ; TCO LivnllLieicp m K o v

7toir|aei, I T E K v a T E K V C O V oAiOpouc; I iq yevepv e%eTCo, "But if some one else will try to lay another person in (the grave), he will pay 1.500 denaria to the treasury o f the Emperors and 1.000 denaria to the city. If someone else should d o any harm to the grave monument, may he find deaths for his family, to his children's children". A closely related expression is found at TI

26

16.

Synnada (§uhut; Phrygia), probably Imperial period (lst-2nd cent. A D ) : Tic; ouv 7 I [ O ] T E TCX o a l T s a G[aA,ex>ae]i, K a r d p a I avfrcp yevo]iTO etc; I ey[yovcov] eyydvouc;, "Whoever will thus move (?) these bones, may he have a curse extending to his grandchildren's grand children". 27

2

4

R . H e b e r d e y 8c E . R a l i n k a ,

Kleinasien No.

478). 2

5

1 9 7 8 , 2 8 3 [ = OMS

S t r u b b e , in Magika 8-13.

uber

zwei

Reisen

Hiera,

uber zwei Reisen,

5 3 N o . 7 4 (cf. L . R o b e r t ,

5 5 n o t e 9 6 o n the relation b e t w e e n A a n d B . B L L .

I n L . 1 3 R o b e r t p u t a full stop after naaaiq

6

sudwestlichen

V, 7 3 9 ] , w h o cites the curse o f L L . 1 0 - 1 3 ) . S e e J. a n d c o n s i d e r e d TEKVCX TEKVCOV

as a separate (abbreviated) curse; I c o n n e c t the w o r d s with 2

im

LL. 9-21.

H e b e r d e y 8c K a l i n k a , Bericht

CRAIBL

Bericht

( W i e n : 1 8 9 7 ) 8 N o . 2 2 ( R . C a g n a t & G . Lafaye, IGR III, Paris 1 9 0 6 ,

T h . H o m o l l e , Bulletin

de Correspondance

Hellenique

endpaxoc,. 1 8 , 1 8 9 4 , 1 9 9 - 2 0 0 in

m a j u s c l e s o n the basis o f a c o p y o f G . D o u b l e t (cf. C a g n a t 8c L a f a y e , IGR No.

3 4 0 , w h o cite L L . 9 - 1 8 ; cf. L . R o b e r t , CRAIBL

1 9 7 8 , 2 8 3 [ = OMS

III,

V, 7 3 9 ] ,

w h o cites L L . 1 9 - 2 2 ) . L L . 9 - 2 2 . 2

7

Magika

B u c k l e r , C a l d e r 8c G u t h r i e , MAMA Hiera,

3 3 with 4 7 n o t e

n e w restoration o f L . 5 ) . L L . 4 - 7 .

IV, N o . 8 4 ( p h . ) (cf. J. S t r u b b e , in

2 , w h o cites L L . 4 - 6 with t r a n s l a t i o n

and a

79

CURSES A G A I N S T V I O L A T I O N OF T H E GRAVE

The full expression is etc; xeicva xeicvcov (once 8id xeicva xeicvcov in No. 9 ) . It is frequently abbreviated to xeicva xeicvcov (Nos. 4, 8, 10, 14, 15; the variant xeicva xeicvoic; with dative in the place o f genitive is found in Nos. 11?, 12, 13); abbreviations o f curse formulas are well attested. One finds xeicvcov xeKVoiq only once or twice (Nos. 6?, 7); probably the preposition avv has dropped out here. The formula (eiq) xeKva xeicvcov is always added to a curse. Usually this is a very simple malediction: (icax)apa eaxai or dpdv e^ei and ercdpaxot; eaxai or 'UTCOKdxdpaxoq eaxai, which all very generally mean that the wrongdoer will be cursed. I think this is the original context: the punishment o f being cursed is extended to the children's children o f the violator; it occurs in Phrygia, Caria and Pisidia. In some cases the phrase is added to other curses; these records come from Lydia and Pisidia (Nos. 9, 10, 12, 13, 15) and this use looks secondary. There is n o certain case o f the use o f the phrase xeicva xeicvcov as a separate curse. It is generally assumed that the phrase (eiq) xeicva xeicvcov is Jewish. This idea was p r o p o s e d by W. M. Ramsay, and was adopted by e.g. W. H. Buckler & W. M. Calder (hesitatingly), J.-B. Frey, A. Th. Kraabel, P. Trebilco. The main argument is that the words (eiq) xeicva xeicvcov quote the Septuagint. Buckler and Calder referred to Exod 34:7 and Prov 17:6. Trebilco pointed out that phrases such as xoiq xeicvoic; xcov xeicvcov are found in several passages in the Septuagint, but that the phrase is found only once in a context of judgment or cursing, in Exod 34:7: ox> KaGapiei xov evo%ov, ercaYcov dvouiac;rcaxepcovem xeicva Kai em xeicva xeicvcov em x p i x T j v K a i xexdpxTjv yevedv, "(The Lord) will not clear the guilty, 28

29

30

2

8

S e e R o b e r t , Hellenica

L . R o b e r t , CRAIBL 2

9

See

XIII, 9 6 - 9 8 . F o r the abbreviation xeicva xeicvcov, see

1 9 7 8 , 2 8 2 - 2 8 3 ( = OMS V, 7 3 8 - 7 3 9 ) .

n o t e 2 5 . I n an i n s c r i p t i o n f r o m

l i s h e d by G . E . B e a n , Annual cf. J. & L . R o b e r t , Revue

Kibyra

(Horzum;

Pisidia),

pub

of the British School at Athens 5 1 , 1 9 5 6 , 1 3 6 N o . 2;

des Etudes Grecques 7 2 , 1 9 5 9 , 2 4 7 N o . 4 1 1 o n t h e basis o f

a c o p y o f M . H o l l e a u x ; SEG XVII, N o . 6 9 4 , o n e finds in L . 5 : — Kai kavxf[ ^COCTTV xeicva [xeicvcov] • I — ( B e a n c o p i e d T E K A I A ; H o l l e a u x c o p i e d C,
i n t e r d i c t i o n to v i o l a t e t h e

grave

(the

166 ad N o .

411;

i n t e r d i c t i o n a n d a f i n e f o l l o w in L L . 6 - 7 ) . 3

0

See

the

references

K r a a b e l , Judaism,

given

by W a e l k e n s ,

8 2 - 8 6 ; T r e b i l c o , Jewish

Tursteine,

Communities,

6 9 - 7 4 with b i b l i o g r a p h y

o n 2 1 6 n o t e 5 6 . T h e (eiq) xeicva xeicvcov i n s c r i p t i o n s are n o t i n c l u d e d the Jewish

testimonies collected

People in the Age of Jesus Christ (175

by F. M i l l a r , BC - AD 135)

V e r m e s , F. M i l l a r & M . G o o d m a n ; E d i n b u r g h :

in

The

by Emil 1986)

History

of the

among Jewish

Schurer III. 1 ( e d d . G .

17-36.

80

J. H . M . STRUBBE

visiting lawless conduct o f the fathers upon children and u p o n children's children until the third and fourth generation". The Jews identified the violator o f the grave with the evoxoc, o f this text, and asked the Lord to punish him as far as his grandchildren, in accordance with the character o f Yahweh as revealed in this text. Trebilco was well aware of the fact that N o . 9 clearly had a pagan origin, but he argued that the writers o f this inscription borrowed the curse formula from Jewish epitaphs known to them or from their Jewish neighbours: the inscription happens to be later than the majority o f the other texts, and it comes from an area o f proved Jewish habitation. As to the Nos. 12-15 from Pisidia, Trebilco suggested that they were probably not related to the Phrygian texts. Nos. 12, 13, 15 do not refer to a curse, and the sites where they were found are very distant from Akmonia; they could be independent occurrences o f the formula. 31

32

I d o not agree with Trebilco for several reasons. Firstly, Trebil following Kraabel, seems to consider the words (etc,) x e i c v a T E K V C O V in the curses in Phrygia as a specification o f the contents of the malediction ( K a x ) a p d , ercdpaToc;, u r c o K a t a p a T o q . Both authors speak o f « t h e curse "children's c h i l d r e n " » . Since this curse means little in itself, it must refer to a curse written down elsewhere, that is, in their opinion in Exodus. I think the phrase (etc,) T8KV0C T8KVC0V is not a specification o f the contents o f the male dictions ( K a x ) a p d , inapaioq, a m o K a T a p a x o c , . These maledictions did not n e e d any specification; in many inscriptions they are not specified i n d e e d . They are very frequently found in a pagan context and what they meant was perfectly clear to everyone. It is recorded in many other sources that a cursed person was thought to get n o mercy from the gods, that he became an enemy o f the gods, that the gods became angry with him (all these related ideas are also expressed in the funerary maledictions; a very co,

33

3

1

3

2

3

3

T h e s u g g e s t i o n o f T r e b i l c o , Jewish Communities, 7 2 t h a t t h e Jewish c o m m u n i t y o f A k m o n i a ( a n d o t h e r cities) a d o p t e d this p a s s a g e as p a r t o f its w o r s h i p a n d u s e d it as p a r t o f t h e liturgy in t h e s y n a g o g u e , is o n l y a h y p o thesis. M s . A . Bij d e V a a t e has p o i n t e d o u t to m e that it was n o t E x o d 3 4 : 7 t h a t was u s e d in later O T passages, t h e P s e u d e p i g r a p h a a n d t h u s e v e n t u a l l y in liturgy, b u t E x o d 3 4 : 6 . T r e b i l c o , Jewish Communities, 7 3 a n d 2 1 7 n o t e 6 8 . S e e f o r e x a m p l e a t e x t f r o m S y n n a d a in Phrygia: edv Se TIC, KOIKCAC/ rcoif|aei, ec;ei KtxTapav, "if s o m e o n e will d o w r o n g , h e will have a curse" ( T h . D r e w - B e a r , Nouvelles Inscriptions de Phrygie, Z u t p h e n 1 9 7 8 , 1 2 N o . 5 ) .

81

CURSES AGAINST VIOLATION OF THE GRAVE

c o m m o n curse is for example tovq Gecnx; K £ % O A , C O | 1 £ V O D C ; e % O I T O , "May he find the gods enraged"). Punishments inflicted by the enraged gods were death, especially strange and cruel death like death by fire or lightning, and diseases, above all blindness, mental disorder and epidemics. All natural catastrophies, like drought and flood, infertility o f women and abnormal births were also considered divine punishments. Moreover a cursed person was avoided by his fellow citizens out o f fear o f being contami nated by the ( I ( a b | I A , the pollution, and was banished from s o c i e t y . It is my opinion that the words (eiq) T E I C V A T £ K V C O V are only an extension o f the range o f the curse beyond the wrongdoer himself, as is c o m m o n in (pagan) funerary maledictions, where the punishment is often extended to the family, the house, the children and the posterity o f the wrongdoer. They d o not refer to curses written down elsewhere, that is, in the Scriptures. Secondly, the words T E K V O C T E K V C O V are frequently found in Greek literature and in Greek inscriptions; they constitute a normal expression used by the ancient Greeks to indicate the posterity. In the text o f Exod 34 the words em T £ K V C X T E K V C O V also 34

35

36

3

4

S e e f o r e x a m p l e W . S p e y e r , RAC

RAC

XI ( 1 9 8 1 )

wissenschaft

s.v. G o t t e s f e i n d ,

5

und

Religions-

( e d . U . M a n n ; D a r m s t a d t : 1 9 7 3 ) 1 2 4 - 1 4 3 . O n e f i n d s several illu

strations in t h e L y d i a n c o n f e s s i o n 3

VII ( 1 9 6 9 ) s.v. F l u c h , 1 1 8 4 - 1 1 8 9 ; i d e m ,

1 0 1 7 - 1 0 2 0 ; i d e m , in Theologie

J. S t r u b b e , in

Magika

inscriptions.

Hiera,

4 3 . A nice

p h r a s e , is f o u n d in a f u n e r a r y m a l e d i c t i o n

e x a m p l e , very close

at Cayirbasi ( f o r m e r l y

to

the

Zemme)

t h e U p p e r T e m b r i s v a l l e y in P h r y g i a : Tic, 8 e xaiSxrj GaXaueiv KCCKOV noCTrtoifiaei, Karri pauevoq TIXCO auxoc, Kai xa xeKva a\)xou Kai hx xeicvcov xeicva, "But in

whoever

will

do wrong

to

this g r a v e , m a y h e

be

cursed

c h i l d r e n a n d his c h i l d r e n ' s c h i l d r e n " ( W . M . C a l d e r , JHS

himself

and

his

31, 1911, 165 N o .

!)• 3

Die

6

A few epigraphical Inschriften

e x a m p l e s in e p i t a p h s : R. M e r k e l b a c h & J.

von Ephesos

2 5 0 7 at E p h e s o s :

VI. Nr.

2001-2958

(Repertorium)

Nolle,

(Bonn: 1980) N o .

xouxo xo uvtineiov [ ecmv ... Kai] xeicvcov xeicvoic, [Kai] yuveK{o}i; J.

G . C . A n d e r s o n , F. C u m o n t etc., Studia Pontica III. 1 ( B r u x e l l e s : 1 9 1 0 ) N o . 1 2 8 at A m a s e i a : ei HT]

euol

v o n L u s c h a n , Reisen

r\ y o v a u d \IOM T\

in Lykien,

Milyas

xeicvoic,

TI

xeicvcov xeicvoic,; E .

und Kibyratien

P e t e r s e n & F.

( W i e n : 1 8 8 9 ) N o . 1 0 8 A at

eauxcp Kai xfj yuvaiKl avxou Mauaia Er>av8poi) Kai xoic, xeicvoic, Kai xeicvcov xeicvoic,; see also t h e texts cited in n o t e s 3 5 a n d 3 8 . I d o n o t T r i s t o m o near Myra:

k n o w a n y e p i g r a p h i c a l attestation o f t h e u s e o f t h e p h r a s e b y Christians. T h e r e f e r e n c e o f W a e l k e n s , Tursteine, mistaken. W a e l k e n s refers speaks

there

1 6 6 a d N o . 4 1 1 , to Christian use s e e m s to b e

t o R o b e r t , Hellenica

XIII,

9 6 note 5, but Robert

o f abbreviated curse formulas, a m o n g which

an

unpublished

C h r i s t i a n t e x t f r o m S i d e . I a s s u m e that R o b e r t m e a n s t h e t e x t p u b l i s h e d 1 9 7 0 by G . E . B e a n & T . B . M i t f o r d , Journeys 1970)

19

No.

2

from

Sarilar,

which

in Rough

Robert

H i r s c h f e l d , see J. 8c L . R o b e r t , Revue des Etudes

Cilicia 1964-1968

knew

from

a

copy

in

(Wien by

G.

Grecques 8 5 , 1 9 7 2 , 4 8 7 N o . 4 9 3 .

82

J.

H . M . STRUBBE

indicate the posterity; they have n o particular Jewish signifi c a n c e . There is nothing specifically Jewish in it, so the words can hardly have generated a Jewish curse formula, the more so since the context in Exodus is not that o f cursing (as Trebilco argues) but of punishment for sin, the breaking o f the covenant. Thirdly, the argument of Trebilco, following again Kraabel, that the use o f the phrase in the pagan text N o . 9 from north eastern Lydia is due to Jewish influence, is untenable. It is refuted by the occurrence o f the phrase in two other pagan texts from north-eastern Lydia: in the epitaph N o . 10 (which Trebilco missed), which dates from the beginning o f the 2nd cent. AD and is thus earlier than all datable occurrences in Phrygia, and in an undoubtedly pagan confession inscription from the museum of Usak (only recently published), dating to 2 3 8 / 9 A D . These three texts prove that the formula was in use among pagans, even in an early period; its pagan use is corroborated by the occurrence of the phrase in the inscriptions from Pisidia (Nos. 12, 14). The suggestion o f Trebilco that the Pisidian texts are probably not related to the Phrygian series, is unfounded: the text o f Oinoanda (No. 14) is perfectly comparable to the Phrygian texts, and in all Pisidian texts the formula is abbreviated in the same way as in Phrygia. Therefore it seems more likely that all records from all Anatolian regions, including Phrygia, display a c o m m o n Greek locution, and that this phrase did not have a Jewish origin. O f course it is not excluded that the phrase (etc,) T E K V O C T E K V C O V was used by Jews, for example in Akmonia and Eumeneia, where an important Jewish community lived, and that the Jews favoured the expression because it echoed a Septuagint passage. But the phrase itself, without additional evidence, does not suffice to iden tify an inscription as Jewish. As to the Phrygian texts o f the list, especially from the cities o f Akmonia and Eumeneia with their Jewish communities, n o n e o f these has any distinctive Jewish 3 7

3 8

3

7

The

s a m e o b s e r v a t i o n is valid f o r t h e

other o c c u r r e n c e s o f the

phrase

in t h e L X X : P r o v 1 7 : 6 (crcecpavoc, yepovxcov TEKva TEKVCOV, " G r a n d c h i l d r e n the c r o w n o f o l d age")

are

a n d E x o d 1 0 : 2 (ojicoq 8iTvyr|aT|a9e eiq xa area Ttbv TEKVCOV

"buxbv Kal Tote, TEKVOK; TCOV TEKVCOV l)|xcov, " A n d that y o u m a y tell y o u r c h i l d r e n and 3

your children's 8

1989,

children").

E . V a r i n l i o g l u , Epigraphica

Anatolica

1 3 , 1 9 8 9 , 4 7 - 4 9 N o . 5 (SEG

XXXIX,

N o . 1 2 7 9 ) : KE i X a a d u n v TOOC GECOC 8 i d TEKva TEKVCOV Eyyov' Eyovcov, " A n d I

appeased

the

gods,

children" ( n o t e the

to

my

children's children

similarity with N o .

9).

and

grandchildren's

grand

83

CURSES A G A I N S T V I O L A T I O N OF T H E GRAVE 39

feature. So the wisest course is to consider these epitaphs pagan, together with the texts from outside Phrygia. My assessment o f the phrase (eiq) xeicva xeicvcov has some bearing u p o n the problem o f the relations between Jews and pagans. Trebilco has argued that the writers o f No. 9 borrowed the curse formula from Jews o r from Jewish epitaphs. This implies, accord ing to him, a close connection between the Jews and their pagan neighbours; the writers must have considered the Jewish curse formula as a potent means to ward off grave violators. In my view there was n o borrowing: the writers used a Greek expression with the local variation (5id xeicva xeicvcov, eyova eyovcov, as in the confession inscription). The expression does not allow us to draw conclusions o n the relations between pagans and Jews. 40

3. Jewish curses. D o the other Jewish curses against violators o f the grave tell us anything about the interaction between Jews and pagans i,n Anatolia? My starting point is here again the collection o f all relevant texts. I have compiled a catalogue o f 13 Jewish ( o r probably Jewish) inscriptions with curses against violators o f the grave, which is presented at the end o f this paper. I have added one epitaph from Rome (No. 14); I will explain the reasons for this when I discuss Nos. 12-13. Curses can be divided into two groups, a "specific group", that means imprecations in which the punishment wished for is m o r e o r less clearly specified, and a "nonspecific group", in which there is only a vague threat. I have included in my cata logue all maledictions o f the first group that are Jewish o r are probably Jewish. O f the second group I have included only those 3

9

pagan

A s to N o . 8, the admission epitaphs,

o f a f r i e n d t o t h e grave is n o t c o m m o n in

b u t it is n o t u n i q u e

(see Ramsay,

ad

locum).

It is n o t a n

i n d i c a t i o n o f C h r i s t a n o r Jewish character. I w o u l d like t o d r a w a t t e n t i o n to the fact that n o n e o f t h e texts uses t h e w o r d eniKatdpaxot;, w h i c h was u s e d by Jews, s e e C a t a l o g u e N o . 8 . T h i s w o r d is c o m m o n l y f o u n d in t h e L X X ( s e e f o r example Christians, 1950)

Deut

27:15-26).

But the word

s e e L . R o b e r t , Hellenica

was also

used

by pagans

VII (Paris: 1 9 4 9 ) 6 6 - 6 7 a n d VIII

7 6 , a n d t h e bibliography given by H e r r m a n n ,

and

(Paris:

TAM V. 1, a d N o . 2 0 .

T h e fact that a n o r m a l G r e e k w o r d is f o u n d in t h e L X X is n o t a sufficient argument 4

0

t o d e c l a r e a n i n s c r i p t i o n c o n t a i n i n g that w o r d Jewish.

T r e b i l c o , Jewish Communities,

73.

84

J. H . M . STRUBBE 4 1

maledictions that are certainly Jewish (Nos. 1 and 2 ) . T h e reason for this is that the number of inscriptions belonging to the "nonspecific goup", which may be Jewish (or Christian), is too large to be presented here. For example, the inscriptions contain ing the so-called Eumeneian formula E O T C C I amtprcpoc,T O V 0e6v, "He will have to reckon with the God". This formula was fre quently used by Christians and Jews alike (and perhaps even by pagans). There are several variations o f the formula; many o f these use terms as easily Christian as Jewish; for example eaTtxi a\)TCp npbq Tf|V %eipa TOV 0eou ("the hand o f the G o d " ) , Ttpoq T O ovopcx T O V ©eoft ("the name o f the God"), Tipoq T O V c^cbvTa 0e6v ("the living G o d " ) . There is n o way to decide whether these threats were written by Jews or Christians; apart from Nos. 1 and 2, none o f these contains any clear indication of Jewish origin. 4 2

All inscriptions o f the catalogue date from the Roman Imperial period, probably not before the 2nd century AD. I will first discuss the reasons why each inscription is generally accepted as Jewish. Two inscriptions from Nikomedeia in Bithynia threaten the violator o f the grave with the final judgment. N o . 1 is certainly Jewish because the violator is also threatened with a fine payable to the synagogue. The curse warns the wrongdoer that he will have to reckon with the judgment (of the Lord). N o . 2, the epitaph o f Aur. Kyrion and his wife Aur. Ioulias, is certainly Jewish 4

1

I h a v e n o t i n c l u d e d in the c a t a l o g u e

f r o m A p a m e i a in P h r y g i a , w h i c h

contains

the inscription the

Eumeneian

CIJ II, N o . 7 7 3 formula

eatou

at)Ttp npoc; T[6V] Q e o v , "He will have to r e c k o n with t h e G o d " . T h i s text is c o n s i d e r e d Jewish

because

Pancharios

named

Pancharios and

(also

of the n a m e o f the owner of the grave, Aelius Z o t i k o s ) . R a m s a y has

occurs elsewhere

Bishoprics

o n l y in a Jewish

observed

inscription

the

name

in R o m e

that

(Cities

I. 2, a d N o . 3 8 5 , referring to CIG IV, N o . 9 9 0 4 ; n o w CIJ I, N o .

5 0 9 ) . T h i s a r g u m e n t is w e a k , t h o u g h the n a m e is n o w attested in two m o r e Jewish i n s c r i p t i o n s f r o m R o m e , CIJ I, N o s . 4 8 a n d 1 0 6 . 4

2

S e e K a n t , ANEW

II. 20.

4 0 0 , 4 0 8 - 4 0 9 . K r a a b e l , Judaism, TOV Qeov,

2, 6 8 6 with n o t e 9 5 ; R o b e r t , Hellenica

w h i c h is o n r e c o r d in o n e i n s c r i p t i o n

( B u c k l e r & C a l d e r , MAMA

XI-XII,

6 5 - 6 6 a r g u e d that the variation jtpo<; %i\v %etpa f r o m A p a m e i a in

Phrygia

VI, N o . 2 3 1 , d a t e d towards A D 2 5 0 ) is Jewish

r a t h e r t h a n Christian. H i s a r g u m e n t is that t h e p h r a s e "the h a n d o f G o d " is r a r e in t h e N T a n d t h e A p o s t o l i c Fathers, b u t e x c e e d i n g l y O T a n d r a b b i n i c literature

c o m m o n in

the

(in the N T o n l y t h r e e texts with similar e x p r e s

sions refer to j u d g m e n t , a n d even there the precise p h r a s e %eip TOV Qeov

does

n o t a p p e a r ) ; t h e i m a g e o f the divine h a n d is also f r e q u e n t in Jewish art. B u t t h e O T was also a Christian b o o k (see b e l o w ) , so the curse m a y b e Jewish as well as Christian (cf. also T r e b i l c o , Jewish

Communities,

219 note 9 5 ) .

CURSES A G A I N S T V I O L A T I O N

OF T H E

85

GRAVE

because o f the concluding formula eTj^oyicc naaiv, "Blessing for all". Here it is said that the violator will undergo the judgment (of the Lord and will have to reckon) with the God. Belief in the post-mortal chastisement o f the wrongdoer is an idea the Jews shared with several ancient people. It was thought that retribution would be meted out by the Lord after the advent o f His k i n g d o m . The threat o f the final judgment is not found in other cities o f Asia Minor, but it occurs at Beth She'arim. Van der Horst has rightly observed that belief in a judgment and in posthumous punishment is expressed in Jewish epitaphs only in the context o f tomb-violation. In pagan curses against violators o f the grave, punishment in the afterlife is also attested. The idea o f punish ment after death apparently arose in a natural way in the context o f the protection o f life after death. The kind o f chastisement was, of course, well suited to punish an unknown desecrator. 43

44

45

46

The curse o f N o . 3 from Apameia on the Maiandros in Phrygia has the character of a warning: "(the violator) knows the law o f the Jews". This sentence proves Jewish ownership o f the tomb. Since the discovery of Nos. 7 and 9 in nearby Akmonia, the law o f the Jews is interpreted by all scholars as Deuteronomy, the threat referring to the section of curses in chapters 27-29 (see be low) , But I think it is not excluded that the law refers to the penal c o d e o f the Jews, which meted out the scourge as a punishment for offences (see the discussion o f No. 4 ) . I will return to the Apameian text when I discuss the relations between Jews and Greeks. 4 7

In Phrygian Eumeneia, the malediction o f N o . 4 warns the violator that he will receive an eternal scourge from the immortal

4

3

S e e R o b e r t , HelUnica

4

4

B i c k e r m a n , The Jews in the Greek Age, 2 7 4 - 2 7 5 .

4

5

4

6

XI-XII,

394-398.

M . S c h w a b e & B . L i f s h i t z , Beth She'arim II. The Greek Inscriptions (Jerusalem: 1 9 7 4 ) N o . 1 6 2 ; cf. van d e r H o r s t , Ancient Jewish Epitaphs, 6 0 , 1 1 9 1 2 0 : 6 enavyi^dnevoq C,(onoif\oe xohq veicpotx;, auxoc, Kpive, "He w h o has p r o m i s e d to b r i n g b a c k to life the d e a d , will H i m s e l f j u d g e him". V a n d e r H o r s t , Ancient Jewish Epitaphs,

1 2 5 ; J. S t r u b b e , Lampas

16, 1983,

267. 4

7

Cf. two Jewish a d j u r a t i o n s : Kara TT^V o c n a v , "In a c c o r d a n c e with the h o l y ( c o m m a n d m e n t ) " at B e t h S h e ' a r i m ( S c h w a b e & Lifshitz, Beth She'arim II, N o . 1 3 4 ) ; p e r l i c e m quern D o m i n u s d e d i t Iudeis, "By t h e law w h i c h G o d has given to t h e Jews" f r o m C a t a n e o n Sicily (CIJ I, N o . 6 5 0 ) , see van d e r H o r s t , Ancient Jewish Epitaphs, 5 7 , 5 9 .

86

J. H . M . STRUBBE 4 8

G o d . L. Robert, in 1960, was the first to consider this inscription Jewish. He pointed out that dOdvaxoc, Oeoc, ("the immortal God") is said o f the G o d o f the Jews and o f the G o d o f the Christians and even o f pagan gods; the use o f 6 ©eoc, makes the latter possibility rather improbable, according to Robert even impossible. Robert further emphasised that the inscription does not contain any o f the usual Christian formulas, so he preferred to consider the owner o f the grave, Aur. Gemellos, a Jew. B. Lifshitz objected that n o n e o f the (nine) names in the inscription is Jewish, and that dOdvexToe,, though being an epithet o f the God o f Israel, is not found in the Septuagint. The first objection has n o value since most Jews in Phrygia bore Greek names; the second objection is beside the point: what is relevant is the use of the epithet in the first centuries A D , which is firmly attested. O n e consideration may plead against the Jewish character o f the curse: there are n o certain signs o f Judaism in Eumeneia, but there was an extensive Chris tian p r e s e n c e . This observation however is not sufficient to con sider the curse Christian. Robert further suggested that the eternal scourge might be the eschatological transposition o f a reality o f the Jewish community life, the punishment o f scourging. It is well-known that several offences were punished with 39 strokes, administered in the synagogue, o n different parts o f the body. The fact that in Chris tian writings scourging appears rarely, generally as an action o f persecutors, as was observed by Trebilco, might be an additional 49

50

4

8

I have translated the G r e e k w o r d p d a x i i ; as "scourge". A c c o r d i n g to B .

Lifshitz RB 7 2 , 1 9 6 5 , 5 3 6 - 5 3 7 it s h o u l d b e translated as "fleau, p e i n e " ( p u n i s h m e n t , s u f f e r i n g ) ; this is i n d e e d o n e o f t h e m e a n i n g s o f t h e w o r d , also the L X X (see C. Schneider,

'AneiXriTiKai EKfpdceig tig

TWNT

IV s.v. n d a x i £ , 5 2 4 - 5 2 5 ) . S. P.

rag 'EXXrjvucdg

aiirun(iiovg nahxio%piaxiaviKdg eniypaydg

( A t h e n s : 1 9 8 3 ) 9 9 interprets the curse as the wish f o r an everlasting of the

body

in

Ntantes,

( i n 2 M a c e 9 : 1 1 , A n t i o c h o s E p i p h a n e s is d e s c r i b e d

disease

as

being

t o r t u r e d with p a i n every m o m e n t , a Qeioc pdaxic;). 4

9

S e e R o b e r t , Hellenica

temps de Jesus-Christ.

XI-XII,

4 3 7 ; J. B o n s i r v e n , Le judaisme

palestinien

Sa theologie I (Paris: 1 9 3 4 ) 1 4 0 - 1 4 1 , 1 6 0 ; K a n t , ANRW

au II.

20. 2, 6 8 6 n o t e 9 5 , 6 9 9 . 5

0

S e e F. M i l l a r , in The History

of the Jewish

s c r i p t i o n s p u b l i s h e d b y R o b e r t , Hellenica w h i c h a p p a r e n t l y s h o w Jewish i n f l u e n c e N o . 7 6 1 , see n o t e

XI-XII,

People III.

1, 3 2 . T h e two in

4 1 4 - 4 3 5 are C h r i s t i a n

(isopsephy, angelology); for

texts CIJ II,

1 9 . Christianity at E u m e n e i a is illustrated m a n y t i m e s b y

t h e so-called E u m e n e i a n f o r m u l a , eaxou oroxcp

npbq

xov © e o v with its variations.

87

CURSES A G A I N S T V I O L A T I O N OF T H E GRAVE 51

argument in favour o f the Jewish character o f the text. I would like to add that in Jewish thought one o f the forms o f physical torture in Gehenna (for disbelievers) is being scourged with fire. Lifshitz rejected the interpretation o f Robert on the basis o f the observation that the punishment with the scourge does not occur in the Septuagint. This is not only irrelevant — relevant here again is the practice o f scourging in the first centuries A D , which is well attested — but also mistaken, as can be proved from Deut 25:2-3. As to the origin o f the curse, flogging was not only a Jewish punishment, but was also practiced by pagan Roman jus tice. Mdcmc; or flagellum was a kind o f torture reserved for slaves, but in later antiquity free persons o f lower status were not exempt from it (see b e l o w ) . In the Eumeneian curse the punishment is extended to eternity; the idea o f eternal chastisement is c o m m o n to Jews, Christians and pagans. 52

53

54

55

Several funerary maledictions, which may be Jewish, have been found in the Phrygian city o f Akmonia and its territory. An important Jewish community lived in the town, being firmly attested since about the middle o f the 1st cent. A D . The inscrip tions Nos. 5 and 6, which date to the 3rd cent. AD (probably to the second half o f it), use the same malediction, the sickle o f curse which will enter into the house o f the wrongdoer and will leave n o o n e behind. Let us start with the discussion o f N o . 5. The malediction is taken from the Septuagint version o f Zech 5:2-4. The Septuagint was a Jewish as well as a Christian b o o k (see below); consequently the malediction on its own does not prove Jewish ownership. The malediction with the sickle o f curse is 5

1

Trebilco,

Judaism,

and members more

Jewish

Communities,

77-78.

6 9 , also o b s e r v e d that G e m e l l o s o f the

Trebilco,

following

Kraabel,

a n d his f a t h e r w e r e city-councillors

g e r o u s i a ; at that early d a t e

( 3 r d c e n t . A D ) Jews w e r e

likely to b e in t h e s e p o s i t i o n s t h a n Christians. A t Sardeis t h e r e w e r e

Jewish city-councillors e v e n b e f o r e A D 2 1 2 , see J. S t r u b b e , Lampas

22, 1989,

193. 5

2

B o n s i r v e n , Le judaisme

piqqude ^

I, 537,

referring to Midr.

S e e J. Juster, Les juifs

Robert,

Hellenica

XI-XII,

dans

I'Empire

romain

4

II

(Paris:

4 3 9 with n o t e s 1-2; T r e b i l c o , Jewish

7 8 . F o r e x a m p l e M a t t 1 0 : 1 7 ; the tractate m. 5

Tanhuma

(B. ed. Buber)

3.

G . F o u g e r e s , Dictionnaire

161-162;

grecques et romaines

II s.v. Flagel

Strafrecht (Leipzig: 1 8 9 9 ; r e p r . Graz:

1955) 983-984. 5

5

77-

Mak.

des Antiquites

l u m , 1 1 5 4 - 1 1 5 5 ; T h . M o m m s e n , Romisches

1914)

Communities,

I n Jewish c o n t e x t for disbelievers, see B o n s i r v e n , Le judaisme

I, 5 3 8 .

88

J. H . M . STRUBBE

preceded by the threat eaxai am© npbc, xov @eov xov uyiaxov. This formula, the so-called Eumeneian formula, was used by Jews and Christians alike (and perhaps by pagans ? ) , as stated above. The expression "God most high" was used by Jews, sometimes by pagans but apparently not by Christians. The combination o f these data strongly suggests that the anonymous deceased o f No. 5 was a Jew. The L X X text o f Zech 5:1-4 is as follows: " And I (= Zechariah) turned and raised my eyes and saw and behold a flying sickle (Spercavov rcexojievov). And he (= the angel o f the Lord) spoke to me: 'What d o you see?'. And I said: T see a flying sickle (8pe7uavov Tcexouevov), twenty cubits in length and ten cubits in width'. And he said to me: 'This is the curse ( d p d ) which is going out over the face o f all the earth, for every thief will be punished with death on this side and every false swearer will be punished with death o n the other side. And I will bring it about', says the Lord Almighty. 'And it will enter into the house (eioeA,e 6oexai etc; xov O I K O V ) o f the thief and into the house o f the one who swears falsely by my name and it will come down in the middle o f his house and it will destroy it and its timbers and its stones.'" There is n o doubt that the curse o f our inscription was inspired by this text; there is a striking verbal similarity. What is important is that the original text o f Zechariah has been rearranged so as to create a new concise malediction. This implies an intimate knowledge o f the L X X text by the person who created the curse, who was not necessarily the writer of the epitaph. I think that all persons who adopted the new curse formula must have been co-religionists, that is Jews. It is very unlikely that the same new formula would have emerged in Christian circles independently at the same time. O f course it is possible that the formula was taken over by Christians from the Jews, but that would be a mere hypothesis. Therefore I prefer to consider N o . 6, the grave inscription o f T. Tedius Amerimnos and his wife Aur. Onesime, Jewish rather than Christian. 56

,

It has been noted by G. Kittel in 1944 that the original text, on which the grave curse is based, is the Greek Septuagint translation of the Old Testament, not the Hebrew text, because in the latter the prophet does not see in his vision a flying sickle (maggal) but a T r e b i l c o , Jewish Communities,

127-144.

89

CURSES AGAINST VIOLATION OF THE GRAVE

flying scroll (megilla) on which the curse is written. It is not im portant for our purpose here to discuss how this change occurred and why the image o f a sickle was acceptable to the translators as an instrument o f divine wrath. A final point of interest to notice is the fact that the curse in the L X X is directed against every thief and perjurer, in the inscription against the violator o f the grave. Trebilco has argued that a person who swears falsely does not respect the holiness o f an oath, and is therefore comparable with someone who violates the sanctity o f a grave: both crimes are religious offences. I doubt whether these crimes were connected in the minds o f the users. The suggestion o f Kraabel that in the L X X the curse is directed against thieves, and that writers o f many inscriptions had in mind future grave-robbers, sounds m o r e p r o b a b l e . As a matter o f fact, the looting o f the grave is a form o f t o m b violation, though it is rarely mentioned in the inter dictions. But, as Kraabel himself objected, the inscription No. 6 (and 5?) does not contain that interdiction. So perhaps the curses were used without any concern for the original context. 57

58

59

The inscriptions Nos. 7-8-9 all use the curses o f Deuteronomy. N o . 7 explicitly refers to the curses that are written in Deutero nomy. The reference to the Book o f Deuteronomy is generally assumed to be a certain indication that the writers o f the inscrip tion were Jews. But some scholars, such as J. S. Creaghan, G. H. R. Horsley and recently Trebilco, have warned that Christian authorship o f epitaphs with references to the Old Testament ought not to be entirely ruled out. As a matter o f fact, the Septuagint, including the Book o f Deuteronomy, was available to Christians as well as Jews. Therefore the inscriptions 7-8-9 may derive from 60

5

7

S e e t h e d i s c u s s i o n o f B. Lifshitz, RB 7 2 , 1 9 6 5 , 5 3 6 ; cf. T r e b i l c o ,

Communities, 5

8

5

9

Judaism,

88.

A relatively s m a l l n u m b e r

t h e grave ( a v o p m x c o vel sim.). in

o f e p i t a p h s has t h e i n t e r d i c t i o n t o

O n e Christian e p i t a p h f r o m n e a r

B i t h y n i a e x p l i c i t l y m e n t i o n s t h a t t h e r e are

no

grave: F. Becker-Bertau, Die Inschriften von Klaudiupolis 6

0

Creaghan,

Catalogue

(Macquarie: and

Violatio Sepulcri, 8 0 ; H o r s l e y a d C a t a l o g u e N o . 8; T r e b i l c o

Coptic

magical

curse of D e u t e r o n o m y

texts, see

illustrating early Christianity

texts, in w h i c h of Moses" and

the

(Bonn: 1986) No. 177.

1 9 8 1 , 1 9 8 2 ) . M s . A . Bij d e V a a t e has b r o u g h t

Christian "the

search

Klaudiopolis

v a l u a b l e o b j e c t s in

N o . 4 . F o r Biblical citations in early Christian

l e c t i o n s o f G . H . R. H o r s l e y , New Documents some

Jewish

218 note 74.

"the

the

ad col

1 and 2

to m y a t t e n t i o n

sickle

of

Zechariah"

curses t a k e n f r o m D e u t

28

90

J. H . M . STRUBBE

Christians. An argument in favour o f their Christian character is the fact that, if we d o not consider the texts Christian, we have only o n e single pre-Constantinian inscription from Akmonia that might be Christian. This would be strange because in nearby cities such as Eumeneia and Apameia, Christian inscriptions are abundant. The argument, however, is not convincing; it can be turned around. One could argue that the inscriptions are probably Jewish because Christian inscriptions are exceedingly rare in Ak monia, whilst we have a large series o f Jewish inscriptions in that city. Another argument in favour o f their Jewish character may be the fact that the writers o f Nos. 7 and 9 are city magistrates; Jews were more likely to hold this position than Christians at that time. But we have some inscriptions showing that in several cities, for example in neighbouring Eumeneia, Christians held high positions such as that o f city-councillor since about the middle o f the 3rd century A D . A final argument in favour o f the Jewish character o f the maledictions is the observation that the Law and the Book o f Deuteronomy were more at the hart o f Jewish religion than o f Christianity. None o f these arguments is convincing but I think the last one has some weight, and there fore I prefer to consider the Deuteronomy inscriptions as probably written by Jews. 61

6 2

63

o c c u r , see A . K r o p p , Ausgewdhlte

Koptische

Zaubertexte

II ( B r u x e l l e s :

1930-31).

T h e r e is also a late R o m a n o r B y z a n t i n e i n s c r i p t i o n f r o m t h e m o n a s t e r y o f S. J o h a n n e s

K y n e g o s in

Moni

A s t e r i o u in A t t i k a w h i c h

c o n c e r n i n g t h e v i n e y a r d a n d has at the e n d the w o r d s

contains

IlpoqniTiKov

"the sickle o f t h e p r o p h e t " ( L . 8; the rest is lost) (P. L a z a r i d e s , Deltion

a

curse

8penavov,'

Archaiologikon

1 6 , 1 9 6 0 [ 1 9 6 2 ] , C h r o n i k a 6 8 ) . A Christian e p i t a p h in S u r r e n t u m in

S. Italy wishes: e b e n i a t ei c o t est in p s a l m u C V I I I , "May h a p p e n to h i m w h a t is w r i t t e n

in

Christiana*

Veteres II, Berlin 1 9 2 7 , N o . 3 8 6 1 ) .

6

1

The

Psalm

1 0 8 " (CIL

X, N o . 7 6 1 ; E . D i e h l , Inscriptiones

Christian inscription

is a grave i n s c r i p t i o n

containing

a g a i n s t w r o n g d o e r s , t h e so-called E u m e n e i a n f o r m u l a , e a x [ a i cruxcp

Geov,

Latinae a

threat

rcpocj I

" H e will have to r e c k o n with the G o d " ( B u c k l e r & C a l d e r , MAMA

xov VI,

N o . 3 3 6 ) . S i n c e this f o r m u l a was n o t exclusively u s e d b y C h r i s t i a n s b u t was also u s e d b y Jews (see N o . 5 ; cf. n o t e 4 2 ) , e v e n this i n s c r i p t i o n m a y b e Jewish. 6

2

J. S t r u b b e , Lampas

magistrate

and

later),

only,

the

3

albeit

of

rather

Akmonia

dubious,

(3rd

cent.

indication

of

AD

or

somewhat is

the

F o r t h e i m p o r t a n c e o f t h e Scriptures f o r t h e Jewish c o m m u n i t i e s ,

see

surname 6

2 2 , 1 9 8 9 , 1 9 8 - 1 9 9 . A s to t h e e p i t a p h o f A l e x a n d r a s ,

city-councillor

Christianity

Acholios.

T r e b i l c o , Jewish

Communities,

2 1 4 - 2 1 5 n o t e 3 9 . T h e r e are very f e w C h r i s t i a n

i n s c r i p t i o n s w h i c h i n c l u d e curses taken f r o m t h e Scriptures, see n o t e 6 0 ( n o t in

Asia

Minor

and

all

very

late).

g e n e r a l , see N t a n t e s , 'AneiXt]tiKai

For

curses

EK
in

84-154.

Christian

epitaphs

in

91

CURSES AGAINST VIOLATION OF THE GRAVE

T h e OT-passage with the curses o f D e u t e r o n o m y is t o o extended to be cited here. The maledictions are directed against those who d o not obey the commands o f the Lord. The first part (27:15- end) announces that the people will be cursed if they d o not obey the commands o f the Lord. The second part (28:1-14) contains the blessings which will c o m e as the result o f obedience to the Law. The third part (28:16- end) contains the curses for infidelity to the Law. Chapter 29 (18- end) is a description o f the evils that have befallen the people when the covenant has been broken. It is interesting to note that the writers o f the inscriptions used the curses for other purposes than stated in Deuteronomy, that is, for the protection o f their graves (cf. the curse of the sickle). Trebilco has argued that the Jews were acting in accordance with the intent o f Deut 30:7, where it is said that, when the people have returned to Yahweh, one o f the blessings He will bestow on them is the transference o f the curses "to your enemies, to those who hate you, to those who have persecuted you". The Akmonian writers, obedient to the Lord, were asking Him to apply the curses to their enemies, that is, to the violators o f their graves. I doubt this very much. Those who violated the graves were not neces sarily enemies or persecutors o f the Jews; they did not desecrate the graves out o f hate for the Jews, but usually because o f poverty, as I have argued above. 64

No. 9 does not explicitly mention Deuteronomy, but only refers to "curses that are written". That the written curses are those o f Deuteronomy is beyond doubt because the wording o f N o . 9 is very similar to that o f N o . 8: dae dvyeypcxpipivai l a w versus oacu eialv Yeypamievai. The wording of the two inscriptions is almost identical with the text o f Deuteronomy itself, for example 29:19 or 26: 7caocu ai dpal xfjc; 8 i a 0 T | K r | c ; awfjc, ai yeypap:p:£vai ev xcp pipAicp TOtiTcp. The writer o f No. 9, T. Flavius Alexandras, has added some specifications concerning the area o f the malediction: curses will befall the wrongdoer on his eye-sight and on his whole body and o n his children and on his life. Curses regarding the body are mentioned at several places in Deut 28 (vss. 21, 22, 27, 28, 35, 6061). A curse on the eye-sight (opocoic;) in 28:28: "May the Lord

6

4

66-68,

against

K r a a b e l , Judaism,

81-82, who

assumed

a t t r i b u t e d a g e n e r a l p o t e n c y , a n d even a m a g i c a l p o w e r to the curses.

t h a t t h e Jews Deuteronomy

92

J. H . M . STRUBBE

smite you with madness, blindness ( d o p a c t a ) and astonishment o f mind". A curse on the whole body (6A,ov T O aco|ia) is uttered in 28:35: ' T h e Lord will strike you o n the knees and on the legs with grievous boils from which you cannot be healed, from the sole o f your foot to the crown of your head (drco ixvoox; xcbv no8cov GOV ecoq xfj<; KOpvtpiiq)" (note that the expression 6A,ov T O a&\ia is not used in Deuteronomy). Curses extending to the children are also frequent in Deuteronomy (28:18, 32, 41, 53 ff.), for example 28:45-46: "All these curses shall come upon you, pursuing and overtaking you, until you are destroyed ( - ) ; they shall be among you and your descendants as a sign and a portent forever". This text makes clear that the ultimate goal o f all the curses is the utter destruction o f life (P(oc;). I wonder why Alexandros has chosen these specific areas o f curse out o f the mass o f diseases, sufferings and disasters mentioned in Deuteronomy. They are not particularly prevalent nor are they the harshest. It strikes me that all these curses were also used by pagans to deter violators o f the grave. Curses upon the eyes and the sight are found for example at Sardeis, for the whole body (probably with the same words oX,ov T O aco(ia as in our text) at Iasos. The combination of curses u p o n eye-sight, chil dren and life is found near A m o r i o n and has parallels in curses upon life, children (or house) and the body at Ephesos and Philom e l i o n . It looks as if Alexandros picked out o f Deuteronomy some areas o f curse that were c o m m o n in pagan curses and would deter the gentiles. I will return to this point later. 65

66

67

6 8

6

5

W . H . Buckler & D . M . Robinson,

Society

for

the Excavations

of Sardis

VII.

Sardis. Greek

Publications

and

Latin

by the

American

Inscriptions.

Part

( L e y d e n : 1 9 3 2 ) N o . 1 5 2 , L L . 7-8: ur|xe ounaxcov I [ o p a a i q , "No (sight)

of

1 the

eyes". 6

6

W . B l i i m e l , Die Inschriften

von

Iasos

II ( B o n n : 1 9 8 5 ) N o . 3 9 6 , L L . 3 - 4 :

KCX0' o[A,ov TO acoua 17t]a8cov |i.£xaA,dPoixo, "May h e receive in e x c h a n g e

diseases

all o v e r (his b o d y ) " . 6

7

W . M . C a l d e r , MAMA

I (Manchester:

1 9 2 8 ) N o . 4 3 7 , L L . 4-7: 6 I 0e6c,

a\)TCP 7ipoaKO\)/ailTO o p d a e i xeicvoic, Pilcp (at C o g u ) , "May the g o d cut h i m off f r o m sight, c h i l d r e n , life". A s a fact, L . R o b e r t , CRAIBL note

9 declared

p a g a n parallels 8

Merkelbach

No.

von Ephesos

of

the

combination

of

Magika

4 2 with n o t e 8 9 .

three

e l e m e n t s has

VI, N o . 2 3 0 4 , L L . 4 - 5 : \ir\

"May h e n o t have full m e a s u r e

h e a l t h ( ? ) " ; W . M . C a l d e r , MAMA

1 9 9 , L L . 9 - 1 1 : oi'KCP I Pico xcp acbuaxi I ca>xot>, Hiera,

V, 7 4 4 )

crimes.

& N o l l e , Die Inschr.

ev7iA,f|a0oixo ur|X£ fKou |4.r|T£ XEKIVGDV NR|xe aco|i.axoq, o f life, c h i l d r e n ,

this b e c a u s e

c i t e d in t h e n e x t n o t e ; t h e g o d m a y b e H e l i o s o r Z e u s , w h o

b o t h see a n d p u n i s h the h i d d e n 6

1 9 7 8 , 2 8 8 ( = OMS

this i n s c r i p t i o n Jewish; I d o n o t a c c e p t

VII

(Manchester

1956)

"for his h o u s e , life, body". T h e

something

magical,

see J.

Strubbe,

in

93

CURSES A G A I N S T V I O L A T I O N OF T H E GRAVE

Nos. 10 and 11 threaten the wrongdoer with a very strange curse: the iron broom will mangle his house, or must g o into his house. There is nothing Jewish nor Christian in the names, the formulas or the decorations o f these tomb stones. Frey included N o . 10 in his Corpus o f Jewish inscriptions (he missed N o . 11); he probably thought that the curse, which is without pagan parallels, had to be Jewish because there was a Jewish community at Ak monia, which used its own curses. Since then the two inscriptions have been considered Jewish by all scholars. But n o scholar except Lifshitz and (independently ?) Kraabel has ever made any suggestion concerning the problem where the image o f the iron b r o o m may come from. Lifshitz referred to the Hebrew text o f Isa 14:23, where it is said that the Lord will brush away Babylon with the broom o f destruction. This passage is translated in the Septuagint as 6T|CJCO auxfiv nr\Xo\) pdpaOpov eiq dncbXeiav, "I will make it (Babylon, i. e. the Seleucid Empire) a pit o f mud for destruction". If the curse o f the iron b r o o m was inspired by Isa 14, o n e must conclude that the Jews o f Akmonia read the Old Testament in Hebrew, not in Greek. This contradicts the results o f the investi gation into the origin o f the curse o f the flying sickle. Kraabel 69

70

71

6

9

sa m a i s o n

(?)"; for

t h e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f R . L a t t i m o r e , Themes in Greek and Latin Epitaphs

H e erroneously translated

"que le glaive d e t r u i s e

(Urbana

111.: 1 9 4 2 ) 1 1 5 , "may his f a c e b e s c r a p e d with a n i r o n b r o o m " , s e e n o t e 8 5 . K r a a b e l , Judaism, meaning

could

8 9 - 9 0 a s k e d w h e t h e r a o p o v was n o t a p o s s i b l e r e a d i n g : t h e b e then

"whoever

shall

dig u p (the) coffin,

m a y an iron

( w e a p o n ?) raze his house". It is n o t e x c l u d e d that a a p o v is a g r a p h o f a o p o v , b u t o n e s h o u l d e x p e c t at least xr\v a a p o v . 7

0

T h e a r g u m e n t o f W a e l k e n s , Tursteine,

KAI XCP

,

a\)pPoi)A,86aavTi

text, is n o t c o n v i n c i n g . inscription

from

a d N o . 4 3 5 , that t h e e x p r e s s i o n

in L . 4 is a n i n d i c a t i o n o f t h e Jewish c h a r a c t e r o f t h e I t is r i g h t that t h e s a m e e x p r e s s i o n

Eumeneia

(CIJ II, N o . 7 6 1 ; s e e n o t e

c h a r a c t e r o f this t e x t is m o s t u n c e r t a i n

is f o u n d in a n

1 9 ) , b u t t h e Jewish

(see the discussion

TEKVCOV TEKVOIC). Assistents, h e l p i n g in t h e w o r k o f o p e n i n g

of the formula the t o m b , are

s o m e t i m e s i n c l u d e d in p a g a n curses, f o r e x a m p l e at H i e r a p o l i s ( C . H u m a n n , C . C i c h o r i u s etc., Altertumer

von Hierapolis,

e p y a a d p e v o q ) , at N i k o m e d e i a

Berlin 1 8 9 8 , N o . 3 3 9 B , L . 1 2 : KAL 6

( D o e r n e r , TAM IV. 1, N o . 2 6 9 , L . 8: P-EXD xcbv

ai)veX,9evTcov), p e r h a p s at A p h r o d i s i a s ( W . M . C a l d e r & J. M . R . C o r m a c k , MAMA 7

1

1951,

VIII, M a n c h e s t e r 1 9 6 2 , N o . 1 1 0 , L . 2 , w h e r e I restore KAI 6 T[EXV£{TT|<;). C r e a g h a n h a d a l r e a d y p o i n t e d o u t in his u n p u b l i s h e d D o c t . Diss, o f Violatio

Sepulcri,

1 9 5 n o t e 2 4 , that t h e w o r d " b r o o m " is u s e d i n Isaiah

( t h o u g h n o t i n t h e versio vulgata o r in t h e L X X ) . K r a a b e l , Judaism, also r e f e r r e d to Isaiah ( w i t h o u t r e f e r e n c e

t i o n o f t h e b o o k Isaiah, s e e A . v a n d e r K o o i j , Die alten buches. Ein Beitrag 1981).

zur Textgeschichte

des Alten

9 0 note 2

t o L i f s h i t z ) . F o r t h e t e x t u a l tradi Testaments

Textzeugen

des Jesaja-

(Freiburg -

Gottingen:

J. H . M . STRUBBE

94

himself objected to the borrowing from Isaiah because the mean ing o f the Hebrew text o f Isaiah is very uncertain; the words for "to brush away" and "broom" are both Hebrew hapax legomena, and their meaning is most unclear. So there is not enough reason to connect o&pov aiSccpoftv with the text o f Isaiah, nor with any other passage in the Hebrew or Greek Bible. Consequently there is n o proof that the inscriptions are Jewish. O n e could argue that the observation made by Kraabel is not a convincing argument against the putative Jewish character o f the inscriptions. O n e could suppose that the Jews of Akmonia did not use the Septuagint translation o f the O T , but another translation, that o f Aquila. Aquila, presumably an Anatolian proselyte, lived in the first third of the 2nd cent. A D and made a translation o f the Bible as close as possible to the Hebrew text. His version was soon preferred to the L X X by Jews in Greek-speaking c o u n t r i e s . Aquila may have translated an OT-passage (possibly the Isaiah passage, which is not preserved) with the words odpov at8apovv. But this is purely h y p o t h e t i c a l . Moreover, the hypothesis is contradicted by the fact that the curse o f the flying sickle (see above) follows the L X X translation o f Zech 5:1; this version reads Spercavov (sickle), while Aquila's translation o f the passage, which is preserved, gives SupGepa (a piece of leather) , 72

73

74

7 5

7

2

There

are

several

iron

objects,

mentioned

in

the

L X X , that

bring

d e a t h . I n t h e curse s e c t i o n o f D e u t e r o n o m y it is said that "the L o r d will p u t an i r o n y o k e (KA,OIOV) u p o n y o u r n e c k , until H e has d e s t r o y e d y o u " ( 2 8 : 4 8 ) . It is s t r a n g e

that the

ai8r|po\)v, which

grave curses

is t h e

Aquila. A n o t h e r malediction Philomelion:

W . Peek,

use

the

instead

of

L X X and

in

in t h e D o r i c d i a l e c t in A s i a M i n o r is f o u n d

at

n o r m a l spelling

Griechische

Doric form a i o a p o u v o f this w o r d in

Vers-Inschriften

I.

the

Grab-Epigramme

(Berlin:

1 9 5 5 ) N o . 1 8 7 0 (with N a c h t r a g e ) . 7

3

M . G o o d m a n , in

Textual

Criticism

146. T h e than

The History

of the Hebrew

translation

of the Jewish People III. 1, 4 9 3 - 4 9 9 ; E . T o v ,

Bible ( M i n n e a p o l i s - A s s e n - M a a s t r i c h t : 1 9 9 2 )

a s c r i b e d to T h e o d o t i o n

the A k m o n i a n curse inscriptions:

was p r e s u m a b l y w r i t t e n

Theodotion

a p p a r e n t l y l i v e d at

e n d o f t h e 2 n d c e n t . A D , d u r i n g the r e i g n o f the E m p e r o r C o m m o d u s

later the (see

G o o d m a n , op. cit., 4 9 9 - 5 0 4 ; T o v , op. cit., 1 4 5 , w h o argues that t h e r e are serious doubts a b o u t the authorship

o f T h e o d o t i o n : t h e revision

m a y already

date

f r o m t h e m i d d l e o f t h e 1st cent. B C ; it is u n c e r t a i n h o w e v e r w h e t h e r it c o n t a i n e d all B i b l i c a l b o o k s ) . T h e s a m e g o e s f o r the translation ( e n d o f the 2 n d -

of Symmachus

b e g i n n i n g o f the 3 r d c e n t . A D ) , w h o m o r e o v e r m a y n o t

h a v e b e e n a J e w b u t an E b i o n i t e Christian (see G o o d m a n , op. cit., 4 9 3 ; T o v , op. cit., 1 4 6 - 1 4 7 ) . 7

4

T h e word adpov

d o e s n o t o c c u r in t h e e x t a n t f r a g m e n t s o f A q u i l a ' s

translation, s e e J. R e i d e r , An Index to Aquila 7

5

T r e b i l c o , Jewish Communities,

75-76.

(Leiden: 1 9 6 6 ) .

95

CURSES A G A I N S T V I O L A T I O N OF T H E GRAVE

Kraabel, followed by Trebilco, suggested that the b r o o m may be a substitute for the sickle o f Nos. 6-7 (note that the broom o f No. 11 and the sickle o f No. 6 are said to enter the house, eiaeXGeiv). Trebilco wrote: "perhaps an iron b r o o m was considered a more appropriate weapon o f judgment than a huge sickle". This expla nation is not wholly satisfactory: why a b r o o m , why an iron broom? And the b r o o m o f No. 10 does not enter the house but it mangles the house,. Another explanation was proposed by J. S. Creaghan in 1951. He suggested that we have simply to d o with a popular expression, which was in use at Akmonia: the iron besom means a thorough purge. 76

The curse remains an enigma. O n e could follow two lines o f investigation. The first consists o f searching Jewish literature for the mention o f an iron besom or a similar instrument, but this line o f investigation has not yielded positive results so far. The second line consists o f searching outside the Jewish world, for example in the Roman world. It is a fact that the cdpov ci8ocpcruv curses are part o f grave inscriptions that have been written by members o f families who were romanized or at least possessed the Roman citizenship since an early date. Ammia o f N o . 10 was educated by the foster-parents, G. Vibius Krispos and Tyche; possibly o n e o f the ancestors o f Krispos received the Roman citizenship from one o f the two Roman legates who administered the province o f Asia in the first half o f the 1st cent. A D . Flavia Teuthrantis o f N o . 11 belonged to a family which had probably obtained citizenship from one o f the Flavian Emperors. It is also 77

7 8

7

6

Violatio

eisernem Revolution

Sepulcri,

Besen

80-81; Creaghan

auskehren" and

I, L o n d o n :

to

refers to t h e

German

a passage of T h .

proverb

Carlyle

"mit

(The

French

1 9 1 0 , 1 1 0 ) , w h o uses t h e p h r a s e "steel b e s o m " in

the

s e n s e o f a t h o r o u g h p u r g e . N e v e r t h e l e s s , h e thinks it p o s s i b l e that t h e p h r a s e was d e r i v e d f r o m

an

a n c i e n t Jewish s o u r c e

p r o v e r b was d e r i v e d f r o m 7

7

(Isaiah),

and

that the

D r . C h . Safrai k i n d l y d r e w m y a t t e n t i o n to a p a s s a g e in m.

w h i c h describes the

German

this.

cleaning o f the

altar:

"They t o o k

the

Tamid

2:1,

shovels a n d

the

rakes a n d w e n t u p to the t o p o f the altar. T h e l i m b s a n d t h e fat p i e c e s w h i c h h a d n o t b e e n c o n s u m e d t h e p r e c e d i n g n i g h t , they r a k e d to t h e sides o f altar" (translation o f J. N e u s n e r , The Mishnah.

A New

Translation,

New

the

Haven

- L o n d o n : 1 9 8 8 , 8 6 4 ) . B u t the rakes are n o t said to b e m a d e o f i r o n , a n d

the

c o n t e x t is n o t

t h a t o f c u r s i n g o r d e s t r u c t i o n . B e s i d e s , it is h i g h l y q u e s t i o

nable whether

the

Mishnah

A D , see van d e r H o r s t , Ancient nities, 1 8 8 - 1 8 9 . 7

8

S e e W a e l k e n s , ad

locum.

was

known

in A n a t o l i a

Jewish Epitaphs,

in

the

first

1 3 4 ; T r e b i l c o , Jewish

centuries Commu

96

J. H . M . STRUBBE

possible that the two families were families o f Roman negotiatores; the city o f Akmonia harboured a large colony o f Roman business m e n . So perhaps one should look for an explanation o f the iron b r o o m in the Roman practice o f execution or torture (cf. the scourge in No. 4 ) . The Romans employed several instruments o f torture: for ex ample, the rack (eculeus), the whip (flagellum) and the claw (uncus, ungula) . The claw or hook was used to scrape the flesh from the victim's body down to the bones. It is frequently mentioned in the acts o f the Christian martyrs in late Roman texts. The instru ment is sometimes described as having two points: it makes two f u r r o w s . It may even have had several points, because this in strument o f torture is called a comb in the texts which describe the torture and death o f R. Akiba. According to rabbinic sources, R. Aquiba died as a martyr at the time o f the war o f Bar Kochba (ca. 132-135 A D ) , probably condemned by the Roman legate Tineius Rufus. Though much o f the story o f Akiba's death is legendary, it 79

8 0

81

82

83

7

9

8

0

8

1

8

2

8

3

F o r t h e R o m a n negotiatores, see W a e l k e n s , Tursteine, 1 6 1 with b i b l i o g r a p h y . T h e m o n u m e n t s with t h e adpov aiSapouv curses a r e d o o r s t o n e s , w h i l e t h e m o n u m e n t s w h i c h certainly b e l o n g to A k m o n i a n Jews ( N o s . 5 , 6 , 1 2 ) h a v e o t h e r s h a p e s , as far as is k n o w n ( N o s . 7-8-9 are b o m o i ) . T h i s m u s t b e a c o i n c i d e n c e , a n d d o e s n o t indicate pagan ownership, see W a e l k e n s , Tursteine, 1 7 - 1 9 . It m u s t also b e a c o i n c i d e n c e that t h e two curses w e r e written by w o m e n . A . E h r h a r d t , RE VIA 2 ( 1 9 3 7 ) s.v. T o r m e n t a , 1 7 9 3 - 1 7 9 4 . T h e first r e c o r d o f uncus is S e n e c a , Ep. Mor. 1 4 . 3 (shortly after t h e m i d d l e o f t h e 1st cent. A D ) . F o r e x a m p l e in t h e Letter of Phileas ( b e g i n n i n g o f t h e 4 t h c e n t . A D , in E g y p t ) , L a t i n v e r s i o n o f Rufinus, par. 5 ( H . M u s u r i l l o , The Acts of the Christian Martyrs, O x f o r d 1 9 7 2 , 3 2 5 ) . O t h e r r e f e r e n c e s are g i v e n b y C h . L e c r i v a i n , Dictionnaire des Antiquites grecques et romaines IV. 1 s.v. Q u a e s t i o p e r t o r m e n t a , 798 note 20. P r u d e n t i u s , Peristephanon 1 0 . 7 3 : bisulcae u n g u l a e .

5 . 3 3 7 : u n g u l a r u m d u p l i c e s sulcos; 1 . 4 4 a n d

P. S c h a f e r , Studien zur Geschichte und Theologie des rabbinischen Judentums ( L e i d e n : 1 9 7 8 ) 1 1 0 s u b e (b. Ber. 6 1 b : "man k a m m t e sein F l e i s c h m i t eisern e n K a m m e n " ) , 1 1 2 s u b g a n d h, 1 1 4 . F o r t h e historicity o f t h e tales, s e e 1 2 0 - 1 2 1 . A s i m i l a r i n s t r u m e n t with several s h a r p p o i n t s , c a l l e d t h e i r o n h a n d , w a s i n u s e w i t h t h e G r e e k s ; it is m e n t i o n e d in t h e story o f t h e t o r m e n t o f t h e seven b r o t h e r s b e f o r e A n t i o c h o s E p i p h a n e s , 4 M a c e 9 : 2 6 (Kai aioripac, evapuoad|ievoi xeipaq o^eai xoic, ovo^i, opydvcp Kai KaxarceA/xn 7tpoae8rjaav a\>xov; " A n d w h e n t h e y h a d a d j u s t e d their i r o n h a n d s with t h e s h a r p claws, t h e y b o u n d h i m to t h e i n s t r u m e n t o f torture a n d t h e catapult") a n d 2 8 (drco xtov xevovxcov xaic, aioripaic, xepo^v eiuarcaaduevoi, |iixpi TG>V yeveicov ir\v adpKa naaav Kai xr\v xfjc, KetpaXfjc, Sopdv oi 7tdp8dX,eoi Ofipec, dnecopov; "they tore o u t his sinews with t h e i r i r o n h a n d s , a n d t h e y f l a y e d all his flesh u p t o his c h i n a n d also t h e skin o f his h e a d like savage l e o p a r d s " ) ; cf. also 8 : 1 3 .

97

CURSES AGAINST VIOLATION OF THE GRAVE

is interesting to note that the instruments of torture used against him are called "iron combs"; his flesh was c o m b e d with it. The iron b r o o m o f the Akmonian curse inscriptions may refer to a similar instrument with several sharp points. This interpretation is reinforced by the fact that the iron b r o o m o f N o . 10 will c o m b (c;a(vco, to card) the house (?) o f the wrongdoer. It sounds rather strange that the b r o o m will c o m b the house o f the violator; one expects a part o f the body. When we take a close look at the Greek text o f the inscription, we find that the reading [ O ] I K C O V O C , which is generally accepted, is not certain; moreover the word O I K C O V , a synonym for O I K O C , ("house"), is not attested elsewhere (the alter native reading [c;](ev)cova is still more s u s p e c t ) . I think the restoration may not be correct and I suggest restoring, with only a minor correction of the copy, [&]YKCOVCX, "elbow, arm". The iron b r o o m will scrape the arm o f the wrongdoer. The wish that the part o f the body, with which the violator o f the grave does his sacrilegious work, will be punished specially, is also expressed in a funerary malediction from east Phrygia: c^cov avxaq (= xeipaq) 7cap[d]SoiTO peP(p)co[|i£v]ac, vnb 0r)p{(co)v, "Whilst alive may he loose his (hands), devoured by wild beasts". In No. 11, it is wished that the b r o o m will c o m e into the house (eioeA,0eTv), presumably to mutilate or to kill all its inhabitants. The idea that the instrument o f chastisement enters the house is not peculiar; it is not necessarily inspired by the Scriptures as in the case o f the sickle o f curse. I have not been able to find a parallel in pagan curses, but there is a Christian epitaph from Corinth, dating from the 4th or 5th cent. A D , in which the violator o f the grave is threatened with several maledictions, one o f which is: Eaxavaq avxcbv etc, xov O I K O V eioeA,0oixo K a i ei;oX.e0pei)aaiTo amove,, "May Satan c o m e into their house and kill them". In my opinion, 84

85

86

87

8

4

The

r e a d i n g b a d l y v i o l a t e s the

c o p y . M o r e o v e r , c^evebv m e a n s "a guest

h o u s e " , n o t a h o u s e , t h o u g h t h e r e is a n o t e o f H e s y c h i u s , a 5 t h c e n t , l e x i c o g r a p h e r , o n ^evcovec/ o i dvopebveq vnb

Opvy&v

("a correlative o f h o u s e s with the

Phrygians"). 8

L a t t i m o r e (see n o t e 6 9 ) a p p a r e n t l y s e a r c h e d in this s a m e d i r e c t i o n ;

he

s u g g e s t e d r e s t o r i n g xov iiccova ("scrape his f a c e " ) . T h e Letter of Phileas, loc.

^

cit.

and

Prudentius,

a p p l i e d to the

Peristephanon

face of the

1 0 . 5 5 7 p r o v e that the

ungulae

were

indeed

victim. L a t t i m o r e ' s r e s t o r a t i o n is h o w e v e r i m p r o

b a b l e b e c a u s e EIKC&V is usually f e m i n i n e . 8

6

W . M . R a m s a y , Zeitschrift fur

Vergleichende

Sprachforschung

2 8 ( = N . F. 8 ) ,

1 8 8 7 , 3 9 7 - 3 9 8 N o . 2 3 , f r o m Yukari Piribeyli. 8

7

N . A . B e e s , Die

griechisch-christlichen

Inschriften

des Peloponnes

I.

Isthmos-

98

J. H . M . STRUBBE

there is a g o o d chance that the curses with the iron b r o o m are not Jewish but reflect the Roman practice o f torture. Torment was traditionally reserved for slaves, but in the 2nd and 3rd centuries AD free men o f low rank (humiliores) were not exempt from it. 88

89

The last Akmonian curse formula is the anger o f G o d in N o . 12, which has a parallel in N o . 13 from near Laodikeia Katakekaumene. The anger o f the god(s) against the violator o f the grave is frequent in pagan curses, but in Asia Minor it is always expressed with the verb K£%oA,co|ievo<;. The 6pyr| o f G o d is found in some Christian inscriptions, but the c o n c e p t may also be Jewish. Actually, the opyfi xov QEOV is frequently mentioned in the O l d Testament, as Trebilco has pointed out. 'H Qeov opyrj is found in an epitaph in Rome, discovered in the Jewish (!) cemetery o f the vigna Randanini (No. 14). So the inscriptions Nos. 12 and 13 may be either Christian or Jewish. Trebilco considered it much more likely that inscription N o . 12 is Jewish rather than Christian, because we have only o n e preConstantinian inscription from Akmonia, which may be Chris tian (see above). But if one uses this argument repeatedly, o n e risks to reject again and again possibly Christian inscriptions. So some o f the dubious cases may really be Christian. However, I am prepared to accept the Jewish character o f inscription N o . 12 for the following reason. The wording o f the Jewish epitaph from Rome is in a most striking way nearly identical with that o f N o . 12. In the inscription from Rome the interdiction is ei 8e TIC, r) 90

91

Korinthos

( A t h e n s : 1 9 4 1 ) N o . 1 5 (SEG XI, N o . 9 3 ) L L . 1 3 - 1 6 ; ec>Xo6peuco is a

Biblical w o r d , see B e e s , 3 5 . 8

8

T h e wish for death amidst

malediction,

torments

is also e x p r e s s e d in

a

funerary

f o u n d n e a r Salamis o n Cyprus: M . M a r k i d i s , Kypriaka

1, 1 9 2 3 , 1 3 3 - 1 3 5 ( H . Seyrig, Bulletin

de Correspondance

Hellenique

Chronika

5 1 , 1927, 148-

1 5 1 N o . 7; SEG VI, N o . 8 0 2 ) , L . 18: aXX' ev pcwrdvoiq droSA,ovco. 8

9

P. G a r n s e y , Social Status and Legal Privilege in the Roman

1970)

o f the death 9

0

saly

Empire

1 0 4 , 1 4 6 . T o r t u r e was u s e d d u r i n g i n t e r r o g a t i o n s a n d as a penalty.

T h e opyri o f a p a g a n g o d is rarely w i s h e d for: o f Z e u s at H a l o s in T h e s (W. Dittenberger,

Sylloge

Inscriptionum

Graecarum,

Leipzig

1 2 3 7 ) , o f t h e d e m o n s a n d all t h e g o d s o n t h e N e m r u d D a g in (W. Dittenberger,

Orientis

Graeci Inscriptions

1

The

Communities,

same

argument

is u s e d f o r

the

3

1920 , No. Kommagene

Selectae, L e i p z i g 1 9 0 3 , N o . 3 8 3 ) .

F o r opyfi ©soft in Christian inscriptions, see R o b e r t , Hellenica 9

(Oxford:

preliminary

third

time

XI-XII,

407.

by T r e b i l c o ,

7 9 in c o n n e c t i o n with t h e A k m o n i a n i n s c r i p t i o n w h i c h

tions t h e rosalia, see n o t e 8.

Jewish men

99

CURSES A G A I N S T V I O L A T I O N OF T H E GRAVE

ruvpov 7tp{axa(i) r\ ypapiucx uicbair, in No. 12: 8c, av (~) r\ xvvpov rcpiotTE ii ypd|LUia padvi. In the epitaph from Rome the curse is e^oXiai K W O I ) cruvnav yevoc, fi Qeou opyri; in No. 12: etpXeoi E K W O D ovvnav yevoc, f| ©eou 6pyf|. This verbal identity cannot be a coin cidence; there must be a close relation between the two texts. Funerary curses are not normal in Rome; they are frequent in Asia Minor; so the text o f Rome most probably has its origin in Asia Minor, as has been noted by the editor, L. Moretti. An Anatolian origin is very plausible since the deceased o f the Ro man inscription, P. Catilius Hermias, was an evnopoq, a trader. I am prepared to accept that Catilius Hermias was a Jew from the city o f Akmonia, and consequently I consider the curse o f N o . 12 Jewish. 92

93

No. 13 has the same curse o f the wrath o f the God, as in N o . 12. The immortal G o d may be the G o d o f the Jews or o f the Chris tians. One could argue that it is preferable to consider this inscrip tion Christian, because there is not a single testimony o f Judaism in Laodikeia Katakekaumene (not to be confused with Laodikeia in west Phrygia); on the other hand, Christianity is very well documented there, among other things by the so-called Laodiceian formula et]ei %pbq T O V 0 e 6 v . But this argument is specula tive, because it is quite possible that our documentation is incom plete. The fact that n o Jewish inscriptions are known at Laodikeia may even be used as an argument to treat No. 13 as Jewish. 94

My conclusion on the religious background o f the curse inscrip tions is as follows. I consider as certainly Jewish the two texts at Nikomedeia in Bithynia (Nos. 1-2); the curse o f the Law at Apameia (No. 3); the two curses with the sickle, and the curse o f the wrath o f the God at Akmonia (Nos. 5, 6, 12). The inscription

9

2

from

A ( p a g a n ) parallel is o f f e r e d by t h e e p i t a p h o f G . H o s t i l i u s A g a t h o p o u s Nikaia, w h o

d i e d at R o m e ,

M o r e t t i , Inscriptiones CRAIBL

and

p r o t e c t e d his

tomb

with a curse

(L.

Graecae Urbis Romae II. 2, R o m a 1 9 7 3 , N o . 8 3 7 ; L . R o b e r t ,

1 9 7 8 , 2 7 0 - 2 7 5 [= OMS

Drew-Bear & Chr. Naour,

V, 7 2 6 - 7 3 1 ] ) . F o r Phrygians at R o m e , see

ANRW

II 18.

3

(Berlin -

N e w York: 1 9 9 0 )

Th.

1995-

1997. 9

in

3

It is i n t e r e s t i n g to n o t e that in N o .

No.

6,

which

in

my

opinion

is

12 one

finds the

certainly Jewish,

one

n a m e Euelpiste; finds

the

name

Euelpistos. 9

4

S e e J. S t r u b b e , in Magika

I k o n i o n , see M i l l a r , in

Hiera, 3 5 . B u t t h e r e was a s y n a g o g u e at n e a r b y

The History

of the Jewish People III.

1, 3 4 .

100

J. H . M . STRUBBE

from Eumeneia with the curse o f the scourge (No. 4) has a g o o d chance o f being Jewish. As to the other inscriptions: Nos. 7-8-9 (from Akmonia) and N o . 13 (from near Laodikeia) may be Jewish or Christian. I prefer to consider the former group Jewish, the latter text Christian. Nos. 10-11 from Akmonia with the curse of the iron b r o o m are probably pagan; for the time being there are n o g o o d reasons to consider them Jewish. 4. The relations between Jews and Greeks in the Anatolian cities. It is one o f the recurrent themes in the book o f Trebilco that the general population of the Anatolian cities (Apameia, Akmonia) had some knowledge of the Jewish Law and a great respect for the Jewish tradition, especially for the Book Deuteronomy and per haps even for the G o d whose curses are written in the B o o k . This theory is based among other things on the assumption that pagans, reading one o f the Jewish curses discussed above, would acknowledge the validity o f the Jewish Law and would be de terred thereby from their sacrilegious work. If not, the curse made n o sense. I will not challenge this thesis, but I would like to make some critical remarks. 95

I wonder whether it was thought necessary that the reader understood the curse. Those who desecrated the graves were presumably p o o r and destitute people for the most part, as I have argued above. I can imagine that many o f these p e o p l e were illiterate and could not even read the curse. But o f course every body knew that violation o f the grave was forbidden. Perhaps the sight o f a long inscription sufficed to deter an eventual violator? The writers o f the curses believed that the punishment would c o m e down automatically by the power o f the written word. Whether the wrongdoer understood these penalties or not, was not important for the fulfilment o f the curse. So I think that the curses tell more about the people who wrote them, than about the people who read them. But let us assume that the curses were read and understood by a number of pagans. The question whether the Greeks respected the Jews and the Jewish Law, depends o n the question whether the curses ad dressed the Greeks, in other words whether pagans and Jews

T r e b i l c o , Jewish Communities,

67-68, 83, 100.

CURSES A G A I N S T V I O L A T I O N OF T H E

101

GRAVE

were buried in the same cemetery. W. H. Buckler and W. M. Calder argued that in Akmonia, as in Rome and elsewhere in the West, the Jewish community had its own cemetery. Trebilco, on the other hand, emphasised that there is n o evidence to suggest that the inscriptions containing the grave curses were from "Jewish cemeteries". But at the same time he had to admit the evidence o f an inscription from Tlos in Lycia (in south Asia Minor) from the end o f the 1st cent. AD in which a certain Ptolemaios, son o f Leukios, built a burial place (fipcpov) for all the Jews o f the city. There are also other indications o f "Jewish cemeteries". At Nikomedeia in Bithynia three Jewish inscrip tions were discovered in the modern city quarter o f Turgut. This fact led Robert to the assumption that there was a group of Jewish graves near that quarter. At Akmonia the Jews apparently dwelled together. The inscription mentioning the rosalia, which I have discussed at the beginning, tells that tools were given by the Jew Aur. Aristeas to the inhabitants o f a quarter o f the city near one o f the gates. Robert has argued that these inhabitants were probably co-religionists o f Aristeas and that the quarter probably was a Jewish quarter. Now we know that the tombs were always aligned along the roads leaving the city from the gates. So it would be natural for the Jews of the Jewish quarter o f Akmonia to bury their dead along the same road. Consequently the possibility that a tomb in that area would be disturbed by a Jew may be greater than by a pagan. So it would make sense to address especially Jews in the curses. The situation o f Akmonia may have existed in other cities too, because Jews often voluntarily dwelled together, as is attested for example at Sardeis. O f course it cannot be stated that the Jews buried their dead in "Jewish cemeteries" in all Anatolian cities. There is evidence that in some cities the Jewish graves were not separated from the pagan 961

97

98

9

6

B u c k l e r & C a l d e r , MAMA

VI, a d N o . 3 1 6 (for Jewish c e m e t e r i e s in

W e s t , see Juster, Les Juifs I, 4 7 9 n o t e 1 ) ; T r e b i l c o , Jewish 71.

The

inscription

from

Tlos

is

CIJ II

No.

Communities,

7 5 7 ; E. Kalinka,

the

2 2 7 note TAM

II.

2

( W i e n : 1 9 3 0 ) N o . 6 1 2 ( L L . 5-6: cocie a m o e i v a t navtcov TCOV 'Iovooucov; p r o b a b l y n e a r t h e e n d o f the 1st cent. A D ) . 9

7

9

8

J. & L . R o b e r t , Revue des Etudes Grecques 8 9 , 1 9 7 6 , 5 5 8 N o . 6 8 4 . F o r Sardeis, see J o s e p h u s , Ant.

1 4 § 2 6 1 : the p e o p l e a n d the c o u n c i l o f

the city d e c i d e d to set apart for the Jews a p l a c e to b u i l d (a s y n a g o g u e

?) a n d

to i n h a b i t (torcov — eic oiKo8ojuav Kai oucnaiv avtcbv); s e c o n d half o f the 1st cent. BC.

102

J. H . M . STRUBBE

ones. At Korykos in Cilicia, for example, Jewish tombs are found amidst pagan (and Christian) tombs, and the same was also observed at Hierapolis in Phrygia." The situation was apparently not identical in all cities. But nonetheless it is striking that in Nikomedeia and in Akmonia, where explicitly Jewish curses have been found, there are indications o f the existence o f separate "Jewish cemeteries". If this is correct, the Jewish curses in these cities d o not necessarily imply a general knowledge and reve rence for the Jewish tradition and Law among the pagans, because the maledictions did not primarily address them. In the city o f Apameia, the situation may have been the same. The curse "he knows the law o f the Jews", seems to address especially the Jews (certainly if it referred to the penal law o f the Jews which was o f course not valid for non-Jews). In my opinion this is the most obvious interpretation; I very much doubt whether the curse addressed the pagans and implied knowledge o f the curses o f Deuteronomy on the part of the pagan reader. 100

There is also another fact, which has not been observed so far and which may be important. It is the fact that several o f our inscrip tions combine a curse and a fine. Nos. 6, 8 and 9 (from Akmonia) have a fine to the treasury (cf. No. 14), No. 1 (from Nikomedeia) has a fine to the synagogue; N o . 5 is broken at the end. That makes (at least) 4 texts out o f the 10 that are certainly or very probably Jewish. This is a very high percentage. In some parts o f Asia Minor the combination o f a curse and a fine was frequent: in Lycia, Pamphylia, Pisidia or at Aphrodisias, but not in Bithynia, Lydia, Phrygia. For example, in Phrygia I know o f circa 140 epitaphs containing a malediction; only 7 or 8 epitaphs combine

9

9

J. K e i l 8c A . W i l h e l m ,

MAMA

Seleukeia on

the

6 9 , 2 1 2 (CIJII,

Nos. 776, 775).

100

y

a

law is so the

Kalykadnos;

fjgj. H o r s t , Ancient

n

III

Humann,

specified the

n o n j e w s in

mind.

1931)

C i c h o r i u s etc.,

Jewish Epitaphs,

e x p l i c i t l y i d e n t i f i e d as t h e

writer h a d

(Manchester:

law

Alt.

1 2 1 ; cf.

18

Hierapolis,

for Nos.

5 7 a r g u e s that t h e fact that t h e

"of t h e Jews" m i g h t i n d i c a t e

B u t if t h e Jewish writer w o u l d n o t

that have

law, it c o u l d have b e e n m i s t a k e n e v e n by his c o - r e l i g i o n i s t s as

r e f e r r i n g to t h e vonoc, ruuPcopu%{ac,

( t h e law against grave r o b b e r y )

f o r that law, see J. S t r u b b e , in Magika

Hiera,

o f t h e city;

4 8 note 9. C o m p a r e the warning

in an e p i t a p h f r o m K y r e n e : q> \ir\ CXVTIKEV, HT| Ti[va pdAJAav ei 8 e uf|, xpriaoueGa

Korea

t o v VOUOV ("It is f o r b i d d e n to d e p o s i t s o m e o n e , to a n y o n e w h o

permission;

otherwise,

we

will

proceed

according

R o b i n s o n , AJA 1 7 , 1 9 1 3 , 1 8 0 N o . 5 9 ; SEG IX, N o . 2 4 8 ) .

to

the

law")

has

no

(D.

M.

CURSES AGAINST VIOLATION OF T H E GRAVE

103

101

the curse with a fine. O f the 8 certainly Jewish epitaphs from Phrygia in the catalogue o f Jewish maledictions, not less than 3 contain a fine; these texts all c o m e from Akmonia where the combination o f curse and fine is not attested apart from these texts. The writers o f some Akmonian texts not only added a fine to the Jewish malediction but other threats too. The writer o f N o . 8 started with a fine and the threat o f a lawsuit for T\)|±Pcop\)%{a (violation o f the grave), and then added a general curse (eTciKaidpaxoq) and the Jewish curse o f Deuteronomy. The epitaph o f T. Tedius Amerimnos and his wife Aur. Onesime, N o . 6, also started with a fine; after the death o f Amerimnos a general curse (drcpooSoKriTov) was added, followed by the Jewish "sickle o f curse" in case the desecrator was not deterred by the first male diction. Did the owners o f the grave consider the Jewish curse more powerful than the general malediction, or did they add it because the range o f this curse is wider (the sickle extinguishes the entire house o f the violator), or did they add it to deter their co-religionists who were perhaps not much frightened by a general curse? In inscription N o . 5 the Jewish curse is preceded by the threat eaxcu awcp 7ip6c, T O V G E O V T O V vyiaxov, which was perfectly understandable to a pagan (vyiaioc, was an epithet o f pagan gods t o o ) . I think it is undeniable that Jews added a fine or another threat to their curse, much more frequently than pagans did. The question is why. I tentatively suggest that some writers o f Jewish curses were aware and feared that pagan violators would not be deterred by the Jewish malediction and that they therefore added a general malediction or a fine, addressing especially eventual pagan desecrators. Perhaps the pagans were not frightened off 102

1

0

1

A t B l a u n d o s : J. Keil 8c A . v o n P r e m e r s t e i n , Bericht

in Lydien

und

den angrenzenden

polis: H u m a n n , C i c h o r i u s kens, No.

Tursteine,

Gebieten Ioniens

etc., Alt.

Hierapolis,

N o . 3 3 9 ; at P r y m n e s s o s :

N o . 4 9 2 ; at a n d n e a r E u m e n e i a :

1 3 7 8 , Drew-Bear,

Nouv.

Inscr. de Phrygie,

uber eine III.

Reise

( W i e n : 1 9 1 4 ) N o . 5 9 ; at H i e r a P e e k , Griech.

Wael

Vers-Inschr.

The Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia. 1.1. The Lycos Valley and South-Western

Phrygia

( O x f o r d : 1 8 9 5 ; r e p r . N e w Y o r k : 1 9 7 5 ) N o . 8 0 ; at I k o n i o n : H . S. C r o n i n , 22,

1 9 0 2 , 3 4 6 - 3 4 7 N o . 8 2 a n d p e r h a p s W . M . C a l d e r , Revue

6 5 - 6 6 N o . 3 1 . N o t e that the a d p o v a i S a p o v v

I,

102-103 N o . 4 0 , W . M . Ramsay,

de Philologie

inscriptions, w h i c h are

JHS 1912,

complete,

d o n o t c o n t a i n a fine: an a d d i t i o n a l a r g u m e n t in favour o f their non-Jewish character? 1

0

2

S e e n o t e 5 6 , esp. 1 2 8 - 1 2 9 .

104

J. H . M . STRUBBE

because they did not understand the Jewish ideas like the sickle of curse or did not know the contents o f the Jewish writings (espe cially Deuteronomion), or because they did not acknowledge the validity o f the Jewish curses. The impression that pagans did not understand the Jewish curses is reinforced by the results o f the study o f text No. 9. I have observed above that the writer o f this Deuteronomy curse has added some specifications that are com m o n in pagan maledictions: he presumably picked out o f the Deu teronomy curses some elements that would deter pagan violators. The two indications discussed above seem to point in the same direction: the funerary maledictions, especially o f Akmonia, Nikomedeia and perhaps Apameia, are n o proof o f general know ledge and respect of the pagan Greeks in these cities for the Jew ish tradition, for the Jewish writings or for the Jewish God. They might even indicate the opposite. This, however, does not imply that the entire population of pagan Greeks in the Anatolian cities was ignorant o f Jewish affairs or avoided communication with the Jews. There are several certain testimonies o f interaction and g o o d relations between Jews and Greeks in all social classes and especially within the upper class. One o f the funerary maledic tions contains some information on this point. In inscription N o . 9 some specifications are added to the Deuteronomy curse, appa rently addressing the pagans. The writer o f this text, T. Flavius Alexandros, was a magistrate o f Akmonia. In Akmonia and in several other Anatolian cities Jews were accepted by the gentile urban elite in the 3rd cent. AD; we know o f Jewish magistrates, city-councillors, mint masters etc. The contacts with other mem bers o f the city elite may have induced Alexandros to add the specifications to the Deuteronomy curse. They prove that he had a profound knowledge o f the values and formulas o f his gentile environment. In theory there is also another possibility: the curse may have been written by a pagan who had intimate knowledge of the Jewish world, that is, a judaizer. Upper class pagans were sometimes attracted by Judaism; the famous inscription from Aphrodisias has revealed several city-councillors a m o n g the 103

1

0

3

S e e P. W . van d e r H o r s t , NedTTs

4 3 , 1 9 8 9 , 1 0 6 - 1 2 1 , J. S t r u b b e ,

2 2 , 1 9 8 9 , 1 8 8 - 2 0 4 , w h e r e t h e A n a t o l i a n e v i d e n c e is p u t t o g e t h e r .

Lampas

CURSES A G A I N S T V I O L A T I O N OF T H E GRAVE

105

104

Geoaefteiq. It is impossible to decide. Whether Alexandros was a Jew or a judaizer, his epitaph seems to reveal spiritual interaction between Jews and pagans within the city o f A k m o n i a . 105

1

0

4

S e e T r e b i l c o , Jewish

Jews and

Communities,

Godfearers at Aphrodisias

1 5 3 ; J. R e y n o l d s & R . T a n n e n b a u m ,

( C a m b r i d g e : 1 9 8 7 ) 5 7 . Cf. the fact that s o m e

curses, taken f r o m D e u t e r o n o m y , w e r e u s e d b y the f a m o u s sofist Fl. A m p h i kles f r o m Chalkis o n E u b o i a in his e p i t a p h : L . R o b e r t , CRAIBL

1978, 245-252

(= OMS V, 7 0 1 - 7 0 8 ) , esp. 2 5 0 . T h i s m a d e J. G . G a g e r , Curse Tablets and Spells from

the Ancient

Binding

World ( N e w Y o r k - O x f o r d : 1 9 9 2 ) 1 9 1 n o t e 6 4 s u p p o s e

that i n s c r i p t i o n N o . 7 m i g h t n o t b e Jewish. 1

0

5

I n s c r i p t i o n N o . 8 m a y s h o w the s a m e i n t e r a c t i o n ,

t h o u g h t h e writer

is n o t i d e n t i f i e d as a magistrate o f the city. T h e t h r e e inscriptions, N o s . 7, 8 , 9 , f o r m a h o m o g e n e o u s g r o u p . T w o o f t h e t h r e e texts d a t e f r o m t h e decade

( N o . 9 in A D 2 4 3 , N o . 7 in A D 2 4 8 ) . A l l t h r e e

same

monuments

b o m o i , altars. T h e two d a t e d e p i t a p h s are d r a f t e d in t h e s a m e way with enumeration

of

the

municipal

offices,

p e r f o r m e d by the

written o n t h e f r o n t b u t o n the lateral s i d e s ) .

deceased

are the (not

106

J. H . M. STRUBBE

CATALOGUE OF JEWISH EPITAPHS WITH CURSES AGAINST VIOLATION OF THE GRAVE IN ASIA MINOR. 1. Nikomedeia Izmit, built in the wall of a house in the western part of the town. White marble bomos; H. 0.50 (shaft), w. 0.28. The mouldings above and below have been cut away. Letters: H. ca. 0.028; ligatures; plain letter-forms. Probably around the middle o f the 3rd cent. AD (Robert, 398). Ed.: L. Robert, Hellenica XI-XII, 386-392 N o . 1 (ph.) with extensive commentary (F. K. Doerner, TAM IV. 1, No. 376). TT|V 0t|Kr|v eGriKcx Kal T O V Pcouov TTl

4

yXx>K\)X6\v(\ T8K01J-

an ObXnia Kanvz\)Xkr\ • Kai (3ot>A,o|i£ exepov uT|5ev(a) d v a o K e p d o f e ] •

ei |if|, eLpircpoqT[f|v] 8

K p i a i v Kai 5cbae[i]

xf\ cruvaYCOYfl * a'

12

Kal Tcp xa(i£icp vac * (p' vac Xaipexe.

Ligatures: L . 1 T H , H K , H N E , H K , L. 2 NB, L. 3 T H , T H , T E , L . 5 M E , T E , L. 6 M H , L. 7 M H , L. 9 T H . L . 1: [ x f t v , R o b e r t ; r i g h t l y c o r r e c t e d b y D o e r n e r , as c a n b e s e e n o n p h . ( l i g a t u r e o f tau L. 4:

upsilon

and

at the

end

the

eta). of the

l i n e is v e r y s m a l l , a s i f o m i t t e d a t first

a n d a d d e d later. L . 6: M H A E N A , lapis.

"I have placed the grave and the altar for my very sweet mother Ulpia Kapitylla. And I want that no one else destroys it. If not, he will have to reckon with the judgment ( o f G o d ) and he will pay 1.000 denaria to the synagogue and 500 denaria to the treasury. Farewell."

CURSES A G A I N S T V I O L A T I O N OF T H E GRAVE

107

The verb d v a o K e u d a a i in L. 6 is rare. It is found in Asia Minor in the Phrygian city o f Eumeneia, in an inscription which is often (wrongly) considered Jewish or judaising (CIJII, N o . 7 6 1 ) . The interdiction is strange: exepov is not in the right place. It looks as if there is confusion between two different interdictions, "I want that no one destroys it" and "I want that n o one else will be buried in it". 106

2. Nikomedeia Izmit, built in a wall o f the same house as No. 1. White marble bomos; H. 0.83, w. 0.26. Letters: H. not recorded; ligatures; plain letter-forms. Probably around the middle o f the 3rd cent. AD (Robert, 398). Ed.: L. Robert, Hellenica XI-XII, 392- 394 (ph.) with extensive commentary (F. K. Doerner, TAMIV. 1, No. 375). Avp. K\)p(cov

tfhv £|j.auTCp KaxeGKE'uaaa

4

T O (ivrjuiov Kai xr\ ODVpicp

|LioDA'6p. 'IouAidSY Kai Pox>A,ouai |nexd T O e\ik. xeQr\vai ur)8eva erepov xeQr\vai ei

8

]XJ\ TEKVOV \iOV •

12

oqbk dv Tamd aei,

7uapd

TI KOIT|-

e£ri K p i a i v

npbq T O V 0e6v. E\)A,OYia7tao[iv].

16

Ligatures: L. 7 M E , L. 10 H N . L. 13:

xavxa

s e e n o n the

TCOIT|-, R o b e r t ; r i g h t l y c o r r e c t e d b y D o e r n e r , ph.

L . 1 4 : E S H , ec^n o r scjn ( = e c > i ) , R o b e r t , 3 9 8 .

1

0

6

See notes 19, 70.

as

can

be

108

J. H . M . STRUBBE

"I, Aur(elius) Kyrion, have made the grave, while alive, for myself and for my wife Aur(elia) Ioulias. And I want that n o one else will be placed (in it), after I will have been deposited, except my child. Whoever will d o something against these (prescrip tions), he will undergo the j u d g m e n t (and he will have to reckon) with the God. Blessing for all." A c c o r d i n g to L. Robert {op. ext., 408) the curse is a strange combination of two curse formulas, e£ei Kpiotv ("he will undergo the judgment") and ec;ei rcpoc, T O V 0e6v ("he will have to reckon with the G o d " ) . 1 0 7

3. Apameia on the Maiandros Dinar. Description and letter-forms not recorded; the division o f the lines is not indicated. After A D 212. Ed.: W. M. Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics I. 2, No. 399 bis (copy of D. G. Hogarth) with commentary (cf. idem, The Expository Times 26, 1914/15, 172 N o . IX, and Bearing Recent Discovery, 364-365 N o . IX: translation and commentary; J. -B. Frey, CIJ II, N o . 774 with translation; cf. P. W. van der Horst, Ancient Jewish Epitaphs, 57: translation o f the curse formula and commentary; P. Trebilco, Jewish Communities, 99-101 with translation and commentary). See A. Th. Kraabel, Judaism, 124 for the curse. kbp.

'Povcpoc, iouA,iavo$ P' ercoiJriGa T 6 f|]pcpov euccuTcp ice [xr\

cruiipicp u]o\> Aup. Taxiavfi • ic, o erepoc, o\) TeOfl • el 5e TIC, e7UTT|8e'uci, TOV

v6|xov oi5ev

[T]COV

Eioi)8ecov.

"I, Aur(elius) Rouphos, son o f Ioulianos, son o f Ioulianos, have made the heroon for myself and for my wife Aur(elia) Tatiane. N o one else may be put in it. But if someone will bury (another corpse here), he knows the law o f the Jews."

1

0

7

V a n d e r H o r s t , Ancient

go j u d g m e n t before God".

Jewish Epitaphs,

1 2 5 translates: "he will u n d e r

CURSES A G A I N S T V I O L A T I O N OF T H E GRAVE

109

4. Eumeneia I§ekli, in the "large Khan"; now in the depot o f antiquities at Denizli. Marble b o m o s with mouldings above and below; dim. unknown. The upper moulding consists o f a row o f palmettes, an egg-anddart moulding and a bead-and-reel moulding. Letters: H. not recorded; the letters o f L. 5 are somewhat larger than the rest; LL. 2-4 and 6-9 are very densely written. Ligatures; alpha with broken cross-bar and elongated right leg, plain epsilon, square sigma, rounded omega, upsilon with cross-bar. After AD 212. Ed.: J. Franz, CIG III, No. 3891 with a majuscle copy on the basis o f an edition by V. Arundell and a copy o f A. Delaborde; W. J. Hamilton, Researches II, 470 No. 353 (majuscle copy); cf. G. Perrot, RArch 1876, 281-282: reading o f L. 6 on the basis o f a copy o f Choisy; W. M. Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics I. 2, N o . 361 with commentary (cf. S. P. Ntantes, AneiXr]TiKai eKcppdaeig, 99, who cites LL 19-22); L. Robert, Hellenica XI-XII, 436-439 (ph.) with ample commentary. See B. Lifshitz, RB 72, 1965, 536-537; A. Th. Kraabel, Judaism, 68-69; A. R. R. Sheppard, Anatolian Studies 29, 1979, 175 with translation o f LL. 17-22; P. W. van der Horst, Ancient Jewish Epitaphs, 58 note 72; P. Trebilco, Jewish Communities, 77-78, who all comment on the curse. See J. Strubbe, Lampas 22, 1989, 193 for a discussion of this Jewish magistrate in the city. On the upper moulding vac "EppGoaOe. vac On the shaft A\>p. riyLtXkoc, Mr\va Poi)A,£uxf|[cJ T O I Q yA/uKuxdxon; yoveftoiv 4 Av>pr\kioiq Mt|va (3' xot> QiXmnov $O\)XEX>T?\, yepouo),

8

Kai 'A7C(p((p 'Apia xd i'8ia E K XCOV iSioov • Eiq orcpoeicriSevoevx[6v] dSeAxpov QiXinnov Kai xr|v 7tdxpav K-upiAXav Kai xtiv el,ad£.X(pr\v 'Ioa). riat>A,av Kn8£u0r|-

110

J. H . M . STRUBBE

12

cexai 8e etc, a w o 11 xe ouvxpocpoc, amov OiA,f|XT| K a l ei xivi exepcp

16

£cov a\)v%copT|aei-

oc, 5' dv e7cixeipt|-

aei exepov ercetaevevKeiv,

20

A,r|V|/e-

xai 7iapd xou d0avdxou ©eoi) udoxevya aicbviov.

Ligatures: L. 2 ME, MHN, L. 4 HN. L. 1: EPP&0E (Arundell; omitted by Delaborde), eppco6e, Franz; [Ep]pcoa6e, Ramsay; [Epp]coa9e, Robert L. 2: TENEAAOE, Arundell (who often copied E instead of £); TEMEAAOZ, Delaborde; Te\ieXkoc„ Franz; pVuXewrnc., Robert, but the stone seems to be broken immediately after the eta. L. 4: ONinnOY, Delaborde. L. 6: APTATAIAIA, not transcribed by Franz but by Perrot; EKT--, E K T [ © V ] , Franz; EKT[.], Hamilton. L. 7: IAIQNNEIE, iSicov etc;, Franz; nPOIEK, Arundell; ITPOEKHAEYSEN[..], Hamilton; extr. [ T O V ] , Franz. L. 8: extr. KA:::::, Delaborde; KAI[..], Hamilton. L. 11: [p]ou, Robert; on the ph. one sees a vertical hasta, but there seems insufficient space for a ma. L. 14: AYTOI, Hamilton. L. 17/8: XEIPHIIEI, -jceipfiloft), Franz. L. 19: -EveyKeiv, Robert incorrectly as can be seen on the ph.; AH*FE, Hamilton. L. 21: omitted by Arundell. L. 22: TEITAAIQNIQN, Arundell. "Greetings. Aur(elius) Gemellos, son o f Menas, m e m b e r o f the city-council (has made this grave) for his very sweet parents Aur(elius) Menas, son o f Menas, son of Philippos, member o f the city-council and member o f the group o f elders, and Aur(elia) Apphion, daughter of Artas; (it is) his own property (made) out o f his own money. He has already buried in it his brother Philippos and his aunt Kyrilla and his cousin german Ju(lia) Paula. His foster-sister, Philete, will also be buried in it, and (others too), if he will grant the permission to someone else while alive. B u t the man w h o will attempt to place another (corpse) in it, will receive eternal scourge from the immortal God."

CURSES A G A I N S T V I O L A T I O N OF T H E GRAVE

111

5. Akmonia Yenice (ca. 7 km. north o f Ahat). A description o f the monument is not available. Letters: n o information available; the division o f the lines is unknown. Probably in the 2nd half o f the 3rd cent. AD (on account o f the formula eaxai am& npbq xov 0e6v ) , Ed.: W. M. Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics I. 2, N o . 563 with com mentary (J. -B. Frey, CIJ II, N o . 769 with translation; A. R. R. Sheppard, Anatolian Studies 29, 1979, 173 with commentary; cf. P. W. van der Horst, Ancient Jewish Epitaphs, 57-58, who cites the curse with translation and commentary; P. Trebilco, Jewish Com munities, 74-75 No. 5. 2 and 135 No. 4. 5 with translation). See W. M. Ramsay, The Expository Times 26, 1914/15, 171 N o . IV, and Bearing Recent Discovery, 363 N o . IV for a translation; A. Th. Kraabel, Judaism, 86-89 for the curse; the inscription is often cited in studies o n Hypsistos, for example Th. Drew-Bear, GRBS 17, 1976, 248. 1 0 8

[e.g. edv 8e xiq exepov ocbua eiaeveyKr), ea]xai auxcprcpoc;xov 0e6v xov aSij/ioxov Kai

TO

apaq bpmavov ziq xov

UKOV

amov [eiaeA-Goixo

Kai uT|8evav evKaxaA,ei\|/aixo]. Init. a n d extr. r e s t o r e d b y R a m s a y o n the basis o f N o . 6.

"(But if anyone will introduce another body,) he will have to reckon with the most high G o d , and may the sickle o f curse (enter) into his house (and leave no one behind)." 6. Akmonia Susuz (ca. 6 km. west o f Ahat), in the wall o f a house. Marble basis, broken above and below; H. 0.74, w. 0.40, th. 0.42. The inscription is on the front (A) and on the right side (B). Letters: H. 0.02-0.035; ligatures; plain alpha and epsilon, square sigma, rounded omega. 2nd or 3rd cent. AD. 1

0

8

T h e E u m e n e i a n f o r m u l a e a x a t auxq) npoc, TOV Geov dates at the earliest

f r o m ca. 2 0 0 - 2 2 5 A D , see M . W a e l k e n s , Actes VII Congres epigr., 1 2 6 - 1 2 7 .

112

J. H . M . STRUBBE

Ed.: cf. E. Legrand & J. Chamonard, Bulletin de Correspondance Hellenique 17, 1893, 271 No. 60 with a majuscle copy, who publish only A; W. M. Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics I. 2, Nos. 465-466 with commentary (see No. 613 for the provenance); (J. -B. Frey, CI]II, No. 768 with the majuscle text o f Legrand & Chamonard, and with translation); W. H. Buckler & W. M. Calder, MAMA VI, N o . 316 (ph.) on the basis o f a copy o f W. M. Calder, A. B. Birnie, J. C. Watson, with short commentary (cf. S. P. Ntantes, 'AneiXrixiKai £K(ppdo£ig, 95, who cites B LL. 5-12; P. Trebilco, Jewish Communities, 74-76 with translation and commentary). See W. M. Ramsay, The Expository Times 26, 1914/15, 171 N o . Ill, and Bearing Recent Discovery, 363 No. Ill for a partial translation; G. Kittel, TLZ 69, 1944, 15 and B. Lifshitz, RB 72, 1965, 536 for the curse; L. Robert, Hellenica XI-XII, 400 note 1 for the interpretation of B LL. 1-2; A. Th. Kraabel, Judaism, 86-89 for the curse; P. W. van der Horst, Ancient Jewish Epitaphs, 57-58 with note 69, 124-125 for the Jewish curse. A. O n the front side [— eauTCp] [ K a i ] Xf[ GX)Vpicp Tpocpinr) ercovricyev. leaf 4 T(. TE8IO<; 'A^epiuvoq e7tiocKe[u]daaq T O T O V 7cd[rc]7101) awoa) [LVT\8 ueiov, e0a\|/ev T TIV eawov y u v a i K a A\>p. leaf 'OvTia{(ir|v E\>eAjuiaTou • e£6v 12 8e ecrce K a i T O V e7uaaK£\)dciavTav 'Auepiuvov TeGfjve !<; T O rcpoy o v i K o v a\)Tofi (ivT||iei16 ov • edv 5e Tiq e7ti%ei[p]r|aei ueTa T O TeGf^ve T O V 'A(iEpi|i(v)ov erepov [Ti]va 0d\|f£, Ofjaei it; T[6] 20 [Tauetov('?)* ]."" J

113

CURSES A G A I N S T V I O L A T I O N OF T H E GRAVE

B. O n the right side [Ei T U ; T I J V C C 0d\|/exo [%ei][pl] 8oA,{[a], X,dPoix[o dnp]oaSoKnxov 6[7toi]4 ov Kai 6 dSetapoc, a[ux]cov 'Apipiuvoc, • edv 8e xic; auxcov cpo|3nGfj xouxoov xcov Ka8 xapcov, xo dpac, 8percavov eicJeAfloixo Eiq xaq oiKtiaic; au

xcov Kai jxt|8{vav evKaxaXenyexo. leaf vac

12

Ligatures: A L . 9 HN, L . 1 0 N H , H N , L. 1 2 N E , L. 1 3 N M E , L . 1 4 M N , N E , L. 1 5 M N , H M , L. 1 7 H N E , B L. 1 0 H Z , L. 11 M H , N E . A L . 0 : n o t r e s t o r e d b y L e g r a n d & C h a m o n a r d , R a m s a y , Frey. L . 1: n o t r e a d b y L e g r a n d & C h a m o n a r d , w h o r e s t o r e d [KCCI x]fi a f u v ] - ,

Ramsay,

Frey;

[— K a i rr\ oop.]-;

[ K a l ] xfj a w - , B u c k l e r

&

Calder,

Trebilco. L. 3 (extr.): L e g r a n d

& Chamonard

gave

Pi instead

o f t h e leaf;

R a m s a y d i d n o t n o t e t h e leaf. L . 4 : T I T E A I O Z , n o t t r a n s c r i b e d b y L e g r a n d 8c C h a m o n a r d ;

TixeSioq,

R a m s a y , w h o a d d e d : " P r o b a b l y it w o u l d b e w r o n g t o r e a d T ( . Te8io<;"; [....] TvteSioc., F r e y ; TixeSioc;, B u c k l e r & C a l d e r , T r e b i l c o ; I p r e f e r T i . T e S i o q , s i n c e T e d i u s is a t t e s t e d as a R o m a n

nomen.

L L . 5 / 6 : E I 1 I Z Z K E I [ . ] A Z A Z , £7tiao"K£l[u]daac., L e g r a n d & C h a m o n a r d ; £7tia{o"}K£l[\)]daa<;, F r e y ; e7UGKe['u]ldaac,, B u c k l e r b u t t h e p h . clearly shows d o u b l e

& Calder,

Trebilco,

sigma.

L . 7: a w o u , L e g r a n d & C h a m o n a r d . L . 1 0 : t h e l e a f is n o t n o t e d b y L e g r a n d & C h a m o n a r d , R a m s a y , F r e y . L . 1 3 : E I I I I Z Z K E Y A N T A , eTtiaaKevdaavxa, L e g r a n d & C h a m o n a r d ( t h e reading

of the majuscle

Ramsay;

alpha

copy

must

b e an error);

e 7 t i o { o } K e v d a a v T a , Frey; [ ' A ] u i p t - ,

£7uo"GK£t)daavTa,

Ramsay,

Frey;

a

small

is w r i t t e n a b o v e M E ( t h e l i g a t u r e c o n n e c t s N M E ) .

L . 1 4 : T£0fjv(ai), LL. 1 4 / 5 :

Frey.

nPITONIKO[.]TOY, 7tp[oly]oviK6[v ax>]-cov, L e g r a n d & C h a m o

n a r d , Frey; [a]vcoi), B u c k l e r & C a l d e r , T r e b i l c o . LL.

1 5 / 6 : pvr|peil[ov],

Legrand

& Chamonard,

Frey;

pvnpeliov,

Ramsay. L L . 1 6 / 7 : £7ii%ei[pT|la]£i, L e g r a n d & C h a m o n a r d . L. 17: p£[x]d, B u c k l e r & C a l d e r , T r e b i l c o ;

XE0fiv[a]i,

Ramsay; T£0fjv(ai>,

Frey. L . 1 8 : rat i n

TOV

is w r i t t e n a b o v e t h e l i n e ; A M E P I M O N ,

Legrand & Chamonard; 'Apipiufvjov, L . 1 9 : t h i s l i n e is o m i t t e d

by Legrand

Ramsay,

lapis;

'Apfipipvov,

Frey.

& Chamonard, who

restored

114

J. H. M. STRUBBE

exepov I) [euPaA,eiv - ] ; [xi]va

(after

[— ] e i [ v ] ,

t h o u g h t o f [xi]va [9d\)/ai ~ , b u t r e j e c t e d Buckler & Calder, LL. 1 9 / 2 0 : ea[xai

Ramsay,

B L

would

1:

Ramsay [xi]va,

Trebilco.

avxcprcpoc,x o v Geov

(?)], Ramsay,

Frey,

h a d little c o n f i d e n c e in t h e r e s t o r a t i o n a n d a d d e d that

paxoc,

Frey;

this as t o o short;

but Ramsay

ea[xai

E7UKCCT&-

suit equally well.

[el' TIC,

OUTCOV

xi]va,

Ramsay,

Frey;

xi]va,

Buckler

& Calder,

Trebilco. L L . 1 / 2 : [dlX,]A,ov, X,d(3oix[o, LL. 3 / 4 : o I KAI 6,

Ramsay,

O N is e n g r a v e d a b o v e t h e L . 6: nu i n L . 7:

K[a]l,

avxcbv

Ramsay, Frey;

Frey.

6[7tol]lov, B u c k l e r

& Calder,

Trebilco:

kappa o f K A I .

is w r i t t e n a b o v e t h e l i n e .

Buckler & Calder,

Trebilco.

L. 9: eiaeA,6oi|ro], B u c k l e r & C a l d e r , L. 10: o o l , B u c k l e r & C a l d e r ,

Trebilco.

Trebilco.

L . 1 1 : EVK[a]l, B u c k l e r & C a l d e r ,

Trebilco.

" ( — made this tomb for himself) and for his wife Trophime. Ti(tus) Tedius Amerimnos, having restored the grave o f his grandfather, buried (in it) his wife Aur(elia) Onesime, daughter of Euelpistos. It will be permitted also for Amerimnos, who has restored (the grave), to be buried in his ancestral tomb. But if somebody will attempt to bury another (corpse) after Amerimnos has been deposited, he will pay (to the treasury — denaria). If someone will bury somebody with malicious hand, may he receive (the same) unexpected (blow), which their brother Ame rimnos (has received). But if one o f them is not deterred by these curses, may the sickle o f curse enter into their houses and leave n o one behind." Ti. Tedius Amerimnos was a Roman citizen; his Greek cog n o m e n indicates that he was a freedman o r a descendant o f a freedman o f a Roman resident. Roman citizens and K A X O I K O F T V X E C ; Tco|iaioi are well attested in and around A k m o n i a . The inscrip tion o n the right side of the grave was engraved after the death o f Amerimnos. B L L . 1-2: [XEIIPVI 8oA,i[a] is connected by Buckler & Calder with the following words, so that they speak o f the murder o f Amerim nos (so also Trebilco). Robert connects the two words with the preceding sentence; if this is correct, the death o f Amerimnos was only unexpected and the curse wishes that the violator t o o may die a sudden death. 109

1

0

9

See note 79.

CURSES A G A I N S T V I O L A T I O N OF T H E GRAVE

115

7. Akmonia Found at Usak (ca. 30 km. west o f Ahat) by Ramsay in 1914, who was told that it had been brought from Blaundos. Transported to Izmir in 1927 (depot o f Alsancak); now in the Archaeological Museum at Izmir (Inv. N o . 339). The real provenance was esta blished by Buckler & Calder on the basis o f the curse formula and the offices mentioned. This has been confirmed by Robert, who pointed out that the pine-cone on the top o f the monument was typical o f Akmoriia. Bomos, with mouldings above and below; H. ca. 1.50. It is sur mounted by a large pine-cone resting on a wreath ( ? ) . The prin cipal face is decorated with a large wreath with fillets. O n the right side, mirror, basket, spindle and distaff; below these objects a comb. Letters: H. not recorded; ligatures; principal face: plain alpha, cursive epsilon and sigma, rounded omega; left side: plain alpha, epsilon, sigma, rounded omega. Dated to the year 333 o f the Sullan era, i.e. AD 248/9. Ed.: W. M. Ramsay, The Expository Times 26, 1914/15, 175 No. IX; idem, Bearing Recent Discovery, 358 (-360) note 2 from the same copy and from a copy made by Mrs. Wingate, with translation and commentary on 358-361 (ph., fig.); W. H. Buckler 8c W. M. Calder, MAMA VI, No. 335A on the basis o f a copy made by W. M. Calder (J. -B. Frey, CIJ II, No. 760 with a translation; Frey did not know the edition by Buckler & Calder and their attribution to Akmonia; see J. 8c L. Robert, Revue des Etudes Grecques 67, 1954, No. 24); L. Robert, Hellenica X, 249-251 (ph.) with translation (SEG XV, No. 807; cf. J. Strubbe, Epigraphica Anatolica 10, 1987, 70 No. 56, who cites B L. 2; P. Trebilco, Jewish Communities, 61 N o . 3. 1 with translation and commentary on 65-69). See A. Th. Kraabel, Judaism, 81-82 for the curse; J. Strubbe, Lampas 22, 1989, 192 for a discussion o f this magistrate and other Jewish officials in the city; P. W. van der Horst, Ancient Jewish Epitaphs, 56, who gives a translation of A and comments on the curse; J. G. Gager, Curse Tablets, 191 No. 91 for a translation.

116

J. H. M. STRUBBE

A. O n the front side O n the upper moulding

"Exovq xXy\ O n the shaft Avp. OpouYuxvoq M-nvoKpran) Kai A\>p.

4

'Ioa)X,iavfi yvvr\ avxov MaKapia \n\xp\ Kai 'AXet]a vacat v5p{oc Qv vac ya P v

8

a

c

T

l

yXv vac KindTr) vac £a>vXEq vac Kaxeaa vac KEV-

a a a vac v uv vac r\\ir\q %a 12

vacat

piv •

ei 8e xiq \IEXOL TO TeGryvai amove,, EI TIC, 0d\|/ei erepov veKpov r\ d8iKT|aei Xoyca

O n the lower moulding dyopacriaf;, eaTai a\)Tcp ai dpai 16

r\ yeypamievai ev T(p Aeinepovac

vouup.

vac

B. O n the left side 'Ayopavo|J.ia, creiTcoveia, 7capa(p\)XaKe(a, 4 rcdcyac; dp%dg Kai XeiTO'upYi-

aq xEXioaq Kai aTpaTriyr|oav-

8

vac

Ta.

vac

Ligatures: A L . 3 MH, L . 4

NH ( i n 'IOUXUXVTI ) , L . 5 M H , L . 8 T H , L .

10

M N . M H , L . 12 HN, B L . 7 T H . AL.

9: K c c t E C i K e i a - , F r e y b y e r r o r .

16/7: Seuxepolvouo), R a m s a y , F r e y ; Seinepcp I v o u i t p , W i n g a t e . B L L . 1-3: 'Ayopavoiiia, I a e u c o v e i a , 1rcapacp'utaxKeux, R a m s a y , L.

Ramsay noted datives with Robert

that the

offices

KoauriGeic, o r

may be

some

treated

similar

t o o k t h e o f f i c e s as a s e r i e s o f

word

Frey;

as n o m i n a t i v e s

or

as

u n d e r s t o o d ; J.

&

L.

nominatives.

CURSES A G A I N S T V I O L A T I O N OF T H E

GRAVE

117

"In the year 333. Aur(elius) Phrougianos, son o f Menokritos, and his wife, Aur(elia) Iouliane, have built (this grave) while alive for his (or her ?) mother, Makaria, and for their very sweet daughter, Alexandria, in remembrance. If anyone, after they have been buried, if anyone will bury another corpse or will commit injus tice (to the tomb) by way o f purchase , he will get the curses that are written in Deuteronomy. Office o f clerk o f the market, o f corn-purchaser, o f commander of police; having fulfilled all magistracies and liturgies; and hav ing been strategos." 110

L. 1 5 / 6 : The curse formula mixes singular and plural forms (eoiai, &poc{; in the other words -oci may be written for -n or -n for -at); so o n e could also translate "the curse that is written in Deuteronomy". The translation given above is preferable since there is a whole set of curses in Deut 27-29. 8. Akmonia Imrez (5 km. east of Ahat), in a stable. Marble bomos, broken above; H. 0.94, w. 0.59 (shaft) - 0.78 (base), th. 0.59 (shaft) - 0.76 (base). The front side o f the bomos has lateral pilasters, decorated with a curved tendril. At the bottom a mould ing. The inscription is in the field between the pilasters. Letters: H. 0.02-0.0225; ligatures; plain alpha, epsilon, sigma, rounded omega above an horizontal bar. Probably 2nd or 3rd cent. AD. Ed.: W. H. Buckler & W. M. Calder, MAMA VI, No. 335 (ph.) on the basis o f a copy of W. M. Calder, A. B. Birnie, J. C. Watson (cf. G. H. R. Horsley, New Documents I, 101, who cites LL. 14-20 with translation and some comments; P. Trebilco, Jewish Communities, 62 No. 3. 2 with translation and commentary on 65-69). See A. Th. Kraabel, Judaism, 81-82 for the curse; R. S. Kraemer, SBLSP 1986, 195, who comments on the legal provisions; P. W. van der Horst, Ancient Jewish Epitaphs, 56 for a partial translation of LL. 8-9, 14-20.

1

1

0

J. G . G a g e r , loc. cit., translates: "or d o h a r m o n the p r e t e x t o f

m a d e a) purchase".

(having

118

J. H . M . STRUBBE 8

[.... ....]iv [e£]ecxai exepcp dvuc^ai T O KaGexov r\ (xovov edv 4

cruvPfi Toiqrcai8{oic,avuT O U A6|ivr| KZ 'AX,ec;av8p{aedv 8e ya|xnGr|aovTai, et\bv O U K eoTai dvuc;ai •

8

oc, 8e dv ToAuT|oei erepov erctaevevKai, Griaei Top lepcoTaTq) Tapiicp 'ATTiKaq a' KE o\)8ev

12

eA,aTTov ecrcai Top rt\c, TDiiPcopDxiaq evKA,r||i.aT I \me 6G'uvoc/ eaTai 8e eKiKaTapaToc; 6 T U O V ,

16

Toq Ke oaai dpal ev TO> Ae\)Tepovop:{cp eiaiv yeypa|Li|aevai am& Te Ke Teicvoiq Ke eyyovoiq Ke 20 rcavTi TCB yevei at)Toi) yevoivTO. L i g a t u r e s : K E i n L . 5, L . 1 1 , L . 1 6 , L . 1 8 , L . 1 9

(twice).

"— it will (not) be permitted to another person to open the lair, e x c e p t only when it happens for his children D o m n e and Alexandria. But if they will marry, it will not be permitted to open (the grave). W h o , however, will dare to put in it another (corpse), will pay to the most sacred treasury 1.000 Attic drachmae, and nonetheless he will be liable for the accusation o f grave robbery. Such a man will be accursed and may as many curses as are written in Deuteronomy befall him and his children and his descendants and his whole family." To KdGeTov in L. 3 is a very rare word; the suggestion o f edd. pr. that it is perhaps Jewish, is unfounded. The term may indicate a lair beneath the surface, or the floor of a heroon.

CURSES AGAINST VIOLATION OF THE GRAVE

119

9. Akmonia Found at Usak (see No. 7) by edd. pr., but reported to have been brought from Ahat (Akmonia). Bomos; dim. unknown. O n the back and on the lateral sides a wreath. Letters: H. unknown; one ligature; plain alpha and omega, cursive epsilon and sigma. Dated to the year 328 o f the Sullan era, i.e. AD 243/4. Ed.: E. Legrand & J,. Chamonard, Bulletin de Correspondance Helle nique 17, 1893, 263-264 N o . 48 with a majuscle copy (cf. W. M. Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics I. 2, 653 No. 564 , who cites A LL. 1-18 and B-C-D; cf. G. Lafaye, IGR TV, N o . 658, who cites A LL. 18-20 and B-C-D; J. -B. Frey, CIJ II, N o . 770 with the majuscle copy o f Legrand 8c Chamonard and with a translation; L. Robert, Hellenica X, 253; cf. L. Robert, CRAIBL 1978, 288 note 9, who cites A LL. 1318; cf. J. Strubbe, Epigraphica Anatolica 10, 1987, 69-70 No. 5, who cites B LL. 3-4 and D LL. 3-4; cf. P. W. van der Horst, Ancient Jewish Epitaphs, 56-57 with note 66, who cites A LL. 2-18 with a translation and with commentary on the curse; P. Trebilco, Jewish Commu nities, 62-63 with a translation and with commentary on 65-69). See A. Th. Kraabel, Judaism, 81-82 for the curse; J. Strubbe, Lampas 22, 1989, 192 for a discussion o f this magistrate and other Jewish officials in the city. A. On the front side 'Eyevexo E X O D Q XKT) ' . T. $X. 'AAicjavSpoc, £a>v ecruxcp Kai Taiavfi yuvaiKi xo

4

pivrineiov Kax£c>K£uao£V

jcdpiv, fiovXevaac,, apcjaq, tfloac, KaX&q, \ir\8eva A,oi7cr|aac; • ILrvfiunc,

8

pxxd S E X£0r)vai euExov 'AAic^av-

12

8pov Kai XTIV GVVfhov [IOD Taiavr|v, eiTiq dv\>£r| T O |0.VT|p:iov, eaovxai a\)X(p Kaxdpai

OCTE

dvye-

120 16

20

J. H. M. STRUBBE ypap:uiva(i i)alv eic; opaoiv Kal ic; oXov TO aeoua awo), Kai eic; Teicva Kal eic, (3(ov • ei TIC; 5e E7ci%ipricrr| dvuc;ai, 0T|oi it; TO Ta(iiovrcpoGTiuoi)* cp'.

B-D. On the other sides B. Eipnvap%(a, aeiTto-

4

via.

C.

BouA,ap-

4

dyopavouia.

D.

ETpaTTiyia, aeiTco-

4

via.

Ligature: A L. 13MNH. AL. 9: 8e
CURSES A G A I N S T V I O L A T I O N OF T H E GRAVE

121

10. Akmonia Susuz (see No. 6 ) , built in a wall of the mosque; later transported to Izmir (by K. Kourouniotes); now in the Basmahane depot (Inv. No. 80). White marble doorstone; H. 1.41, w. 1.20 (above) - 1.10 (below), th. 0.035 - 0.026. The lower left corner is broken away. In a sunken panel between two pilasters, a door with three wings. The pilasters are richly decorated with tendrils and flowers. They support a roughly rectangular gable which is decorated with a tabula ansata (containing the inscription) in the middle, a mirror, basket with fruit, and c o m b at the left (above the 1. pilaster), stylus case, stylus, and diptych at the right (above the r. pilaster). The mouldings o f the gable have been cut away. The upper panels o f the d o o r are decorated (from 1. to r.) with a four-petalled flower, a round un identified object, a rosette; the lower panels with a curled rosette, a knocker encircling a rosette, a curled rosette. The small panels above, between and below the door-panels show a vegetal deco ration. Letters: H. 0.017; ligatures; plain alpha, epsilon, sigma, rounded omega above an horizontal bar. Ca. AD 150-175 (Waelkens, on stylistic grounds). Ed.: W. J. Hamilton, Researches II, 405 N o . 27 (majuscle copy) (J. Franz, CIG III, Add., No. 3861B with Hamilton's majuscle copy); W. M. Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics I. 2, N o . 567 (J. Zingerle, Anzeiger der Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, Philos.-Hist. Klasse 60, 1923, 63-65 No. 3 with restoration o f L. 4, mentioned in SEG VI, N o . 171; cf. R. Lattimore, Themes, 115, who cites LL. 3-4 with a translation; J. -B. Frey, CIJ II, N o . 762 with Hamilton's majuscle copy and a translation); M. Waelkens, Actes VllCongres epigr., 121 notes 79-80; idem, Tursteine, No. 435 (ph.); (P. Trebilco, Jewish Communities, 76 N o . 5. 3, who cites the text o f Ramsay with a translation). See W. M. Ramsay, The Expository Times 26, 1914/15, 172 N o . VII, and Bearing Recent Discovery, 364 No. VII for a translation; L. Robert, Hellenica XI-XII, 438-439; B. Lifshitz, RB 72, 1965, 536 and A. Th. Kraabel, Judaism, 89-91 for the curse; B. Haarl0v, The Half-open Door, fig. 6, for a photograph.

122

J. H. M. STRUBBE

'Anuria Tcdo) OuipUcp Kpfcracp Kai Tuxp, Gpeyaai £a>ai jLLvn|LiT|q %dpiv • \iexa T O xovq 8\>o TeGf|vai, oq dv dvopvaei, odpov aiSapouv T O V [.]IKQNA a d v a u o Kai TCO oun.porjAe'uoavTt.

4

L i g a t u r e s : L . 2 M N H M H , T E , L . 4 NT. L . 1: [ . ] Y I B I Q , H a m i l t o n , [0]viB{
u , / . ; t h i s is r e n d e r e d b y T r e b i l c o as a(vri(iT|<;)

METAT[.]YZAYGE0H, H a m i l t o n , uetd i[b a]v(™)x>(<; %)£%-, uexdt[6xovq] <S>t>o(x)zQr\-, F r e y (sic); METAT[.]T[..]ZAYOTE0H-,

X(dpiv); Franz;

Waelkens. L.

3:

ANOPYSEI,

Trebilco; dvopui;^}, L . 4:

Hamilton,

[.]IK(OVCX, R a m s a y ;

(preferably)

Zingerle

[e]iKcbva),

b u t see n o t e

[o]iKa>va; W a e l k e n s s a w o n l y

t e x t o n p. 97 Hamilton,

- -

Ramsay,

[oJiKciova, an hapax,

suggested

[ £ ] ( e v ) c b v a ; x o v I uccova, L a t t i m o r e

m o r e correct to write accepted

dvopu^ri, Franz; d v o p v ^ e i ,

Frey.

I suggest a new

the

restoration,

[tcp 7coir|]aav(Ti), F r a n z ;

(it w o u l d

84;

last

have

Frey a n d

nu:

^dvavro,

Ramsay,

£dvro, Frey; I A N A I T [ . ] K A I , W a e l k e n s ; K A I I Q , H a m i l t o n ,

Kai

TCD,

Frey

(sic);

BOYAEYZANI, Hamilton,

B O Y A E Y I A N [ . . ] , -povXet>aav[Ti], Frey

Trebilco

[£]eva>va; in

T O V I [d]yKa>va;

or

been the

-IANITO, Trebilco; KAI[.]Q,

-Poi)A,£t>o-av(Ti), F r a n z ;

(sic).

"Ammia (made this tomb) for Gaius Vibius Krispos and for Tyche, her foster-parents, while they were alive, in remem brance. After the two have been buried, whoever will disturb (the tomb), may an iron b r o o m mangle his house (?) and (the same) for the man who has given advice." There is a strong suspicion that the inscription is pagan. 11. Akmonia U§ak (see N o . 7 ) , built in a wall; reported to have been brought from Ahat (Akmonia). Marble doorstone; H. 0.50, w. 1.65, th. 0.62. The monument is richly decorated with palmettes, egg-and-dart moulding and a bead-and-reel moulding. Letters: H. not recorded; plain letter-forms. Probably 2nd cent. AD (Waelkens on stylistic grounds). Ed.: G. Weber, AM 25, 1900, 467 (cf. J. Zingerle, Anzeiger der Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, Philos.-Hist. Klasse 60, 1923, 63 note 1, and 64: corrections o f L. 2, mentioned in SEG VI, N o . 172; M. Waelkens, Tursteine, N o . 425; P. Trebilco, Jewish Communities, 76-77 No. 5. 4 with translation).

CURSES A G A I N S T V I O L A T I O N OF T H E GRAVE

123

See L. Robert, Hellenica X, 252 note 11 for the provenance; idem, Hellenica XI-XII, 400 and A. Th. Kraabel, Judaism, 89-91 for the malediction. OA,. Tei)0pavxiq £a>aa eocuxfji Kai 'Eppoyevei 'EpfioyEVouc, xtp dv8pi T O uvr|U£iov KaTEOKEuaaev • piETa 8E T O T O U C , 8t>o T£0fjvai, ei TIC, dvoiaEi mi^ovXevaei, ad(p)ov aiSapouv E I O E A B O V T O V O I K O V . L. 1: uvr||HT|£iov, Waelkens, by error. L. 2: ANOISEI, dvo(
"Fl(avia) Teuthrantis built this tomb for herself, while alive, and for her husband Hermogenes, son o f Hermogenes. But after the two have been buried, if anyone will open (the grave) or will plot (to d o so), an iron broom must go into his house." The inscription, like No. 11, may be pagan. 12. Akmonia Banaz (ca. 14 km. north o f Ahat); in the mosque veranda, supporting a pillar. White marble bomos; H. 0.81, w. 0.38 (top) - 0.32 (shaft) - 0.42 (base), th. 0.30 (shaft). The left and back sides are concealed. On the right side, spindle and distaff in a tabula. The top and the base are decorated with mouldings; on top a wreath ( ? ) . Letters: H. 0.015-0.0175; ligatures; alpha with broken cross-bar, cursive epsilon, plain sigma, rounded omega above an horizontal bar. Dated to the year 339 o f the Sullan era, i.e. AD 225/6. Ed.: cf. E. Legrand & J. Chamonard, Bulletin de Correspondance Hellenique 17, 1893, 273 No. 63 with a majuscle copy, who publish only LL. 1-8 (W. M. Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics I. 2, No. 526 ) ; W. H. Buckler & W. M. Calder, MAMA VI, N o . 325 (ph.) with short commentary (cf. L. Robert, Hellenica XI-XII, 407, who cites LL. 1419; cf. S. P. Ntantes, 'Aneikr\xiKa{ EKypaoeiq, 114, who cites LL. 1819; P. Trebilco, Jewish Communities, 77 No. 5. 5 with translation and commentary).

124

J. H. M. STRUBBE

See A. Th. Kraabel, Judaism, 91 for the curse; P. W. van der Horst, Ancient Jewish Epitaphs, 58 for a partial translation o f LL. 13-19. O n the upper moulding "ETOTJC, TAG'.

A\>pr|A,ioc, 'Poucpoc, 'Eppii dO n the shaft above the tabula 8eA,(p6) Kai 'Poucpwri dve4 \|/ia TaxupLupoiq pvr|p> vac nc, %dpiv. vac O n the shaft in the tabula A\)pf|Aioc, 'Pofi(poq eauTGp K a l 8 y u v a i x l EueA,7tioTn Kal dveyitp IlapGevicp kauTOiq £ C O V T 12

ec, K a x e c K e u a o -

av • (xexd TO GeGfjvai a w o ^ c ; , oc, dv dvopu^i Kal Pa16 XI dXXov veKpov On the shaft below the tabula Tl xuvPovrcpiaxeii ypdppa pidvi, etpXiai SKWOU GUV7cav yevoc, f| 0eou opyr). O n the lower mouldings 20 Tuvpoic, ydp Suo TOWO TO af|vac pa erciKiTai. vac Ligatures: L. 3 NH, L. 4 N H , L. 9 T H , L. 17 M M . L . 2 : A Y P I A I O I , At>p{A,io<;, L e g r a n d & C h a m o n a r d , R a m s a y ; 'Epufj(i),

Legrand

&

Chamonard;

'Eppfjc.,

Ramsay,

" P r o b a b l y w e s h o u l d a l t e r t h e t e x t t o 'Eppfl, w i t h t h e

who

EPMHX, added:

editors".

L . 3 : A A E A O Q , dSeAipcp, L e g r a n d & C h a m o n a r d . L . 8:

rYNAIKlf..],

Legrand & Chamonard.

L . 1 4 : A Y T O I I , lapis.

"In the year 339. Aurelius Rouphos for his brother Hermes and for his niece Rouphina, who died untimely, in remembrance. Aurelius Rouphos for himself and for his wife Euelpiste and for

CURSES A G A I N S T V I O L A T I O N OF T H E GRAVE

125

his nephew Parthenios; they built (this tomb) for themselves while alive. After they have been deposited, whoever breaks open (this grave) and puts in another corpse, or purchases the grave or defiles the inscription, the wrath o f G o d will destroy his whole family. For this sign is placed on two graves." 13. Laodikeia Katakekaumene Kadinhani (probably the ancient village Pit(h)lla, ca. 15 km. north-west o f Ladik), in the central cemetery. Rectangular stele o f light-blue limestone; H. 1.20, w. 0.57, th. 0.36. Letters: H. 0.02-0.035; alpha with broken cross-bar, cursive epsilon, sigma and omega, square omega. After AD 212. Ed.: W. M. Calder, Revue de Philologie 1922, 121 N o . 5, on the basis of a copy o f W. M. Calder and W. M. Ramsay (SEG I, N o . 452); W. M. Calder, MAMA I, N o . 267 (ph.) (cf. S. P. Ntantes, 'AneiXrixiKai EKippdaeiq, 114, who cites LL. 13-16). See L. Robert, Hellenica XI-XII, 437-438 for the possibly Jewish character o f the text. Avpr\Xioq OiAorcanoq TCD -65i(p naxpl jXxtKVXOLXCd

4

Avp. Eiaivvq) dveaxrjoce jLivfi|LLT|q

Xctpiv •rcccxpiea> q>i[A,]oq 8e x ' 6A,07ta7U7i-

8

oq dyaKA-rjevxi Ziaivvcp TpiGpiaKapiaTOTdtTG) KE Texpd-

12

16

KIC, 6A,p{(p lev • TupiPq) EK\ GTT|AT|V TT|v8' ei'Spuoev • ei 8e xxq ceorryv aeivexe, dGavdxoio 0eot> p:t|v(i)|xa Adpoixo. vac

L . 6: cpi[A,] - , C a l d e r Revue p h . is u n c l e a r .

de Philologie,

b u t i n MAMA

h e g a v e
126

J. H. M. STRUBBE

LL. 6/8: $i[A,]l6{a8eToAo}7ta7i7cloc,, Cronertin SEG.

L. 11: Cronert noted in SEG: "voluerat poeta oAPioqTJev". LL. 12/3: "On peut lire aussi xnvSle i'8p\)oev", Calder Revue L. 15: MHNFMA, lapis.

de

Philologie.

"I, Aurelius Philopapos, have erected (this stele) for my very sweet father Aur(elius) Sisinnos, in remembrance. He was for his father a friend and even a whole grandfather ( ? ) , for the very famous Sisinnos, thrice most blessed and four times happy. H e has erected this stele upon the tomb. If someone will harm this (stele), may he obtain the wrath of the immortal God." The inscription may be Christian. 14. A Phrygian (?) in Rome Found at the Jewish cemetery o f the vigna Randanini at Rome; now at the Museo Nazionale Romano at Rome (Inv. N o . 72932). Marble tablet, broken at the upper left corner; H. 0.32, w. 0.345, th. 0.01. The tablet was later reused for a Latin grave inscription. Letters: H . 0.017-0.014; alpha with elongated right leg, cursive epsilon, sigma and omega. Probably 3rd cent. AD (ed. pr.: letter-forms). Ed.: L. Moretti, Rivista di Archeologia Cristiana 50, 1974, 215-218 No. 2 (ph.) with translation and commentary (cf. P. W. van der Horst, Ancient Jewish Epitaphs, 58, who translates LL. 12-14).

4

8

12

[

K]ocTiA.ia Ewuxi-

[

e]7ruT|oa evrcpo-

[aOev ? —]|fuc/ 'EppiovTrv [xpo](p[iur|v ex]cov 8' 'EppiaSoc, (piAaryv T\8e aopoc, KCXxi%\ - nourcAac, KavuAac; 'Eppiac, ev7topo(<;) evGdSe K i p a i excov A,e' • i 8e xig Taimyv xf|v oopov dv(u)c;n K a i exepov xiva 6d\|/n, Grjai xa> xapicp * e' • ei 8e xiq ii xuvpovrcpiaxaii ypd|ip a piicbari, ec;oX,eai K(VOU

at)V7tav yevoq f) Geou vac opyn. vac

CURSES A G A I N S T V I O L A T I O N OF T H E

L L . 1/2:

127

GRAVE

E i L m ) % { l [ a o r Em\)xil[avf| o r Etm)xil[cJ> M o r e t t i .

L . 7: evjcopoq, M o r e t t i , b u t t h e p h . s h o w s t h a t L. 9: A N - Z H ,

av(x>£)r\,

Moretti; but

sigma is

not engraved.

Z - (= Z ) is n o t £ b u t

xi.

T h e form

n o t rare in the I m p e r i a l p e r i o d .

L . 12:0YKIN, lapis ... Catilia Eutychi ... I have made before .... This sarcophagus contains Hermione, the beloved foster-child o f Hermias, 4 years old. I, Publi(u)s Catili(u)s Hermias, a trader, 35 years old, lie here. But if someone will open this sarcophagus and will bury another (deceased), he will pay to the treasury 5.000 denaria. But if some one either buys this grave or erases the inscription, the wrath o f G o d will destroy his whole family." Moretti suggested that Catilius Hermias, a Jewish trader, came from Asia M i n o r . 111

1

1

1

I w o u l d like to t h a n k M s . Bij d e V a a t e , D r . J. W . van H e n t e n , Prof. D r . P. W . v a n d e r H o r s t a n d D r . C h . Safrai f o r t h e i r a d v i c e a n d m o s t v a l u a b l e h e l p . O f c o u r s e I a m a l o n e r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the views e x p r e s s e d h e r e a n d f o r t h e r e m a i n i n g errors. I a m grateful to D r . P. Staples w h o c o r r e c t e d my English.

is

128

J. H. M. STRUBBE

ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THE CATALOGUE Actes Vile Congres epigr. = Actes du Vile Congres international d'epigraphie grecque et latine, Constantza 1977 ( e d . Pippidi D . M . ; Bucarest - Paris: 1 9 7 9 ) B u c k l e r W . H . & C a l d e r W . M . , MAMA VI= Monumenta Asiae Minoris Antiqua VI. Monuments and Documents from Phrygia and Caria ( M a n c h e s t e r : 1 9 3 9 ) C a l d e r W . M . , MAMA 1= Monumenta (Manchester: 1928)

Asiae

Minoris

Antiqua

I. Eastern

Phrygia

D o e r n e r F. K . , TAM IV. 1 = Tituli Asiae Minoris TV. Tituli Bithyniae Unguis Graeca et Latina conscripti. Fasc. 1. Paeninsula Bithynica praeter Chalcedonem (Wien: 1978) Franz J., CIG 111= Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum III (Berlin: 1 8 5 3 ) Frey J. -B., CI] 11= Corpus Inscriptionum Iudaicarum II. Asie, Afrique Vaticano: 1 9 5 2 ) G a g e r J. G . , Curse

Tablets = Curse

Tablets

and

World ( N e w Y o r k - O x f o r d : 1 9 9 2 ) H a a r l 0 v B . , The Half-open Door= The Half-open

Binding

Spells from

Door. A Common

within Roman Sepulchral Sculpture ( O d e n s e : 1 9 7 7 ) H a m i l t o n W . J., Researches 11= Researches in Asia Minor, ( L o n d o n : 1 8 4 2 ; repr. Hildesheim: 1 9 8 4 ) H o r s l e y G . H . R . , New Documents 1= New Documents

Pontus

Illustrating

(Citta d e l the

Symbolic

Ancient Motif,

and Armenia Early

II

Christianity

/ (Macquarie: 1981) H o r s t P. W . v a n d e r , Ancient Jewish Epitaphs = Ancient Jewish Epitaphs. An Introductory Survey of a Millennium of Jewish Funerary Epigraphy (300 BCE700 CE) ( K a m p e n : 1 9 9 1 ) K r a a b e l A . T h . , Judaism = Judaism

in Western Asia Minor under the Roman

Empire

( T h . D . H a r v a r d U n i v . ; C a m b r i d g e Mass.: 1 9 6 8 ) Lafaye G . , IGR 7 V = Inscriptiones Graecae ad Res Romanas Pertinentes IV (Paris: 1927) L a t t i m o r e R . , Themes = Themes in Greek and Latin Epitaphs ( U r b a n a 111.: 1 9 4 2 ) N t a n t e s S. P., 'AneiXnxiKai EK
eniTVupiovg naXaioxpioxiaviKag eniypoxpdg (Athens: R a m s a y W . M . , Bearing

Recent Discovery = The Bearing

1983) of Recent Discovery

on the

4

Trustworthiness of the New Testament ( L o n d o n : 1 9 2 0 ) R a m s a y W . M . , Cities and Bishoprics I. 2= The Cities and Bishoprics

of Phrygia

I.

2. West and West-Central Phrygia ( O x f o r d : 1 8 9 7 ; r e p r . N e w York: 1 9 7 5 ) R o b e r t L . , Hellenica X= Hellenica. Recueil d' epigraphie, de numismatique et d' antiquite grecques X (Paris: 1 9 5 5 ) R o b e r t L . , Hellenica XI-XII= Hellenica.

Recueil d' epigraphie,

antiquite grecques XI-XII (Paris: 1 9 6 0 ) S E G I = Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum 1923) S E G V I = Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum 1932) T r e b i l c o P., Jewish 1991)

Communities

de numismatique

et d'

I ( e d . H o n d i u s I. I. E ; L e i d e n : VI ( e d . H o n d i u s I. I. E; L e i d e n :

= Jewish Communities

in Asia Minor

(Cambridge:

W a e l k e n s M . , Tursteine = Die kleinasiatischen Tursteine. Typologische und epigraphische Untersuchungen der kleinasiatischen Grabreliefs mit Scheintur ( M a i n z am Rhein: 1986)

JEWISH POETICAL TOMB INSCRIPTIONS P l E T E R W. VAN DER H O R S T

The total number o f ancient Jewish inscriptions that have been preserved is approximately 2.000. Some 1600 o f them are epitaphs. N o less than ca. 70% o f these tomb inscriptions is in Greek; only some 18% in Hebrew or Aramaic; and about 12% in Latin. Slight ly more than 1% o f them, namely 19, are in metrical form: two from Rome (the only one in Latin, CIJ 476, and IGUR III 1231 = IG XIV 1648) j one from Lorium near Rome (CIL XI 3758 = CIG 9852); one from Larissa in Thessaly (CIJ 701); two from Beth She'arim in Palestine (BS II 127 and 183) ; twelve from Leontopolis in Egypt (CIJ 1451, 1489, 1490, 1508-1513, 1522, 1530 and 1530A) and one from Schedia, also in Egypt (SEG VIII 4 6 9 ) . All o f them can be dated to the four centuries between the second half of the second century BCE and the second half o f the third century CE. If we leave out o f account the Larissa inscription, which contains only one metrical line (xatpoLS" dvSpcoTrcov TT€TTVV\I.£V€ bang u T r d p x e i ) , we are left with the striking observation that twelve out o f eighteen of these poetical epitaphs are from Egypt, or rather from one place in Egypt, Leontopolis o n the eastern side o f the Delta, the city 1

2

3

4

1

N u m b e r w i t h o u t f u r t h e r i n d i c a t i o n is a r e f e r e n c e to J. B . Frey's

Inscriptionum

Judaicarum

with a P r o l e g o m e n o n by B . Lifshitz ( N e w York: 1 9 7 5 ) . F o r necessary et corrigenda

to Frey's v o l u m e s see m y Ancient

survey of a millennium 1991)

ch.

of Jewish funerary

2

B S II refers

Inscriptions 3

epigraphy

1. F o r I G U R III 1 2 3 1 see

H o r s l e y , New Documents

Jewish

Epitaphs.

(300 BCE -

An

addenda

introductory

700 CE) ( K a m p e n :

n o w also t h e r e - e d i t i o n

by G. H . R.

Illustrating Early Christianity TV ( 1 9 8 7 ) n o . 1 1 4 .

to M . S c h w a b e -

B . Lifshitz, Beth

She'arim

II:

The

Greek

(Jerusalem: 1 9 7 4 ) .

M o s t i n s c r i p t i o n s f r o m E g y p t w e r e r e p u b l i s h e d in an i m p r o v e d

by D . M . Lewis in V . T c h e r i k o v e r - A . Fuks, Corpus

Papyrorum

in a s u p e r b n e w e d i t i o n by W . H o r b u r y & D . N o y , Jewish Inscriptions Egypt

edition

Judaicarum

CPJ] ( 3 vols.; C a m b r i d g e M A : 1 9 5 7 - 1 9 6 4 ) III 1 3 8 - 1 6 6 , a n d n o w q u i t e Roman

Corpus

[ = CIJ] ( 2 vols.; R o m e : 1 9 3 6 - 1 9 5 2 ) ; r e p r i n t o f v o l . I

[=

recently of Graeco-

( C a m b r i d g e : 1 9 9 2 ) . CPJ n o . 1 5 3 9 is n o t m e n t i o n e d h e r e

(al

t h o u g h it has b e e n i n c l u d e d in the A p p e n d i x , see n o t e 4 0 ) since it s e e m s to contain only a small n u m b e r o f metrical elements. T h e Schedia

inscription

has also b e e n

de

republished

b y E . B e r n a n d , Inscriptions

metriques

I'Egypte

greco-romaine (Paris: 1 9 6 9 ) 1 8 5 - 9 0 ( n o . 3 7 ) . 4

N o t e t h e H o m e r i c flavour c r e a t e d by ireTTVupeve, a w e l l - k n o w n tag o f t e n

f o u n d in the Iliad a n d note.

Odyssee, see LSJ 1 3 6 3 b . O n CPJ 1 5 3 9 see the

previous

130

P. W. VAN DER HORST

where a rival Jewish temple was established in the s e c o n d century BCE by the high-priest Onias after a conflict in Jerusalem over the highpriesthood (today the place is still called Tell elYehudieh) . This is a striking observation, but completely in agree ment with the fact that in other aspects as well the Jewish epitaphs from Leontopolis are much more heavily influenced by Hellenis tic conventions than those elsewhere. 5

6

It need not be repeated here that metrical epitaphs were a very c o m m o n genre in Greek and Roman antiquity from the sixth century BCE till the sixth century CE. The very large collections both in W. Peek's Griechische Versinschriften (henceforth GV) and in P. A. Hansen's Carmina epigraphica graeca (CEG), and also the seventh book o f the Anthologia Palatina amply testify to that. Thou sands o f pagan and Christian examples are known to us, and, in comparison, the modest number o f 19 Jewish instances o f metri cal funerary epigraphy is a very small harvest. Nonetheless, they well illustrate the influence o f Greek literary language, motifs and forms on Jewish culture. As we shall see, not only d o these inscriptions often use Homeric language and metre, but they also employ several motifs from Greek mythology. 7

8

9

Also literary sources make abundantly clear that in educated Jewish circles Greek poetry in many o f its forms and genres was known, adopted and adapted, and put into the service o f Jewish ideas. We have, for instance, the (iambic) drama on the exodus, Exagoge, by Ezekiel; the hexametric epic p o e m about the history o f Shechem by Theodotus (almost certainly a Samaritan Hellenist); the p o e m about Jerusalem in utterly obscure hexametric Greek by a certain Philo; the many metrical so-called 'forged quotations' from Hesiod, Sophocles, Euripides, Menander, etc. voicing Jewish doctrines; the dactylic didactic wisdom p o e m by Pseudo-Phocylides; the lofty hexameters o f the Jewish parts o f the Sibylline Oracles; etc. And we should bear in mind that the greatest part o f 10

5

See

Studies

R . H a y w a r d , " T h e Jewish T e m p l e o f L e o n t o p o l i s " , Journal

3 3 ( 1 9 8 2 ) 4 2 9 - 4 4 3 . A . K a s h e r , The Jews in Hellenistic

and

of Jewish

Roman

Egypt

(TSAJ 7; T u b i n g e n 1 9 8 5 ) 1 1 9 - 1 3 5 . 6

S e e m y Ancient Jewish Epitaphs

7

Berlin:

8

Berlin: 1 9 8 3 - 1 9 8 9 , 2 vols, ( m o r e v o l u m e s are to f o l l o w ) .

9

1

( n . 1 ) , esp. ch. 3 .

1956.

S e e m y Ancient Jewish Epitaphs 0

S e e m y The

tische poezie

Sentences

(n. 1 ) ,

passim.

oj Pseudo-Phocylides

(Leiden:

( K a m p e n : 1 9 8 7 ) ; "The I n t e r p r e t a t i o n

1978);

Joods-hellenis-

o f the B i b l e by t h e

Minor

131

J E W I S H P O E T I C A L T O M B INSCRIPTIONS 11

this literature has not been preserved at all. All these writings date from the second century BCE to the second century CE, i.e.: approximately the same period as our epitaphs. It is now time to examine in more detail some o f these tombinscriptions and to discuss a few o f their interesting features. N o . 1530 (= GV1861) from Leontopolis, is a unique epitaph in that it is the only Jewish instance o f the well-known Greek genre o f the dialogue between the "deceased and the passer-by (Peek has 58 instances, GV 1831-1688). It is written in disticha, i.e.: alternating dactylic hexameters and pentameters (as is usual in epigrams), and it dates from the beginning o f the first century C E . 12

T h e s p e a k i n g t o m b s t o n e : ' W h o are y o u w h o lie in the d a r k t o m b ? Tell m e your country

of

Aline

and Theodosius. T h e famous land of Onias reared m e . ' —

a n d birth.' — 'Arsinoe, d a u g h t e r

'How

o l d were you w h e n you slipped d o w n the dark slope of L e t h e ? ' — 'At

twenty

I went

to t h e

sad place

o f the

dead.' —

'Were

you

m a r r i e d ? ' — ' I was.' — ' D i d y o u leave h i m a c h i l d ? ' — ' C h i l d l e s s w e n t to t h e h o u s e o f H a d e s . ' —

'May earth,

dead, b e light o n you.' — ' A n d for you,

the guardian

stranger,

of

may she

I

the bear

fruitful crops'.

Actually it is only the expression "the famous land o f Onias" and the fact that the stone itself was found in Tell el-Yehudieh that make it virtually certain that it is indeed a Jewish epitaph. The content o f the p o e m otherwise seems completely pagan. We have here not only Hades, which had by the Hellenistic period

H e l l e n i s t i c Jewish A u t h o r s " , in M . J. M u l d e r ( e d . ) , Mikra. Reading

and

Christianity Assen -

Interpretation

of the Hebrew

Bible

in Ancient

Text,

Translation,

Judaism

and

Early

( C o m p e n d i a R e r u m I u d a i c a r u m a d N o v u m T e s t a m e n t u m II 1;

Philadelphia:

1 9 8 8 ) 5 1 9 - 5 4 6 . V . Nikiprowetzky,

La

troisieme

Sibylle

(Paris-The H a g u e : 1 9 7 0 ) . E . Schiirer, The History of the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus

Christ

( 3 vols.; rev.

e d . b y G . V e r m e s , F. M i l l a r a n d

M. Goodman;

E d i n b u r g h : 1 9 7 3 - 1 9 8 7 ) III 5 5 7 - 5 6 7 , 6 1 8 - 6 5 4 , 6 5 6 - 6 7 1 , 6 8 8 - 6 9 3 . 1

1

See,

e.g.,

the

case

of the

'Jewish H o m e r ' , Sosates:

S. J. D .

"Sosates, the Jewish H o m e r , " H a r v a r d Theological Review 7 4 ( 1 9 8 1 ) 1

2

For the

text

metrical epitaphs

a n d m o s t extensive metriques

the

r e a d e r is r e f e r r e d

the A p p e n d i x where

discussion

language. T h e best

o f this e p i t a p h is by E . B e r n a n d ,

all

dei

Giudei

Leontopolitani,"

Kurtz a n d J. B o a r d m a n , Greek Burial nice

pagan

(literary)

Aegyptus

Customs

12 ( 1 9 3 2 )

the

edition

Inscriptions

( s e e n. 3 ) 1 9 9 - 2 0 3 . S e e also A . M o m i g l i a n o , "Un d o c u m e n t o

spiritualita following

to

are p r i n t e d in their o r i g i n a l

Cohen,

391-396.

della

171-172. D. C.

(London: 1971) 266, quote

e x a m p l e : " C h a r i t o n , h o w are t h i n g s

the

below?

- A l l d a r k . - A n d w h a t a b o u t t h e way u p ? - A lie. - A n d P l u t o ? - A m y t h . T h e n w e are d o n e for" ( C a l l i m a c h u s , Epigr.

31).

-

132

P. W . VAN DER H O R S T

b e c o m e so much o f a cliche metaphor that the L X X translators used it freely to render the Hebrew she'ol, but we also meet Lethe, the personified Oblivion, who gave her name to one o f the rivers in the netherworld. Also the names o f the dead person and her parents are far from typically Jewish. Mavirreipa (fern, o f |invinr|p) in the first line reminds one of the frequent use o f iinvtia) in metri cal epitaphs. Its Dorian form highlights right from the start the artificiality o f the language, which is also reflected in hapax legomena such as <$>a\±ioQ& (4), most probably the feminine o f the non-attested adjective cj>n|iicn"6s', 'famous'. On the other hand, the typically Koine ending -ag in the second-aorist (oXiaSas" ( 5 ) betrays the author's incomplete mastery o f the classical language. The KXL|±CI AdQag, the region o f Lethe, is identical to the y o e p o ? X&pog v e K U w v in the next line. Here, it would seem that there is n o more h o p e or expectation o f an afterlife than was the case in the traditional and gloomy ancient Hebrew conception o f she'ol. As will be seen, there is a great variety in this respect even in the few inscriptions discussed in this short paper. Finally, it should be no ticed here that the motif o f dying dreKVog, like the one o f dying as an ctyapLos", is in ancient epitaphs one o f the most frequent expres sions o f sorrow over those who had died as d t o p o i , the untimely dead being in the ideas o f most ancients highly lamentable per s o n s . Ateknos and agamos are the expressions par excellence to de note the incompleteness of the lives o f the deceased. One can find innumerable instances in Richmond Lattimore's classic study Themes in Greek and Latin Epitaphs, that appeared exactly 50 years a g o . (Other instances from Leontopolis are nos. 1461, 1500, 1511.) 13

14

15

16

Line 9 is one o f the few Jewish instances o f the s(it) t(ibi) t(erra) l(evis) motif in Jewish epitaphs; it is found only in five instances, four o f which are from Leontopolis (in nos. 1484, 1488, 1530, 1530A) and one from Beth She'arim (BS II 1 6 7 ) . I give here the 17

1

3

See, e.g., Peek's G 7 1 6 2 2 , 1 6 2 4 , 1 6 3 0 , 1 6 3 2 .

1

4

F o r t h e i n t e r c h a n g e o f T a n d 0 see F. T . G i g n a c , A Grammar of the Greek

Papyri of the Roman 1

5

Grabinschriften raire

and Byzantine Periods ( 2 vols.; M i l a n o : 1 9 7 6 - 1 9 8 1 ) I 1 3 4 - 1 3 8 .

E. Griessmair,

Das Motiv

(Innsbruck:

( 2 vols.; A t h e n s :

der Mors Immatura

in den griechischen

1 9 6 6 ) ; A . M . V e r i l h a c , IlaiSes"

metrischen

dwpoi. Poesie

1 9 7 8 - 1 9 8 2 ) , p u b l i s h e s a n d discusses s o m e

200

funeGreek

m e t r i c a l e p i t a p h s with this t h e m e . 1

6

U r b a n a : 1 9 4 2 , 1 8 4 - 1 9 5 ; cf. also Griessmair, Das Motiv

1

7

F o r this t h e m e see R . L a t t i m o r e ,

70.

63-77.

Themes in Greek and Latin Epitaphs

65-

133

JEWISH POETICAL TOMB INSCRIPTIONS

Latin wording because in Latin epitaphs the formula in this (metrical) form has become so c o m m o n that it is very frequently abbreviated to s.t.t.l. In Greek epitaphs it never became such a fixed formula, even though the source o f the expression is a passage from Euripides' Alcestis 463-4 Koiicpa a o i ^TTavwGe Trecroi (cf. Meleager in Anthologia Palatina VII 461), a phrase that underwent all kinds o f variations especially in Latin poets like Propertius, Ovid, and Martial. It is noteworthy that of the extremely popular Latin formula n o Jewish instances have been recovered and also that the Greek formulae are again found only in Leontopolis and Beth She'arim. A second example from Leontopolis is 1490 (= GV700, from 117 BCE);i8 H e r e u n d e r t h e s h e l t e r o f this s t o n e , s t r a n g e r , lies . . . D e m a s , d e s e r t i n g t h e o l d a g e o f his very pitiable

mother

a n d his p i t i a b l e little c h i l d r e n a n d his m o u r n i n g wife. He

helped many men

b y his

skill.

W e e p f o r t h e m a n w h o has left t h e m o s t h o n o u r a b l e a n d h i s city, a n d t h e a b o d e s a n d f r i e n d s h i p o f

...[gap]

men.

D e m a s , a b o u t 3 8 years o l d , in t h e 5 4 t h year, t h e t h i r d o f month)

(the

H a t h y r . Y o u t o o , A l e x a n d e r , f r i e n d o f all a n d w i t h o u t

reproach,

excellent one,

farewell.

This epitaph consists of 3 disticha in poetic vocabulary and a prose ending. The restorations at the end of lines 1-5 are far from being certain. In line 1 it is possible to read Kelpm instead o f K e i T a i , which would imply that Demas himself is the speaker. AuaTTipos' (3) usually means 'harsh, bitter, severe', but here an unattested sense such as 'bitterly grieving' would seem to be required. The fact that PonSos" (4) was pronounced as PoiSo? enabled the poet to use it in this pentameter. Some o f the commentators assume that Demas had been a doctor, but 'helping many men by his skill' (if that is the correct reading; some read ovvioei) may also refer to another profession. The TTOXLS" of line 6 must be Onias' temple-city, Leontopolis. Again, there is no mention of any expectation o f life after death whatsoever. Lines 9-11 are a prose inscription added later by another hand.

1

8

See

t h e e d i t i o n a n d d i s c u s s i o n o f this e p i t a p h in E . B e r n a n d ,

tions metriques de I'Egypte greco-romaine

Inscrip

( n . 3) 8 9 - 9 2 , o n the basis o f w h o s e treat

m e n t I h a v e slightly c o r r e c t e d D . M . Lewis' translation in CPJ ( n . 3 ) III 1 5 3 .

134

P. W . VAN DER HORST

A third example from Leontopolis is no. 1511 (= GV 808, first century CE): I a m Jesus, m y f a t h e r was P h a m e i s ,

passer-by,

I w e n t to H a d e s w h e n I was sixty years o l d . W e e p all t o g e t h e r f o r t h e o n e w h o h a s s u d d e n l y g o n e to the secret p l a c e o f eternity to dwell in darkness. A n d y o u too,

D o s i t h e u s , w e e p f o r me,

f o r it is y o u r d u t y

to p o u r libations o f bitterest tears o n m y t o m b . You

are m y child, for I have d e p a r t e d childless.

All w e e p t o g e t h e r for Jesus, the

lifeless.

19

Some remarks may suffice. Line 1: Jesus was a very c o m m o n name among Jews in the Hellenistic and Roman periods as, for instance, A. Schalit's Namenwdrterbuch zu Flavius Josephus (Leiden: Brill, 1968) immediately makes apparent. The father (cpu? = cpuaas") o f Jesus has an Egyptian name (elsewhere spelled as TTa[if)S'). Line 2: the age o f the deceased is indicated not by words but by the Greek figure for 60, although it functions metrically. Line 3: irdvTag stands for TravTes" (see line 8 ) , a vulgarism caused by the fact that the endings of the nominative and the accusative plural tended to merge in Koine Greek. In other epitaphs from Leontopolis as well, the wayfarer is often called upon to weep, a frequent motif in ancient epitaphs. Line 4 again makes clear that the expectation of post-mortal existence scarcely differs here from the Old Testament view o f the gloomy she'ol. Lines 5-7 probably address Jesus' foster child, whom he, a childless man, regards as his own child. Avo[Levr\s in line 8 is difficult. It usually means 'hostile', which seems to be impossible here. Possibly it means 'without [ i i v o g ' in the sense o f 'vital force, vitality'; hence the translation 'lifeless' or 'strengthless', cf. d|ievr|v6s" (Frey's render ing 'malheureux' seems inadequate). As a final example from Leontopolis we quote 1530a (= GV 850, probably first century CE): W h e n h e h a d already a c h i e v e d the span o f 5 3 years, he who O

t a m e s all h i m s e l f s n a t c h e d h i m

sandy earth, what a b o d y you

off to

Hades.

hide

o f the soul of the m o s t blessed A b r a m o s . F o r h e w a s n o t w i t h o u t h o n o u r i n t h e city, b u t w o r e t h e w r e a t h

1

9

See t h e n o t e s by B e r n a n d ,

(n. 3 ) 9 2 - 9 5 .

Inscriptions

metriques

de I'Egypte

greco-romaine

135

J E W I S H P O E T I C A L T O M B INSCRIPTIONS

of magistracy for the whole people i n his wisdom. For you were honoured with the leadership of two places, generously performing the double duty. And everything which was fitting to you, soul, before you hid yourself, we, your family of good children, are increasing. But you, passer-by, seeing the grave of a good man, say these fair words to him and depart: 'May the earth be light on you for ever'. 20

Lewis accepts Louis Robert's suggestion that Abramos had been the head of two local Jewish communities. Notable again is the absence of any expression of belief in life after death, even in the case o f an honoured community leader. In line 1 TrevTfJKOTa is an indication of the dropping of the nun in vulgar pronunciation. Line 2: T r a v 8 a | a d T 0 ) p is often used as an epithet o f time (or the perso nified Xpdvog). Line 3: d|i|io<J>avr)S' is a hapax but well-chosen in view of the bright yellow sand in the Egyptian desert. Line 4: (laicdp and l a a K a p i a T O S ' are very frequently used o f the dead. Lines 5-6: dpxfi depends on lore^ejo, he was honoured (lit. 'crowned^ with a wreath') with a magistracy over the whole community (dpxT) Trdv8r|[ios" eQviKX) belonging together; iQvog is frequently used to designate a Jewish community, cf. ethnarch). Line 7: T r o X i T c i p x w v means that Abraham was the head of the TTo\tTeu|ia of the Jews in Leontopolis. Lines 9-10 are very hard to translate; Bernand renders: "Tu as eu tous les honneurs convenables, chere ame, avant d'etre enfoui, et, lignee de bons enfants, nous y a j o u t o n s " . Lewis' translation, "everything which was fitting to your spirit", ignores the vocative character o ftyvxA,which is very often used as a term of affection for the deceased. Line 13 is o d d because the addition o f this verse containing the well-known wish sit tibi terra levis makes the p o e m end with two pentameters, which is very unusual. 21

22

23

Let us now look briefly at the two examples from Palestine, from the catacombs o f Beth She'arim, both dating from the third century CE. First BS II 127: 2 0

1965) 2 1

Lewis in CP] ( n . 3 ) III 1 6 2 ; L . R o b e r t , Hellenica I 18-24, X I - X I I 384-385. B e r n a n d , Inscriptions

metriques

( 1 3 vols.; Paris: 1 9 4 0 -

(n. 3) 9 6 .

2 2

B e r n a n d , Inscriptions metriques ( n . 3 ) 9 9 n. 8 . F o r a s o m e w h a t d i f f e r e n t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n see Liideritz e l s e w h e r e in this v o l u m e . 2 3

the

contribution

by G .

136

P. W . VAN DER H O R S T

I, t h e s o n o f L e o n t i u s , l i e d e a d , J u s t u s , t h e s o n o f S a p p h o , w h o , h a v i n g p l u c k e d t h e fruit o f all (kinds o f ) w i s d o m , left t h e light,

( a n d left) m y p o o r p a r e n t s in e n d l e s s m o u r n i n g ,

a n d m y b r o t h e r s t o o , alas, i n m y B e t h S h e ' a r i m . A n d h a v i n g g o n e t o H a d e s , I, Justus, lie h e r e with m a n y

o f m y o w n kindred, since m i g h t y Fate so willed.

B e o f g o o d c o u r a g e , J u s t u s , n o o n e is i m m o r t a l .

This poetic inscription, written in disticha, is a clear demonstra tion that (some) Palestinian Jews were not only familiar with the Greek language but also with Greek literature, for the p o e m is full of Homeric phraseology and diction (although from a metrical point o f view the p o e m is far from faultless). In line 1 A e o v T e i 8 r ) S ' is already an imitation o f Homeric patronymics (cf. 'ATpei8r\s for 'son o f Atreus'). In line 2 the emphatical TTdar|S' a o ^ i n ? — to be translated as 'all kinds o f wisdom' —seems to indicate that it was not only Jewish wisdom (i.e. Torah study) but also Greek learning that Justus had been involved in. Lifshitz remarks: "The Jew Justus, a citizen o f that town which was for many decades a center of Jewish scholarship, and apparently also the author o f the in scription, used this expression in the sense accepted in his Hellenized environment". Sirach 6:19-20 also speaks o f the 'fruits' o f wisdom. A n r e i v 4>dos in line 3 is a Homeric expression (Od. XI 93), as is d K a x n ^ v o u s " (Od. IX 62, 105, 565, etc.; o n the faulty pro sody here see Schwabe-Lifshitz 102). AuTOKaoLyi/nTOS" for 'brother' in line 4 is very c o m m o n in Homer. B e a a p a (line 4) for Beth She'arim occurs also in Josephus. ' T o go to Hades' in line 5 in the sense o f 'to die' is c o m m o n both in Homer and in funerary epi graphy. In Jewish writings 'Hades' had lost its religious-mytho logical meaning (God o f the underworld), as has already been remarked above. But MoT pa KpaTaCn in line 6 (a typically Homeric verse ending) seems to be more difficult to reconcile with Jewish conceptions. Moira was the Greek goddess of fate, but apparently Justus sees no problem in using the term, in the tradition of Greek epigrams, to say that it was his destiny to die young. 24

The final prose expression, Sdpaei, ouSeis* d0dva.Tos", occurs very often in pagan epitaphs and its sense is much debated. This 25

2

4

S c h w a b e - L i f s h i t z ( n . 2 ) ad loc, p . 1 0 0 ; o n p . 1 0 1 they rightly e m p h a s i z e

t h a t "in this o n e h e x a m e t e r [read: p e n t a m e t e r ] c o n c e p t s f r o m two d i f f e r e n t w o r l d s mefet a n d a r e c o m b i n e d . " 2 5

und

E . g . G . D e l l i n g , "Speranda Futura," in his Studien zum hellenistischen

Judentum

(Gottingen:

zum Neuen

Testament

1 9 7 0 ) 39-44, and M . Simon,

137

J E W I S H P O E T I C A L T O M B INSCRIPTIONS 26

e x p r e s s i o n has been explained in very diverging ways ranging from 'banale, trostlose Wendung' to an expression o f 'courage et confiance' with respect to eternal life. It is very difficult to say what in each individual case may have been the associations this formula evoked. At first sight it may seem to be an expression o f resignation: n o one is immortal, death is common to all people, so try to be courageous in the face of the inevitable. It cannot be ruled out that such sentiments existed among Jews, who definitely did not all believe in immortality of the soul or resurrection o f the b o d y . That belief in afterlife was not part and parcel o f every body's Judaism is clearly evidenced by the slightly cynical epi taph o f a Roman Jew called Leo (CIJ 32*), which reads "Friends, I await you here!" (amici, ego vos hie exspecto) and by two Jerusalem inscriptions o n e o f which calls u p o n the survivors to enjoy themselves by eating and drinking (ev^paiveoQe ol £ d ) V T e s \ T O 8£ XOLTTOV [...] Treiv 5|ia [= d(ia] fyayelv), whereas the other simply says, "No one can go up [from the grave]". There is, however, some evidence that Sdpaei, ouSel? dBdvaTOS' was also used by Jews who did believe in a blessed afterlife. In one of the Beth She'arim catacombs we find two inscriptions by one and the same hand, BS II 193 and 194. The first runs 6 a p a e i T e , TraTepes" ocuoi, ouSels* dGdvaTOS", and the second evTvx&S TTJ U U W V avaojaaei. This seems to indicate that the use o f the 0 d p c r e i formula could well be con gruent with belief in the resurrection. Moreover, Gappetv/Gapaetv was already used by Plato in the context of a discussion o f afterlife 27

2 8

29

30

31

Odpaei,

ouSels*

dSdvaTOS", in

his Le christianisme antique et son contexte religieux I

(Tubingen: 1981) 63-81. 2

6

2

7

W i t h its variants (often o u S e l ? Delling,

d0dvaTos"

is

omitted).

"Speranda futura" ( n . 2 5 ) 3 9 , takes it to b e an e x p r e s s i o n

g l o o m y r e s i g n a t i o n w i t h o u t any h o p e o f afterlife; p r e t a t i o n is a d v o c a t e d by S i m o n , Gdpaei 2

8

of

the m o r e o p t i m i s t i c inter

(n. 2 5 ) 6 5 .

T h i n k , f o r e x a m p l e , o f the S a d d u c e e s ;

see J. le M o y n e , Les

Sadduceens

(Paris: 1 9 7 2 ) 1 6 7 - 1 7 5 . 2

9

P u b l i s h e d by B. Lifshitz,

Biblique

"Notes d ' e p i g r a p h i e

palestinienne,"

7 3 ( 1 9 6 6 ) 2 4 8 - 2 5 7 , w h e r e h e also refers to the m a n y p a g a n

Revue

parallels,

e.g. in Peek, G 7 7 1 6 , 7 2 1 , 9 0 5 , 1 1 1 2 , 1 2 1 8 , 1 3 0 1 , 1 3 3 3 , 1 9 2 5 , 1 9 7 8 , 1 9 8 7 , 2 0 2 9 , etc. Cf. L u k e 1 2 : 1 9 a n d 1 C o r 1 5 : 3 2 . It s h o u l d b e a d d e d that the occurring

nihilistic

pagan

a b b r e v i a t e d as n.f.f.n.s.n.c.) 3

0

F. M . C r o s s ,

3

1

B.

Deutschen

Lifshitz,

fui,

non

sum,

non

frequently

euro

(often

on

a Burial I n s c r i p t i o n f r o m

Mount

Scopus,"

(1983) 245-246.

"Beitrage

Palastina-Vereins

non fui,

has n o Jewish parallels.

"A N o t e

Israel Exploration Journal?,?)

formula

zur

palastinischen

78 (1962) 73-74.

Epigraphik,"

Zeitschrift

des

138

P. W . VAN DER H O R S T

and immortality (Phaedo 63e, 78b, 87e, 9 5 c ) . And in the famous Codex Bezae ( D ) , at Luke 23:43, Jesus' answer to the repentant criminal's request, "Jesus, remember me when you c o m e into your kingdom", significantly is: "Keep courage (Gdpaet), today you will be with me in Paradise". Also in 4 Mace 17:4 the context leaves us in n o doubt that Gdppei is used there with regard to the expectation o f a glorious afterlife. So there certainly was a use o f 9appeiv/8apaetv in connection with the afterlife with very positive overtones. The exhortation 9dpoei, ouSel? d 0 d v a T O 9 , and certainly 0dpaei alone (which is frequent in Beth She'arim) was probably meant "to encourage the deceased to meet the dangers involved in the passage to the next world courageously". (The use o f Gappeiv in several passages in the New Testament demonstrates that it is employed most often in situations o f real and dangerous tests which can be passed or afflictions which can be b o r n e . ) The passage to the next world is beset with dangers, according to ancient conceptions, because inimical powers or demons will try to bar the deceased from entry into a new and blessed existence. Not only pagan Greeks and Romans but also Jews and Christians knew the notion o f a dangerous heavenly ascent o f the dead. 0dpaei wishes the dead the courage they need to be able to bring this journey to a successful conclusion. So there is g o o d reason to connect this phrase with a positive belief in a blessed afterlife, even though that need not be the case in every instance. 32

3 3

34

35

Let us look briefly at the second Palestinian instance, BS II 183:

3

2

3

3

Lifshitz, Beth She'arim II (n. 2 ) 2 2 4 . See

the

f i n e study o f t h e w o r d by C . S p i c q , Notes

de lexicographie

neo-

testamentaire I ( F r i b o u r g - G o t t i n g e n : 1 9 7 8 ) 3 6 7 - 3 7 1 . 3

4

S e e e.g. F. C u m o n t , After Life in Roman Paganism

169, and

his Recherches

repr. N e w York: 1 9 7 5 ) 3

5

Firmicus

sur

le symbolisme

(New Haven: 1922) 148-

des Romains

(Paris:

1942;

104-176.

Maternus,

De errore profanarum

f a m o u s e x c l a m a t i o n in

the

aecrioapevou,

fjptv

tfcrrai

funeraire

ydp

(Osiris?)

religionum

mysteries, 6appeiTe

2 2 , 1, q u o t e s pucxTai

the

TOU 0eoO

eK TT6VCOV aarrnpta. T h i s f o r m u l a i n d i c a t e s that

in m y s t e r y r e l i g i o n s as well 0 a p p e i v was u s e d in

c o n n e c t i o n with

from

R . Joly, " L ' e x h o r t a t i o n

pains', probably

r e f e r r i n g to afterlife; see

c o u r a g e ( 9 A P P E I N ) d a n s les mysteres," Revue 170.

M y c o l l e a g u e D r . Jan

also i m p l y

W i l l e m van

au

des Etudes Grecques 6 8 ( 1 9 5 5 ) 1 6 4 -

Henten

that, a l t h o u g h it is very p a i n f u l

'salvation

suggests that 0dpaei

(especially for

martyrs:

M a c e 1 7 : 4 ) t h a t w e all h a v e to d i e , the r e w a r d that is awaiting the

may see

4

righteous

o r t h e i n i t i a t e d after d e a t h is so g r e a t that w e s h o u l d r e m a i n c o u r a g e o u s in view o f that. T h i s s e e m s very p l a u s i b l e .

139

JEWISH POETICAL T O M B INSCRIPTIONS T h i s t o m b contains the dwindling remains of Karteria, preserving forever the illustrious m e m o r y o f a n o b l e w o m a n . Z e n o b i a b r o u g h t h e r h e r e for burial, fulfilling

thus h e r m o t h e r ' s

request.

For you, most blessed of w o m e n , your

offspring,

w h o m you bore from your gentle w o m b , your pious

daughter

- f o r s h e always d o e s a c t i o n s p r a i s e w o r t h y in t h e eyes o f m o r t a l s b u i l t this m o n u m e n t , s o that e v e n after t h e e n d o f life's t e r m b o t h o f you m a y enjoy again new a n d indestructible

riches.

This epitaph is metrically even more deficient than the previous one (there is an "intermingling o f dactyls and trochees and the length o f syllables is often ignored), but the spelling is correct apart from thrice i instead of £i. Lines 1-4 contain a statement about mother and daughter, lines 5-7 address the mother, lines 8-9 address both mother and daughter. Again there is much Homeric phraseology and diction (atyQirog, f|e, TLW, £6$, pe£o), KAUTCI epya, 6(J>pa, e t c . Here Zenobia is called 'pious' because she always performs 'praiseworthy deeds', in this case especially the proper burial o f her mother in the way this woman had asked her daughter to d o it. The editors take the 'new and indestructible riches' to be the splendid tomb o f Karteria, but it seems much more probable to see this as a reference to the 'treasure in heaven' that 'neither moth nor rust' can destroy and n o thieves can steal (Matt 6:20), that is, eternal life. 36

Finally, the most famous ancient Jewish funerary epigram, the only Latin o n e preserved, Corpus Inscriptionum Judaicarum 4 7 6 (Rome, second to third century CE): H e r e lies R e g i n a , c o v e r e d b y s u c h a t o m b , w h i c h h e r h u s b a n d u p as fitting

to his l o v e . A f t e r twice

ten years s h e s p e n t with

o n e y e a r , f o u r m o n t h s a n d e i g h t days m o r e . S h e will live

set him

again,

r e t u r n to t h e light a g a i n , f o r s h e c a n h o p e t h a t s h e will rise to

the

life p r o m i s e d , as a r e a l a s s u r a n c e , t o t h e w o r t h y a n d t h e p i o u s , that she has deserved

to possess

T h i s your piety has assured love

for

your

people,

you,

this y o u r

a n a b o d e in

the

hallowed

this y o u r c h a s t e observance

of

life,

the

this y o u r

Law,

d e v o t i o n to y o u r w e d l o c k , the glory o f w h i c h was d e a r to y o u . all t h e s e d e e d s y o u r h o p e

o f t h e f u t u r e is a s s u r e d .

s o r r o w i n g h u s b a n d seeks his

3

6

comfort.

F o r details see Schwabe-Lifshitz ( n . 2 ) ad loc, p p . 1 5 7 - 1 6 7 .

In

in

land.

this

your For your

140

P. W. VAN DER HORST 37

This beautiful epitaph deserves to be dealt with at length but space prohibits this. It is unique not only in being our only Latin example but also in its unequivocal expression o f central Jewish ideas and values. Regina's husband glorifies her faithfulness, her piety, her love o f the Jewish people and her observance o f the commandments o f the Torah; and he also seeks comfort in his expectation o f Regina's resurrection from the dead. This is one o f the very few epitaphs that give such an unambiguous statement about the importance o f Torah and piety and faith in the resurrec tion o f the body. (I have to leave aside here the debated question o f whether the phrase meruit sedem venerandi ruris habere in line 8 is a reference to Paradise or to resurrection in the Holy L a n d . ) The Latin and the prosody are relatively faultless. 38

We have now briefly looked at 7 ancient Jewish metrical epi taphs. The material discussed is much too limited a sample too base any general conclusions upon. Let me therefore close with some modest observations that our scanty sources d o seem to permit us to make. We have seen a relatively g o o d knowledge o f the Greek (and Latin) language and literature in its archaic and classical forms, and also, albeit it to a lesser extent, o f its prosody, among educated Jews in the Hellenistic and Roman periods. We also saw a restrained use o f Greek mythological motifs, or at least terms, like Hades, Lethe and Moira. We could observe a variety o f ideas about life after death, ranging from a gloomy pessimism to 3

7

The

translation

is by H . J. L e o n

(The Jews

of Ancient

Rome

[Phila

d e l p h i a : 1 9 6 0 ] 3 3 5 ) , b u t slightly c o r r e c t e d o n the basis o f the critical r e m a r k s by

Lifshitz

(Prolegomenon

to

CIJ I 3 8 ) , w h o

also

convincingly

refutes

F e r r u a ' s thesis t h a t t h e p o e m is Christian. Lifshitz' c l a i m that amor

generis

(in l i n e

(her)

1 0 ) d o e s n o t m e a n 'love o f the

family'

seems

'loving

the

3

8

unfounded;

the

frequent

p e o p l e ' b u t 'love o f

meaning

of

L e o n , Jews ( n . 3 6 ) 2 4 9 , takes it to m e a n Paradise; so d o e s Frey ( n . 1)

ad

[Jewish]

cf.

(Jewish)

in

the

community'.

loc. B u t H . C . C . Cavallin, Life after Death Eschatologie

^iXdXaos"

und Jenseitserwartung

I (Lund:

im hellenistischen

1974) 168, U.

Diasporajudentum

Fischer, (Berlin:

1 9 7 8 ) 2 3 5 , a n d D e l l i n g , "Speranda futura" ( n . 2 5 ) 4 2 , take it to m e a n that by her resurrection

R e g i n a will have a p l a c e

[ H . L . Strack -] P. Billerbeck, Kommentar Midrasch

in

the H o l y L a n d , referring

zum Neuen

Testament

III ( M i i n c h e n : 1 9 2 6 ) 8 2 8 - 9 a n d I V ( 1 9 2 8 )

aus

Talmud

1198. There

Billerbeck

q u o t e s s o m e later r a b b i n i c testimonies to the effect that the r e s u r r e c t i o n take p l a c e in

the l a n d o f Israel. T h i s d o e s n o t i m p l y that o u r

open.

will

inscription

s h o u l d b e i n t e r p r e t e d as sharing this n o t i o n , b u t it has to b e c o n c e d e d venerandum

to und

that

rus is an o d d e x p r e s s i o n for Paradise. T h e q u e s t i o n m u s t r e m a i n

141

JEWISH POETICAL TOMB INSCRIPTIONS

a lofty expectation o f bodily resurrection or immortality o f the soul. There certainly was n o unanimity in this matter. We should, however, be careful in the use of the argumentum e silentio in this respect. It cannot be said that the writers o f the vast majority o f epitaphs in which there is no (clear) sign o f belief in afterlife were non-believers in this respect. For, in spite of the fact that belief in the resurrection o f the body was a much more central tenet in Christianity from the beginning than in Judaism, in ancient Christian epitaphs, too, this belief finds expression only rarely. 39

Perhaps the most interesting and puzzling aspect o f our topic is the uneven distribution o f the material. Why only o n e metrical epitaph from Rome, the city from which we have more ancient Jewish epitaphs than from any other place (even Jerusalem), n o less than some 600? Why are there n o metrical epitaphs from Asia Minor, where Jews had lived for so long and were integrated so much more into society than in many other areas o f the ancient world that it is only in Asia Minor that we find Jews in the highest echelons o f society and politics? Why are 80% o f our metrical epitaphs from Leontopolis, a very important religious centre for Egyptian Jewry? A n d why two metrical epitaphs in Homeric Greek in the necropolis o f Beth She'arim which was the burial-place of Rabbi Judah ha-Nasi, the codifier o f the Mishnah, and o f other rabbis and their families? Tertullian's phrase Quid Hierosolymis cum Athenis could be rephrased here as Quid Mishnae cum Homero? These are important and fascinating questions the answers to which either cannot (or not yet) be given at all or would require a much wider and more detailed treatment o f all aspects than has been possible in this short paper. 40

3

9

See

I. K a j a n t o , " T h e H e r e a f t e r

in A n c i e n t

Christian

Epigraphy

and

Poetry," Arctos 1 2 ( 1 9 7 8 ) 2 7 - 5 3 . 4

0

For further

Jewish Epitaphs

d i s c u s s i o n I have to refer the r e a d e r to m y b o o k

(n. 1 ) .

Ancient

142

P. W . VAN DER H O R S T

APPENDIX: CORPUS OF JEWISH METRICAL EPITAPHS

41

CIJ 476 (Rome) I. 3. 5. 7. 9. II. 13.

Hie Regina sita est tali contecta sepulcro quod coniunx statuit respondens eius amori. haec post bis denos secum transsegerat annum et quartum mensem restantibus octo diebus. rursum victura, reditura ad lumina rursum, nam sperare potest ideo quod surgat in aevom promissum quae vera fides dignisque piisque. quae meruit sedem venerandi ruris habere. hoc tibi praestiterat pietas, hoc vita pudica, hoc et amor generis, hoc observantia legis. coniugii meritum cuius tibi gloria curae. horum factorum tibi sunt speranda futura, de quibus et coniunx maestus solacia quaerit.

IGUR III 1231 = IG XIV 1648 (Rome) 1.

[CTtOV 8]C£XOKTO) [LOVOjeVT) Kai TTCXpOcfVOV

eQaupe AtapoGeos" " r a T i p , |r]eX\6vu|icJ>ov Tu(3i [ir\vbg elKd8i [elXes", Tr]oi/r)pe 8atu\ov, bg T O V ^pvrraXiv [ol V 6 Q ] T O V O U K eKkxtaag, akrrrep fiXmae. [6eo8o]aiav

3. 5.

[r|v

[6KTa)]Kai8ex£'nr|S', ^

T L

iTapQevos"

oloyeveia

4 1

T h e r e a d e r will find h e r e the texts o f all Jewish m e t r i c a l t o m b inscrip tions. T h e first o n e f r o m R o m e a c c o r d i n g to the e d i t i o n o f L e o n ( n . 3 7 ) , t h e s e c o n d o n e a c c o r d i n g to the re-edition o f H o r s l e y ( n . 1; n o t e t h e r e p e t i t i o n o f its c o n t e n t s in a n o t h e r m e t e r after verse 5 a n d t h e final Latin l i n e in 1 0 ) ; t h e o n e f r o m L o r i u m a c c o r d i n g to C I L ; t h e o n e f r o m Larissa a c c o r d i n g to t h e e d i t i o n o f Frey ( n . 1 ) ; t h o s e f r o m L e o n t o p o l i s a n d S c h e d i a a c c o r d i n g to t h e n e w e d i t i o n o f H o r b u r y a n d N o y ( n . 3 ) , with o n l y slight m o d i f i c a t i o n s ; t h o s e f r o m B e t h S h e ' a r i m a c c o r d i n g to the e d i t i o n o f S c h w a b e - L i f s h i t z ( n . 2 ) . A s is the case with CIJ 7 0 1 f r o m Larissa, CPJ 1 5 3 9 f r o m L e o n t o p o l i s ( ? ) is n o t a m e t r i c a l e p i t a p h in t h e strict s e n s e o f t h e w o r d . O n l y t h e p h r a s e s

dKOdpevos

1

poyepto?

( 7 - 9 ) a n d <S T r d p o S o i S a K p t i a a r e

(9-10)

are in metrical

f o r m ( r e s p . h e x a m e t r i c a n d i a m b i c ) ; see B e r n a n d , Inscriptions metriques ( n . 3 ) 373. N e v e r t h e l e s s it has b e e n i n c l u d e d h e r e f o r t h e sake o f c o m p l e t e n e s s . The i n c l u s i o n o f the s e c o n d inscription f r o m R o m e ( I G U R III 1 2 3 1 ) is b a s e d s o l e l y u p o n t h e fact that t h e n a m e s T h e o d o s i a a n d D o r o t h e u s s o u n d very Jewish, b u t t h e r e is n o a b s o l u t e certainty a b o u t their Jewishness. The a u t h o r o w e s t h a n k s to C a m b r i d g e University Press f o r t h e i r p e r m i s s i o n to r e p r i n t the m e t r i c a l e p i t a p h s f r o m the r e c e n t e d i t i o n b y W . H o r b u r y and D . N o y ( = JIGRE).

J E W I S H P O E T I C A L T O M B INSCRIPTIONS

7.

[6EO]8OCRF,a

KCITOU,

ACOPO0EOI)

9.

[ D X X ' a) v ] r | X E 6 0 U | a e X D P O V , T'L a e T6OOOV evr]r\g [Te]
CIL

X I3 7 5 8 = G 7 G 9 8 5 2

I.

EV0D8E

(LORIUM)

erdSv

CI] 7 0 1

fpiepoiv)

KCL

(LARISSA,

MAPLA

Tovfyelvog a\ii)\ii»)v

E V ELPF|VT) KEITE

66OAC(3F)S- DYTUW r e 3.

0irydTnp.

V6|ia)v

ao^'INS'

THESSALY)

'IOU8A,

AeovTicrKou

8 E YUVI*|, X A W x a l p e L V .

[xaj'ipois' DVOPARRRUYV TreTr[vu|j.EV]e

CPJ1451

T e AUVICRRCOP.

n' (I)p[TO]V I \

(LEONTOPOLIS)

=

JIGRE

IRRRDPXEI.

CXJTLS"

29

1

Kai v w

]|ie

3.

[CO Tr]apo8elTa, 6 y e v ^ ^ ? Tr|K6(levos• I/IFXTI[

5.

YEVET

e l 8 E 9 E X E ^ I ] $ S yvfivai L

x^P S">

f)8E 7.

L

8EUP'

0

F ) 8 E (F/iXois'.

8 U V A A A I TT6CFOT| Trier [T]IS"

exei.

^ ^ S " Travres" 68UPP.os-

L0L Kai epwrnaov

2O|I6T)(X)OV

ULOV

AoopaTos"

TTOTaTrCS' [....

[T'L]?

67J1489

K

Y A P | i [ e y ] A TrevOel

(LEONTOPOLIS/DEMERDASH)

=

JIGRE

1 1 4

1

]rqg ev bp
] [ i o [ L Tre](|)IXR)|j.evov e v P\CRRR|[Ti

Jco? —Totfj|i6v

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(LEONTOPOLIS)

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a ) 8 ' UTT6 T 6 ARNXDSOS" |j.EXA0POV, £ e v e , ANPIAS",

=

JIGRE

67Y 1.

3 0

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E X E ^ T d ^ ? ]

144

P. W. VAN DER HORST

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Kal TTOXLV, dvSpcoTTtov 8' f|0ea Kal cJ>iXlav. >

7.

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9.

Kal. ay, 'AXgavope,

5

(eTous-) v8', 'A6[i)]p y'. TTaortf>iXe Kal dv£y11.

Kkrfre, xpntcn"]^. xfatpe]. 1508 (Leontopolis) = JIGRE 31

1.

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3.

vfuliicpo^iiois"CTToXtSeaaiauvoiKos" [e]6[v] ydp a t o p o ?

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9.

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O y 1509 (Leontopolis) = JIGRE 32 I.

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3.

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arv]xf£,

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7.

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9.

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II.

(eTou?) L', Xotax C-

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oa
d-navTa Trap' fipitov

dyyeXXeiv TTCIOTV T O O 0 a v d T o u T O Tdxos".

0 / 1 5 1 0 (Leontopolis) = JIGRE 33 1.

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3.

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5.

e£eu£ev \ie 4>a(3eiTi Tra-rfip, w8eivL 8e Mdipa

TT\V

K a T a TrdvTa aTuxfiv, Suopiopov, alvopiopov.

ur|{i}Tp6s" €TreX 8e p.' d^fis" dvOos* h>u|±<poKO|-iei,

J E W I S H P O E T I C A L T O M B INSCRIPTIONS

TTporroTOKOU |ie

7.

Kat |ieiKp6v |iev

Ttpbg TeXog

TCKVOU 7

ey
rjye (3lou.

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1

x^P ?

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Kai Tdc^os"

ev

11.

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els' ooious- e i r e T e .

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Mexeip P'-

6 ^ 1 5 1 1 (Leontopolis) = JIGRE 34 1. El|iel eyd) 'Irjaous', 6 c^ij? 8e 4>a|ie'is\ TrapoSetTa, (e£f|KOVTa erOtv) r\XQov 8 ' e l ? 'Aei8av. 3.

KXauraTe 8f) d(ia TrdvTas" T O V e^aTr'ivns" (leTapdvTa

5.

Kai ov

7.

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els* fiuxov

alcovcov, ev

aKOTig 8idyeiv.

8e, Aaxr'uSee, KaTcucXae p.e

-

8dKpLQL TTLKpOTdTOLS" TU|l(3a) e\i&

KXauaaTe TravTes" 6|iou 'Inaov

aol yap dvdyKn Trpoxeeiv

8ua|ievea.

CPJ1512 (Leontopolis) = //Gi2E 35 1. f]T0)v 8eKar\xs, ITauvi evd-rn eiKa8i

dpf|0avn.

e l a i 8 e |iou aTfiXnv, TrapoSiTa, KXauaov dSXriCTas',

3.

0

oais x^P "^ dpn

5.

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y a p ouSe yd|iou ^eToxos" Ki|J.ai

Kai yove {ales' Trdaxoua' iKeXws* eirl ulov

61 re cpiXol 7.

£T|TOUCTIV 6|ir|XlKa Kai

a w | i a 8 ' e|iov KiTai x o p °

K<X>qvoas 9.

ev

(el)Tre

-

v

TIK^PCOI,

dpeaT6v,

auveTaipov

L

S' {Isl euaepea.

dupe, Travc68u{8u}pe, Kai TTavdpicrre{a},

os" Trdoris' {ns-} dpeTf^s' TrdvTOTe KuSaXipitofc)

CPJ1513 (Leontopolis) = JIGRE 36 1.

doTeoi

Kai £evoi,

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ad)(J>pova, TraaL(f)lXr|v, ws- (TpiaKOVTaeTT)v). 3.

|if|

\ie

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el 8 ' 6<Xl>yov £ f | a a 5.

0V0V

XP

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'AyaSoKX-ns" cb? (eTcov) Xr\\

CPJ 1522 (Leontopolis) = JIGRE 37 1.

TTaTrTrlwva |j.eiKp6v KXauaov emaTds'.

146

P. W. VAN DER HORST

3.

K \ O £ |ie |irrrr|p,

5.

£IK [0(JL6]TrTQ6Tr)V.

f) Tr[eTru]pa)p:euri

KXaufcraTe] JT&VTES. CPJ1530 (Leontopolis) = JIGRE 38 I. 5/rdXa |iavuTeipa. —rig kv Kuavauyei Tupi^a) K e i a a t ; Kal irdTpav Kal yeveTqy 'ivene. — 3. 'Aporvoa, Koupa 8' ' A X L V O T I S ' Kal On&oaloio4>a|iia0d 8' 'Cvlou y a Tpo^os* dpLerepa. — 5. •noGoaeTr\s 8' &\ioQa$ imb O K O T O E V KXt|±a Ad0as"; — 0V

iKoo~€TT\s yoepov x&P £fa) veKvav. — 7. C^uy'io-Ons- 8£ ydiious"; —£eux0TTv. —KaTcXlviraves' a u r a TEKVOV; — a T e K V o s * £|3av el? 'At8ao 86u\ous\ — v 9. in aol Kou4>a x®& 4>0LM-€VOLO (J>uXdKrap. — Kal aot, £eive, (f>epoi Kapirov ano crraxvoav. II. (erovg) is*' ITauvi Ka'. v

a

CPJ 1530a (Leontopolis) = JIGRE 39 I. n e v T f | K o < i / > T a jpidv krkuv K U K X O V f)8' dvuaavTa auTos 6 TTav8ap:drap f p T r a a e v els* 'Al8r|v. 3. ai xQwv djip.o^avris', o W Sepias' apxpiKaXirnns' 'A(3pdpiou ^uxfl? T O U pLaKapioTOTdrou. 5. O U K d y e p a o T o s " etyv ydp d v d TTT6XII>, dXXd Kal dpxf) Trav8f|(ia) kQviK?\ ecnre(f>eT' kv ao(f>(.g. 7. 8 i a o w ydp T E TOTTGOV TToXiTapx&v awbs krei\i.& 1

TT)V 8i|iepfj 8aTrdvriv e^avuaas" xdpt-CJLV.

9.

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TrdvTa Kal

II. 13.

yalav

'ixois

kXafypav ei$ rbv dirairra

Cf/1539 (Leontopolis?) = JIGRE 40 1. d p i Maxdcav T O U Za(3(3a 3. TaLou, TeXeura e r a v _

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JEWISH

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7 .

INSCRIPTIONS

6X06-

8OL, 1 1 .

POETICAL TOMB

ALET,

piou

0 L T e

TTXOUTOV.

ALPHABET-INSCRIPTIONS FROM JEWISH GRAVES* A L I C E B y DE V A A T E

Most Jewish epitaphs from the Graeco-Roman world are only short texts, consisting o f the name o f the deceased to which addi tions such as age, occupation, laudatory epithets, and greetings or a wish to the departed may have been placed. There are, however, inscriptions which stand out from this pattern. Remarkable are some which consist o f several letters o f the alphabet in successive order, or o f the complete alphabet. This kind o f inscription is commonly designated by the term abecedarium. T o avoid con fusion, however, the term alphabet-inscription is to be preferred, since abecedarium is the usual name for poetic texts, consisting o f several lines, the first o f which starts with the first letter o f the alphabet, the second with the second letter, etc. Familiar examples of such alphabetical acrostics are Psalms 111, 112 and 145. The inscriptions which are the subject of this paper, on the other hand, offer n o regular text. All they consist of, are just several successive letters o f the alphabet. Although they were discovered in graves, the alphabet-inscriptions seem to have nothing in c o m m o n with what is regularly considered to be an epitaph. N o personal name is included, so obviously they were not meant to commemorate a deceased. So what did they mean? Why should one write down the alphabet in a grave? Or, as A. Dieterich put it: "Freilich bilden diese Zeichenreihen kein Wort, aber d o c h eine Formel, die keinen Sinn haben mag, aber in irgendeinen Sinne zu irgendeimen Zwecke verwendet sein muB". 1

1. Description of the alphabet-inscriptions from Jewish graves Until now three alphabet-inscriptions from Jewish graves have been published. One o f them was found in Jericho and is dated in the first century CE, ante 68. The inscription consists o f the first 2

I w o u l d like to t h a n k D r J. W . van H e n t e n helpful 1

A. Dieterich,

" A B C - D e n k m a l e r , " Kleine

1 9 1 1 ) 2 0 2 ( = Rheinisches 2

R.

a n d L . C o z i j n s e n f o r their

remarks.

Hachlili,

Museum fur Philologie56

"The

Goliath

Family

Schriften

(Leipzig

and

Berlin:

[1901] 77).

in J e r i c h o :

Funerary

Inscriptions

A L P H A B E T - I N S C R I P T I O N S FROM J E W I S H GRAVES

149

eight or nine letters of the Greek alphabet. It is written in charcoal on the inside o f the lid o f an ossuary, a bone-receptacle. Clearly visible are alpha to theta; they may have been followed by an iota. Separated by a horizontal line over the width o f the lid may have followed phi. Two o f the letters have an unusual form: the bar o f the theta is missing and the zeta is slightly turned so that it looks like a nu. ABrA | EZ | HO | K?) | - |

The cemetery o f Beth She'arim has been used particularly from the early third century CE till the destruction o f the place by an earthquake in 363. The alphabet-inscription was found in one o f 4

f r o m a First C e n t u r y A D Jewish M o n u m e n t a l T o m b , " BASOR

235 (1979) 47-

4 8 . F o r the d a t i n g see p p . 6 0 a n d 6 2 . 3

M . S c h w a b e a n d B. Lifshitz, Beth She'arim II: The Greek Inscriptions

(New

Brunswick N Y : 1 9 7 4 ) 4 6 - 4 7 n o . 7 3 ( = CIJ 1 0 9 2 ) . 4

S e e P. S c h a f e r ,

Interpretation H.

Lebram

"Der A u f s t a n d g e g e n G a l l u s Caesar," Tradition

in Jewish and Early Christian Literature, Essays

in Honour

and

of Jurgen

ReC.

(eds. J. W . van H e n t e n , H . J. d e J o n g e , P. T . van R o o d e n a n d J. W .

W e s s e l i u s ; L e i d e n : 1 9 8 6 ) 1 9 9 - 2 0 0 , against the a s s u m p t i o n

that the d e s t r u c t i o n

o f B e t h S h e ' a r i m was the result o f the revolt u n d e r Gallus in 3 5 2 , as p r o p o s e d by B. M a z a r , Beth

She'arim

thank Dr H . - W . Bloedhorn

I: Catacombs f o r this

1-4

( N e w Brunswick

reference.

N Y : 1 9 7 3 ) 6. I

150

A. J. BIJ DE VAATE

the earliest halls o f catacomb 1, and dates from the beginning o f the third century. The provenance of the third and last o f the published alphabetinscriptions from Jewish graves is Khirbet 'Eitun in the southern coastal plain o f Judea. O n the wall o f the passage between two burial chambers, the complete Hebrew alphabet is engraved in o n e row. O f the letters which have a final form, only the nun is presented with its two forms. The letters pe and sade seem to be written in ligature. 5

6

The inscription dates from the third or fourth century CE. In addition to these three published alphabet-inscriptions from Jewish graves, there are some unpublished ones. In Beth She'a rim several alphabet-inscriptions seem to have been discovered, which up till now have not been published. The only thing known, is that they are in the Hebrew script. For the time being, nothing can be said about their number, nor about the exact place where they are written. Nevertheless, some observations can be made on the grounds o f the little evidence we have on alphabetinscriptions from Jewish graves. All the inscriptions were found in Palestine: in Beth She'arim, Jericho and Khirbet 'Eitun. As far as I know, there is not one instance from the Diaspora. They date from the first century CE till the middle of the fourth. The script is Hebrew or Greek, which is no surprise in view o f the bi- or even trilinguism in the Palestine o f that p e r i o d . T h e alphabets in Hebrew script, insofar as they have been published, are complete; 7

8

5

B . M a z a r , Beth She'arim

6

A.

Kloner,

Proceedings 1985

1139-140.

"ABCDerian

of the ninth

World

Inscriptions

Congress

in

Jewish

Rock-Cut

of Jewish Studies, Jerusalem,

Tombs,"

August

4-12,

(Jerusalem: 1 9 8 6 ) Division A , 1 2 5 - 1 3 2 [ H e b r . ] .

7

M . Schwabe

mentions

an i n s c r i p t i o n

which

consists o f t h e

a l p h a b e t in H e b r e w script f r o m c a t a c o m b 2 5 (Yediot included

in o n e o f the v o l u m e s

o f Beth She'arim.

complete

2 1 [ 1 9 5 7 ] 1 6 3 ) ; it is n o t

J. Patrich

annotates

that

"dans la n e c r o p o l e d e B e t h S h e ' a r i m , d e n o m b r e u x a b e c e d a i r e s h e b r e u x ete

decouverts,

e t q u i s o n t restes inedits"

("Inscriptions

arameennes

ont

juives

d a n s les g r o t t e s d'El-'Aleiliyat," RB 9 2 [ 1 9 8 5 ] 2 7 0 n. 1 2 ) . 8

F o r t h e u s e o f A r a m a i c , G r e e k a n d possibly H e b r e w in G r a e c o - R o m a n

Palestine,

see: C h . R a b i n , " H e b r e w a n d A r a m a i c in t h e First C e n t u r y " a n d

G. Mussies,

" G r e e k in P a l e s t i n e a n d t h e D i a s p o r a , " The Jewish People

First

( C R I N T ; A s s e n a n d A m s t e r d a m : 1 9 7 6 ) 1.2 1 0 0 7 - 1 0 3 9 ,

Century

M. Hengel was w r i t t e n Christ

n o t e s that a third o f the first c e n t u r y e p i t a p h s in

Greek

(The

'Hellenization'

[ L o n d o n a n d Philadelphia:

1989] 9).

of Judaea

in

from

the First

in

the

1040-1064. Jerusalem

Century

after

151

A L P H A B E T - I N S C R I P T I O N S F R O M J E W I S H GRAVES

the Greek ones consist o f only a part o f the alphabet, eight or nine successive letters. Remarkable are the places where the inscrip tions have been written. The published inscriptions from Beth She'arim and Khirbet 'Eitun stand on the wall o f the passage between two burial chambers. Apart from their content, this placing o f the inscriptions marks a difference from the regular epitaphs which we find in the direct vicinity o f the niches where the deceased were laid down. This unusual place o f the alphabetinscriptions, as compared with other epitaphs, applies also to the inscription from Jericho. It is written on the inside o f the lid o f an ossuary. T h o u g h rare, there are some other instances o f this p h e n o m e n o n . An ossuary from a tomb in the Kidron Valley, for instance, has Hdpag, 'from Sara', incised on the inside o f the lid. The alphabet-inscription from Jericho however, differs in two respects from other inscriptions on the inside o f an ossuary. The alphabet can hardly have functioned as a means o f identification, as is the case with the inscription just mentioned. Besides, accord ing to R. Hachlili, it was probably written only some time after the reburial o f the bones in the ossuary had taken place. The lid was not subsequently replaced on the receptacle. Instead it was placed facing the entrance. Therefore, neither the inscriptions from Beth She'arim and Khirbet 'Eitun, nor the one from Jericho have been written immediately near the place where a person is buried. This observation indicates at all events that, whatever the meaning o f the inscriptions may be, they were not meant to mark a grave, or to be a last farewell or suchlike to the departed. 9

2. Epigraphic parallels The alphabet-inscriptions from Jewish graves are by n o means unique. The p h e n o m e n o n o f writing down the alphabet is not restricted to burial-places, nor to Jewish practice. From preHellenistic till far after Roman times we know o f dozens o f alphabet-inscriptions—for the most part non-Jewish — in a variety of scripts and on a variety o f objects. Writing down the alphabet, 10

9

N.

Avigad,

"A

Depository

of

Inscribed

Ossuaries

in

the

Kidron

Valley," IE] 1 2 ( 1 9 6 2 ) 8 n o . 7c. 1

0

Greek,

Latin

and

Etruscan

"ABC-Denkmaler," 202-211 ABC-Denkmaler,"

Das

(see

Alphabet

n. in

alphabet-inscriptions, 1 above), Mystik

in:

a n d F. D o r n s e i f f ,

und

Magie

A.

Dieterich,

"Corpus

(Leipzig and

der

Berlin:

152

A. J. BIJ DE VAATE

or part o f it, appears to have been an intercultural phenomenon. T o mention but a few examples o f non-Jewish alphabet-inscrip tions from the Graeco-Roman period: a dedication to Jupiter Dolichenus, from Naples, has an inscription in three lines; in the first two lines we find the complete Greek alphabet, and in the third line: KeXeuaavTOS" TOO 9eou, 'the god ordered (this)'. A fragmen tary inscription from North-African Lambaesis has the Latin text: aa bb cc dd I gh kl mn, followed by some incomprehensible words: rivirs fmim ep sib, in mirror-writing. O n the wall o f a private house in Dura-Europos is written: |iv(r|(j0fj) ^iXeTvos-" Claris'?) | |iv(ncr6fj) (frXdovio? ^iMetvos-] | ABrAEZH0[..., 'may Phileinos be remembered, may you live ( ? ) , may Flavius the son o f Phileinos be remembered, ABrAEZH6[...'. An alphabet in Samaritan script stands on the base o f a Palestinian lamp; the letters, alef to nun, are in mirror-writing. On a funeral urn from Mainz, we find the complete Latin alphabet. In a cave in Latmos, Caria, a part o f the Greek alphabet was written, namely alpha up to eta, including the numeral sti; since several Christian inscriptions were found in the same cave, the alphabet-inscription is considered to be Chris tian as well. 11

12

13

14

15

16

Apart from the grave-inscriptions described above, we know o f a dozen other Jewish alphabets from the Graeco-Roman period. Like the grave-inscriptions they all c o m e from Palestine. Ten alphabets were written on ostraca, one on parchment and one on the wall o f a cave. Only two instances are in the Greek script; the

2

1 9 2 5 ; first e d i t i o n 1 9 2 2 ) 1 5 8 - 1 6 8 . S e m i t i c a l p h a b e t - i n s c r i p t i o n s , in: A . D e m -

sky,

"A P r o t o - C a n a a n i t e

Abecedary

Dating

from

the

Period

a n d its I m p l i c a t i o n s f o r the History o f the A l p h a b e t , " Tel-Aviv and A. Lemaire,

"Abecedaires

et e x e r c i c e s d ' e c o l i e r e n

o f the Judges 4 (1977) 14-27

epigraphie

nord-

ouest semitique,"/A 2 6 6 (1978) 221-235. 1 1

P. M e r l a t , Repertoire des inscriptions

Dolichenus

(Paris a n d R e n n e s :

et monuments

figures

du culte de Jupiter

1 9 5 1 ) 2 5 2 n o . 2 5 3 . It has b e e n d e n i e d by F.

D o r n s e i f f that t h e inscription has a n y t h i n g to d o with the cult o f D o l i c h e n u s (Das

Alphabet

162 no. 1 0 ) , but according

to M e r l a t , t h e attribution s e e m s

certain. 1

2

F. Dornseiff, Das Alphabet

1

3

F. C u m o n t , Fouilles

164 no. 24.

de Doura-Europos

(1922-1923)

(Paris: 1 9 2 6 ) 4 4 9 n o .

131. 1

4

J. N a v e h ,

" L a m p I n s c r i p t i o n s a n d I n v e r t e d W r i t i n g , " IEJ 3 8 ( 1 9 8 8 ) 3 9

no. 5. 1

5

F. Dornseiff, Das Alphabet

1

6

H . G r e g o i r e , Recueil

160 no. 14.

des inscriptions

grecques

(Paris: 1 9 2 2 ; r e p r i n t e d , A m s t e r d a m : 1 9 6 8 ) n o . 2 2 7 .

chretiennes

dAsie

Mineurel

153

A L P H A B E T - I N S C R I P T I O N S FROM J E W I S H GRAVES

others are in Hebrew. Both Greek alphabets—both o n damaged ostraca—were found in Masada. They date from before 73 o r 74 C E . T o the ones in the Hebrew script belongs an ostracon from Qumran, probably from the first century BCE, o n which the alphabet is written in three lines, starting with alef in the right corner at the bottom; some letters are repeated below and next to the lines. In Murabba'at six instances of alphabet-inscriptions in Hebrew script were found, most o f them fragmentary. Two o f them, both o n ostraca, are remarkable, as compared with the alphabet-inscriptions mentioned till now. O n o n e o f the ostraca, dated first century BCE, the alphabet is followed by several, perhaps two or three, personal names (DJD II no. 73). On the other, which dates from the time o f Bar Kochba, each letter is written twice; it resembles in this respect the above mentioned Latin inscription from Lambaesis (DJD II no. 78). An ostracon probably from Herodion, dated in between the two Jewish wars, is equally noteworthy. It has the complete alphabet in two lines o n top; then follows an alphabetical list o f names, all but two ending with iod—he: IT n 7 r p ' r o TOT mia m a n m s r 'ai r m n nfri m o a rraa mm 17

18

19

L

T

JTFOI) [TOO irnrra nnao which are transliterated by E. Puech as:

"Uriyah, Banayah, Gamaryah, Dalayah, Hodyah, Vny, Zakaryah, Hananyah, Tobyah, Yeremyah, Kulyah, Lulyah, M e n a h e m , Nehemyah, Samayah, 'Asayah". From Herodion we know another instance. O n an ostracon which has been moulded into a round shape before the text was written down, we read o n the one side a part o f the alphabet (alef to samek) and o n the other side twice the complete alphabet, followed by the personal name A h y a h u . Finally, o n the wall o f a cave in Nahal Michmas two 20

21

1

7

1965

H . M . C o t t o n - J. G e i g e r , Masada Final

Reports:

The Latin

a n d 7 8 3 . T o o fragmentary

II. The Yigael Yadin Excavations

and Greek Documents

1963-

(Jerusalem: 1 9 8 9 ) n o s . 7 8 2

are n o s . 9 3 5 a n d 9 4 2 Fragm.

(e); n o . 9 3 5 may or

m a y n o t b e Jewish. A doubtful

i n s t a n c e is a n i n s c r i p t i o n f r o m

Gezer, which m i g h t have the

b e g i n n i n g s o f t h e G r e e k a n d H e b r e w a l p h a b e t s ; s e e J. T . M i l i k , Les Grottes de Murabba'at,

D J D II ( e d s . P. B e n o i t , J. T . M i l i k a n d R . d e V a u x ; O x f o r d : 1 9 6 1 )

9 1 , with r e f e r e n c e to R . A . S. Macalistar,

The Excavations

at Gezer II ( L o n d o n :

1912) 277. 1

8

R . d e V a u x , "Fouilles a u K h i r b e t Q u m r a n , " RB 6 1 ( 1 9 5 4 ) 2 2 9 .

1

9

DJD II n o s . 1 0 b , 1 1 , 7 3 , 7 8 , 7 9 a n d 8 0 .

2

0

E . P u e c h , "Abecedaire e t liste a l p h a b e t i q u e d e n o m s h e b r e u x d u d e b u t

d u H e s. A . D . , " RB 8 7 ( 1 9 8 0 ) 1 1 8 - 1 2 6 . 2

1

E . T e s t a , / graffiti e gli ostraka, Herodion

TV (Jerusalem: 1 9 7 2 ) 7 7 - 7 8 a n d

8 0 , n o . 5 3 . T h e r e a d i n g o f t h e n a m e is P u e c h ' s c o r r e c t i o n o f T e s t a ' s r e a d i n g

154

A. J. BIJ DE VAATE

alphabets were found, the one right below the other, in two lines; the last line is complete, while the first line is preserved only to mem. The cave was used as a hiding place for Jewish refugees during the First Jewish War (66-73 CE), as is concluded by J. Patrich on the basis o f the palaeography and another inscription which was found there: p o o ( m ) ^ i ; npDriK nurp, interpreted by Patrich as: Joezer has been taken, the guards have entered'. 22

3. Interpretation To the question how to explain the p h e n o m e n o n that people in antiquity wrote down the alphabet on a variety o f objects, two different answers, broadly speaking, are given. The first, and most obvious o n e , is that alphabet-inscriptions are writing exer cises. The alphabets on ostraca are supposed to be the work o f schoolchildren; for the alphabets on stone, seals etc., mason's apprentices are held responsible. With respect to the Jewish alphabet-inscriptions, R. de Vaux remarks o n the inscription o n an ostracon from Qumran: "On notera la maladresse de la gra phic: c'est l'exercice d'un scribe debutant". E. Puech labels the inscription that probably comes from Herodion as an "exercice d'apprenti-scribe". For some alphabet-inscriptions, this might be a plausible explanation. However, this explanation can hardly be applicable to all inscriptions. For instance, it is not very likely to apply to the ones from the Jewish graves. A grave is an o d d place in which to d o one's homework. 23

24

The other possible explanation is that the alphabet-inscriptions have a magical meaning. With regard to the Jewish inscriptions, M. Schwabe and B. Lifshitz maintain, that the alphabet-inscription from Beth She'arim "is intended as a spell against the evil spirits, liable to disturb the peaceful repose o f the deceased". R. Hachlili too assumes that the inscriptions have a magical significance. 25

26

(RB 8 7 [ 1 9 8 0 ] 1 2 2 ) . 2 2

J. Patrich,

"Inscriptions a r a m e e n n e s j u i v e s

RB

92 (1985) 265-273,

a n d f r o m t h e s a m e a u t h o r : "Caves o f R e f u g e a n d Jewish I n s c r i p t i o n s o n

the

Cliffs o f N a h a l M i c h m a s , " Erlsr 1 8 ( 1 9 8 5 ) 1 5 3 - 1 6 6 [ H e b r . ] . 2 3

"Fouiiles

2 4

"Abecedaire

2 5

Beth She'arim

2 6

' T h e G o l i a t h Family

RB 6 1 ( 1 9 5 4 ) 2 2 9 . RB 8 7 ( 1 9 8 0 ) 1 2 2 . II46-47. BASOR

2 3 5 ( 1 9 7 9 ) 4 8 , a n d "Did t h e A l p h a b e t

H a v e a M a g i c a l M e a n i n g in the First C e n t u r y C E . ? , " Cathedra 30

[Hebr.].

31 ( 1 9 8 4 ) 2 7 -

155

A L P H A B E T - I N S C R I P T I O N S FROM J E W I S H GRAVES

This assumption is based mainly on the work o f A. Dieterich, who edited a corpus o f Greek, Etruscan and Latin alphabet-inscrip t i o n s . Dieterich observed that their archaeological context in most cases is a funereal one. In view o f this context, a prosaic explanation o f the alphabet-inscriptions as writing exercises has to be excluded. Instead, Dieterich argues that the alphabet-inscrip tions have a magical meaning, and serve as a protection against evil demons. He based this view on the Leyden Magical Papyrus. In this papyrus from an Egyptian grave, we find that magical words are formed on the basis o f the fixed sequence o f letters o f the alphabet. For instance, a long list o f syllables is created by placing o n e o f the seven vowels to every successive consonant o f the alphabet (for example o (3o yo 8 0 £ 0 ) . The Leyden Papyrus cannot have been anything else, according to Dieterich, than a 4>i>XaKTT|piov, an amulet, which was put in the grave with the deceased, as a protection—most likely—against evil demons who threaten the voyage of the soul to the hereafter. Since the Leyden Papyrus had an apotropaic function, obviously the alphabet in this papyrus must have served this function. Dieterich argues that the magical significance of the alphabet in the Leyden Papyrus offers the p r o p e r explanation for the inscriptions. A magical signifi cance has to be awarded to them as well. 27

In addition to the Leyden Magical Papyrus there are other magical texts, not mentioned by Dieterich, which even m o r e clearly show the magical significance o f the alphabet. In a magical recipe we find the following advice in order to stay unharmed o n the battlefield: 28

Et 8e

kv -rroXepco dpXa(3fis- elvai, vr|aTeuaov fipepas" y' e i T a abv ovopa Kal T O O aou TraTp6s Kal prjTpos" peTa rf\g ap\ pe0' a'tpaTos* TrcptoTcpSs" dorrlXou Xeuicfjs" Kal p6axou kv x P P dyevfrrar Kal cf>6pei auro bxav diTepxei kv TToXipw a-yvcS?- Kal ov pfi -

POUXCL

ypdif/ov

>

TO

a

ae a T r n r r r a i

KOKOV.

TLC

2 9

'If you want to stay unharmed on the battlefield: fast three days, then write your name, your father's and your mother's name and 2

7

2

8

T h e f o l l o w i n g r e f e r e n c e s I o w e to L . C o z i j n s e n , U t r e c h t .

2

9

A . D e l a t t e , Anecdota

S e e a b o v e n. 1 0 .

sophic 1927) line

et Lettres d e

v.).

I ( B i b l i o t h e q u e d e la F a c u l t e d e P h i l o

d e Liege, Fascicule

36; Liege

and

Paris:

6 3 4 11. 5 - 9 . It is to b e n o t e d that LSJ r e c o r d s d X ^ d p n T O ? o n l y as m a s c u (s.v.,

Thesaurus s.

Atheniensia

l'Universite

7 4 ) , t h o u g h it d o e s o c c u r also in the f e m i n i n e Graecae Lingua

(see f o r

examples

[eds. H . S t e p h a n u s a n d C . B. H a s e ; Paris 1 8 3 1 ] 1 . 1 5 9 9

156

A . J. BIJ DE V A A T E

the alphabet with the blood of an unblemished white dove and of a calf on an [lit.] unborn piece of paper and carry it with you when you go to war, being chaste; no harm will befall you.' Almost identical is the recipe to ward off an enemy: El

8e

(3oi)Xei

Iva

pvq a o i &/rr|Tai

Troificrai, ypdtfjov T 6 6vo|id aou

[sic]

atp-aTo?

dXcKTopos*

dcmlXou

pi*|Te

TTOTC

a

XeuKfjs"-

Tl

els X P x& ev

ApxcvTos" MLxafiX peTa TT\S a|3

TOO

116X60)? -

ex^pbs

Kai T U V yovecov aou aov

kvavriov aoi

Kai

T 6 6vou\av

Trap0evov yfj

els

\ie&

0i»pav

3 0

'If you want an enemy never to attack you or t o do anything against you: write your name, your parents' names and the name of the archon Michael and the alphabet on [lit.] virginal paper with the blood of an unblemished white cock: bury (it) in the earth near the city-gate.' The writing o f the alphabet served other purposes as well besides warding off evil o n the battlefield and warding off enemies. The alphabet is also recommended in a recipe for becoming rich and in a recipe for success in business. The objective o f these recipes could be attained, in combination with other magical practices, by merely writing down the alphabet. In addition to these recipes, there is an amulet to be mentioned which equally clearly sup ports the view that the alphabet could have a magical significance. O n the obverse o f this amulet the complete Greek alphabet is engraved. T h e reverse has in the centre only nine successive 31

3

0

Anecdota Atheniensia I, 6 3 4 11. 1 3 - 1 7 . T h e fact that the a r c h a n g e l M i c h a e l is m e n t i o n e d , d o e s n o t n e c e s s a r i l y m e a n t h a t this r e c i p e is J e w i s h o r C h r i s t i a n ; t h e w o r l d o f m a g i c is a syncretistic o n e . I n t e r e s t i n g l y , w e m a y h a v e a p a r a l l e l o f t h e e x p r e s s i o n |ieT& Tfj? a(3, 'with t h e a l p h a b e t ' , in t h e B a b y l o n i a n T a l m u d . I n b. Gittin 6 0 a is r e f e r r e d to the d e d i c a t i o n o f a g o l d e n p l a q u e to the t e m p l e by q u e e n H e l e n a o f A d i a b e n e . T h e p l a q u e h a d t h e text o f N u m 5:1 Iff. e n g r a v e d o n it, "n'3 *fiVQ, ". I n his E n g l i s h t r a n s l a t i o n o f b. Gittin, M a u r i c e S i m o n interprets I T 3 *pK2 as e x p r e s s i n g t h a t o n l y t h e initial letters o f N u m 5:1 Iff. w e r e written o n t h e p l a q u e (The Babylonian Talmud, Seder Nashim TV [ e d . I. Epstein; L o n d o n : 1 9 3 6 ] 2 8 2 ) . I n F. D o r n s e i f f s o p i n i o n , c r y p t o g r a p h y is at stake: every alef is r e p l a c e d by b e t h , every b e t h by g i m e l , etc. (Das Alphabet 7 1 ) . M o s t likely h o w e v e r , is that the e x p r e s s i o n r P 3 *pNZ is t h e e q u i v a l e n t o f [ierdi Tfjs" a(3, 'with t h e a l p h a b e t ' , f r o m t h e m a g i c a l r e c i p e s . V o t i v e tablets with the a l p h a b e t are w e l l - k n o w n . In b. Gittin 6 0 a w e m i g h t h a v e a literary e x a m p l e o f a Jewish d e d i c a t i o n with the a l p h a b e t . T h e c o r r e s p o n d e n c e o f t h e two e x p r e s s i o n s n e e d n o t i m p l y that q u e e n H e l e n a ' s d e d i c a t i o n — w h e t h e r h i s t o r i c a l o r f i c t i t i o u s — h a d s o m e m a g i c a l signifi c a n c e . N o t all a l p h a b e t - i n s c r i p t i o n s n e e d h a v e h a d a m a g i c a l f u n c t i o n . D e p e n d a n t o n the archaeological context a n d o n the g e n r e o f inscription, t h e m e a n i n g o f t h e a l p h a b e t m a y have differed. 3 1

Anecdota

Atheniensia

I, 6 3 4 11. 18 - 6 3 5 , 1. 1 0 .

157

ALPHABET-INSCRIPTIONS FROM JEWISH GRAVES

letters, including the numeral sti: a(3y | Sec | £r|9; on the rim are the magical letters par excellence, namely the seven vowels aenioua). It is clear from those instances that in the ancient world magical value was attached to the alphabet. The question is, with regard to the alphabet-inscriptions from Jewish graves, whether Jews shared this view. It is likely that they did. In the first place, the fact that the inscriptions are Jewish does not exclude the possibility that they were meant to be magical. During the last decades there is a growing awareness that, on the one hand, Judaism in the Graeco-Roman period was not an 'orthodox' self-contained monolith, and that, on the other hand, the borderline between religion and magic was a faint o n e . G. Luck states that "one cannot really understand the World of the ancient Greeks and Romans without some knowledge o f what is today called 'folklore'—what used to be called, in a dero gatory sense, 'superstition' ... Magic and witchcraft, the fear o f demons and ghosts, the wish to manipulate invisible powers—all were very much a part o f life in the ancient w o r l d " . T o these words might immediately be added that the Jews lived in that magical world too, or even, that Jews also contributed to that magical world. Many magical papyri bear the stamp o f Jewish tradition. According to ancient authors such as Juvenal, Celsus and Lucian o f Samosata, Jews, among others, had a reputation for their magical practices. Archaeological proof for the spread o f magic within Judaism has b e e n f o u n d in s o m e ancient Palestinian synagogues, where amulets have been discovered. At the synagogue o f ancient Maon, in the north-western Negev, nineteen amulets were unearthed in the apse, which would mean that they were placed in the immediate vicinity o f the 32

3 3

34

35

3

2

Ph.

Derchain,

d ' A t h e n e s , " Chronique 3

3

Six

"Intailles

magiques

du

Musee

de

Numismatique

d'Egypte 3 9 ( 1 9 6 4 ) 1 9 3 n o . 2 3 .

A s f o r t h e first s t a t e m e n t , see A . T . K r a a b e l , " T h e R o m a n Questionable

"Archaeological

Assumptions,"

Evidence

JJS

33

(1982)

Diaspora:

4 4 5 - 4 6 4 ; L. V.

Rutgers,

f o r t h e I n t e r a c t i o n o f Jews a n d Non-Jews in

A n t i q u i t y , " AJA 9 6 ( 1 9 9 2 ) 1 0 1 - 1 1 8 . A s for t h e s e c o n d : H . S. V e r s n e l , R e f l e c t i o n s o n the R e l a t i o n s h i p M a g i c - Religion," Numen 3

4

Arcana

Collection

Mundi,

Magic

and

the Occult

Late

"Some

38 (1991) 177-197.

in the Greek and

Roman

Worlds,

A

o f A n c i e n t T e x t s T r a n s l a t e d , A n n o t a t e d , a n d I n t r o d u c e d by G e o r g

L u c k ( B a l t i m o r e a n d L o n d o n : 1 9 8 5 ) xiii. 3

5

See M . Stern,

Greek and

1974) nos. 2 9 9 , 3 7 4 and 3 7 5 .

Latin

Authors

on Jews and Judaism

(Jerusalem:

158

A. J. BIJ DE VAATE 36

Torah shrine. In the second place, especially concerning the alphabet, we have some evidence that Jews too considered the alphabet to possess magical power. This appears from The Testa ment of Solomon, a writing from the first century CE. In chapter 18 of the Testament, the appearance o f demons before King Solomon is described. The demons make themselves known by mention ing their name, they name their activity as well as the means by which they can be warded off. O n e o f the demons introduces himself as follows (v. 38): >

Eyw'Prj^ AuTcb0 KaXoOpm. 4>06vous tXa>v Kai pdxas" yel p.e Se TO a' Kai (3' ypa(f>6u£vov.

TTOLW.

KaTap-

37

T am called Rhyx Autoth. I cause jealousies and squabbles between those who love each other. But the alphabet, written down, thwarts m e ' . 38

There is therefore reason to accept the view that the alphabetinscriptions from the Jewish graves were presumed to have had magical power. Less clear, however, is the objective at which the inscriptions were aimed. In the magical recipes as well as in the Testament of Salomon, the objective o f writing down the alphabet is clearly indicated. In the recipes, the aim is to ward off evil, enemies, or the obtainment o f some g o o d ; in the Testament of Solomon it is to ward off a demon. The magical power exerted by the alphabet is therefore related to different objectives: protection against evil (whether persons or demons) or the obtainment o f prosperity. Exactly what objective the authors o f the alphabets from the Jewish graves had in mind, is not easy to determine. Considering that the inscriptions d o not relate directly to the deceased, as was concluded above, it is less likely that the alpha bets were written in order to bring prosperity or luck to the departed. Probably they were intended as a means o f protection against any disturbance o f the grave, whether by persons or by

3

6

J. N a v e h ,

Shaked,

Amulets

"Lamp Inscriptions and

Magic

IE]

Bowls—Aramaic

3 8 ( 1 9 8 8 ) 4 2 ; J. N a v e h Incantations

of Late

and

S.

Antiquity

2

(Jerusalem 1 9 8 7 ; first e d i t i o n 1 9 8 5 ) 1 6 . 3

7

Ed. C. C. McCown,

The

Testament

of Solomon

(Untersuchungen

zum

N e u e n T e s t a m e n t , H e f t 9; Leipzig: 1 9 2 2 ) . 3

8

T h e translation is f r o m D . C . D u l i n g ,

s i o n a' (Het

Kai

Testament

eeuwen

van

OTP I, 9 8 1 , e x c e p t f o r t h e e x p r e s

P', w h e r e t h e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f L . C o z i j n s e n van

Salomo,

Een

onze jaartelling

document

[Na

de

van j o o d s e

Schriften

D u l i n g translates literally: 'the letters A l p h a a n d

6;

is to b e

magie

Kampen:

Beta'.

preferred

uit d e

eerste

1990]

121).

A L P H A B E T - I N S C R I P T I O N S FROM J E W I S H GRAVES

1 5 9

demons. As appears from several Jewish Palestinian epitaphs, the desecration o f a grave was treated as a serious danger. What seem to have been viewed as appropriate measures were taken to protect the graves from this threat. An inscription from Beth She'arim for instance states: Trd? ToXpuSv dvu£e e

40

41

It has been noted above that the number o f letters may differ. The Greek alphabet-inscriptions from Beth She'arim and Jericho contain respectively nine and eight or nine successive letters; the one in Hebrew script from Khirbet 'Eitun counts twenty two. It does not seem likely, however, that the number o f letters gives us any indication about the objective. The alphabet-inscriptions collected by Dieterich and Dornseiff show that the variation in the number o f letters is great, and seems to be quite random. Illuminating in this respect is the above-mentioned amulet with the complete alphabet on the one side, and the seven vowels as well as only part o f the alphabet on the other. The latter includes the numeral sti, which is unlikely to have had any numerical significance here. As appears from other alphabet-inscriptions, numerals may occasionally find their place in the sequence o f letters. The same also applies to the final letters in the Hebrew alphabets. The number o f letters seems therefore to be irrelevant. The alphabet exerts its magical power, irrespective of the number of letters. Though the exact objective which the authors had in mind, can only be surmised, it can be concluded that Jews shared with their contemporaries the belief that the alphabet could be used as

3

9

Beth

She'arim

II n o .

1 2 9 . R e a d d v o i £ c u for d v i ) £ e ,

and atwvaov

for

dovio[v]. 4

0

N.

Avigad,

Beth

She'arim

III:

Catacombs

12-23

(New

Brunswick

NY:

1 9 7 6 ) nos. 1 and 2. 4

1

S e e J. T r a c h t e n b e r g ,

Jewish

Magic

r e p r i n t e d , N e w York: 1 9 7 0 ) esp. 1 7 6 - 1 7 9 .

and

Superstition

( N e w York: 1939;

160

A. J. BIJ DE VAATE

an apotropaic means. It is to be noted that the Jews who made use of this magical practice need not have stood at the edge o f main stream Judaism. The catacomb of the necropolis o f Beth She'arim, where o n e o f the Greek alphabet-inscriptions was found, shows the opposite. According to B. Mazar, in this catacomb Jewish motives are emphasized, and the Hebrew and Greek inscriptions from the catacomb also indicate that the families, whose mem bers were buried there, were "steeped in Jewish l o r e " . Obvious ly, the modern Western distinction between religion and magic was not felt. 42

The conclusion that Jews ascribed magical power to the alphabet, leads us to have a new look at the other Jewish alphabet-inscrip tions, i.e. those on ostraca, parchment and the one from a cave in Nahal Michmas. As far as they are commented upon with regard to their function, all but one are considered to be writing exercises. The one exception is the inscription from a cave in Nahal Mich mas. The cave served as a place o f refuge during the first Jewish War. Because o f its archaeological context, the editor J. Patrich treats the inscription as magical. Interpretation o f the others as writing exercises has a g o o d deal of probability, considering that ostraca are cheap and ready at hand. On the other hand, the use o f ostraca in magic is attested and even r e c o m m e n d e d in several r e c i p e s . Therefore one could ask with J. Naveh whether "at least some o f them could have a magical connotation"? 43

44

45

Though virtually nothing is known about their archaeological context, there is reason to suppose that some o f them d o indeed have a magical connotation. On the ostracon published by E. Puech, which probably comes from Herodion, the alphabet is followed by an alphabetical list o f names, all but two ending with iod—he, which is the shortened form o f the name o f the G o d o f Israel. This might—tentatively—be compared to the alphabetical lists o f names in the magical papyri, where the names have a comparable ending, namely the grecized form o f Semitic (-nX), 46

4

2

4

3

S e e a b o v e ( p . 1 5 3 - 1 5 4 ) a n d n. 2 2 .

4

4

S e e S. E i t r e m , Papyri

Beth She'arim 7 1 3 7 .

a n d S. S h a k e d , Amulets 4

5

4

6

Osloenses 1 ( 1 9 2 5 ) 1 1 , 1. 1 8 9 a n d 1 3 , 1. 2 5 6 ; J. N a v e h

and Magic

Bowls

88-89.

J. N a v e h , "Graffiti a n d D e d i c a t i o n s , " BASOR S e e a b o v e ( p . 1 5 4 ) a n d n. 2 0 .

2 3 5 ( 1 9 7 9 ) 3 0 n. 1 3 .

ALPHABET-INSCRIPTIONS FROM JEWISH GRAVES

161

4 7

' G o d ' . Another example is the ostracon from Herodion which has been published by Testa. It is notable because o f its form. Before the alphabet was written down, it had been stylized into a regular round shape. This concern seems to point to more than just a potsherd for a writing exercise. A third ostracon which deserves c o m m e n t is one from Murabba'at. On this fragment, (part of) the alphabet is followed by two or three personal names. This reminds us o f the advice given in the magical recipes to write down one's rtame and the names o f one's parents together with the alphabet! Now it was concluded above, with respect to the alphabet-inscriptions from the Jewish graves, that Jews regarded the alphabet as apotropaic, just as their contemporaries did. Therefore, at least the possibility should be borne in mind that these ostraca may have served as amulets instead o f being simply material on which to exercise one's writing skills. 48

49

4

7

A . M . K r o p p , Ausgewdhlte

4

8

S e e above ( p . 1 5 3 ) a n d n. 2 1 .

4

9

S e e a b o v e ( p . 1 5 3 ) ; DJD II n o . 7 3 .

koptische Zaubertexte III (Bruxelles:

1930) 131.

THE JEWISH COMMUNITIES OF LEONTOPOLIS AND VENOSA 1

DAVID N O Y

Few Diaspora Jewish communities o f the ancient world have left inscriptions in significant numbers. The city o f R o m e is the obvious exception, with over 500 epitaphs. The two biggest collec tions after that are 77 epitaphs and one dedication from Leonto polis (now Tell el-Yehoudieh) on the edge o f the Nile Delta and 76 epitaphs from Venosa (ancient Venusia) in southern Italy. The two sites differ substantially in date as well as in location, but there are still interesting similarities and contrasts to be found between them. Further light is shed on them by comparison with other groups o f contemporary non-Jewish inscriptions from the same areas. The evidence is not sufficient to produce a full picture of the communities, but it is the best material available for under standing some o f the ideas and idiosyncracies o f Diaspora Jews in and around the Roman Empire. 2

3

1. Leontopolis The beginning and end o f the history o f the Jewish temple at Leontopolis are known from Josephus. There is some contra1

T h i s p a p e r was written as part o f m y w o r k as r e s e a r c h assistant f o r t h e

J e w i s h I n s c r i p t i o n s P r o j e c t at the University o f C a m b r i d g e a n d f o r D r T e s s a Rajak

at

the

University

of

Reading

A c a d e m y ) . I a m very g r a t e f u l their c o - o p e r a t i o n a n d 2

inscription

The Jewish

1 9 9 2 ; h e n c e f o r t h JIGRE)

published

nique dEgypte

posts

funded

by

the

British

encouragement.

W . Horbury & D. Noy,

(Cambridge:

(both

to D r R a j a k a n d to D r W i l l i a m H o r b u r y f o r Inscriptions

of

Graeco-Roman

Egypt

n o s . 2 9 - 1 0 5 , with t h e a d d i t i o n o f t h e

b y P. J. Sijpesteijn,

"Inscriptions

f r o m Egypt,"

Chro-

6 5 ( 1 9 9 0 ) 1 2 2 - 5 n o . 1, w h i c h a p p e a r e d t o o late for i n c l u s i o n

but

is a l m o s t certainly f r o m t h e s a m e g r o u p . 3

CIJ n o s . 5 6 9 - 6 1 9 ; B . Lifshitz, revised e d i t i o n

o f CIJ ( N e w Y o r k : 1 9 7 5 )

n o s . 6 1 9 a - e . O t h e r inscriptions have b e e n p u b l i s h e d in a series o f articles b y C . C o l a f e m m i n a : "Nova e v e t e r a n e l l a c a t a c o m b a e b r a i c a d i V e n o s a , " storici

(Bari: 1 9 7 4 )

memoria

di P. Adiuto

87-95;

"Nuove iscrizioni

Putignani

ebraiche

(Taranto: 1 9 7 5 ) 41-6; "Nuove scoperte

c a t a c o m b a e b r a i c a di V e n o s a , " Vetera Christianorum

15 (1978)

iscrizioni

20

edition

ebraiche

inedite,"

Vetera

o f all t h e J e w i s h i n s c r i p t i o n s

Christianorum

(1983)

of Western Europe up

c u r r e n t l y b e i n g p r e p a r e d b y t h e Jewish I n s c r i p t i o n s

Studi

a V e n o s a , " Studi

Project.

in

nella

3 6 9 - 3 8 1 ; "Tre 443-7. A

new

to A D 7 0 0 is

T H E J E W I S H COMMUNITIES OF LEONTOPOLIS A N D VENOSA

163

diction between his versions o f the temple's foundation, but it is probable that permission to build was granted by Ptolemy VI Philometor to Onias IV in the 150s B C . Onias had failed to become High Priest at Jerusalem, and took over the derelict site o f an Egyptian temple on the eastern edge of the southern part o f the Nile delta. His Jewish temple was closed by Vespasian in AD 7 3 / 4 . It is not certain that the existence o f the Jewish community at Leontopolis was> exactly co-terminous with the temple, since Jews could have settled there earlier (as Josephus perhaps im plies), and would not necessarily have left immediately after the temple was closed. However, it is unlikely that they were there before the first half o f the 2nd century BC, or that the community survived the revolt of AD 115-7. 4

T h e site known in Arabic as Tell el-Yehoudieh was first excavated by Naville and Griffith for the Egypt Exploration Fund in the 1880s. There were further excavations by Flinders Petrie (1890s), du Mesnil du Buisson (1929) and Adam ( 1 9 5 1 ) . The main interest was in finding the site o f the temple, which Naville and Flinders Petrie claimed to have done, although their inter pretation o f the remains they found has been regarded by some as rather imaginative. Du Mesnil du Buisson ("Le temple d'Onias" 64) referred to the so-called remains o f the temple as "Mr Petrie's miserable building", and Petrie's understanding o f the site seems to have been influenced more byjosephus's description than by the archaeological remains which were actually found. However, the identification of the settlement as Leontopolis has been univer sally accepted. Tell el-Yehoudieh matches the geographical de tails given by Josephus. There was a temple o f Bast there, which also matches what Josephus says. The tombstones show a high proportion o f biblical or Hebrew-derived names (including many 5

4

J o s e p h u s , J.W.

7 § 4 2 6 - 4 3 6 ; Ant.

12 § 3 8 7 - 8 , 1 3 § 6 2 - 7 3 . T h e e v i d e n c e a b o u t

t h e f o u n d a t i o n is discussed by M . D e l c o r , "Le t e m p l e d ' O n i a s e n Egypte,"

RB

75 (1968) 188-205. 5

E. Naville,

Exploration LI.

Fund,

Griffith,

"The

"The

BIFAO

"Compte

and

rendue

of

the Jew

and

the

City o f

Onias,"

Egypt

(extra v o l u m e for 1 8 8 8 - 9 , L o n d o n : 1 8 9 0 ) 3 - 3 0 ; F.

Antiquities

F l i n d e r s P e t r i e , Hyksos Buisson,

Mound

7th Memoir

of

Israelite

Tell

el-Yahoudieh,"

Cities ( L o n d o n :

sommaire

d'une

ibid.

33-76; W . M .

1 9 0 6 ) ; R. d u Mesnil

mission

a Tell

du

el-Yahoudiye,"

2 9 ( 1 9 2 9 ) 1 5 5 - 1 7 7 ; R. d u M e s n i l d u B u i s s o n , "Le t e m p l e d ' O n i a s et le

c a m p H y k s o s a T e l l el Y a h o u d i y e , " BIFAO D i s c o v e r i e s in t h e Eastern 5 5 (1958) 301-324.

Delta," Annates

3 5 ( 1 9 3 5 ) 5 9 - 7 1 ; S. A d a m , "Recent du Service des Antiquites

de

VEgypte

164

D. NOY

variations o f "Sabbath"), completely unparallelled anywhere else in Egypt, and one of the epitaphs (JIGRE no. 38) says that the dead woman was raised in "the land of Onias". T h e tombstones which Naville found came from what he regarded as a late Ptolemaic or early Roman necropolis: it was an area o f tombs cut in the rock on the fringe o f the desert. Much damage had already been done to it by people looking for lime stone and (presumably) grave-goods. The standard form o f tomb was a slope or a flight o f three or four steps down to a doorway sealed with a limestone slab, leading to an excavated chamber with a number o f horizontal niches (loculi) for bodies cut into the walls. The bodies were placed with a brick under the head. Some tombs contained stelae with inscriptions which Naville published. Presumably they were fixed to the walls by the openings o f the loculi, but this is not usually made clear in the reports. In one case two names were painted on plaster on the wall. Most o f the stelae eventually f o u n d their way to the Cairo and Alexandria Museums. There is also a substantial collection in the National Museum at Warsaw, but it is unclear how these stones were originally acquired. Naville removed the stelae he found, but he did not publish an adequate plan o f the necropolis or any systematic record o f where in it they came from. It is therefore impossible to put any o f them in context, or to establish any connection between people buried near to each other. 6

7

Du Mesnil du Buisson (1929) recorded having found further grave stelae in the necropolis, but only published one. A number of other stelae were bought by the Egyptian Antiquities Service in nearby villages. Their form and in some cases content support the attribution to Leontopolis which is suggested by their proximity. A few more stones which have appeared on the Egyptian antiquities market can be attributed to Leontopolis with reasonable confi dence because they contain Jewish names and have the other main characteristics o f the site.

6

A . K a s h e r , The Jews in Hellenistic

and Roman

Egypt

(Tubingen: 1985) 119-

1 3 5 , discusses t h e site b u t claims to b e able to distinguish b e t w e e n P t o l e m a i c a n d R o m a n t o m b s in a way w h i c h the excavators e v e n at their m o s t tic d i d n o t 7

Before

optimis

attempt. b e i n g m o v e d to W a r s a w they w e r e in the a r c h a e o l o g i c a l

tion a s s e m b l e d

by W . W e i s s b r o d t at the L y c e u m H o s i a n u m

East Prussia ( n o w B r a n i e w o ) ; see further JIGRE

no. 59.

in

collec

Braunsberg,

T H E J E W I S H COMMUNITIES OF LEONTOPOLIS A N D VENOSA

165

The commonest form o f stele at Leontopolis was a rectangular piece o f limestone into which was carved a field for the inscrip tion. A raised frame was left around the field, with a carved decoration in the shape o f a pediment (sometimes with acroteria) above it. There was usually no other ornamentation. This type o f tombstone is not unique to Leontopolis, but is unusual elsewhere in Egypt; it is, however, similar to the shape o f the frames carved into the rock-face for many Jewish epitaphs in Cyrenaica. There is a small collection o f nine Jewish tombstones {JIGRE nos. 106114) from Demerdash, further south on the fringes o f Heliopolis, and the standard form there was rather different, without the pediment. Most o f the inscriptions from Leontopolis have a date including a regnal year. In some cases this is explicitly from the reign o f Augustus, but usually it is merely in the form "Year 11". Many scholars have attributed the whole necropolis to the time o f Augustus, but without satisfactory grounds. People must have been buried at Leontopolis over a period o f at least two centuries. One inscription recording three deaths {JIGRE no. 96) seems to come from 5 8 / 5 7 BC, and another from the "54th year" (no. 30) has to be attributed to 117 BC in the reign o f Ptolemy VIII Euergetes II (unless it is using the Actian era rather than a regnal year). If the unidentified regnal years were really mainly Augustan, they ought to be distributed across the range o f Year 1 to Year 44. In fact, 26 or 27 come from Years 1-11, 12 from Years 12-22, 11 from Years 23-33 and 3 from Years 34-44. This suggests strongly that a number o f shorter reigns than Augustus's are included. If it was known which part o f the necropolis the stones with clearly Augustan dates came from, there would be some chance o f esta blishing a relative chronology, but the lack o f adequate records rules this out. The epitaphs with firm dates d o not show any development in letter-forms or formulae which would help to date the others, and some stones whose (Augustan) dates are only two or three years apart use completely different letter-forms. The language o f the community, at least for the purposes o f writing, was Greek. Many people had biblical or Hebrew names, often in a hellenized form, and others had Greek theophoric names like Dositheus and Theodosius, but there is n o convincing evidence from the inscriptions that anyone at Leontopolis knew Aramaic or Hebrew. Nor did they use any Jewish symbols: there

166

D. NOY

is n o sign o f a menorah or lulab on any o f the stones. The one possible indication o f the use o f Hebrew is that Lanzoni, an early investigator o f the site, claimed to have found a Hebrew inscrip tion on part o f a column, but it was lost when his boat capsized, and n o copy had been made. Sayce discovered a fragment o f stone covered with stucco with two letters scratched on it which he thought were old Hebrew characters, but the published fac simile shows that the "letters" could just as well be the remains o f a decoration, or accidental marks. 8

Josephus implies that the settlement originally had a military or partly military character which it retained until at least the time o f Cleopatra and Julius Caesar. Some Mishnaic references seem to indicate that the temple was not actively opposed by the authorities at Jerusalem, but neither was it recognized as a sub stitute for the Jerusalem Temple. Apart from this, knowledge o f how the community was made up and organised is limited entirely to what can be deduced from the inscriptions. Most o f the epitaphs amount to n o more than the name o f the deceased per son, patronymic, age, date, and a few laudatory epithets. Twelve of them are in verse, and some o f these are rather more informa tive about the social position of the deceased or about the commu nity. The style o f the prose epitaphs and the tendency to use verse quite frequently (or at least to try to use it) are both characteristic o f late Ptolemaic and early Roman Egypt in general. 9

The inhabitants o f Leontopolis are addressed as "citizens" or "fellow-townsmen" (asteoi in contrast to xenoi, JIGRE no. 36) and the city is described as polls ( n o . 3 9 ) . Demas, aged 38, w h o "helped many people by his wisdom" (no. 30) may have been a councillor, but could also have been a doctor or scribe. Abramos, aged 53 (no. 39) "was crowned in his wisdom with a communal magistracy (arche) over all the people" and was "honoured by holding a city magistracy (politarchori) in two places, fulfilling the double expense with gracious liberality". All these references c o m e from verse epitaphs, where considerations o f metre are

8

T . Hayter

actions

Lewis,

"Tel-el-Yahoudeh

of the Society of Biblical

Archeology

(The

Mound

7 (1881)

J o u r n e y to the Biblical Sites in L o w e r Egypt, etc.," PEFQS 9

J o s e p h u s , Ant.

of

the Jew),"

Trans

1 7 7 - 1 9 2 ; G . J. C h e s t e r , "A (1880)

136-8.

1 4 § 1 3 1 . O n the M i s h n a i c sources, see D e l c o r , "Le t e m p l e

d'Onias" 202-3; R. Hayward, ration," JJS 3 3 ( 1 9 8 2 ) 4 2 9 .

"The Jewish t e m p l e at L e o n t o p o l i s : a r e c o n s i d e

T H E J E W I S H C O M M U N I T I E S OF L E O N T O P O L I S A N D

VENOSA

167

probably more important than accurate terminology, and d o not really indicate more than that the community identified itself as a city and had some sort o f civic magistracy which was expensive for its holders. Abramos's other magistracy may have been held in a nearby Jewish settlement, but could have been further afield and need not have been in a purely Jewish community. A very fragmentary epitaph (no. 44) designates someone as pater, which might be an office rather than a relationship. There is n o reference to the temple, although a fragmentary inscription (no. 105) which appears to be a dedication to Theos Hypsistos might have come from there. One woman is described as hierisa (no. 84) which should probably be translated as "of priestly descent", although Brooten's alternative explanation that she could have had a function in the temple is just conceivable. 10

11

Many o f the inhabitants o f Leontopolis had Hebrew or biblical names or were the children o f people with such names. Others had Greek names which were popular among Jews, e.g. Aristoboulos (no. 45), Eirene (no. 67). However, a proportion of the stones contain only Greek names with n o particular Jewish connections, e.g. Hilarion daughter o f Philip ( n o . 7 0 ) . If this came from Alexandria, there would be n o suggestion that it was Jewish. However, at Leontopolis it is clear that Greek and Hebrew names were used in the same family, e.g. Machaon son o f Sabbataios (no. 40), Jesus son o f Phameis (no. 34). If people with purely Greek names were buried in the same way and in the same cemetery as obvious Jews, they evidently did not wish to be distinguished from Jews. The likelihood is that they were Jews themselves: there was a non-Jewish cemetery from Pharaonic times at the site, and if there was a later non-Jewish population, it would probably have had its own cemetery. Most o f the people recorded in the epitaphs have a patronymic, so it is possible to see if naming practices indicate either growing o r declining hellenization. Apart from Greek and Hebrewderived names, there are a few Egyptian and Latin ones. In most cases, fathers with Greek names had children with Greek names 1

0

The

attempt

o f K a s h e r , Jews

in Hellenistic

r e c o n s t r u c t s o m e o f t h e civic o r g a n i z a t i o n

and

Roman

Egypt

1 2 3 - 7 , to

f r o m this e v i d e n c e , partly

follow

i n g L . R o b e r t , Hellenica vol.1 ( 1 9 4 0 ) 1 8 - 2 4 , s e e m s to press t h e material t o o far. 1 1

95.

B . J . B r o o t e n , Women Leaders in the Ancient

Synagogue

(Atlanta: 1 9 8 2 ) 7 3 -

168

D . NOY

(15) and fathers with Hebrew names had children with Hebrew names ( 1 2 ) . 6 fathers with Greek names had children with Hebrew names, and 5 fathers with Hebrew names had children with Greek names (2 more had children with Latin names, and 1 father with a Latin name had a child with a Hebrew name). O f 6 fathers with Egyptian names, 1 had a child with an Egyptian name, 2 had children with Greek names and 3 had children with Hebrew names. The figures d o not show any real trend towards either the hellenization or hebraization o f names; they d o however show a clear trend away from Egyptian names. The high proportion of metrical epitaphs at Leontopolis (12 out of 77) is quite striking. They range from poorly executed collec tions o f standard metrical phrases to some highly literate c o m p o sitions, including one in Doric dialect. Some inhabitants o f the city c o m p o s e d , or had access to others who could c o m p o s e , elaborate epigrams with Homeric vocabulary and mythological allusions. They were willing to accept epitaphs beginning with stock phrases like "Look on my gravestone, passer-by" for stones which apparently could only be seen by s o m e o n e who went down a flight o f steps into an underground chamber, so it seems that the appropriateness o f the epitaph to the Leontopolis context was not always a priority. A number o f the sentiments they express can be given a Jewish interpretation, like "My soul has flown to the holy ones" (JIGRE no. 33.10), but only o n e contains anything more than a name which might be regarded as dis tinctively Jewish (no. 36): Fellow-townsmen and strangers, all weep for Rachelis, chaste, friend to all, about thirty years old. Do not mourn me in vain, [Puttering] empty [Pgroans]. If it was decreed that I should live but a short time, yet I look for a good hope of mercy. The first two sentences are standard metrical phrases. The last sentence is in very faulty metre (if it is metrical at all), and presumably indicates a special composition in biblical language to suit the views o f Rachelis's pious relatives. Metrical epitaphs are c o m m o n in Egypt but unusual among Jews elsewhere: apart from the twelve from Leontopolis, there is another Jewish one from Demerdash (JIGRE no. 114), one from Schedia ( n o . 23, Jewishness questionable) and a probably Egyp tian-Jewish one from Rome (no. 141). E. Bernand's collection o f

T H E J E W I S H C O M M U N I T I E S OF L E O N T O P O L I S A N D

VENOSA

169

all the metrical epitaphs from Egypt contains over 200, mostly pagan but with a few Christian as well as the Jewish o n e s . There are only four other Jewish metrical epitaphs known: two from Beth She'arim and one each from Thessaly and R o m e . This is one o f the best indications o f how the Leontopolis epitaphs are more "Egyptian" than "Jewish". 12

13

Most o f the prose epitaphs give little information when looked at individually. They p r o d u c e the occasional oddity, like the married man aged eighteen (JIGRE no. 78) and the three-year-old who was probably murdered (no. 93). It is rare for the commemorator to be named, and only one epitaph ( n o . 98) gives the deceased man's place o f origin — unfortunately the place-name, Teberkythis, is otherwise unknown. The favourite formula'was chreste chaire ("excellent one, farewell"), and that was equally popular among non-Jews in Egypt. The other commonest epithets are aoros ("untimely dead") for people aged up to 35 (also in general Egyptian use) and pasiphilos ("friend o f all"), which was very unusual elsewhere. Alypos ("having done n o harm"), atekn.os ("childless", used rather strangely for people o f 19 and 20) and mikros ("little", used for people aged up to 35) were also popular: the first two were used elsewhere in Egypt, but mikros was n o t . Philoteknos ("loving h i s / h e r children") was very popular at Terenuthis, but occurs only once at Leontopolis. The epithets cannot be used as evidence that the Jews loved their friends more and their children less than other Egyptians, but they show how, for reasons which are now irrecoverable, local preferences could develop within a standard range o f ways o f describing the deceased. Four Leontopolis epitaphs record a woman's death in childbirth, which is seldom mentioned elsewhere in Egypt. 14

It is possible to use the Leontopolis epitaphs for rudimentary statistics, and to compare them with the only larger collections o f Egyptian gravestones, from Terenuthis (modern Kom-Abu-Billou, 2nd-3rd century AD) and Akoris (modern Tehneh, Roman and

1

2

1

3

E . B e r n a n d , Inscriptions M.

Schwabe

&

B.

metriques de I'Egypte greco-romaine

Lifshitz,

Beth

She'arim

II:

the

(Paris: 1 9 6 9 ) .

Greek

Inscriptions

(Jerusalem: 1 9 7 4 ) n o s . 1 2 7 , 1 8 3 ; CIJ n o s . 7 0 1 , 4 7 6 . [ S e e t h e a p p e n d i x to van d e r H o r s t ' s c o n t r i b u t i o n in this v o l u m e . ] 1

4

T h e use o f epithets at various Egyptian sites is e x a m i n e d by B. Boyaval,

"Quelques

remarques

sur

les

epithetes

funeraires

Zeitschrift fur Papyrologie und Epigraphik 2 3 ( 1 9 7 6 ) 2 2 5 - 2 3 0 .

grecques

d'Egypte,"

170

D. NOY 15

Christian period). This was done by Boyaval, but the corpus o f Leontopolis inscriptions is now rather larger than the o n e he worked with. These groups can also be compared with the Jewish epitaphs o f Cyrenaica, which come mainly from one site (Teucheira) and can be dated in a majority o f cases to the 1st century AD. 1 6

O f the people commemorated at Leontopolis, about 40% are women. This proportion holds for all age-groups, and is much the same as at the other Egyptian sites, in Cyrenaica and among Jewish epitaphs in general. Most o f the Leontopolis deceased have their age recorded, a practice which seems to have been c o m m o n e r in Egypt than anywhere else in the Graeco-Roman world. There is evidence for a tendency to round off ages to numbers ending in 0 or 5, which is also found at the other sites. A large majority o f the Leontopolis epitaphs prefix the age with the word hos, which is usually translated as "about". It does not seem to be associated with age-rounding, however, and probably means only that the dead person lived some months more (or less) than the age given in years. Only 25% o f epitaphs at Terenuthis and 4% at Akoris use hos; it does not occur among the Jews in Cyrenaica. 17

18

1

5

B.

Boyaval,

"Remarques

sur

les

indications

f u n e r a i r e g r e c q u e d'Egypte," Zeitschrift fur Papyrologie

d'ages

de

l'epigraphie

und Epigraphik

21 ( 1 9 7 6 )

217-241. 1

6

T h e i n s c r i p t i o n s are c o l l e c t e d by G . Liideritz 8c J. M . R e y n o l d s ,

judischer 1

7

Zeugnisse

aus der Cyrenaika

P. W . van d e r H o r s t , Ancient

n o t e s t h a t in g e n e r a l than 1

8

among

women

Jewish

Epitaphs

are c o m m e m o r a t e d

(Kampen: 1991) more

often

102; he

a m o n g Jews

pagans.

A c c o r d i n g to R . D u n c a n - J o n e s ,

Papyrologie

Corpus

(Wiesbaden: 1983).

und

Epigraphik

" A g e - r o u n d i n g in Egypt," Zeitschrift

fur

3 3 ( 1 9 7 9 ) 1 6 9 - 1 7 7 , t h e t e n d e n c y is less m a r k e d in

E g y p t t h a n e l s e w h e r e in t h e R o m a n E m p i r e .

T H E J E W I S H COMMUNITIES OF LEONTOPOLIS A N D VENOSA

0-9

10-19

20-29

30-39

40-49

50-50

60+

171

no age recorded

The table shows the relative frequency of various ages at death at the three Egyptian sites and among the Jews o f Cyrenaica. At Leontopolis, as at Akoris, the age-group recorded most often is 2029; at Terenuthis and in Cyrenaica it is 0-9. This has nothing to d o with the ages at which people actually died, as it is clear that anywhere in the ancient world a mortality table would show deaths at 0-9 far outnumbering any other age-group. Leontopolis is not unusual in the under-representation o f children, but it differs markedly from the other sites in the lack o f epitaphs for people aged 50 or more. Perhaps older people at Leontopolis were more likely to be recorded without an age, or perhaps they were more likely not to be recorded at all. 19

The clearest conclusion to be drawn from the Leontopolis epitaphs is that, at least in their practices o f commemorating the dead, the people o f the city were Ptolemaic or Roman Egyptians first and Jews second. Many o f them kept to Hebrew names, and in a few cases Hebrew names were introduced to families which had previously used Greek or Egyptian ones. At the same time they followed standard non-Jewish commemoration practices. Each major collection o f Egyptian epitaphs has its own peculia rities. At Leontopolis, the main ones are the shape o f the stelae

1

9

Cf. van d e r H o r s t , Epitaphs

73-84.

172

D . NOY

used, the fondness for the epithets pasiphilos and mikros and o f the word hos before an age, the tendency to mention death in child birth, and the lack of records of people aged over 50. There is n o obvious "Jewish" explanation for any o f these phenomena, and (with the exception o f the last one; see below) they are not parallelled among Jews elsewhere. 2. Venosa The Roman colony o f Venusia stood on the Appian Way at the boundary o f Lucania and Apulia. Its modern equivalent, Venosa, is at the northern edge o f the province o f Basilicata. The Roman city's main claim to fame is as the birthplace o f Horace. There have been some imaginative attempts to find Jewish influences on Horace, but the only real literary evidence for Jews at Venosa comes from the Hebrew Chronicle o f Ahimaaz and refers to the 9th century. Jews in other parts o f southern Italy are mentioned in 6th century literature, e.g. Procopius' history o f the wars between the Byzantines and Goths, and the letters o f Pope Gregory the Great. There is also an intriguing legal text from the emperors Arcadius and Honorius, dated to 398 (Codex Theodosianus 12.1.158): We have found out that throughout Apulia and Calabria many of the governing classes of the cities are in confusion because they are of the Jewish superstition and think that by a law which has been passed in the East they are defended from having to under take municipal duties. The emperors point out that there is n o such exemption in the West. The significance o f this for Venosa is indicated below. The catacombs on the Maddalena hill just outside Venosa were first brought to the attention o f the scholarly world in 1853. Two separate investigations were made, one on behalf o f the Naples Museum and one by two local notables who had a detailed plan drawn up. Thanks to them, Venosa is a much better recorded site than Leontopolis. A number o f roughly parallel galleries were discovered cut into the tufa of the hill, some with interconnecting passages. The best preserved gallery has most o f its burials in arched recesses cut into the walls (arcosolia), in which the graves were dug into the floor. Some go far enough into the wall to make r o o m for ten or more graves; in one or two cases the arcosolium was extended until it accidentally j o i n e d up with another gallery.

T H E J E W I S H C O M M U N I T I E S OF L E O N T O P O L I S A N D VENOSA

173

There are also burials in loculi, as at Leontopolis but cut into the wall o f an arcosolium or o f the gallery itself. The Venosa loculi sometimes occupy an entire stretch o f wall from floor to ceiling. The floors o f some o f the galleries are lined with graves, pre sumably dug when all other space was used up. The inscriptions were written either on tiles which were used to seal the graves or o n the wall or arched ceiling above the graves. Copies o f many were made in the 1850s, but they remained unpublished until 1878, when Ascoli reported to the TV Congresso Internazionale di Orientalisti, and then published his own m o n o g r a p h . Ascoli's publication was the basis o f most subse quent studies o f the catacombs, although a number o f other dis tinguished scholars visited the site. The texts which were pub lished by Frey in CIJ were based on the copies made in the 1850s, and on another anonymous manuscript which appears to have been drawn up at the same time and later came into the hands o f the great Christian archaeologist de Rossi. 2 0

Since Frey's work a number o f other scholars have re examined the inscriptions to produce improved readings. Colafemmina discovered a number of texts overlooked by the 19thcentury investigators, and in 1974 he found a new gallery with the first dated inscription, from the year 521. In the same gallery he discovered the first surviving painted tomb: a frescoed arcoso lium decorated with the full range o f Jewish symbols (menorah, ethrog, lulab, shofar, amphora) in gold and blue. 21

The state o f many o f the inscriptions has deteriorated conside rably since the 19th century. They were all painted or scratched on plaster, which has in some cases fallen from the wall or be c o m e damp; incursions by humans and livestock have done fur ther damage; and landslides and earthquakes, which had already blocked a number o f galleries in the 1850s, have continued to make parts o f the catacombs inaccessible, including the gallery discovered in 1974. However, substantial restoration work is now being u n d e r t a k e n . A small, apparently separate hypogeum came to light in the 1930s, but has also been made inaccessible by 22

2

0

G . I. A s c o l i , Iscrizioni inedite o mal note ( F l o r e n c e : 1 8 8 0 ) .

2

1

Colafemmina,

2

2

I a m very grateful

Soprintendenza

"Nova e vetera" 8 8 - 9 . to D r A n t o n i o

Archeologica

visited V e n o s a in S e p t e m b e r

for

1992.

C a p a n o a n d his c o l l e a g u e s o f

their c o - o p e r a t i o n

and

the

kindness w h e n

I

174

D. NOY

landslides. Excavations in 1981 found a whole new level o f catacombs beneath the known ones, but completely devoid o f inscriptions. Christian catacombs have been found too, within a few metres o f the Jewish ones, and there is a Christian inscription dated to 503.23

The dating o f the Jewish catacombs at Venosa has been much discussed, and the general consensus o f 5th-6th century was sup ported by the discovery o f the inscription o f 521. Paleography is o f limited help at Venosa because almost all other southern Italian inscriptions o f a similar period are inscribed o n marble or lime stone, whereas the Venosan inscriptions are painted or scratched on plaster in characters which are often o f a considerably more "cursive" nature. The inscription o f 521 seems to be one o f the latest, and to be roughly contemporary (judging by formulae and letter-forms) with the latest epitaphs from the main gallery. The latest inscription there is probably from the middle o f the 6th century, although the burials in the floors o f the galleries are presumably later. The earliest inscriptions from the main cata c o m b are likely to be from the late 4th or early 5th century, but they are some way from the entrance and are probably con siderably later than the first use o f the catacomb. The separate hypogeum, where the inscriptions were on marble, is probably 5th-century but could be slightly earlier. The dating suggested above would make the inscriptions o f Venosa contemporary with two smaller collections o f Latin Chris tian inscriptions: one from Aeclanum to the west, which runs from 399 to 546 by consular dates, and one from Tropea to the south, which runs from (probably) the mid-5th century to 5 3 5 . The area o f Venosa suffered heavily in the fighting between the Goths and Byzantines in the 540s and early 550s, and if the Jews of Venosa supported the Goths as the Jews o f Naples did, they were probably in some trouble after the Byzantine victory in 553. It seems likely that there are n o inscriptions after that date. There are many Hebrew epitaphs from the early 9th century, but there 24

2

3

2

4

L . Levi, "Le iscrizioni d e l l a c a t a c o m b a n u o v a di V e n o s a , " Rassegna Mensile di Israel 3 1 ( 1 9 6 5 ) 3 5 6 - 6 4 ; E . M . M e y e r s , "Report o n t h e Excavations at t h e V e n o s a C a t a c o m b s , 1 9 8 1 , " Vetera Christianorum 2 0 ( 1 9 8 3 ) 445-460; C . Colaf e m m i n a , Apulia cristiana. Venosa (Bari: 1 9 7 3 ) 5 6 ; C . C o l a f e m m i n a , "Scoperte a r c h e o l o g i c h e in V e n o s a paleocristiana," Vetera Christianorum 1 3 ( 1 9 7 6 ) 2 6 - 8 . A e c l a n u m : CIL 9 . 1 3 6 3 - 1 3 9 7 . T r o p e a : M . B u o n o c o r e , Inscriptiones Christianae Italiae 5 . 1 0 - 3 5 .

T H E J E W I S H C O M M U N I T I E S OF L E O N T O P O L I S A N D

VENOSA

175

is apparently a gap of more than two centuries. It may be that the burials o f the intervening period have not yet been discovered, or that the Jewish community o f Venosa was temporarily displaced, but it is more likely that the remaining spaces in the floors o f the catacombs were being used up by people who were n o longer able to leave inscriptions. At Leontopolis the inscriptions were all in Greek, but at Venosa the catacombs were in use at a time o f linguistic change or at least confusion. Adjacent inscriptions can be in Greek and Hebrew, Latin and Hebrew, or all three languages. All the lst-2nd century pagan inscriptions o f Venosa are in Latin, but there is a pair o f inscriptions probably from the early 3rd century in which the same dedicant h o n o u r e d Mithras in Greek and Mercury in Latin. Greek was certainly still being used (at least occasionally) in epitaphs from predominantly Latin-speaking parts o f southern Italy up to the time of the Byzantine conquest. 25

26

The layout o f the Venosa catacombs makes it appear that the Latin inscriptions are generally later than the Greek ones, and several Greek epitaphs seem to have been written by people who were thinking in Latin, with Latin case-endings for Greek words and sometimes with Latin words transliterated into the Greek alphabet. The early users o f the catacombs were apparently Greek speakers, but they were not necessarily newcomers to southern Italy. Latin eventually replaced Greek as the language o f com memoration, perhaps some time after it became the everyday language. There are four epitaphs which record the successive generations o f a family: the first uses Greek and Hebrew, the second Hebrew, the third and fourth Latin and Hebrew {CIJnos. 599, 569, 613, 611). 27

Hebrew is scattered throughout the catacombs, usually as "shalom" formulae attached to Greek or Latin inscriptions. It must have been a conscious decision to write shalom rather than eirene or pax, words which had probably acquired Christian associations. Every arcosolium with at least two inscriptions has some Hebrew, but there is only one surviving inscription o f any length which is in Hebrew alone (no. 569; it may have been accompanied by a

Inscriptiones Incriptiones

Graecae 1 4 . 6 8 8 ; C o l a f e m m i n a , Apulia Christianae

cristiana 1 2 .

Italiae 5 . 1 , f r o m R e g g i o di Calabria, d a t e d t o 5 3 0 .

N o . 6 1 2 in Latin p r o b a b l y refers to the s a m e m a n .

176

D . NOY

Latin text which is now lost), and one in Greek written in Hebrew characters (no. 595). The collection of dated 9th-century tombstones from Venosa is entirely in Hebrew, and commemorates p e o p l e with mainly Hebrew names. The catacombs, however, show n o real increase in the use o f Hebrew over time. This is to some extent confirmed by naming practices. Latin names o c c u r in 35 inscriptions, Hebrew names in 18 and Greek names in 9 (leaving out dubious cases). Many o f the inscriptions provide the names of parents, and some mention grandparents and even great-grandparents. Where parents and children are both named, there are 12 cases o f parents and children both with Latin names and 2 o f both with Hebrew names. 7 parents with Latin names have children with Hebrew names, and 8 parents with Hebrew names have children with Latin names. There are at least 3 married couples where o n e spouse has a Hebrew name and the other has a Latin one. It looks as if the exclusive use o f the Hebrew language and the predomi nantly Hebrew naming system o f the 9th century are something new, not a continuation o f any 6th-century development. The gender division of the Venosa epitaphs corresponds exact ly to Leontopolis: 40% of those commemorated are women. The same division applies at Aeclanum; at Tropea women account for 50%, but the total number o f inscriptions is smaller. The Chris tians at Aeclanum and Tropea made considerable use o f symbols: crosses and chi-rhos. The Jews o f Venosa had the menorah as their standard symbol, although even that is less c o m m o n than the Christian symbols: it occurs in about one-third o f the inscrip tions. Apart from the painted tomb, which has every available symbol, there are three lulabs, two shofars and o n e possible ethrog. Like the Hebrew, the symbols are scattered throughout the catacombs, and d o not appear to become more or less c o m m o n over time. O n e notable difference between Venosa and the Christian sites is in the use o f dates. As stated above, only one inscription from Venosa has a date. That may be the result o f an external influence, because the woman commemorated, Augusta the wife of Bonus, is the daughter o f a man from Anchiasmon (modern Saranda in southern Albania), and granddaughter o f a man from Lypiae (modern Lecce, in the south-east corner o f Italy). She is the only person o f explicitly non-Venosan ancestry, although it is

T H E J E W I S H COMMUNITIES OF LEONTOPOLIS A N D VENOSA

177

very likely that other leading Jews o f Venosa would have inter married with their equivalents elsewhere in southern Italy or even further afield. Whereas the Jews of Venosa apparently took n o interest in recording the day, month or year, the Christians of Aeclanum were careful to mention all three, using the traditional Roman system, and at Tropea, although the year was rarely men tioned, the day and month usually were, again by the Roman system.

Perhaps connected with the lack of interest in the date at Venosa is a low level o f interest in the deceased's age, as shown in the table. Fewer than half the inscriptions mention an age, although there may be some cases where it has been lost at the end o f a badly preserved inscription. When an age is given, it is most like ly to be for a young child. Three children under one year old are commemorated, something which does not happen at Leontopolis or in Cyrenaica. There are occasional attempts at greater accuracy 28

2

8

been

In the V e n o s a included

have b e e n

diagram,

four people

described

o n l y as

"child"

in t h e 0-9 a g e - g r o u p . T h e figures f o r T r o p e a a n d

combined

because

representation o f the

have

Aeclanum

o f t h e relatively small n u m b e r s i n v o l v e d .

different

age-groups

is very s i m i l a r

at t h e

two

The sites,

e x c e p t that T r o p e a ( 1 2 o u t o f 2 6 ) has relatively m o r e ages o f 5 0 o r m o r e than Aeclanum

(11

out

of

3 7 ) . For Venosa,

c o n s i s t o f o n l y a n i s o l a t e d "shalom"

the

numerous

inscriptions

o r a few u n i n t e l l i g i b l e letters have

o m i t t e d f r o m t h e "no a g e r e c o r d e d " total.

which been

178

D. NOY

than just an age in years: there are epitaphs for people aged 14 years 5 months and 20 years 3 months. As people grew older, vagueness increased. Only five people over 44 have ages given: one is 50, two are 60, one is 70 and one is 80. There was clearly a considerable amount o f guesswork. The contrast with Aeclanum and Tropea is striking. At both Christian sites, almost every epitaph gives an age, and it appears that chances o f being commemorated increased rather than decreased with age. Despite the interest in dates, guesswork was still prevalent: virtually everyone over 40 has an age ending in 0 or 5. It is clear that at least in southern Italy Jews were more likely than others to commemorate the very young, and it also becomes apparent that in both southern Italy and Egypt they were less likely to commemorate the o l d . 29

At Venosa, epithets were almost never used to describe the deceased. Epithets are less rare at the Christian sites: dulcissimus occurs four times at Aeclanum and fidelis ten times at Tropea. Commemorators are also named very seldom in the Venosan inscriptions (explicitly only in CII no. 611) but slightly more often among the Christians. The formulae used at Venosa mainly concern the deceased "resting" in the grave: hie requiescit, hie pausat, in Greek hode keitai. At Aeclanum, there was a preference for hie requiescit in somno pads, and at Tropea recessit in pace. The formulae from Venosa were c o m m o n elsewhere among Jews and Christians, but a number o f Greek epitaphs at Venosa begin with taphos ("tomb"), followed by the deceased's name in the genitive or nominative. This expression is very unusual any where else, and seems be concentrated in the earlier Venosan inscriptions. 30

The epitaphs show that the Jews o f Venosa had a considerable variety o f titles. There are four archisynagogoi in three epitaphs: a father and son both named Joseph, a man o f 50 and a child o f 3 (CIJ nos. 584, 596, 587). They come from three different arcosolia, and there is n o indication o f any family connection between them. One man in a Greek epitaph has the title o f dia biou ("officer 2

9

3

0

Cf. van d e r H o r s t , Epitaphs

81.

G . P. B o g n e t t i , "Les i n s c r i p t i o n s j u i v e s d e V e n o s a

r a p p o r t s e n t r e les L o m b a r d s et l ' O r i e n t , " C R A I B L ( 1 9 5 4 )

e t la p r o b l e m e

was a sign o f E g y p t i a n i n f l u e n c e , b u t c o u l d p r o d u c e o n l y two e x a m p l e s o f e x p r e s s i o n b e i n g u s e d in

Egypt.

des

1 9 5 , a r g u e d that it the

T H E J E W I S H C O M M U N I T I E S OF L E O N T O P O L I S A N D

VENOSA

179

for life"; no. 575), and this may occur in two other places where the reading is doubtful. There are two gerusiarchs, o n e in Greek and one (the father o f the deceased) in Latin (nos. 600, 613). There is also one didaskalos, mentioned as a father (no. 594). The man whose Greek epitaph is written in Hebrew characters, the 80-year-old Secundinus, is described as a presbyter (no. 595). Three women are described as presbytera: o n e aged 38 and two with n o age (nos. 590, 581, 597). Two o f them are in almost adja cent graves, and may well be from the same extended family. There is also a Christian presbytera from Tropea, and in 494 Pope Gelasius complained about women being allowed to "minister at the sacred altars" in southern Italy. A habit o f giving places o f honour to women seems to have been shared by Christians and Jews in the area. 31

The commonest title at Venosa is pater. It is mentioned four times in Greek and five times in Latin (some o f these inscriptions refer to the same person). It sometimes ran in families: the presbytera Mannine (no. 590) had a father and grandfather who were both entitled pater, and the pater Faustinus was the son o f a gerusiarch and grandson o f a pater (no. 613). Three Latin inscrip tions use the abbreviation PP (nos. 607, 610, 614). There was much debate about the meaning o f this until the discovery o f the separate hypogeum produced the Greek epitaph o f a pater pateron (no. 619b). This title is known mainly from the cult o f Mithras, but according to the Letter o f Severus which describes the con version o f the Jews o f Minorca to Christianity in 418 (PL 20.731), the leading Jew o f the island was "the teacher o f the law and, if I may use their own word, pater patrum". It is fairly certain that the Latin PP stands for pater patrum, and designates someone who, for a limited period or for life, was ranked above the ordinary patres. O n e pater had a wife who is described in Greek as meter (no. 619d), which might be her title as his wife or something she held in her own right. A woman named Alexandra, who has n o male relative mentioned, is called pateressa ("fatheress"; no. 606). This word could surely have been c o i n e d only by s o m e o n e deter mined not to use mater/ meter, and seems to imply a woman who in her own right was equated with the patres.

3

1

See

the

discussion

by G .

nell'antichita," Vetera Christianorum

Otranto,

"Note

sul

19 ( 1 9 8 2 ) 341-60.

sacerdozio

femminile

180

D. NOY

The epitaphs show that titles proliferated at Venosa, but they d o not show how they were acquired or what responsibilities (if any) went with them. The titles d o not necessarily indicate a rigidly hierarchical organization for the community; they may demon strate only how the community h o n o u r e d its most important members. The recurrence o f titles within families may show not that the titles were hereditary but that the positions o f influence (presumably accompanied by wealth and benefaction to the com munity) which the titles recognized tended to concentrate in a few families. The inscription which appears from its position to be the latest (no. 614) commemorates a husband and wife, Gesua and Agnella, who each had a grandfather described as pater patrum; Gesua and Agnella and their parents had n o titles. This may indicate that the communal structures which produced the titles had broken down by the mid-6th century, a predictable consequence o f the wars o f that time. The best-known epitaph from Venosa (no. 611) illustrates the concentration o f titles within a family, and represents the fullest development o f the fondness for lists of ancestors which many o f the epitaphs show. The length o f the genealogical list seems to be unparallelled anywhere in Italy at this period, and it includes maternal as well as paternal ancestors. The text is bilingual, and reads: 32

L a t i n : " H e r e rests Faustina, d a u g h t e r o f F a u s t i n u s t h e

pater,

aged

years 5 m o n t h s . S h e was h e r parents' o n l y child. T w o apostles two rabbis s p o k e the dirges for her, a n d she m a d e great g r i e f f o r h e r p a r e n t s a n d tears f o r t h e H e b r e w : "Resting-place o f Faustina.

enough

community."

M a y h e r s o u l rest! P e a c e . "

Latin: "She was the g r e a t - g r a n d d a u g h t e r granddaughter

14

and

of Faustinus the

o f Bitus a n d Asellus w h o w e r e leaders o f

pater, the

community."

The epitaphs o f a number o f Faustina's relatives can be identified in the same arcosolium and the adjacent o n e . The "apostles" provide further evidence o f links between Venosa and the wider Jewish world. The inscription is too late for them to be emissaries o f the Patriarch, but they may well have c o m e from other communities in Palestine, perhaps (as has been suggested) the 3

2

T h e s i g n i f i c a n c e o f Jewish titles is d i s c u s s e d in a f o r t h c o m i n g p a p e r : T . R a j a k & D . N o y , "Archisynagogoi: O f f i c e , T i t l e a n d Social Status in t h e Greco-Jewish S y n a g o g u e " , Journal of Roman Studies ( 1 9 9 3 ) .

T H E J E W I S H C O M M U N I T I E S OF L E O N T O P O L I S A N D

VENOSA

181

academy o f Tiberias. Legislation o f 429 (after the abolition o f the Patriarchate) had prohibited the Iudaeorum primates o f Palestine from collecting money in other provinces, but it is unlikely to have been enforced in Gothic Italy. O n the boundaries o f the Jewish community are a man who seems to be described as a proselyte and another described as teuseves (CIJ nos. 576, 619a): that would be the transcription, according to normal Venosan practice, o f theosebes, "godfearer", the term best attested at Aphrodisias. He is buried in the same hypogeum as people with Jewish titles, although in a different part of it. 33

Several Venosan Jews also had a role outside the Jewish com munity. Another Faustinus, who secured the burial place at the end o f the main gallery for himself and his wife and son, was both gerusiarch and archiatros, "chief doctor" (no. 600). This title could apply to someone who worked at the imperial court or to a doctor employed by a city; it is extremely unlikely that he would acquire it by working only for the Jews of Venosa. Faustina in no. 611 caused "tears for the community" by her death. Her grand fathers were both maiores civitatis, leaders o f the community, which seems to be an indication of general honour rather than a specific office. The community in question must be the city o f Venosa and not just the Jewish community, because civitas was the standard Latin word for "city" or "municipality" at this time. In the dated inscription, Augusta's husband Bonus has the title vir laudabilis, a distinguishing mark o f the holders o f municipal offices. Greek epitaphs mention two men described as patron tes poleos, "patron o f the city" (nos. 619b-c). This was originally a title bestowed on provincial governors or members o f the imperial family who protected a city's interests, but came increasingly to be given to the most important residents of the city. Nothing is known about the members o f the ruling class at Venosa in the 5th and 6th centuries apart from the information from the Jewish catacombs, so claims that the city was entirely run by Jews are unsubstantiated. However, it is clear that Jews could hold leading positions in the civic structure as well as places 3

3

Codex

M . Salzman),

Theodosianus

16.8.29. According

f r o m t h e l a n d o f Israel, p r o f o u n d l y wisdom."

to C h r o n i c l e

of Ahimaaz 4b

t h e r e was at V e n o s a in the 9 t h century "a m a n w h o h a d

(tr.

come

l e a r n e d in the law o f G o d , a m a s t e r

of

182

D. NOY

o f h o n o u r in their own community. The order which the empe rors issued in 398 had its effect in making the Jews o f Venosa take up their municipal burdens. 3. Conclusion In one rather negative way, the communities o f Leontopolis and Venosa have something in c o m m o n . Neither o f them shows the signs o f cultural change which have been ascribed to them: there is n o evidence o f any trend o f hellenization at Leontopolis, or o f any hebraization at Venosa up to the mid-6th century. At Leontopolis, the similarities with non-Jewish Egypt are very strong. The Jews there apparently had little conscious need to differentiate themselves from other inhabitants o f Egypt in their epitaphs. The ways in which their epitaphs d o differ seem to have little to d o with any statement o f Jewish identity. At Venosa, the Jewish epitaphs show some signs o f the influence o f their nonJewish surroundings. They differ in small and perhaps subcon scious ways from some o f the expressions used by their Christian contemporaries, and at the same time they use Hebrew formulae and Jewish symbols in what must be a deliberate statement o f their own identity. The difference may be one o f place: Leon topolis was a largely or even entirely Jewish city, whereas Venosa was a mixed one in which the Jews were important but not necessarily predominant. The more significant difference could be one o f time. In Egypt (or at least at Leontopolis) in the 1st century BC and A D , religious identity was perhaps not a major problem. In 5th and 6th century AD southern Italy, the "market place o f religions" was at the height o f its business, and the Jews of Venosa, however well integrated into city life they were, felt obliged to use their own trademark wherever they could. 34

35

3

4

L. V. Rutgers,

and N o n j e w s

"Archaeological

in L a t e A n t i q u i t y , " AJA

Evidence 96

i n f l u e n c e s in s u c h areas as art, a r c h i t e c t u r e a n d 3

5

Pagans

J. N o r t h , and

"The D e v e l o p m e n t

for the

(1992)

Interaction o f Jews

1 0 1 - 1 1 8 , discusses

mutual

magic.

o f R e l i g i o u s Pluralism,"

The Jews

among

Christians ( e d . J. L i e u , J. N o r t h & T . Rajak; L o n d o n : 1 9 9 2 ) 1 7 8 - 9 .

WHAT IS THE POLITEUMA? GERT LUDERITZ

Much confusion has reigned in modern historiography regard ing the constitution of the different bodies o f people denoted by the term iro\iT6V\ia. Though the word is not rare and has a rather broad variety o f meanings (e.g. 'political action', 'civic right', 'state', 'government'), it has also been used as a technical term to denote groups o f people with various forms o f organisation. As a terminus technicus, however, Tro\tTei)(ia is not very c o m m o n , and that is what has made the task of understanding its specific character more difficult. It can stand for an institution within the political organisation o f a Greek polis as well as for other groups o f people — for example an organisation o f aliens residing in a foreign city. The present article is a survey o f the types o f organi sations which called themselves 'politeuma', in an effort to reach a more precise definition o f its various technical usages. Two inscriptions from Berenice in Cyrenaica published in the eighteenth century are among the first instances known in which 'politeuma' occurs as a technical term. They consist o f decrees which had been promulgated by a Jewish organisation called 'The Politeuma o f the Jews in Berenice'. Another poli teuma is mentioned in the so called 'Letter o f Aristeas' (in § 310); since the publication o f the Berenice inscriptions it has been taken by most scholars to refer to an Alexandrian Jewish organisation o f the same kind as the one in Berenice. The term 'politeuma' is usually thought to stand here for the Jewish 'community'. Referring to Alexandria, for example, it has been maintained that Oi diTo T O U TToXiTeup.a.TOS" signifies the entire Jewish population in Alexandria, and is synonymous with T O TrXfj0os\ The politeumata are also supposed to have enjoyed certain privileges distinguishing them from other communities. This assumption applies not only to Jewish politeumata, but also to 1

2

1

C p . C i c e r o Epistulae

ad Atticum

1 7 4 ( 9 . 7 ) . 3 " . . . m e iroXCTeupa d e

pace

suscipere", w h i c h is taken u p in 1 7 6 ( 9 . 9 ) . 2 as "actio d e p a c e sublata est, q u a m quidem ego 2

meditabar".

Schiirer 1973ff.,

3:88

(with f u r t h e r

tations o f t h e p o l i t e u m a in A l e x a n d r i a see

literature). below.

For different

interpre

184

G. LUDERITZ

several non-Jewish organisations calling themselves by this term. Authors who made similar assertions are cited in support. An article by Ruppel published in 1927 is often referred to in this respect. Ruppel's article is a useful collection o f texts in which the word TTo\tTei)|j.a occurs, though his interpretations can be vague or even confusing at times. This is not to discount Ruppel's con tribution altogether — he did not pretend that his results were always reliable. His conclusions, however, could hardly be used to support the o n e view that the term stood for a public body 3

4

5

6

3

See

for e x a m p l e A p p l e b a u m 1 9 7 9 , 1 6 0 : " . . . o f the Jewish

(dpxovTes")

a n d the p o l i t e u m a

(iToX(Teu|j.a)

o f t h e city -

archontes

m e a n i n g , o f the

w a r d e n s o f t h e o r g a n i z e d c o m m u n i t y , a n d o f the c o m m u n i t y i t s e l f

; Roux &

R o u x 1 9 4 9 , 2 8 8 : "Les Juifs j o u e r e n t d a n s l'Egypte a l e x a n d r i n e et r o m a i n e u n r o l e c o n s i d e r a b l e . . . G r o u p e s au sein d e leurs p o l i t e u m a t a , c o m m u n a u t e s a la fois p o l i t i q u e s e t religieuses,

ils vivaient a u x c o t e s d e la cite p a i e n n e

..." ;

S m a l l w o o d 1 9 7 6 , 2 2 5 : " . . . a q u a s i - a u t o n o m o u s civic u n i t , g e n e r a l l y k n o w n as a politeuma

b y m o d e r n , if n o t always by a n c i e n t writers. A politeuma

was a

r e c o g n i z e d , f o r m a l l y c o n s t i t u t e d c o r p o r a t i o n o f aliens e n j o y i n g t h e r i g h t o f domicile

in

a foreign

city a n d f o r m i n g a s e p a r a t e , s e m i a u t o n o m o u s

civic

b o d y , a city within t h e city; . . . It h a d to b e officially a u t h o r i z e d b y t h e l o c a l r u l e r o r civic b o d y , p r e s u m a b l y by a written charter setting o u t its rights a n d c o n s t i t u t i o n , t h o u g h n o e x a m p l e o f such a d o c u m e n t survives." 4

A perhaps extreme

demonstrate conceived

that

the

e x a m p l e is K a s h e r w h o w r o t e a b o o k "to try to

equality which

as a n e q u a l i t y b e t w e e n

community

t h e Jews

(TToXiTeuua) a n d t h e G r e e k polis",

t h e q u e s t i o n w h a t a p o l i t e u m a is c o n f i n e s d e f i n i t i o n s o f the t e r m politeuma" 5

strove

is

to

be

b u t w h o w h e n d e a l i n g with "accepted

(Kasher 1 9 8 5 , I X , 3 0 ) .

E x a m p l e s : r e f e r r i n g to t h e i n s c r i p t i o n das

obtain

h i m s e l f to cite s o m e OGI

l i c h d i e S t a d t g e m e i n d e v o n E l e a zu v e r s t e h e n , Sfjiios", TTOXL?, TTOXITCU ist

to

two s e p a r a t e p o l i t i c a l b o d i e s , t h e Jewish

Wort

1 . 3 3 2 : " U n t e r IT. ist natiirneben den

vielleicht

der

Bezeichnungen

Abwechslung

wegen

g e b r a u c h t " ( p . 4 3 3 ; slightly s h o r t e n e d ) ; c o n c e r n i n g SIG 2 . 6 9 5 . 1 2 f . w h e r e t h e goddess

Artemis appeared

in

M a g n e s i a T<3I o\)\nxavTi

iTXt^ei TOO TroXiTeu-

1

P-aTos h e stated that also t h e m e t i c s m u s t h a v e b e e n p a r t o f t h e p o l i t e u m a because sondern

"Die G o t t i n soli n a t i i r l i c h der

gesamten

nicht nur den

'Einwohnerschaft'

magnetischen

erschienen

sein"

Burgern, (p.

434);

r e f e r r i n g to IG 1 2 ( 7 ) . 3 9 2 : "Der I n h a l t gestattet zwei D e u t u n g e n : 1. d i e S t a d t will

durch

Aufmunterung

der

Wohlwollenden

das

offentliche

Ansehen

( i r o X t T e u p a ) v o n d e r e n V o r f a h r e n (iTpoy6vwv) e r h o h e n , i n d e m sie sich noch

lebenden

alten

Bestand von

kommen

ist)

6

nen,

Burgern

vermehren,

imdpxouo-iv...) die

den

N a c h k o m m e n (imdpxouo-iv) d a n k b a r erweist; 2 . sie will d e n (TTpoydvcov: wie indem

sie

ihren

er v o n

d e n V o r f a h r e n iiber-

Mitteln

entprechend

(Tots'

sich d e n W o h l g e s i n n t e n e r k e n n t l i c h zeigt" ( p . 4 4 4 f . ) .

" M a g n u n m e i n e E r k l a r u n g d e s P o l i t e u m a i m F a i j u m , d i e sich n u r a u f agyptischen auf j e d e n

kennen

M i l i t a r v e r h a l t n i s s e stiitzt, Fall l e r n e n

richtig

wir das W o r t IT. in

oder gekunstelt einer

neuen

. . . " ( R u p p e l 1 9 2 7 , 3 0 4 ) ; "Ich v e r k e n n e n i c h t , daB d a d u r c h

Ausfuhrungen

erschei-

Bedeutung

a u f S. 3 0 4 w i e d e r fraglich w u r d e n , lasse sie j e d o c h

meine stehen,

weil m i r d i e P r o b l e m e n o c h keineswegs g e l o s t z u sein s c h e i n e n " ( p . 3 1 0 ) .

185

W H A T IS T H E POLITEUMA?

enjoying the kind of privileges which distinguished it from other c o m m u n i t i e s . The only exception to the general view on poli teumata is a review article by C. Zuckerman who attacks this "historiographic legend" and argues that there is n o reason to think that politeumata differed from other clubs. According to him these were in fact private, voluntary associations. If one confines oneself to the cases where 'politeuma' is used as a technical term, it, is possible, as already mentioned, to make a distinction betweeii two categories o f politeumata. The term can either represent a political body which is part o f the administra tive organisation o f a Greek polis, or it can stand for other orga nised groups o f people. Formally a Jewish politeuma — as an alien body in a Greek city — should o f course be included within" the second category, but, as I h o p e to show, in some respects the Jewish politeuma could have borne a closer resemblance to the politeumata o f the first category. This essay is then divided into three parts. The first concerns itself with the 'politeuma' within the structure o f the Greek sta,te apparatus. The second is a general survey—and I h o p e more systematic than has been attempted up to n o w — o f the varied forms o f non-state organisations also covered by this term. In the final section the Jewish politeuma is treated in some detail. Here I hope to suggest an entirely different interpretation o f the function of this body. 7

8

1. TloXtreviia as a body with political power within a Greek polis a) The politeuma in an oligarchy According to a decree in which Ptolemy I reformulated the con stitution o f the Cyrenaeans in 321 B . C . the politeuma o f Cyrene was a group o f several thousand men (1. 6: LToXCTeupia 8' COTCO ol piipioi — "the Ten Thousand shall be the politeuma"), mainly 9

7

T h e r e is also an article by E n g e r s ( 1 9 2 6 ) e n t i t l e d 'iToXtTeupa',

m a i n l y with t h e

dealing

l e g a l status o f t h e Jews in A l e x a n d r i a . M o r e r e c e n t articles

a b o u t ' p o l i t e u m a ' with different focal p o i n t s are Levi 1 9 6 3 a n d Biscardi 1 9 8 4 . 8

Zuckerman

Zuckerman's

1988

(review o f K a s h e r

t h e o r i e s see

below. I am

1 9 8 5 ) , see

e.g.

pp.

1 8 0 , 1 8 4 ; as

g r a t e f u l to H a n s w u l f B l o e d h o r n

to for

d r a w i n g m y a t t e n t i o n to this article. 9

A c o n s i d e r a b l e part o f t h e d e c r e e is p r e s e r v e d o n s t o n e ; f o r t h e t e x t see

SEG 9 . 1 a n d SEG 1 8 . 7 2 6 ( c o r r e c t i o n s to the text in SEG 9 ) ; inscription see

now

Laronde

1987,

85-128.

f o r the d a t e o f the

186

G. LUDERITZ

those who owned 2000 drachmae, the estates o f their wives included (there are a number o f special regulations — outstanding debts could be put to the creditors account under certain con ditions). The estates were estimated according to written laws by sixty 'estimators', who had been elected from the members o f the politeuma by the 'gerontes' ('the elders', a body o f 101 men) and had to be at least 30 years old (11. 12-15). The politeuma had the power to grant citizenship and to elect the gerontes. In case o f war the politeuma acknowledged the strategoi (chief magistrates and commanders) or elected new ones out o f its own circle; whilst in cases involving capital punishment judgement was passed by the gerontes, the boule (a council o f 500 men appointed by lot, they should be at least 50 years old and acted for two years) and 1500 members o f the politeuma chosen by lot. Probably the politeuma (oi |JLUpL0L — 'ten thousand') was enlarged by Ptolemy — the same functions had been exercised earlier ('before the war') by the X L X L O L ('thousand'). This may have been the result o f a deliberate policy to broaden and thereby strengthen the basis o f the Cyrenean government — it remained aristocratic or timocratic, but more persons now belonged to the ruling class. It had been the struggles between aristocrats and democrats that had led to a war and ultimately to the intervention o f Ptolemy. What the politeuma in Cyrene was is made rather clear by these regulations. It is not identical with the body o f 'citizens'; this b o d y was larger, and citizenship was acquired differently — normally by descent. Citizens had certain rights, but according 10

11

12

1

0

6, 21f., 28-31, 35-37.

LI.

i n s t a l l e d g e r o n t e s in the

politeuma were

T h e r e were additional regulations: the

newly

321 B . C . h a d b e e n a p p o i n t e d b y P t o l e m y ; m e m b e r s also

the

aristocrats w h o

i n s t i g a t e d P t o l e m y to i n t e r v e n e in

had

Cyrenaica);

fled

to

Egypt

citizenship a n d

(and

of had

membership

o f t h e p o l i t e u m a c o u l d also b e g r a n t e d b y P t o l e m y . 1

LI. 34f.: ITpaaaovTWCTav 8e ol \iky

1

<8£>] povXi ! d f| (3ot>Xi^, ol 8k 18.726.2-5 ( c o r r e c t e d f r o m 5

^iTpacraov, [f| 1

2

SEG

e £ [dvSpos

1

y e p o v T e ? d ol yepovTes" ETT' ed>pT\vr]S ptipioi d ol X ^ L O L . SEG

9.1):

K v p n v l a i o u Kal y w a i K o s " KupTivatas

1

[TIoXjiTai Zoovrai

ol

dv8[pek

Kal o[l IK T](3V Ai|3uao"c3v T W V

evTOS" TOO K a T a p a 8 p o O Kal AuSapdXaKOS" Kal ol £K T W V ^ [ T T O I K W T W V CK TCOV TToXeoov TCOV ^ i r e K e i v a TTJ? Qiviriog,

ovs

Kupr|vioi d t r o k K i a a v K[al ovg

TTToXepatos' KaTaaTf|0-r|i Kal ous" d v TO iroXCTeupa 8££Tai. Cyrenean from

a

men Libyan

Automalax, the

born

a

Cyrenean

from

the

man

region

and

a

Cyrenean

between

a d m i t t e d by the

by C y r e n e a n s ,

and

politeuma." For

those

the

appointed

Thinitis, the

woman

Catabathmus

a n d a l s o t h e d e s c e n d a n t s o f the c o l o n i s t s f r o m t h e

Thinitis f o u n d e d

those

from

woman

&]v

"Citizens will b e or and

cities b e y o n d

by P t o l e m y

region of

and

Thintis

187

W H A T IS T H E POLITEUMA?

to the constitution o f Cyrene not all o f them partook in the administration o f the city. Political power lay with the politeuma; membership thereof was based on a timocratic principle. b ) The politeuma in a democracy Probably in the second half o f the year 332 B . C . , during his campaign in Asia Minor, Alexander the Great wrote to the people of the island o f Chios; he ruled that the exiled should return, and he settled the constitution: 13

'ETT]L

AeicaGeoM

TrpuTaveos' u a p d paaiXecos

1

'AXe[£dv8p]ou XLoiv TOL]

Xiov K a n e v a i TrdvTas\ TroXiTeopa 5% [eilvai e v X(,a)i Sfjpov. AlpeOfjvai 8e vopoypd^ous", dlrives ypdi/jouca K a \ 8Lop6waouaL T O U ? V6U.OUS", OTTO)? p.T|8ev evav-rtov fji TT\ oYipoKpaTiai, ur)Se TfiL TWV (f>uyd8cov KaGoScoi- Td 8e 8iop0co0evTa f| ypaevTa 6Trava(f>epea0ai 1

Sf|[p]a)f Tous* cfwydoas T O U S £ K

TTpos" 'AXe£av8pov.

("In t h e

time o f the

prytanis

Deisitheos,

k i n g A l e x a n d e r to the p e o p l e o f the Chians: T h e e x i l e d f r o m shall

all

return.

The

politeuma

in

Chios

shall

be

the

from Chios

people.

L a w g i v e r s shall b e e l e c t e d , w h o will write a n d c o r r e c t t h e laws, that n o t h i n g should obstruct the democracy exiled.

Whatever

Alexander

is

corrected

or

written

so

or the return o f the shall

be

referred

to

...")

Thus Alexander established a democracy in Chios, as he did also in Ephesus and elsewhere. The constitution became demo cratic because o f the ruling that the people would constitute the politeuma. Here, S f p o s " and TroXtTeupia, 'people' or 'body of citizens' and 'politeuma', are clearly not synonymous — otherwise the ruling would be a tautology. The politeuma then consists o f those exercising political power, and in this case, thus the ruling, all citizens are to be included in this group. 14

Conclusion: What the public institution called TroX(,Teup.a was, can b e specified rather clearly: Politeuma a s a technical term for a n institution within a polis stands for the ruling class a s a sovereign body with

( T e r t ) , see L a r o n d e 1 9 8 7 , 3 4 9 . 1 3

T o d 1 9 4 8 , n o . 192,11. 1 - 7 (also SIG 1 . 2 8 3 ; G u a r d u c c i 1967ff., 2 : 7 8 f . ) .

A r r i a n u s Anabasis 1 . 1 7 . 1 0 : eg "E^eaov &<$>iK6\ievos TOVS re (JwydSas', oaoi 8i' aiuov e^CTTeaov TTJ? TToXeais', KaTT^yaye Kai TT\V oXiyapxiav KaTaXOaas" 8rmoKpaT(av KaTeoTT|ae. 1 . 1 8 . 2 : Kai T&S \I£V 6Xiyapxtas" TTavraxoO KaTaXiieiv CKeXeuaev, ornioKpaTtas Si We] eyKa0iaTdvai. 1

4

1

188

G. LUDERITZ 15

specific rights, voting procedures, e t c . Whether all or only some o f the citizens belong to the politeuma is regulated by the con stitution which obtains in a particular place — in a democracy the politeuma consists o f all the citizens (normally adult m e n ) , in an aristocracy it consists o f only a part o f the citizens. This accords with the way Aristotle (Politica 1278b8-14) uses the term, though he uses the word perhaps in a slightly less technical way; 'poli teuma' as 'governing class' might here include bodies o f govern m e n t which c o u l d — though consisting o f p e o p l e normally chosen from out o f a politeuma (like e.g. the body o f the 'strategoi' in Cyrene, etc.) — b e distinguished from the politeuma proper: eori 8e TroXiTeta "ntiXecos" T6£\S T W V re dXXcov dpx&v Kal [ldXiora T T I S ' KupLas" TrdvTiov. Kuptov pev yap TravTaxoO T O TToXfreupa TX\S Tr6Xetos\ TToXtTeupa 8' C G T I V f| TToXiTela. Xeyco 8' olov ev pev Tat? SnpoKpaTiais' Kupios 6 Sfjpos", ol8' oXiyot TouvavTlov ev Tats"oXtyapx'iats", . . . ("A 1

polity is an arrangement of the state in respect to the different offices and especially the most important [or powerful] of all. Most important [powerful] is everywhere the government [politeuma] of the state, and the government [politeuma] represents the polity. I would say thus: in a democracy the people are most important [have the power], the few on the other hand in an oligarchy ...") The politeuma is KtJptov (it has power), and Aristode comments that in a democracy the people and in an oligarchy only few have the power. This is perhaps further clarified if read in combination with 1293a 15f: if in a certain form o f oligarchy many are owners o f a fortune, then many participate in the politeuma. How large the different politeumata o f the respective cities were and how they were c o m p o s e d is a question belonging to the history o f constitutions. After the end o f the third century A . D . related terms like ol TToXiTeu6p.evoi, T O K O L V O V T W V TroXiTei>op.evcjov seem t o h a v e been virtually synonymous w i t h (3ouXei>Tai (alder men) , 1 6

1 5

I n 2 Mace 1 2 . 3 - 7 is w r i t t e n , t h a t , w h e n i n J o p p e a l l t h e J e w s o f t h e c i t y h a d b e e n k i l l e d o n t h e s t r e n g t h o f a d e c r e e (Kard S e TO KOIV6V Tfj? TroXecos" 4»ii<()Lapa), J u d a s w a n t e d t o e x t e r m i n a t e t h e w h o l e ' p o l i t e u m a ' o f J o p p e . P r o b a b l y b y t h i s t h e r u l i n g class is m e a n t - t h e o n e s r e s p o n s i b l e f o r t h e d e c r e e (ijni(f>icrpa). O f t e n T r o X t T e u p a is h e r e u n d e r s t o o d as ' b o d y o f c i t i z e n s ' , which could b e inaccurate. B o w m a n 1971, 26-31, w i t h literature. 1 6

W H A T IS THE POLITEUMA?

2.

1 8 9

Other groups calling themselves nohrevfiaTa

The designation 'politeuma' can also be applied to festival asso ciations o f women, a cult society, a club o f soldiers, associations o f citizens from the same city living abroad, and ethnic commu nities. a) The politeuma o f the women In the temple complex o f Zeus Panamaros, about 1 0 km southeast of Stratonicaea in the hills o f Caria, more than 4 0 0 inscriptions from the period between 2 0 0 B . C . to 3 0 0 A . D . have been f o u n d . A considerable number o f them contain information about the generosity o f the priests who acted during the feasts. Every second year the 'Heraia' was celebrated (the Hera festival), which was a festival o f the women. Free and slave women were "called" by the priests into the temple, the 'Heraion' and received wine and money. In this context there are formulations like Kai Is* T O Hpatov KaXeoavres T r d a a s - T & S " T€ eXeuOepas" Kai bovXas olvov re T r a p e a x o v a t i T a t s " €i$ euux^av dcj>0ovov Kai e"8oaav eKdoTT| S P A X I J - d s - y ' . Or: lepaTeuaavTOS" T O U A C O U T O 0 L T A V A | i d p o u [ev] 'Hpatois\ KaKet \iev ras yuvatKas" KnptjypiaTL i>TTo8e£a|JLevo[u] T r d c r a s ' . Instead o f expressions like "all the women" (TOLS yuvdiKas- T r d a a s - ) three texts mention that 'the politeuma of the women' had been called or received: ' L E P E R S ' EV 'Hptatois"] MevnTTros' AeovTO? [Ka0' u]o8eaCav 8e ElepoKXeolus- ( K T O P A C E U S - ) ] 'Iepna TTamaLvd MeveaSecos' [....] eKdXeaev 8e 17

18

19

( 1 )

Kai

TO ( 2 )

TroX[el]Teup:a

TOOV

yuva[i]|Kd)v.

UTrteicrlSe^DPIEVOS'

8e Kai

TroXetTeuua

TO

TWV

yuvatKaiv ev

T O T ?

TipaioLs*... (3)

[ . . . ] [ T O "H]paiov TToXutTeXws" KlaXeaas- T O TroXeC[Teu]p:a T U V

yuvaiKoov, [8ovg 8e] eKdoTrj | i e T d

(8nvapious") a',

611010)9

T W V X[OLTT]C3V

T(3V e£ ZQovs [a]va

Kai ildig] auv dv8pdaiv dvtapdaiv el? TT\]V

TT[6X]LV

(?) ev TOTTLotLS" . . .

After having read all the texts from the sanctuary o f Zeus

1 7

Deschamps & Cousin O p p e r m a n n 4, 3 1 - 3 3 . 1 8

Deschamps

& Cousin

1887ff.;

Oppermann

1887ff., 2 : 3 7 5 , n o .

1 9 2 4 ; for

the

dating

1; also in O p p e r m a n n

see

1924,

75f. 1 9

7:40,

Deschamps no. 23.

& C o u s i n 1887ff., 6:181f., n o . 1 2 3 ; 6 : 2 0 4 - 6 , n o . 1 4 5 , 1. 3f. ;

190

G. L U D E R I T Z

Panamaros, this is less enigmatic than might seem at first glance. Other inscriptions specify that 'all the w o m e n ' — f r e e women and slaves, citizens o f Stratonicaea and pilgrims (amongst whom were apparently also Roman women) — t o o k part in the Heraia. The 'politeuma o f the women' in the three inscriptions cited probably stands for exactly that ('all the w o m e n ' ) , because, if 'politeuma' had meant a special group, the other women should have been also m e n t i o n e d . Most likely the women formed an association during the feast; the men were excluded from participating in the Heraion itself, they remained in the precincts ('^'ept(3o\os ). If this is right, the politeuma o f the women was probably a temporary association lasting only for the time o f the feast; a continuous union o f pilgrims would be rather hard to imagine. Festive asso ciations o f this type are not unknown, thus in Thera the members of an association o f pilgrims to the 'Zeus o f the rain' called them selves the K O I V O V T W VCTU(iTTop(fuoveva)vTrapd A [ t a T]eriov. This K O L V 6 V (a c o m m o n designation for all kinds o f associations) was probably not a permanent one, but it was organised well enough to be able to publish a decree in honour o f the leaders o f the feast and to arrange for the payment of wreaths and the inscription. 20

21

,

22

b) Politeuma o f the supreme goddess Sachypsis The politeuma is known through a stele from Philadelphia in the Faiyum. The inscription is dated 7th April 9 3 : 23

2

0

C p . D e s c h a m p s & C o u s i n 1887ff., 7 : 2 3 ; t h e text d o e s n o t relate to t h e

H e r a i a b u t to t h e C o m y r i a , the feast o f the m e n , c e l e b r a t e d in h o n o u r o f Z e u s Panamaros women.

every

Both

second

feasts

year

were

TTavTas" Kal ' P u p a i o u ? Kal ££vovg mentioned,

they were

alternating

similar

in

with

the

m a n y respects.

Hera

by t h e

corresponding

in t h e

the

TroXelras

women

Ti8as- , e t c . ) , w h o d i d n o t participate in t h e c e l e b r a t i o n s within however

of

TtXeiarovg

Kal TrapofKous" Kal 8ov\ovg

accompanied

festival

H e r e TOII?

are (TroXei-

the

temple

( t h e t e m p l e in this case was t h e ' C o m y r i o n ' ) , b u t r e m a i n e d

outside

temple

precincts.

F o r t h e p i l g r i m s s e e O p p e r m a n n 1 9 2 4 , 59f.: TOLS"

em8r|pVj[o"a]o-iv [ev Tfj iTa]vr|yupi envois' op eTTi8T|pta TOU 0eoO. 2

1

T h e texts t e n d to list all d e e d s

of generosity

o f t h e priests

whether

s u m m a r i z i n g o r e n u m e r a t i n g . T h e w o m e n m e n t i o n e d s e p a r a t e l y at t h e

end

o f text ( 3 ) m a y have b e e n s o m e o f the ' p o l i t e u m a ' , w h o r e c i e v e d gifts a s e c o n d t i m e ; this p a r t o f the text d o e s n o t refer to the c e l e b r a t i o n s in t h e H e r a i o n t h e m e n are also 2

2

-

present.

SIG 3 . 1 1 0 7 ; N i l s s o n

keinen

Verein, sondern

festive

associations

1 9 0 6 , 4 , c o m m e n t s : "KOLV6V b e z e i c h n e t die Festversammlung,

a n d associations

of w o m e n

d i e d i e Festleiter in

connection

somit ehrt";

with

hier for

official

feasts see also P o l a n d 1 9 0 9 , 7 0 - 7 3 , 2 9 I f . 2

3

Bernand

1975ff.,

2: n o .

121

(with

bibliography,

commentary

and

W H A T IS THE POLITEUMA?

191

Trrep AuTOKpaTopo? KaLaapos" [ A o p m a v o O ] 2e(3aaToD TeppaviKoO TOTTOS" TroXiTeupaTos' 'ApGwTou peydXou piaKapiTou Qeag peylc^TT|S• Sax^ea)? dvoLKo8opf)Gr| e TIT IleTptoviou ZeKouvSou e-rrdpxou A i y i n r r o u Sid "ApSwvos TrpooTaTOU ITpuVrapxos' eypcutyev'en'dyaGak [L] L(3', <J>appox)Gi 1

ip*.

-

("For t h e I m p e r a t o r C a e s a r D o m i t i a n u s A u g u s t u s

Germanicus,

the area o f the p o l i t e u m a of the blessed Harthotes the Great o f the supreme

goddess

praefectus

Sachypsis

Aegypti

has b e e n

Petronius

r e b u i l t in

Secundus

by

W r i t t e n b y P r o t a r c h o s . F o r t u n e , y e a r 12, 12th

the

time

Abdon,

of

the

chairman.

Pharmuthi.")

The T O T T O ? (area) o f the politeuma might stand for the whole temple of Sachypsis (thus Bernand 1975ff, 67) or for just a part of it reserved more or less for the politeuma. T h e politeuma was named on the o n e hand after the late Harthotes the Great — h e may have been the founder o f the politeuma — and on the other hand after the goddess Sachypsis — a surname o f Isis which is difficult to explain. The language o f the inscription is a bit queer (there is n o t a single article) but there is hardly another explanation o f ... TroXiTeupia.TOS' 'Ap0a)Tou \ieydXov pLdKciptTou (teas' \ieyCoTr\s 2axwi|iea)S'. T h e priests o f the same temple called themselves with a similar double genitive construction ol Iepels TorSos* S a x ^ L o s " , Qeas \ieyiarr\s, TT}S TrpwTTis' em(f)avetoT|s\ lepou T O O O V T O S " ev QeaSeXfyeLai ... ("the priests of Isis Sachypsis the supreme 24

25

p h o t o g r a p h o n table 2 7 ) ; Sammelb. 2

4

L i k e w i s e t h e r e was -

r o s a T6TTOS' o f t h e u n i o n

1.5739.

a l s o in P h i l a d e l p h i a o f the g o o s e h e r d s

in t h e t e m p l e o f P n e p h e -

(jdifos

avv68ov

XT|VO(3OCTKO5V) ;

b e c a u s e o f t h e p l a c e w h e r e t h e i n s c r i p t i o n was f o u n d a n d b e c a u s e t h e r e a r e o t h e r dedicatory inscriptions

in t h e s a m e t e m p l e c o m p l e x

(the propylon, a

w o o d e n d o o r a n d t h e p a v e d p a t h h a d b e e n d e d i c a t e d b y a cavalry o f f i c e r ) s e e m s unlikely that the area o f the u n i o n Pnepheros

c o m p r i s e d the w h o l e

temple

( P n e p h e r o s was o r i g i n a l l y a s u r n a m e o f several g o d s , t h e

form

N e p h e r o s also o c c u r s - f r o m n e f e r - h o r , 'with b e a u t i f u l c o u n t e n a n c e ' ; t h e in

Pnepheros

is

the

Egyptian

article). T h e

dedicatory inscriptions

of

it of p

this

t e m p l e are to b e f o u n d in B e r n a n d 1975ff., 2 : n o . 1 0 7 - 9 ( 1 0 9 is t h e o n e o f t h e g o o s e h e r d s ; f o r t h e l o c a t i o n s o f the inscriptions see t h e p l a n o f t h e t e m p l e in Bernand, pi. 2 ) . 2

or

5

B e r n a n d 1975ff., 2:67f. A s to c o r p o r a t i o n s c a l l e d after a p e r s o n

c h a i r m a n ) s e e San N i c o l o 1 9 7 2 , 2 : 7

(ovvoSos

Aaua,

ovvodog

(founder

AeiodTos'); for

c o r p o r a t i o n s with n a m e s o f deities in t h e genitive see San N i c o l o 1 9 7 2 , l : 2 0 f . ( a u v o S o s ' 'A^poSiTTis", e t c . ) ; c p . also CIG

epovTes" TT\V named

a t f v o S o v TOO

Aids

1 . 1 2 4 (vauicXTipoi Kai ^utTopoi o l

TOO H e v t o u ) ; t h e r e

were

after a d e i t y a n d a d d i t i o n a l l y after a p e r s o n ; s e e

f r o m K o s in Z i e b a r t h 1 8 9 6 , 4 4

(Qiaaog

t h e n a m e is n o t f o r m e d w i t h g e n i t i v e s R h o d o s with ovv,

'A(J>po8iaiaTav TWV

also

associations

e.g.

the

OVV

EOTOXCI) -

examples here

b u t in t h e u s u a l f o r m f o r K o s a n d

f o r these f o r m a t i o n s see P o l a n d 1 9 0 9 , 7 6 f . ) .

192

G.

LUDERITZ 2 6

goddess the first arisen, o f the sanctuary in Theadelphia . . . " ) . Thus the politeuma may have been founded by Harthotes (perhaps through a testamentary act o f d o n a t i o n ) , and it was presided by a TTpoaTdTr)S" — in Egypt the most c o m m o n expression for the chairmen o f all kinds o f associations and c l u b s . The politeuma had a T O T T O ? in the temple o f Sachypsis and was also named after the goddess. All these details would lead to the conclusion that this 'politeuma' was a club o f the type otherwise often called ovvodog o r K O I V 6 V , c o m m o n l y termed 'cult asso c i a t i o n ' . This is also the opinion of all scholars commenting o n this inscription. 27

28

29

c)

Politeuma o f soldiers (without reference to the place o f origin)

A dedicatory inscription written probably in 112/11 or 7 6 / 5 B . C . mentions a politeuma o f the soldiers stationed in Alexandria: 30

Ad Zarrfjpi Kal "Hpai T e X e i a i T O uoXtTeupa T W V V 'AXf^avSpelai cf>epopeva)v cTpaTLWTcov, wv TrpoCTTd.TTis' Aiovuaios" KaXXcavos ypapparevs 8k ^IXLTTTTOS" 4>LX'LTTTTOU KTurrai, euyriv. L c ' . ("To Zeus Soter and Hera Teleia, the politeuma of the soldiers brought to Alexandria, their chairman Dionysios of Callon and secretary Philippos of Philippos, the founders, ex voto, year 6") 1

The politeuma of the soldiers had a chairman and a secretary — both c o m m o n posts in antique corporations. Attached to these is the designation K T t o r a i . A K T I O T T I ? in such context is a founder either o f a building (e.g. a temple) or of an association. Since n o building is mentioned that would have been dedicated to Zeus v Soter and Hera Teleia, and since the word evxA occurs (the c o m m o n formula for a simple votive offering), it seems that only 2 6

2

B e r n a n d 1 9 7 5 f f . , 2: n o s .

7

Cp.

Poland

1909,

112 and

271-74;

in

1 1 3 , 11. 4 - 7 . some

associations

the

founders

are

e x p l i c i t l y r e f e r r e d to as KTCOTTIS'. 2 8

San N i c o l o 1 9 7 2 , 2 : 5 8 - 6 0 .

t a r c h o s in

the

end

o f the

Zuckerman 1988,

i n s c r i p t i o n was

1 7 8 , t h o u g h t that the

the ypctppaTeus" o f

the

Pro-

politeuma

(writer o r secretary, a c o m m o n title in a s s o c i a t i o n s ) , b u t P r o t a r c h o s m a y have b e e n the 2 9

a

common

above, who 3 0

m a d e the

also

inscription.

It is o p e n to q u e s t i o n w h e t h e r the m a i n r e a s o n f o r t h e f o u n d a t i o n

always had

stonemason who

f o u n d e d the

mainly other Fraser 1 9 6 0 ,

Fraser.

cult;

the

shipowners

and

merchants

cited

in

association 'of Z e u s X e n i o s ' , for e x a m p l e m a y

social o r e c o n o m i c 1 4 7 - 5 2 ; SEG

common

2 0 . 4 9 9 ; Sammelb.

was

note

25

have

interests.

8.9812; dating according

to

W H A T IS T H E

POLITEUMA?

193

the votive stele with the inscription has been dedicated. Thus K r C c n m should refer to the two persons mentioned (rather than to the whole politeuma), and the two in all likelihood had founded the politeuma. 31

d) Politeumata of citizens o f one city living abroad Near Sidon several painted stelae with grave inscriptions have been found, which are probably from the early second century B.C. The paintings o n the stelae, in most cases painted o n a ground o f stucco, represent soldiers in armour. In eight cases those who provided for the inscriptions have been mentioned; and amongst these eight four stelae had been provided for by four dif ferent politeumata. Three examples (the forth is badly preserved): (1) Kauviwv T O TroXiTeupia 'ITT[ ] Kai 'ATToXXwvl8r|v 'Ep|±a[y6pa], Zrjvwva Zr^vwvos", [ ] Zrjvwvos", 'Ior8wpov 'A0[ ] , 'EppLcovaKTa 'ApTep.i8[wpou], T O U S " airrwv [TT0]\LT[aS"]. (2) S a e T T a ? TpoKovSou Teppxiarjcwv T W V upo? OlvoavSois" iTt8ris' OT)p.p.axos" Teppx|aa£wv T W V irpbs OlvodvSois" I T I O T 8 W V T O TroXiTeup.a T O V e a u T w v TroXeLTT|V, XP \ ^ Xdip€. (3) LTivapewv T O TToX(,Teup.a KdpTaSiv Epp:aKTi(3tXou Ainaov xpriore Kal dXirrre xdipc. (1. "The politeuma o f the Caunians to Hip ... and Apollonides (sons) o f Hermagoras, to ... , their fellow-citizens." 2. "Saettas 3 2

T GT

3 1

F o r TTpocn"dTT|S' see n o t e 2 8 , for y p a p p a T e u ? in c o r p o r a t i o n s o f E g y p t a n d for KTtaTns' as usual d e s i g n a t i o n for the f o u n d e r o f a c l u b see San N i c o l o 1 9 7 2 , 2 : 7 , 7 3 - 7 5 (KTI<JTQS TOV KOIVOU, KTIOTTI? elepetov p u o r t S v ) . Fraser 1 9 6 0 , 1 5 0 , n o t e 2 0 , has n o t e d t h e difficulty w h i c h arises if KTCoTai is u n d e r s t o o d h e r e as ' f o u n d e r s o f a b u i l d i n g ' , b u t s e e m s n o t to h a v e k n o w n t h e m e a n i n g ' f o u n d e r o f a c l u b ' : " T h e a d d i t i o n o f €VXT\V at t h e e n d o f t h e i n s c r i p t i o n w o u l d n o r m a l l y ( b u t n o t invariably) i n d i c a t e t h a t it was t h e p l a q u e itself w h i c h was d e d i c a t e d , a n d n o t a m e n t i o n e d , o r u n m e n t i o n e d , b u i l d i n g o r o b j e c t . . . Evidently, h o w e v e r , s o m e f o u n d a t i o n was i n v o l v e d . . . " Fraser cites two parallels ( 1 5 0 , n o t e 1 1 8 , citing Sammelb. 1 . 4 2 0 6 ; 5 . 8 0 6 6 ) b u t in this r e s p e c t t h e s e two i n s c r i p t i o n s are n o t similar; t h e K T (CTTCILm e n t i o n e d t h e r e h a d b u i l t a lepdv Kal TOV TreptBoXov Kal Td ouvKupovTa TrdvTa. 3

2

M a c r i d y 1 9 0 4 , 5 4 7 - 5 6 (with p h o t o g r a p h s ) . S o m e o f t h e i n s c r i p t i o n s have b e e n p u b l i s h e d m o r e t h a n o n c e a b o u t the s a m e t i m e in d i f f e r e n t p l a c e s ( s e e t h e c o m m e n t b y M a c r i d y 1 9 0 4 , 5 7 1 ) . S e v e n o f t h e stele w h i c h w e r e b r o u g h t to C o n s t a n t i n o p l e , h a v e b e e n p u b l i s h e d a l s o b y M e n d e l 1 9 1 2 f f . , 1: n o . 1 0 2 - 8 , w i t h a b e t t e r d e s c r i p t i o n o f t h e p a i n t i n g s a n d s u b s t a n t i a t e d datings. T h e text h e r e is c o r r e c t e d in a few p l a c e s (af>Tcov i n s t e a d o f auTtov, lTi

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