Association for Jewish studies 1998- 23(2)

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Front Matter Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 2 (1998), pp. i-356 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486903 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:45 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

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AJS VOL.XXIII,NO. 2 1998

TheJournalof the Associationfor JewishStudies

REVIE

VolumeXXIII, Number2 1998

ASSOCIATION FORJEWISHSTUDIES WALTHAM,MASSACHUSETTS

AJS Review EDITOR:

NormanA. Stillman,University of Oklahoma ASSOCIATE EDITORS:

Nehama Aschkenasy,Universityof Connecticut,Stamford Rela Geffen, GratzCollege RobertGoldenberg,State University of New Yorkat Stony Brook BenjaminC. I. Ravid, BrandeisUniversity Gary Rendsburg,Cornell University MarshaRozenblit, University of Maryland CORRESPONDING EDITOR:

Lloyd P. Gartner,Tel-Aviv University BOOKREVIEWEDITOR:

Marc Saperstein,George WashingtonUniversity EDITORIAL ASSISTANT:

John Borrego The AJSReview(ISSN 0364-0094) is publishedtwice annuallyby the Association for JewishStudies. Manuscripts for consideration should be sent to Prof. Norman A. Stillman, History

Department,455 W. Lindsey,Universityof Oklahoma,Norman,OK 73019-0535. Books for review shouldbe sent to Prof. MarcSaperstein.JudaicStudiesProgram, The GeorgeWashingtonUniversity,2142 G Street,NW,Washington,DC 20052. C 1998by the Associationfor JewishStudies IN THEUNITEDSTATES MANUFACTURED OFAMERICA

AJS REVIEW THE JOURNALOF THE ASSOCIATIONFOR JEWISHSTUDIES VOLUMEXXIII, NUMBER 2, 1998

Articles 163

STEINMETZ DEVORA Must the PatriarchKnow 'Uqtzin?The Nasi as Scholar in Babylonian Aggada

191

HAREL YARON The FirstJews fromAleppo in Manchester:New DocumentaryEvidence

203

ZACHARYBRAITERMAN

"IntoLife"??!FranzRosenzweigandthe Figureof Death Review Essays 223

Yishaq (Eric) Zimmer. 'Olam Ke-Minhago Noheg HAYMSOLOVEITCHIK

235

James Shapiro. Shakespeare and the Jews MARTIND. YAFFE

Book Reviews 245

Anson F. Rainey. Canaanite in the Amarna Tablets: A Linguistic Analysis of the Mixed Dialect Used by Scribes from Canaan GARYA. RENDSBURG

247

John M. B. Barclay. Jews in the Mediterranean Diaspora: From Alexander to Trajan (312 BCE-117 CE) MARTHAHIMMELFARB

250

Ellen Birnbaum. The Place of Judaism in Philo s Thought: Israel, Jews and Proselytes ABRAHAMTERIAN

253

FlorentinoGarciaMartinezandJulioTrebolleBarrera.ThePeople of the Dead Sea Scrolls: Their Writings,Beliefs and Practices MOSHEJ. BERNSTEIN

ii 256

CONTENTS

Lawrence A. Hoffman. Covenant of Blood. Circumcision and Gender in Rabbinic Judaism REENA ZEIDMAN

258

Robert Eisen. Gersonides on Providence, Covenant, and the Chosen People: A Study in Medieval Jewish Philosophy and Biblical Commentary LAWRENCE KAPLAN

264

Marc Saperstein. "YourVoiceLike a Ram 'sHorn ": Themes and Texts in TraditionalJewish Preaching R. BASKIN JUDITH

266

Roberto Bonfil. Tra due mondi. Cultura ebraica e cultura cristiano nel Medioevo ANNA FOA

270

David M. Gitlitz. Secrecy and Deceit: TheReligion of the Crypto-Jews RENtE LEVINE MELAMMED

273

Avrom Saltman. The Jewish Question in 1655: Studies in Prynne s "Demurrer" D. BENIN STEPHEN

275

MichaelA. Meyer,editor,and WilliamTempler,translator.GermanJewish History in Modern Times.Vol. 1, Traditionand Enlightenment, 1600-1780 ALLAN ARKUSH

277

Michael Galchinsky. The Origin of the Modern Jewish WomanWriter. Romance and Reform in VictorianEngland DOROTHY MERMIN

279

Efraim Sicher.Jews in Russian Literatureafter the OctoberRevolution. Writersand Artists between Hope and Apostasy JUDITH DEUTSCH KORNBLATT

282

Norman A. Stillman. Sephardi Religious Responses to Modernity JOELLEBAHLOUL

CONTENTS

284

iii

Michael Brenner. The Renaissance of Jewish Culture in Weimar Germany LARRY EUGENE JONES

286

John H. Dippel. Bound Upon a Wheel of Fire: WhySo Many German Jews Made the Tragic Decision to Remain in Nazi Germany MICHAEL BERENBAUM

289

Raul Hilberg. The Politics of Memory: The Journey of a Holocaust Historian STEVENT. KATZ

292

Donna F. Ryan. The Holocaust and the Jews of Marseille. The Enforcement ofAnti-Semitic Policies in VichyFrance VICKI CARON

300

David Sorkin. Moses Mendelssohn and the Religious Enlightenment LAWRENCE KAPLAN

307

Zahava Sz•asz Stessel. Wine and Thorns in the Tokay Valley:Jewish Life in Hungary. The History of Abaujszacnto Raphael Patai. The Jews of Hungary: History, Culture,Psychology LUPOVITCH HOWARD

315

Alan L. Mittleman. The Politics of Torah: TheJewish Political Tradition and the Founding ofAgudat Israel SHAUL MAGID

318

Ken Frieden. Classic YiddishFiction MICHAEL TAUB

321

Avraham Balaban. A Different Wavein Israeli Fiction: Postmodernist Israeli Fiction ESTHER FUCHS

324

Yael Zerubavel. Recovered Roots: Collective Memory and the Making of Israeli National Tradition IRENE TUCKER

330

Nancy E. Berg. Exile from Exile: Israeli Writersfrom Iraq ESTHER FUCHS

CONTENTS

iv

332

Alan Cooper. Philp Roth and the Jews SARAR. HOROWITZ

335

Reinier Munk. The Rationale of Halakhic Man: Joseph B. Soloveitchik's Conception ofJewish Thought S. DANIEL BRESLAUER

337

LennE. Goodman.God ofAbraham KALMANP. BLAND

340

Beth S. Wenger.New YorkJews and the Great Depression: Uncertain Promise Ruth Gay. Unfinished People: Eastern European Jews Encounter America DANIEL SOYER

343

Sidney Goldstein and Alice Goldstein. Jews on the Move: Implications for Jewish Identity HASIAR. DINER

347

Collected Studies

357

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Must the Patriarch Know 'Uqtzin? The Nasi as Scholar in Babylonian Aggada Author(s): Devora Steinmetz and Beit Rabban Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 2 (1998), pp. 163-189 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486904 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:45 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

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MUST THEPATRIARCH KNOW 'UQTZIN? THENASIAS SCHOLAR IN BABYLONIANAGGADA by DEVORA STEINMETZ "My son Shimeon [shall be the] hakham;my son Gamaliel[shall be the] nasi." ... Whatwas he saying?Thus was he saying:"Eventhoughmy son Shimeon[is] hakham,my son Gamaliel[shallbe the] nasi."Levi said:"Wasit necessaryto say this?"R. Shimeonson of Rabbisaid:"Do we need you and your limping?"Whatwas difficultfor him? Scripturesays: "Andhe gave the kingdomto Yehoram,for he was the firstborn" (II Chron21:3)! He [Yehoram] filled the place of his forefathers,but R. Gamalieldid not fill the place of his forefathers.And why did Rabbido this? Grantedthat he did not fill his forefathers'place in wisdom,buthe did fill his forefathers'placein fearof sin. (bKetubot103b)' A baraita cited in both the Palestinian and the Babylonian Talmud2

(pKetubot12:3,34d-35a = pKil'aim9:4, 32a-b; bKetubot103a-b)describes Rabbi's dying testamentto his sons. In the Babylonianversion, Rabbi designateshis elder son, Gamaliel,as his successor,and his youngerson, Shimeon,as the next hakham.3In its analysisof thispartof the testament,the BT interpretsRabbi'sdeclaration,whichbegins,curiously,with the younger 1. All translationsare my own. I have attemptedthroughoutto translateas literallyas possible,to allow for analysisof linguisticandstructuraldetail. 2. Hereafterreferredto as PT andBT. 3. Whetheror not the wordhakhamrefersto a specificpositionof authorityis a matterof debate.See DavidGoodblatt,"'Al Sippurha-'Qesher'NegedRabbanShim'eonben Gamali'el ha-Sheni,"Zion 49 (1984): 362-365. It is noteworthythat in the BT's discussionof Rabbi's choice,the wordhakhamseemsto be usedas a predicateadjective,"wise,"andnotin the sense of any position.This use, however,is probablyan exegeticalplay, as laterin the discussion the BT speaksof sidrei hakhmaas well as sidrei nesi'ut.EphraimE. Urbach,in TheSages: TheirConceptsand Beliefs [Hebrew](Jerusalem,1971), p. 538, sees in Rabbi'stestamenta separationof politicalandacademicfunctions,similarto thatwhichexistedin Babylonia.The

AJS Review 23/2 (1998): 163-190

163

164

DEVORASTEINMETZ

son andthe lesserposition,as concessive:althoughthe youngerson is wise, the elder shall be the patriarch.In the continuationof this discussion,the Talmudmanifestsits concernover Gamaliel'sappointment:Gamalieldoes not "fillhis forefathers'place in wisdom."Thisproblemis so great,according to the BT, thatit would negatethe elderson's claimto the dynasticposition were it not that Gamalielhas anotherquality,"fearof sin,"with respectto which he does, in fact, "fillhis forefathers'place." This discussion of Rabbi'sdesignationhas no parallelin the PT. The BT's discussionunderscoresa notionwhich appearsmany times in the BT and, indeed, seems to be peculiarto Babyloniantradition:that the crucial qualityof the patriarch,withoutwhichhe may be consideredunworthyof his position,is hokhma,wisdomandknowledge.Forthe PT,it appears,the fact thata manhasbeendesignatednasi as his father'ssuccessoris sufficient.The BT, however,underscoresthe academicnatureof the position.The patriarch is not only a political leader;he must also be a scholar,a man worthyof being resh metivta.It is the BT's highlightingof the academicnatureof the patriarchatethat I want to demonstratein this study;how a differencein perspectivebetween the two Talmudsmay have come aboutis difficultto ascertain,but I will discusstwo possibilitiesat the conclusionof the study. In order to investigatethe BT's unique perceptionof the patriarch,I will focus on passages that describechallengesto the nasi. Both Talmuds containa great numberof such passages;4I will limit the presentstudyto passagesthat describea conflictwith the patriarchwhich takes place, as a centralelement of the story,within the bet midrashor bet hava'ad. These narratives,which place the nasi in his settingas nasi, will allow the most fruitfulanalysisof the perceptionof his position.The bulk of the studywill be devoted to the longest and most detailedof these narratives,the story of the deposing of R. Gamaliel'sin TractateBerakhot.5A brieferanalysis as still includingthe academicfunction;hencethepuzzlement BT,though,sees the patriarchate over Rabbi'schoice of his less wise son as patriarch. 4. For examples of challengesto the patriarch,see Albert Baumgarten,"The Akiban Opposition,"Hebrew Union College Annual 50 (1979): 179-197, and "RabbiJudahI and His Opponents,"Journalfor the Studyof Judaism12 (1981): 135-172; MosheBeer,"Kavod u-Vikoret,"Proceedingsof the AmericanAcademyfor JewishResearch38-39 (1970-1971): 47-57; Lee I. Levine, TheRabbinicClass in PalestineDuringthe TalmudicPeriod [Hebrew] (Jerusalem,1985),pp. 126-128. 5. Forcomparisonsof the PalestinianandBabylonianversionsof this storyusingmethods differentfrommy own primarilyliteraryanalysis,see LouisGinzberg,Perushimve-Chidushim

THE NASI AS SCHOLARIN BABYLONIANAGGADA

165

of some other passages will come next, followed by a conclusion about the perception of the patriarchatein the BT. bBerakhot27b-28a

pBerakhot4:1

[A] Our rabbistaught:It happenedthat a certainstudentcame beforeR. Joshua. He said to him: "Is the evening prayer He saidto him: optionalor compulsory?" He camebeforeR. Gamaliel. "Optional." He said to him: "Is the evening prayer He saidto him: optionalor compulsory?" him: "ButR. He said to "Compulsory." Joshuatold me 'optional'!"He said to him: "Waituntil the shield-bearersenter

[a]6Andit happenedthata certainstudent cameandaskedR. Joshua:"Whatis [the law concerning]the eveningprayer?"He said to him: "Optional."He came and asked R. Gamaliel:"Whatis [the law He said concerning]theeveningprayer?" He said to him: to him: "Compulsory." "ButR. Joshuatold me 'Optional'!"He whenI enterthe saidto him:"Tomorrow, bet hava'ad,standandask this law."

the bet midrash."

[B] When the shield-bearersentered, [b] On the next day, that studentstood the questionerstood and asked:"Is the and asked R. Gamaliel:"Whatis [the eveningprayeroptionalor compulsory?" law concerning]the eveningprayer?"He He said to R. Gamalielsaid to him: "Compulsory." said to him: "Compulsory." R. Gamalielsaid to the sages: "Is there him:"ButR. Joshuatold me 'optional'!" anyone who disagrees concerningthis R. Gamalielsaidto R. Joshua:"Is it you matter?"R. Joshuasaidto him:"No."He who says 'optional'?"He said to him: saidto him:"Butthey told me 'optional' "No." He said to him: "Standon your in yourname!"He said to him:"Joshua, feet, andlet themtestifyagainstyou." standon your feet, and let them testify againstyou." [C] R. Joshuastood on his feet and said: "If I were alive and he dead-the living can contradictthe dead. But now that I am alive and he is alive--how can the living contradictthe living?" bi-Yrushalmi, vol. 3 (New York, 1941), pp. 174-220, and Robert Goldenberg, "The Deposition

of RabbanGamalielII:An Examinationof the Sources,"Journalof JewishStudies23 (1972):

withhowthedifferences betweentheversionscameabout 167-190.I will be less concerned withintheframework of eachnarrative version. thanwithhowtheyfunction of thesectionsof thePTnarrative to thesectionsof the indicates 6. Thelettering parallels BTnarrative.

166 [D] R. Gamalielwas sittingandteaching, and R. Joshuawas standingon his feet, until all the people shouted and said to Huzpitthe turgeman:"Stop,"and he stopped.'They said: "How long will he go on troublinghim? In Rosh Hashana, lastyearhe troubledhim;in Bekhorot,he troubledhim in the matterof R. Zadok;8 now too he troubleshim. Let us remove him.

[E] "Whomshall we appoint?Shall we appointR. Joshua?-he is involved in the matter.Shall we appointR. Aqiva? -he might be punished, because he has no ancestralmerit.Rather,we shall appoint R. Elazarb. Azaria, for he is wise [hakham],and he is rich, and he is tenth [in descent] from Ezra."He is wise-if one asks him, he can answer him. And he is rich-if he has to go to the courtof the Caesarto pay honor,he too can go pay honor.And he is tenth [in descent]fromEzra-he has ancestral merit,andhe cannotbe punished.

DEVORA STEINMETZ [d] And R. Gamaliel was sitting and teaching, and R. Joshuawas standing on his feet, until all the people shouted and said to R. Huzpitthe meturgeman: "Dismiss the people."They said to R. Zenon the hazzan: "Say 'Begin' "; and

he said: "Begin."[?-This passage is obscure.]And all the people stood on their feet and said to him: "'For upon whomhas yourevil not come always?'" (Nahum3:19) [f] TheywentandappointedR. Elazarb. Azariato the academy(yeshiva).He was sixteen years old, and his whole head becamefull of grayhair. [e] And R. Aqivawas sittingandfeeling troubled,and he said: "It is not that he is a more learnedman than I, but he is morea descendantof greatpeoplethanI. Happyis themanwhoseforefathershave gained privilege for him! Happyis the man who has a peg on which to hang!" And whatwas R. Elazarb. Azaria'speg? That he was the tenth generationfrom Ezra.

[F] They went and said to him: "Is it agreeableto the masterto becomehead of the academy [resh metivta]?"9 He

said to them: "I will go and consult my family."He went andconsultedhis wife. She said to him: "Perhapsthey 7. Lit. "'Stand,'andhe stood"--as R. Joshuahadbeen forcedto do. 8. I have translatedRosh Hashanaand Bekhorotas referringto the tractatesby those names in which similarstories of R. Joshua'shumiliationby R. Gamalielappear(mRosh Hashana2:8-9 and bBekhorot36a). See Goldenberg,"Depositionof RabbanGamalielII,"p. 172. Theymay,however,referto the issues undercontroversy. 9. IsaiahGafni discusses the variantdenimlikhand its equivalenceto the phrasein the

andMetivta" textin "Yeshiva Zion43 (1978):32. [Hebrew], printed

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will removeyou."He said to her:"Let a man use a valuablecup for one day, and let it be brokenon the next." She said to him: "Youhave no white hair." Thatday he was eighteenyears old. A miracleoccurredto him, and eighteen rowsof his hairturnedwhite.Andthatis why R. Elazarb. Azariasaid:"Behold, I am as if seventyyearsold"--and not "seventyyearsold." [G] It was taught:Thatdaytheyremoved thedoorkeeper, andpermissionwas given to the studentsto enter.For R. Gamaliel used to announce,saying:"Any student whose inside is not like his outsideshall not enter the bet midrash."That day a number of benches were added. R. Yochanansaid: "Abba Joseph and the rabbisdisputethis;one said400 benches, andone said 700 benches."

[g] And how manybencheswere there? R. Jacobb. Sisi said:"Therewere eighty benches of scholars there, excluding those standing behind the fence." R. Yosi b. Abun said: "There were 300 there, excluding those standingbehind the fence."

[H] R. Gamaliel'smind was disturbed. He said: "Perhaps,God forbid, I have withheld Torah from Israel." He was shownin a dreamwhite casksfilled with ashes. But it was not so; thatwas shown to him to settlehis mind. [G'] It was taught:'Eduyotwas studied on thatday-and whereverwe say "on thatday,"it wason thatdaylo-and there

[g'] As we learnthere:On the day that they seatedR. Elazarb. Azariain the academy[yeshiva]."We learn there:

10. Y.N. Epstein,Mevo'otle-Sifrutha-Tanna'im(Jerusalem andTelAviv,1964),pp.422-425, discussesthe meaningof the phrase"onthatday,"suggestingthatit shouldnot be understood literally.EphraimE. Urbachsuggeststhatthephraseheretranslated"'Eduyotwasstudiedonthat day"meansthat"testimonies" beginningwiththe words"onthatday"weretaughton thatvery

andLeadership intheWorld of thePalestinian day;seehis"Class-Status Sages," Proceedings of

theIsraelAcademyofSciencesandHumanities2 (1968):59 n. 44. ThenotionthatTractate'Eduyotwas, forthepurposesof thisnarrative, taughton thedaythe rabbistook over andopenedup the bet midrashis enticingin view of the tractate'straditional

168 was no law which had been left hanging in the bet midrash which they did not explicate. And even R. Gamaliel did not withhold himself from the bet midrash even for a moment, as we learn: On that day, Judah the Ammonite proselyte came before them in the bet midrash. He said to them: "Am I permittedto enterthe congregation?"R. Gamaliel said to him: "Youare forbidden to enter the congregation." R. Joshua said to him: "You are permitted to enter the congregation." R. Gamaliel said to him: "But it has already been said: 'An Ammonite or a Moabite shall not enterthe congregation of the Lord' (Deut 23:4)." R. Joshua said to him: "And are Ammon and Moab still dwelling in their places? Sennacherib, king of Assyria, already has gone up and mixed up all of the nations, as it is said: 'And I have removed the boundariesof peoples and have plundered their treasures, and I have brought down their inhabitants as a mighty one' (Isa 10:13)-and anything that is separated,is separatedfrom the majority."R. Gamaliel said to him: "But it already has been said: 'And afterward I shall return the captivity of the children of Ammon, says the Lord' (Jer 49:6)-and they already have returned."R. Joshua said to him: "But it already has been said: 'And I shall return the captivity of my people Israel' (Amos 9:14)-and they have not yet returned." Immediately, they permitted him to enter the congregation.

DEVORASTEINMETZ This midrash R. Elazar b. Azaria taught before the sages in Kerem beYavneh. And was there a vineyard [kerem] there? Rather, these are the scholars who used to be arrangedin rows, like a vineyard.

agendaof resolving--orat leastfreezing-rampantcontroversy(t'Eduyot1:1)as well as of the of respectfordissentersandtheinclusionof allof Israel('Eduyot1:4;8:7). tractate'saffirmation 11. Fora discussionof themeaningof thistermin Palestiniansourcesanda citationof earlier on thissubject,see Gafni,"Yeshiva andMetivta,"pp. 17-20. literature

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[F'] R. Gamalielsaid:"Sinceit is thus,I [f'] Immediately,R. Gamalielwent to will go andappeaseR. Joshua."Whenhe eachone to appeasehim in his house.He came to his house, he saw thatthe walls went to R. Joshua.He foundhim sitting of his house were blackened.He said to and making needles. He said to him: him:"Fromthe walls of yourhouse it is "Arethesehow you makea living?" apparentthat you are a charcoal-burner [or:smith]." [E'] He said to him: "Woe to the generationof which you are the leader, for you do not know of the troublesof scholars, how they supportthemselves and how they sustain themselves."He said to him: "I submit to you; forgive me." He paid no attentionto him. "Do it for the honor of my father."He was appeased.They said: "Whowill go and tell the rabbis?"

[e'] He saidto him:"Anduntilnow you need to know! Woe to the generationof which you are the leader!"He said to him:"I submitto you."

[D'] A certainwashermansaid to them: [d'] And they sentto R. Elazarb. Azaria "I shall go." R. Joshua sent to the a certainlaunderer,and some say it was bet midrash:"Let him who wears the R. Aqiva. garmentwear the garment;but shall he who does not wear the garmentsay to him who wears the garment:'Take off your garment,and I shall wear it'?" R. Aqivasaidto the rabbis:"Boltthe doors, so that the servantsof R. Gamalieldo not come andtroublethe rabbis." [C'] R. Joshuasaid: "It is betterthat I get up and go to them."He came and knockedon the gate.He saidto him:"Let the sprinklerson of a sprinklersprinkle; but shall he who is neithera sprinkler nor the son of a sprinklersay to the sprinklersonof a sprinkler:'Yourwateris cave water, and your ashes are from roasting'?"R. Aqiva said to him: "R. Joshua,have you been appeased?Have

[c'] He said to him: "Let the sprinkler son of a sprinklersprinkle;but shall he who is neithera sprinklernor the son of a sprinklersay to the sprinklerson of a sprinkler:'your water is cave water, and your ashes are from roasting'?"He said to them:"Are you satisfied?I and you will rise early to the door of R. Gamaliel."

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we done anythingother than for your honor? Tomorrow,I and you will rise earlyto his door." [B'] Theysaid:"Whatshallwe do?Shall [b'] Nevertheless,they did not depose we remove him? We learn [or: have a him from his greatness; rather, they tradition]that one increasesin sanctity appointedhim 'avbet din. but does not decrease.Shall one master teach one Sabbath,and one masterone Sabbath?That will lead to jealousy. Rather,let R. Gamalielteach three [or: two] Sabbaths,and R. Elazarb. Azaria one Sabbath."And this is what a master said:"WhoseSabbathwas it? It was R. Elazarb. Azaria's." [A'] And thatstudentwas R. Shimeonb. Yohai. The Babylonian version of this story is, clearly, a well-wrought literary construct. One obvious indication of the literary reworking of the story is the presence of groupings of three: three occasions on which R. Gamaliel humiliates R. Joshua, three choices of whom to appoint in R. Gamaliel's place, three qualities possessed by R. Elazar b. Azaria, three options of what to do with R. Elazar b. Azaria after R. Gamaliel's apology is accepted. The Babylonian version has been reworked as a narrative more than the Palestinian version,12and I will employ a literaryanalysis to help uncover the meaning of the Babylonian narrative. However, the differences in meaning between the two versions should not be attributedsimply to a difference in artistry;rather,I will suggest that an analysis of the Babylonian narrative,and especially of the features which appearin it, but not in the Palestinian version, reveals different primary concerns in the two versions. While the Palestinian story sees the patriarchateas a position of authority,the Babylonian story is concerned first and foremost with Torah study, and the patriarchis evaluated in terms of that concern. 12. For the relationship between the two versions, see Goldenberg, "Deposition of Rabban Gamaliel II," p. 188, and Shaye J. D. Cohen, "Patriarchsand Scholars," Proceedings of the American Academyfor Jewish Research 48 (1981): 84-85.

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An outlineof the structureof the Babyloniannarrativemay be helpfulin introducingthe themeswhich pervadethe narrative.In addition,the outline will demonstrateanotherliteraryfeatureof the narrative,chiasticstructure." I have organizedthe segments of the narrativein correspondingpairs to highlightthis feature. [A] [A']

An anonymousstudentinstigatesthe event The studentis identified14

[B] [B']

andis a placeof conflict15 Thebetmidrashconsistsof "shield-bearers" To avoid conflict,a compromiseis made

13. Chiastic structurehas been shown to be a featureof many ancient and classical texts. For some examplesof chiasm in biblicaltexts, see UmbertoCassuto,A Commentary on the Book of Genesis:FromNoah to Abraham,trans.IsraelAbrahams(Jerusalem,1964); Michael Fishbane, Textand Texture(New York, 1979); Jacob Milgrom, The JPS Torah Numbers(Philadelphia,1990); GaryA. Rendsburg,TheRedactionof Genesis Commentary: (WinonaLake,Minn., 1986);DevoraSteinmetz,FromFatherto Son: Kinship,Conflict,and Continuityin Genesis (Louisville,Ky., 1991). A numberof scholarshave noted chiasm in rabbinictexts; see, for example,NormanJ. Cohen,"Structural Analysisof a TalmudicStory: Jewish QuarterlyReview72 (1982): 161-177, and Jonah Joseph-Who-Honors-the-Sabbath," Fraenkel,Darkheiha-'Aggadaveha-Midrash(Jerusalem,1991),pp. 263-269 and307. Whetherchiasticform itself has meaning,at least in some cases, otherthanthe obvious resolutionof the firstpartof the narrativein the secondpart,is an interestingquestion.I have narrativesin suggestedthatthereis a specificmeaningin thechiasticstructureof thepatriarchal Genesis;see FromFatherto Son,pp. 60-87. Chiasmmightbe seenas a particularly appropriate formforthe Berakhotnarrative,giventhe centralityof themotifof insideandoutsidediscussed below.(Note that,as indicatedbelow,while we at firstmightexpecta structureof the formA B C D E F G H A' B'..., with the firstpartof the secondhalf of the narrativereplicatingthe kindof dissensionwith whichthe narrativebegins,we find,instead,the structureA B C D E F G H G' F' ... , with the firstpartof the secondhalfof the narrativesignalinga sharpdeparture fromthe eventsat the beginningof the narrative;once again,this timeon a structural level, the inside is not like the outside,as the very inside of the narrative,segment[H], makesclear!) Compare,in this regard,the storyin bBavaBatra8a, mentionedby Fraenkelin his discussion of chiasm,in whichRabbiinitiallyopenshis storesof foodto scholarsbutcloses themto 'amei ha 'aretz;he finallyopens his storehousewhen he is challengedby a scholarposingas an 'am ha 'aretzandis shownhis errorby his son Shimeon. 14. In some versions,this does not appearat the end of the passage. 15. JacobNeusner,A Historyof theJews in Babylonia,vol. 3 (Leiden,1968),p. 196,notes the frequentuse of "militaryterminology"for "theacademicdiscourse."Here,however,the termseems especiallyaptfor its contextof conflictwithinthe bet midrash.Fora discussionof the termtranslatedhereas "shield-bearers," see Ginzberg,Perushimve-Chidushim, p. 175.

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[C] [C']

R. Joshua'srhetoricalquestionabout"theliving"and"thedead" R. Joshua'srhetoricalquestionabout"thesprinkler"

Removalof R. Gamaliel,who "troubles"R. Joshua;questionof who can replaceR. Gamaliel;appearanceof R. Aqiva [E'/D'] Acceptanceof apology of R. Gamaliel,who at first is unable to of scholarslike R. Joshua;questionof whom recognizethe "troubles" to send on behalfof R. Gamaliel;appearanceof R. Aqiva (Notethat[[E'], [D'], and[C'] arelinked:[D'] includesan additionalrhetorical question,as in [C']; [C'] includesan additionalappearanceof R. Aqiva,as in [D']; "trouble"appearsin both [E'] and [D'] (andnote the implicitconcernin [E] for protectionagainstthe "trouble"explicitlymentionedin [D]; "trouble" is explicitly referredto in [e]). Thus, the three sections are intertwinedand togetherparallelthe contentsof [C], [D], and [E]. While I have dividedthis segmentintothreesections,it is perhapsbetterto see [E'/D'/C']as constituting a single sectionwhichparallels[C/D/E].) [D/E]

[F] [F']

[G] [G']

[H]

R. Elazarb. Azariais apparentlyunfitto be a leader;his hairis not white R. Joshuais apparentlyunfitto be a scholar;the walls of his house areblack Studentsare allowedto enterthe bet midrash;R. Gamaliel'sproclamationis overridden The Ammoniteproselyteis permittedto enterthe congregation;R. Gamaliel'srulingis overridden R. Gamaliel'sconcernabouthavingwithheldTorah;his false dream aboutthe white casksfilledwith ashes

Chiastic structurepresents the second half of a narrativeas a response to the first half; here, the second half of the narrativeworks out a resolution to the problem set out at the beginning of the narrative.The story begins with conflict in the bet midrash; R. Gamaliel "troubles" a Torah scholar and so must be removed from his position as resh metivta.'6The story is resolved 16. See Ginzberg,Perushimve-Chidushim, pp. 193-197, for a discussionof which office

in thePalestinian doesnotdifferentiate version.Ginzberg is in questionhereand,especially, as historical, notas a matterof betweenthetwoversionson thispoint;he seestheproblem narrative emphasis.

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as R. Gamalielcomes to understandthe "troubles"of Torahscholarsand as the bet midrashis transformedfrom a place of conflict into a place of compromisein which R. Gamalielis able to sharehis leadership. In addition,chiasticstructurehighlightsthe centerof the narrative,which achieves extraprominenceby servingas the pivot on which the plot turns. Here,the centralpassageis section [H], R. Gamaliel'sconcernabouthaving preventedprospective students from learning Torah.This is flanked by sections[G] and [G'], R. Gamaliel'soverturnedattemptsto excludestudents from the bet midrashand a proselytefrom the congregation.Sections [G], [H], and [G'] encapsulatethe themeof this narrative,the concernfor Torah study,which is epitomizedby R. Gamaliel'smisguidedrequirementfor a studentof Torah,thathis insidebe like his outside,tokhokhevaro.17 The motif of tokho khevaro,inside and outside,recursthroughoutthe narrative;it contraststhe interiorand exteriorof a personor object,thatis, the apparentversusthe truenatureof someoneor something.In addition,the contrastbetweeninside and outsideappearsin this narrativeas the contrast betweenbeing insideor outsidea placeor group,thatis, the contrastbetween inclusionand exclusion.These two senses of inside and outsideare related within the narrative:as R. Gamalielstipulates,the natureof a personmust be determinedbeforeit can be decidedwhetherhe shouldbe admittedinto a certaingroup.As we shall see, occurrenceswithinthe Babyloniannarrative of the motif of inside and outside,in both senses, constitutea largenumber of the narrativeelementswhich do not appearin the Palestinianversion.An analysisof these occurrenceswill reveal,to a greatextent,the themeof the Babyloniannarrative. The most obvious occurrenceof this motif, standingat the center of the narrative,is R. Gamaliel's dream of white casks filled with ashes, a response to the patriarch'sconcern that his policy has caused worthy studentsto be excluded from the bet midrash.This dream,which, like R. Gamaliel'sproclamation,does not appearin the PT, suggests that R. Gamaliel'smotivationin establishinghis policy has some validity,even if the implementingof such a policy was wrong,as, we are told, the dreamis false. The BT offersan explanationof R. Gamaliel'sconcernwith whichone 17. Fora comparisonof thisrequirement andof otherelementsof thenarrativewithaspects of the philosophicalschools of Athens, see Cohen, "Patriarchsand Scholars,"pp. 75-79. Cohen'sarticle,pp. 57-85, analyzesthe Ketubotpassagecited above as well as segmentsof the Berakhotnarrative.

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can sympathize-R. Gamalielhas beenworriedaboutmaintaininga standard in the bet midrashand, subsequently,he fearsthathis proclamationhas had the undesiredeffect of preventingTorahstudy."Nevertheless,the narrative suggeststhatR. Gamaliel'srule is wrong,not only by the commentthathis dreamis false, but by the inclusionof two otheroccurrencesof the motif of tokho khevaro.

R. Gamalielfearsthata studentmay show himselfexternallyto be better thanhe really is, and his false dreamconfirmsthis suspicion;the internally blackcasks are white on the outside.But the narrativeofferstwo examples, in [F] and [F'], of scholarswhose externalappearanceis poor,yet who are truly worthy;in fact, in one case, it is R. Gamalielhimself who is fooled by appearances.The firstof the scholarsis R. Elazarb. Azaria,the graying of whose hair is mentionedas an unmotivatedfact in the PT. In the BT, however,R. Elazarb. Azaria'shairturnsgrayas a responseto the objection of his wife, who warnsthat he will be unacceptableas a leaderbecauseof his youth. R. Elazarb. Azaria,we are told in [E], is well qualifiedto lead, buthis darkhairmightindicate,wrongly,thathe is unfit.The secondof these scholarsis R. Joshua,the blackenedwalls of whosehousecauseR. Gamaliel to exclaim:"Youare a blacksmith!"R. JoshuatakesR. Gamalielto taskfor his insensitivityto the troublesof scholars.His comment,additionally,canbe readas an implicitcriticismof the patriarch'sconcernwith externals,for the patriarchmaysee R. Joshuaas a smith,butR. Joshuais, nevertheless,a scholar as well. The parallelpassagein PT shows only the patriarch'sunfamiliarity with R. Joshua'sway of life, not his misfocus on externalappearances. There,R. Gamalielsees, not black walls, but R. Joshua'soccupationwith insignificantobjects,needles. While R. Gamaliel'sexclamation,in boththe PT andthe BT, shows him to be unawareof the needsof scholars,only in the BT does it constitutea definitionof R. Joshuabasedon externalappearances. Throughoutthe Babyloniannarrativeexternalsare indeeddeceptive,but contraryto R. Gamaliel'sfear,theyactuallyshowthe personto be less worthy thanhe reallyis. This inversionof R. Gamaliel'sconcernthatinternalsmay not matchexternalsunderscoresthe wrongnessof the patriarch'spolicy of admissionto the bet midrash.While R. Gamalielfears that a man who appearsto be worthymay, in reality,be unworthy,both R. Elazarb. Azaria 18. Goldenberg,"Depositionof RabbanGamalielII,"p. 183, suggeststhatthis "episode replacesthe earlierhostilitytowardsR. Gamalielwithpatronizingcondescension... he meant well."

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and R. Joshua serve as examples of men who are indeed worthy,though appearancesmightindicateotherwise.R. Gamaliel,the storyemphasizes,has wrongfully"withheldTorahfromIsrael."Thenew betmidrash,reconstituted in his absence,rejectsthe notionthata manbejudgedby how he looks on the outside.The launderer,who in the PT appearssimplyas a typicalworker,19is convertedin the BT intoa figurewho speaksin an idiomof the garmentswith which he works;R. Elazarb. Azariashouldstep down,he suggests,because R. Gamaliel,not he, wearsthe garmentsof leadership.R. Aqivaassumesthat the launderer,who looks at the garmentsratherthanat the person,is a servant of R. Gamaliel,and, like his master,comes to "trouble"the rabbis.Locking the doorswhich had been thrownopen underthe new leadership,R. Aqiva excludes from the bet midrashthose who speakthe idiom of R. Gamaliel. The new leadershiphas rejectedR. Gamaliel'sstandardsof judgmentand,in so doing,has openedthe bet midrashto whoevermightwish to enter.20 Thisfirst,moreliteralsenseof insideandoutside,then,pointsto a second, and thematicallymore crucial, sense of the motif-inside and outside the bet midrashor, more generally,the communityof Torah.The firstactionof the new leadership,absentin the PT versionof this story,is to removethe guardfrom the bet midrashand allow the studentsto enter.The numbering of the benches is presentedby the BT as the resultof this openingof the doors.21R. Gamalielworries, as studentsfill the bet midrash,that he has "withheldTorahfromIsrael."As the narrativeprogresses,his wordstakeon a doublemeaning.Clearlyhe haswithheldTorahstudyfromthe manypeople whom he had kept out of the bet midrash,but he has also, accordingto the continuationof the narrative,preventedthe increaseof Torahitself, for the inclusionof these new studentsleadsto the resolutionof manyold questions of law. 19. Compare,for example,the washermanwho appearsat the time of Rabbi'sdeathin pKetubot12:3,35a andbKetubot103bandthe washermenin bNedraim41a andbBavaBatra 8a. 20. Ironically,though, the doors are locked by R. Aqiva in the face of R. Gamaliel's "servants,"againraisingthe issue of inside/outsideandof the exclusivenessandboundariesof communities.See below, n. 28 concerningR. Aqiva'srole in this andrelatedtalmudicstories. Interestingly,it is R. Aqiva,not the new leadersof the betmidrash,who declaresthatthe doors arenow to be shut. 21. See Goldenberg,"Depositionof RabbanGamalielII," p. 182. Ginzberg,Perushim ve-Chidushim, pp. 187-189, suggeststhatthenumbersin the PTareanelaborationof thewords "allthe people"in the baraita.

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So terribleis it for someone to be excluded from the group of Torah students, according to the BT, that even the deposed patriarchcannot "withholdhimself' from the bet midrash.Clearly,accordingto the logic of this narrative,R. Gamalielought to be outsidethe bet midrash;later,as we have seen, even his suspectedservantis not allowedto enterthroughthe gate. Indeed,in the PT, R. Gamalieldoes not appearin the bet hava'aduntil he is reacceptedby the rabbis.The BT, though,underscoresR. Gamaliel's regardfor Torahas the beginningof the narrative'sresolution.If R. Gamaliel is ever to be restoredas patriarch,he mustfirstdemonstratehis concernfor Torah. In fact, it is R. Gamaliel'sconcernfor Torahthatmotivatesthe deposed patriarchto apologize and, ultimately,what allows him to be reinstated.It is afterR. Gamalielsees the resultof open debateaboutTorah,the settling of difficultquestionsof law, that the BT recordshis decision to visit his Whilethe PT opponent:"Sinceit is thus,I will go andappeaseR. Joshua."22 presentsR. Gamaliel'sdecision to apologizeto the rabbisas an immediate responseto his havingbeen strippedof authority,the BT's placementof R. Gamaliel'sdecision suggeststhatit is a responseto his recognitionthatthe policies of the new leadershiplead to the growthof Torah. In the BT, segment[G'], which finds the deposedpatriarchengagingin debatein the bet midrash,leads up to R. Gamaliel'sapology.This segment begins the second half of the narrativeand, at first, seems to be parallelto segment[A]; once more, thereis an argumentbetweenR. Gamalieland R. Joshua,and the conflict appearsto be startingall over again. But, as the passage continues,segment [G'] is transformedinto the beginningof the narrative'sresolution;R. Gamalielenterswillinglyinto a hostilebet midrash to debateaboutTorah,R. Joshuadefeatshim in the courseof an extended debate,andR. Gamaliel,this time acceptingthatunrestrained argumentleads of to make with his opponent. to the increase Torah,goes peace The BT's choice, in segment [G'], of the mishnaaboutthe Ammonite proselyteseems strikinglydeliberate.While the PT offers a different,thematicallyirrelevant,tannaiticsourceto substantiatethe notionthatR. Elazar 22. Of course,"Sinceit is thus"may be, as in the PT,simplya statementof R. Gamaliel's resignationto the takingof powerby the rabbiswho havedeposedhimandappointedR. Elazar b. Azaria.Goldenberg,"Depositionof RabbanGamalielII,"p. 174,n. 49, readsit this way,but he takes the mishna from Yadaim to be an interpolation. Note that I am analyzing the narrative

in the finalformwhich it takesin the BT, in comparisonwith its formin the PT.

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b. Azaria lecturedbefore the studentsat Yavneh(mKetubot4:6), the BT seems to go out of its way to quote a mishnawhich is inconsistentwith the logic of the depositionnarrative.The mishnain TractateYadaim(4:4) concerningJudahthe Ammoniteproselyteis, in fact,the only one in a series of fourmishnayotbeginningwith the words"Onthatday"(4:1-4) in which R. Gamaliel'sopinionis cited;at firstglance,it wouldseemto the veryworst choice as a supportingtext! As we have noted, the Babyloniannarrative is emphasizingR. Gamaliel'sdesire to be involved in Torahstudy,which compels the deposed patriarchto enter the bet midrash,23and it also sets up the debatebetweenR. Gamalieland R. Joshuaas parallelto the debate with which the narrativeopens. But the deliberatechoice of this mishna makes anotherpoint as well, throughthe mishna'sthematiclink with the Babyloniannarrativeand, specifically,throughits symmetrywith segment [G]. The mishna discusses the case of a person who wishes to enter the congregationof Israel but whose inclusionis halakhicallyproblematic.R. Gamaliel,in keeping with his policy of exclusivenessreflectedin segment [G],rulesthatthe proselytemaynot enter,while R. Joshua,whose supporters have takenover and openedup the bet midrash,rules thatJudahmay enter the congregation. The parallelsegmentsof [G] and [G'], then,togetherwith R. Gamaliel's worryand his false dreamin segment[H], establishthe motif of insideand outside,in bothsenses,as encapsulatingthe centralconcernof theBabylonian narrative-Torah.This concernand, once again,this motif may be alluded to for a final time at the end of the passage.While the Palestinianversion concludeswith the compromisein the leadershipof the bet hava'ad,the BT R. Elazar appendsa supportingtext.And, like the mishnawhichsubstantiates b. Azaria'sinitialappointment, thispassagemaybe thematicallyrelatedto our narrative.Quitepossibly,the passageis referringto the derashaintroduced by the words"WhoseSabbathwas it? It was R. Elazarb. Azaria's"which is quotedin the Toseftaas well as in the BT (Hagiga3a) andparallels:24 ..."And whatdidhe teach?""'Gatherthepeople:themenandthewomen andthe children'(Deut31:12).If the mencometo learn,womencometo 23. Goldenberg,"Depositionof RabbanGamalielII,"p. 176,notesthisanomalyanddraws a similarconclusion. 24. For a brief discussionof the passageand its parallels,see JosephHeinemann,"The Proemin the AggadicMidrashim," 22 (1971): 114-116. ScriptaHierosolymitana

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hear-why do childrencome?To bringrewardto thosewho bringthem."And he taughtfurther:". . . 'ba 'alei 'asuphot'(Eccles 12:11)--Theseare scholars who sit gatheredtogetherand say on an impurething'impure,'andon a pure thing 'pure.'A man shouldnot say to himself:'Since theseprohibitandthese permit,why do I study?' . . . Make your heartlike innerrooms and put in it the words of those who renderimpureand the wordsof those who render pure.. ." (tSotah7:9-12) This derasha both begins and ends with the idea of the inclusiveness of Torah. R. Elazar b. Azaria understands haqhel, the periodic reading of the Torah to the congregation which is recommitting itself to the covenant of Sinai (Deut 31:10-13), to include all of Israel, not only those who are capable of study, but even those who are just barely capable of attending. And, as he affirms the openness of the community of Israel (as in [G']), R. Elazar b. Azaria affirms the openness of the scholarly community (as in [G]); when scholars gather together and debate freely, Torah is increased, despite the disagreements. By the end of the Babylonian narrative, the bet midrash in which only R. Gamaliel was able to speak is converted into a community of Torahopen to whoever may wish to enter and inviting to whoever would join the discourse of Torah interpretation. While the Babylonian narrative about the deposition of R. Gamaliel is concerned primarily with Torah-how it is studied, interpreted,and debated within the bet midrash-the Palestinian version seems to be a much simpler story about a political leader who has overstepped his bounds. In the Palestinian story, as we have noted in passing, the issue of Torah, of who is fit to study and of how learning can increase, never emerges. Although the narrative begins with a legal dispute between R. Gamaliel and R. Joshua, that dispute is not the reason for the patriarch's deposition. In the BT, the people recognize a pattern of R. Gamaliel in conflict with R. Joshua over legal questions, but here they accuse the patriarchof mistreating everyone, and, indeed, R. Gamaliel later goes to apologize to all of the rabbis.25The picture in the PT is of the patriarch versus the rabbis in general, and the hostility is unmitigated by any concern on the part of the patriarch,whether justified or not, for the standardof Torahstudy. R. Gamaliel, in this narrative, 25. Goldenberg,"Depositionof RabbanGamalielII," pp. 175 and 186, notes the more "political"natureof the conflictin the PT.

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simply cannotaccept challengesto his authority,and he is moved to make peace with the rabbisas soon as he findsthatthe poweris in theirhands. That the Palestinianstory is about political power ratherthan about the political leader'srole as a scholarand fostererof Torahbecomeseven more apparentin the complex of details surroundingthe appointmentand demotionof R. Gamaliel'sreplacement,R. Elazarb. Azaria.The Palestinian narrativedoes not articulatethe motivationfor choosingR. Elazarb. Azaria, but R. Aqiva, contrastinghimself with the young appointee,explainswhy he was chosen: R. Elazarb. Azariais "a descendantof greatpeople"--in the words of the Talmud,"the tenth generationfrom Ezra."According to R. Aqiva, R. Elazarb. Azaria was chosen because of his lineage. R. Elazarb. Azaria'slineage is mentionedin the BT as well, but there it is one of a groupof three reasonsfor the choice, and, more importantly,the threereasonsare less qualificationsthanpracticalconsiderations.The other candidatesconsideredin the BT might presentproblems,but R. Elazarb. thatwill comein handyduringhis leadership: Azariapossessescharacteristics he can answerquestions,he can carryout diplomaticduties,he cannotbe punished.Lineage, in the BT, will protectR. Elazarb. Azariain his new position;in the PT, it makeshim fittingfor the position. R. Elazarb. Azaria'sspecificlineagejustifieshis appointment to a position of authorityin the bet hava'ad,probablybecauseit linksthe young rabbito While the patriarchate the priesthood.26 claimedDavidicancestry,the priests had constitutedthe aristocraticclass for centuries,and Ezrathe Priest,the leaderof Israelwhen, for the firsttime since David,the peoplehad no king, The priestlyclaimto power,it representsthe ascendancyof the priesthood.27 seems,is whatthe messengerto R. Elazarb. Azariaaddresses.In the PT only one messageis sent to R. Elazarb. Azaria,the metaphorof the sprinklerson of a sprinkler.28 The metaphordescribesone of the powersof the priesthood 26. ReuvenKimelmandiscussestheenduringpowerof thepriestlyclassafterthedestruction of the Second Templein "TheConflictBetweenthe PriestlyOligarchyand the Sages in the TalmudicPeriod"[Hebrew],Zion48 (1983): 135-148. 27. GedalyahuAlon, Toldotha-Yehudimbe-'EretzYisra'elbi-Tqufatha-MishnavehaTalmud(Tel Aviv, 1971) p. 200, and Goldenberg,"Depositionof RabbanGamalielII," p. 182. 28. In the PT,R. Aqivais mentionedas a possiblemessengerto removeR. Elazarb. Azaria from his office, while, in the BT, R. Aqiva attemptsto protectthe new leadershipfromthe messenger.R. Aqiva'srole in the PT fits in with his negativereactionto R. Elazarb. Azaria's andhis recognitionthattheyoungscholarhasbeenappointedfordynasticreasons. appointment The involvementof R. Aqiva in these and relatednarrativejustifies furtherstudy.See, for

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andstatesthatonlyhewhois a bornpriestcanclaimthatpower.Ineffect,the messengeris sayingthatR. Elazarb. Azariahashis realmof powerandR. Gamalielhashis,andneitherhastherightto usurptheother'sposition.The asksR. Elazarb. Azariato stepdownfromR. Gamaliel's position metaphor R. Elazarb. Azaria's in wordswhichaffirmthe dynasticclaimto authority: therightfulheir claimwill haveto be dealtwith,butR. Gamalielis declared to thepatriarchate. of the sprinkler son of a sprinkler The BT includesthe metaphor but, butstructurally citestwodifferent, similar, metaphoric messages, significantly, in [D'/C'],andincludesanadditional similarrhetorical question structurally in [C].WhiletheBT,no doubt,recognizes in thefirsthalfof thenarrative, thatclaimis not sufficient the strengthof the dynasticclaimto leadership, in theabsenceof othercriteria,as indicated the by BT'sanalysisof Rabbi's In above. our themetaphor of thesprinkler cited is narrative, dyingtestament, its of inclusion as one three rhetorical dilutedsomewhat similar by structurally of lineageis subtlyminimizedas one questions,muchas the qualification whichR. Elazarb. Azariapossesses.The original of threequalifications of "he rhetorical questionhasbecomea modelfortheothers:themetaphor of judgingby externals, who wearsthe garment" servingas an illustration rejectedby the new bet midrash,andthe contrastbetweenthe livingand the dead,added,perhaps,for the purposeof narrative As one symmetry.29 the about the readstheBabylonian stands outno narrative, question sprinkler morethaneitherof theothertwo,andthedynasticclaimto authority, while is submerged beneaththeprimary concernof thenarrative.30 recognized, The BT's emphasison the patriarchas scholarappears,too, in the in the narrative. TheBT emphasizes the problem concludingcompromise example,R. Aqiva'srole in the storyaboutR. JoshuaandR. Gamalielin mRoshHashana2:8-9 and his role in the story of Achnai'sstove (bBavaMetzia59b), involvinga conflictbetween R. Aqiva'stwo teachers,R. EliezerandR. Joshua,andbetweenR. Eliezerandthe patriarch.It is noteworthythat,in the latterstory,R. Gamaliel'sdeathaftera scholaris excludedfromthe communitywhenhe dissentsfromthe rabbinicconsensuscomesabout,accordingto one of the story'sendings,froma confusionaboutwhen roshchodeshfalls, the very issue at stakein R. Gamaliel'sdisagreementwith R. Joshuain mRoshHashana. 29. The rhetoricalquestionaboutthe living and the dead appearsas well in one of the accountsof conflictbetweenR. JoshuaandR. Gamalielmentionedin the Babyloniannarrative; see bBekhorot36a. 30. It is interestingthatR. Aqiva does not respondto the contentof R. Joshua'smessage; he responds,simply,to the factthatR. Joshuahas beenappeased.

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whichR. Elazarb. Azaria'swife anticipatedandwhichparallelsthe deposing of R. Gamalielat the beginning of the narrative.But, while early in the narrativeconflict was rampantand depositionwas an option, now the bet midrash seeks a peaceful resolutionwhich will avoid deposition:"let R. Gamalielteach three Sabbathsand R. Elazarb. Azariaone Sabbath."The resolutiondivides the patriarch'srole unevenlybetweenR. GamalielandR. Elazarb. Azariaand succinctlydefineswhat the most importantelementof thatrole is for the Babyloniannarrative--teachingTorah.In the PT, too, R. Elazarb. Azaria is not simply removed from his position, but here he is appointed'av bet din, second in authorityto the patriarch.The Palestinian versionconcludeswith a formaldivisionof administrative power,while the with concludes division of version a teachingduties. Equally Babylonian the conclusion of the narrative ensuresthatmultiple Babylonian significant, in will be this bet the voices heard division of teachingduties midrash; institutionalizesthe values of the new leadership,assuringthatnever again will R. Gamaliel'svoice silence otherscholarsfrom voicing theirhalakhic positionsor theirTorahinterpretations. There is, perhaps,one more element of the Babylonianpassagewhich supportsthe notionthat,for the BT, challengeto the patriarchis basedon the assumptionthatthe patriarchmustbe a scholarconcernedwith Torah.While the PT never identifiesthe studentwho instigatesthe conflict between R. GamalielandR. Joshua,theBabylonianversiontellsus thatthestudentwas R. Shimeonb. Yohai.Thismysteriousallusion,leftunexplainedandunmotivated in the narrative,may be relatedto a perceptionof the relationshipbetween R. Shimeonb. Yohaiand the patriarchalfamily.This perceptionis reflected in a story about R. Shimeonb. Yohai's son, R. Elazar,and R. Gamaliel's grandson,the son of R. Shimeonb. Gamaliel,Rabbi. Rabbi sent to speak to his [R. Elazar's]wife [to proposemarriage,after R. Elazar'sdeath].She sent to him:"Shalla vessel whichhas been used for holy thingsbe used for profanethings?"... He sent to her:"Grantedthathe was greaterthanme in Torah,butwas he greaterthanme in good deeds?"She sent to him:"I did not know thathe was greaterthanyou in Torah,but I did know thatin deedshe was. ... ." "In Torah"---towhat does this refer?When R. Shimeonb. Gamalieland R. Joshuab. Qarchaused to sit on benches,R. Elazarb. R. Shimeonand Rabbi sat before them on the ground,askingand answering.They said: "Wedrink their waters,but they sit on the ground?!"They made benchesfor them. R.

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Shimeonb. Gamalielsaid to them:"I have one pigeon amongyou, and you want to destroyit for me?" They broughtRabbidown. R. Joshuab. Qarcha said to them: "Shallhe who has a fatherlive, and he who does not have a fatherdie?"They broughtdown R. Elazarb. R. Shimeonalso. His mindwas weakened.He said:"Youthinkme equalto him?!" Untilthatday,whenRabbisaid something,R. Elazarb. R. Shimeonsupported him; from then on, when Rabbi said: "I have an objection,"R. Elazarb. R. Shimeon said to him: "You have such-and-suchobjection;this is your us with bundlesof answerswhichhave no answer.Now you have surrounded substance."Rabbi'smindwas weakened.He went andtold his father.He said to him: "My son, let it not grieve you, for he is a lion son of a lion, and you area lion son of a fox." (bBavaMetzia84b) Rabbi, the future patriarch,is challenged by R. Elazar b. R. Shimeon on the basis of the latter's greater knowledge. And Rabbi's father, R. Shimeon b. Gamaliel, assures his son that R. Elazar's father, R. Shimeon b. Yohai, was greater than him: R. Shimeon b. Yohai was a "lion," and R. Shimeon b. Gamaliel merely a "fox." This story is brought to explain the contrast in Torah between Rabbi and R. Elazar, mentioned in the preceding story, and in this context, the contrast between R. Shimeon b. Yohai and R. Shimeon b. Gamaliel, the "lion" and the "fox," seems to be a matter of scholarship as well.31 There appears to be a tradition,then, of scholarly competition between the family of the patriarch and the family of R. Shimeon b. Yohai, and the Babylonian version of R. Gamaliel's deposition may be making reference to this tradition. The young R. Shimeon b. Yohai, perhaps perceiving himself to be a greater scholar than the future patriarch,asks the question that will bring about an overthrow in the leadership of the bet midrash. Knowledge of Torah, once more, is what poses the challenge, in the BT, to the authority of the patriarch.32 31. In the Palestinianparallels,pShabbat10:5, 12c andPesiqtade-RavKahane,ed. Buber, p. 94b, while R. Elazaris portrayedas a greaterscholarthanRabbi,the contrastbetweenthe two scholars,andbetweentheirfathers,seemsto be basedon deedsas well, to a degreegreater thanin the BT. In Pesiqta de-RavKahane,especially,the metaphorof the vessel is explained by R. Elazar'sdeedsalone;in the PT the metaphoris not explainedat all. Onceagain,it is the BT which emphasizesthe challengebasedon scholarship. 32. Baumgarten,in "AkibanOpposition,"discussesthe intercalation storyin pHagiga3:1, 78d andhypothesizesan anti-patriarchal partyof whichR. Shimeonb. Yohaiwas an important member.

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No other passage describes in as great detail as the Berakhot narrativea challenge to the patriarchthat takes place in the bet midrash or bet hava 'ad, but I would like to discuss a few briefer passages which, I think, support the idea that the BT overlays stories of political quarrelswith a concern for Torah scholarship. The first of these is the well-known story of the attempted overthrow of R. Gamaliel's son, R. Shimeon, by R. Nathan and R. Meir. Our rabbistaught:When the nasi enters,all the people standand do not sit untilhe tells them:"Sit."Whenthe 'av bet din enters,they makeone row for him on this side and one row for him on that side until he sits in his place. Whenthe hakhamenters,one standsandone sits untilhe sits in his place.... R. Yochanansaid: This mishna was taught in the days of R. Shimeonb. Gamaliel.R. Shimeonb. Gamalielwas the nasi, R. Meir was the hakham, R. Nathanwas the 'av bet din. When R. Shimeonb. Gamalielwas there, everyonewould standup beforehim. WhenR. MeirandR. Nathanwould go up, everyonewould standup beforethem.R. Shimeonb. Gamalielsaid:"Is it not necessaryto make a distinctionbetweenmine and theirs?"He fixed this mishna. Thatday R. Meir and R. Nathanwere not there.On the next day,when they came, they saw that they did not standup before them as usual. They said: "Whatis this?"They said to them:"So R. Shimeonb. Gamalieldecreed." R. Meir said to R. Nathan:"I am the hakhamandyou are the 'av bet din; let us fix a matterfor ourselves.Whatshall we do to him?We shall say to him: 'Reveal'Uqtzin'-which he does not know,andsincehe has not learnedit, we shallsay to him:' "Whoshallexpressthemightydeedsof theLord,shallmake all his praiseheard?"(Psalms106:2)-To whomis it becomingto expressthe mightydeeds of the Lord?To him who is able to makeall his praisesheard!' We shallremovehim, andI shallbe 'avbet din andyou shallbe nasi." R. Jacob b. Qarshiheard them. He said: "Perhaps,God forbid,the matter will lead to humiliation."He went and sat behindthe loft of R. Shimeonb. Gamaliel.He explainedandlearnedandrepeated,andlearnedandrepeated.He [R. Shimeonb. Gamaliel]said:"Whatis this beforeme? Perhaps,Godforbid, thereis somethingin the bet midrash."He paidattentionandlearnedit. On the next day, they said to him: "Come,Master,and teach 'Uqtzin."He opened and spoke. After he finishedit, he said to them:"HadI not learned, you would have humiliatedus." He orderedand they threwthem out of the bet midrash.They wrotequestionson notes andthrewthemthere.Thatwhich

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was solved was solved;thosewhichwerenot solved---theywroteanswersand threwthem. R. Yosi said to them: "Torahis outside and we are within!"R. Shimeonb. Gamalielsaid to them:"Weshallbringthemup, butwe shallpenalizethemin thatwe shall not say a traditionin theirnames."They referredto R. Meiras "others"andto R. Nathanas "somesay." They were shown in theirdreams:"GoappeaseR. Shimeonb. Gamaliel."R. Nathanwent; R. Meir did not go. He said: "Wordsof dreamsneitherraise up nor bringdown."When R. Nathanwent, R. Shimeonb. Gamalielsaid to him: "Grantedthatthe girdle of your fatherbenefitedyou to become 'av bet din--shall I appointyou also nasi?" (bHorayot13b) R. Meirwas learning.He went to the bet hava'ad,andall the people saw him and stoodbeforehim. Whenthey heardthatmishnataught,they wantedto act like thattowardhim. He becameangryandleft. He saidto them:"Ihaveheard thatone increasesin sanctitybut does not decrease." (pBikurim3:3, 65c) The Babylonian version is, once again, a longer and more developed version of a tradition cited in the PT.33The basic element, included in both narratives, is the linking of R. Meir's anger toward the bet midrash/bet hava 'ad or its leadership with the mishna concerning decorum toward the nasi, 'av bet din, and hakham. Aside from this, the two stories are completely different.34The Palestinian version does not really describe a conflict at all, and the patriarchdoes not even appearin the story; R. Meir is simply angered because the people no longer treat him with the respect with which they used to. In the BT, this incident is transformed into a story of conflict with the 33. Goodblatt, "'Al Sippur ha-'Qesher'," pp. 349-374, discusses these two passages and suggests that the version in bHorayot is a Babylonian creation not to be treated as evidence of a historical event. See Adolph Buchler, "The Conspiracy of R. Nathan and R. Meir Against the PatriarchR. Shimeon b. Gamaliel," in Studies in Jewish History, ed. I. Brodie and J. Rabinowitz (Oxford, 1956), pp. 160-177, for a discussion of this story and its relationship to some other challenges to the patriarch. 34. It is fascinating that the statement about increasing in holiness but not decreasing appears or is echoed in both versions of this story as well as in two of the other stories at which we have looked. The statement appears in pBikurim and is echoed in R. Meir's refusal to heed the message of the dream in bHorayot. The statement appears as well in the conclusion of the deposition narrative in bBerakhot and in the conclusion of the story about Rabbi and R. Elazar b. R. Shimeon's wife in Pesiqta de-Rav Kahane.

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patriarch,conflict so severe that it leads to an attemptto depose him. The conflictis initiatedby thepatriarchhimself,who feels his authoritythreatened But, while the issue by the equalrespectshownto him andhis subordinates. in the BT is R. Shimeonb. Gamaliel'sconcernfor his own authorityandR. Meir'sconcernfor his honor,what is crucialfor ourpurposesis the manner R. Meirstatesthatthe in which the patriarch'spositioncan be challenged.35 patriarchmustbe a scholar;if his knowledgeof Torahis lackingin any way, he must be strippedof his position.R. Jacobb. Qarshiand R. Shimeonb. Gamalielhimselfworkto ensurethatsuchpublichumiliationnot takeplace, and,while it is not clearthatthey feardepositionas a possibleoutcome,it is clearthatthey concurwith the expectationthatthe patriarchmustbe a great scholar. R. Shimeonb. Gamaliel'sson, Rabbi,is shownin the BT to be similarly tested,althoughnot necessarilyas a challengeto his position.36 haveI nottoldyouthatwhenRabbi R. Hiyyasaidto Rav:"Sonof noblemen, him a different not ask about forperhaps should is in onetractate tractate, you it is notin hismind?Forif Rabbiwerenota greatman,youwouldembarrass Now,though,he him,forhe wouldgiveyouananswerthatis notananswer. well." hasanswered you (bShabbat 3b) While here the patriarchis ready with a response,R. Hiyya takes his nephewto task for askinga questionthatcould have humiliatedRabbiif he 35. Neusner,Historyof theJews in Babylonia,vol. 1 (1965),pp. 73-80, sees this storyas revealinga politicalconflictbetweenthe BabylonianR. Nathanandthe pro-Romanpatriarch. I am concernedratherwith whatthe storyitself presentsas the problemin the bet midrash-in RobertGoldenberg'swords,"thereality... of theteller,notthe subjectof thetale."Goldenberg sees the story aboutR. Shimeonb. Gamalielas reflectinga concernfor Torahas opposedto hereditaryauthority,sincethe patriarchhimselfbelittlesR. Nathan'shereditaryclaim,whilehe sees the storyaboutR. Gamaliel,in boththe PT andBT, as validatingthe hereditaryclaimto a positionof authority.See "Historyand Ideologyin TalmudicNarrative,"in Approachesto AncientJudaism,ed. WilliamScottGreen,vol. 4 (1983),pp. 159-171. It seemsto me thatboth Babylonianstoriesacceptthe hereditaryclaim--afterall, R. Shimeonb. Gamalieldoes stay in officedespitehis lackof knowledge,andR. Gamalielappealsto the honorof his fatherin order to regainhis office--but thatboth overlaythis with a concernfor the patriarchas scholarand headof the academy. 36. Compare,however,the more explicitstoriesof challengesto Rabbi'sauthorityby R. Hiyyaor his sons: for example,pKil'ayim9:4, 32c = pKetubot12:3,35a andbSanhedrin38a. See Buchler,"Conspiracyof R. NathanandR. Meir,"pp. 176-177.

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thepatriarch cannotin fact hadnotknowntheanswer.Apparently, although whichhe is notpresentlystudying, be expectedto be familiarwithmaterial As in theHorayot he is in principlesupposedto be a masterof scholarship. thepatriarch canbe severelyembarrassed if he doesnotfillhisrole narrative, as Torahscholar. Another story reminiscent of certain elements of the Horayot narrative tells of a conflict between Resh Laqish and the patriarchR. Judah II. And Resh Laqishsaid:"A patriarchwho trespassedis given stripesby a court of three."Does one returnhim? R. Hagai said:"Moses!One does not return him, for he will kill us." R. Judahthe patriarchheardandbecameangry.He senttroopsto catchup with ReshLaqishandto seize him. He fled to a distanttown.... On the next day, R. Yochananwent to the bet hava'ad.He [R. Judah]said to him: "Whydoesn't the Mastertell us a word of Torah?"He [R. Yochanan] began to clap with one hand.He said to him: "Anddoes one clap with one hand?"He saidto him:"No.If not ReshLaqish,no [i.e., I cannotteachwithout I andyou shallgo out to meet ReshLaqish]... ." He saidto him:"Tomorrow, him."R. Yochanansentto ReshLaqish:"Preparefor yourselfa wordof Torah, for the patriarchis going out to meet you." ... He [R. Judah]said to him [ReshLaqish]:"Andwhatdid you see thatyou He said to them:"Do you said this thing [aboutthe trespassingpatriarch]?" thinkthatI wouldbe afraidof you andwouldwithholdGod'sTorah?" 2:1, 19d= pHorayot3:2, 47a) (pSanhedrin This PT narrative certainly reveals a concern for Torah, and the conflict is resolved for much the same reason as in the story about R. Shimeon b. Gamaliel: it is unacceptable that Torahbe exiled from the academy. But here the patriarchis not expected to be a Torah scholar himself. The threat which R. Judah perceives to be posed by the discussion in the bet hava 'ad is not a challenge to the patriarch's scholarship but a challenge to his authority.A patriarchcan be punished by a lower court, says Resh Laqish and, R. Hagai continues, since the patriarchmight then take upon himself too much power, he must be removed from office lest he present a danger to the rabbis. The passage concludes with the statement by Resh Laqish of a similar point: the patriarch'sauthority must not be used to stifle Torah study. This story, then, pits Torah against power. It is the rabbis' role to teach Torah and decide questions of law, but the patriarch is not expected to be

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a scholar.In fact, he is not even expectedto be concernedprimarilywith Torah,and the rabbiscan only hope thatthe patriarchwill keep out of their way when they expoundTorah. These brief narrativesof conflict in the bet midrashor bet hava'ad supportthe notion, suggestedon the basis of the Berakhotnarrative,that the BT sees the patriarchas someonewho must embodyand supportTorah scholarship,while the PT does not. How this distinctioncameaboutcan only be conjectured,but I would like brieflyto discusstwo possibleapproaches. Clearly,the authorsof the BT were furtherfromthe historicalrealityof the patriarchateand the society withinwhich it functionedthanthe authors of the PT.It is likely that,while the Palestinianportraitreflectsa patriarchate closerto historicalreality,the authorsof theBT sawthe Palestinianinstitution of the patriarchate throughthe lens of theirown, quitedifferentinstitutions. Thepatriarchate includedtwo differentfunctions:politicalandacademic. The patriarchwas the ethnarchanswerableto the Roman authorities,yet he also participatedin legal and academicdebate.The BabylonianJewish community,in contrast,had separatepolitical and academicleaders;the exilarchwas not expectedto be a scholaror to participatein academicaffairs. The PT reflectsan understanding of the dualnatureof the patriarchate and,it the function as The it is seems, recognizes political primary. patriarch, true, could be found in the bet hava'ad, but he could not as a rule be expected to involve himself fully in scholarship;he was firstand foremosta dynastic leaderwith politicalduties. But in Babyloniait was the exilarchwho filled the political function.While some scholars,such as Rav, may have been politicallyinvolved,anda rareexilarch,suchas MarUqva,may havebeen a scholar,the two figuresoccupieddistinctroles. The Palestinianleadership,then,couldnoteasilybe conceivedof in terms of Babylonianinstitutions.If the patriarchof Palestinianhistoryand legend often was to be found in the bet hava'ad, participatingin or presidingover academicdebate-or even, in the case of Rabbi,codifyingthe Mishna-the couldnot be seen as parallelto the Babylonianofficeof exilarch; patriarchate rather,the patriarchwould have been seen as similar to the Babylonian academicleader,the reshmetivta.As a Palestinianversionof the Babylonian academic,the patriarchwould, of necessity,becomea masterof scholarship. It is just such a figurethatwe find throughoutthe BT-a scholarconcerned aboutthe increaseof Torah,a leaderwho shouldbe chosenforhis scholarship andwho can be threatenedwith depositionif his scholarship,or his fostering

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of scholarship,is foundwanting.In thewordsof theBT,whiletheBabylonian politicalleader"beatsIsraelwith a staff,"the Palestinianpatriarch"teach[es] Torahto Israelin public"(bSanhedrin5b, bHorayot1lb).37 Anotherand,perhaps,complementary possibleexplanationwouldaccount forthe divergencenot so muchas theresultof viewinga Palestinianinstitution throughthe lens of the Babylonianworld, but ratheras an ideological recasting of the patriarchateon the part of the BT. Since the patriarch was not a Babylonianfigure, memories of the individualpatriarchs,of theirrelationshipswith the rabbis,and of the patriarchate as an institution could more freely be idealized and mythologizedin the BT. Besides the heaviereditorialhandswhich characterizethe BT and transformboth legal discussionsandnarrativesintorichliterarytexts,theBT,standingat a remove from Palestinianinstitutions,could transformtraditionalPalestinianstories into narrativesconveyingsocial andreligiousvalues. The primaryvalue highlightedabove is that of Torahscholarship.By makingthe leaderof the Jewishpeoplein the landof Israelintoa paradigmof Torahscholarship,the BT underscoresthe centralityof this value.In reality, it is absurdto imaginethata dynasticpoliticalleader,a man of greatwealth and powerwith connectionsto Rome,couldbe deposedbasedon ignorance of obscurepoints of law. Yet the BT chooses to put Torahside-by-sidewith politicalpower,as in the list of the qualificationsof R. Elazarb. Azaria;a patriarchmay be chosen becauseof his lineage,he may need to pay tribute to Rome, but he can lose his positionif he is not a comprehensiveexpertin mattersof Torahscholarship! Other values, too, are given prominencein some of the Babylonian narrativesdiscussed above. For example, the Berakhotnarrativeargues forcefullyfor the power of free debate.The patriarch,here, is not takento task for ignorance;he is takento task for behaviorwhich limits the growth and free expressionof ideas. The first glimpse which we are given of the bet midrashshows R. Joshualying about his point of view concerninga questionof halakha.R. Gamalielhas not only closed the doorsin the face of potentialstudents,he has closed the doorsin the face of honestdebate.The 37. See Isaiah Gafni, "'Shevet u-Mechoqeq'-'Al Defusei Manhigut Chadashim bi-Tkufat ha-Talmud," in Kehuna u-Mlukha: Yachasei Dat u-Medina be-Yisra'el uv-'amim, ed. Isaiah Gafni and Gavriel Motzkin (Jerusalem: Merkaz Zalman Shazar, 1987), pp. 79-91. Gafni points out the BT's discomfort with the notion of succession in the realm of Torah leadership and the relationship of this stance to the reality of Babylonian institutions: while the exilarchate was dynastic, the position of resh metivta was not.

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BT, which so clearlyvalues both the processand the productsof unfettered debate, disposes of the patriarchwho rejects this value. R. Gamalielcan returnonly when he recognizesthe value of debate,and he returnson the bet midrash'snew terms;not only are potentialstudentsallowedaccess to Torah,not only does debatecontinuefreely until resolutionis reached,but at the narrative'sconclusion-the divisionof teaching the very arrangement responsibilitiesbetween R. Gamalieland R. Elazarb. Azaria--guarantees thatneveragainwill a single voice dominatethe bet midrash. It is not only the centralityof Torahscholarship,then, but also the mode of Torahlearningand the way Torahstudy shapes communityand relationshipsamongcommunitymembersthatis so powerfullycommented on by the Berakhotnarrative.This kind of narrativecan be craftedonly with distancefromthe people and eventsthatlie behindit. The BT, in time, place, and culture,standsremovedfromthe institutions,people, and events of the bet hava'ad.Historical,geographical,andculturaldistance,alongwith greatartistry,give the BT the powerto transformthose institutions,people, and events into ideas, figures,and narrativesthat speak to the very values and concernsthat the BT holds dear. While real patriarchs,even the BT acknowledges,did not know 'Uqtzin, the patriarchof Babylonianlegend mustknow 'Uqtzin. BeitRabban NewYork,N.Y

The First Jews from Aleppo in Manchester: New Documentary Evidence Author(s): Yaron Harel Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 2 (1998), pp. 191-202 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486905 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:45 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

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THE FIRSTJEWSFROMALEPPO IN MANCHESTER: NEW DOCUMENTARY EVIDENCE by YARONHAREL ProfessorMeirBenayahu'scollectionof documentsincludesa contractual agreementbetweensome Jewishmerchantsin Aleppoand a hakhamby the nameof YeshayaAttia.In it, Attiaundertakesto go to the city of Manchester in Englandto serveas the spiritualleaderof a colony of Aleppinemerchants there.The documentis very importantbecauseit enablesus to fix, with a high degree of probability,the date of the foundingof the Aleppinecommunity in Manchester,the first of many communitiesof Jews fromAleppo in the West.Thedocumentalso shedslighton thereasonswhy Jewsemigratedfrom Aleppoto Manchesterandthe way in whichtheyorganizedintoa community in theirnew home. This articletracesthe backgroundof Jewishemigration from Aleppo to Manchesterand the model that the mothercommunityof AleppineJewryadoptedin dealingwith communitiesmadeup of emigrants fromAleppo.I Emigrationfrom Syria

Significantemigrationfrom Syria began in the mid-nineteenthcentury, but the scholarlyliteraturedealing with it hardlymentionsJews, focusing mainlyon Christiansandto a lesserdegreeon Muslims.P. Hitti,for example, in his study of the religious life of Syrianimmigrantsin the United States, This articleis dedicatedto the memoryof RaphaelElyadin,my teacherandfriend. 1. The Hebrewtext of the documentwill be foundat the end of this article.I am grateful to Prof.MeirBenayahufor havingplacedit at my disposal.

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statesthatJews are omittedbecausethey are an elementof AmericanJewry and not of the Syrian immigrantcommunities.2Until recently,scholarly Jewishemigrationin generalhas also almost writingon nineteenth-century of SyrianJews to the West.This is probably the movement totally ignored becauseof theirrelativelysmall numbers,comparedto the mass emigration fromEasternEurope.As a result,the settlementof SyrianJews in Western countrieshas hardlybeen touchedupon by researchersand is mentionedin only a few studies.3 Jewsbeganto leave Syriaduringtheperiodof Egyptianrule(1831-1840), mainly going to Egypt, but also to areasnot underEgyptiancontrol.4The restorationof Ottomandominationin 1840 and the introductionof reforms that promised equality before the law for non-Muslimsexacerbatedthe interethnictensionsin Syriancities.5The situationreachedits highestpitch of Aleppo(1850)andDamascus(1860) withattacksby theMusliminhabitants on the Christianresidentsof their cities.6The unrestculminatedin a wave of Christianemigrationto saferhavens.A considerablenumberof families, particularlyfrom the middle and upper classes, settled in Beirut, Egypt, Turkey,and Europe.7AlthoughJews were not botheredin these incidents, one may assumethatas a non-Muslimminoritythey felt the groundquaking beneaththeirfeet. As they undoubtedlyrealized,therewas no guaranteethat they wouldnot be the targetof the mob'sangerthe next time around.Hence, 2. P. K. Hitti, The Syriansin America(New York, 1924), p. 109. T. Philippalso deals marginallywith the JewishemigrationfromSyriato Egyptandits motivations.See T. Philipp, The Syrians in Egypt, 1725-1975 (Stuttgart, 1985).

3. The few studiesthathaveaddressedthis subjectareA. D. Sutton,MagicCarpet:Aleppo in Flatbush(New York, 1979);Z. Zohar,Traditionand Change[Hebrew](Jerusalem,1992), pp.22-27, andY. Harel,"Changesin SyrianJewry,1840-1888"[Hebrew](Ph.D.diss.,Bar-Ilan University,1992),pp. 380-383. 4. See A. Antebi, Mor ve-Oholot(Livorno, 1842), p. 94a, hoshen mishpat,n. 13; M. Labaton, Nokhah ha-shulhan (Izmir, 1868), p. 77a, hoshen mishpat, n. 24, p. 112b, hoshen mishpat, n. 24; hoshen mishpat, n. 39.

5. On this phenomenon,see Harel,"Changesin SyrianJewry,"pp. 139, 238-240. 6. On the Jewishview of the incidentsin Aleppo,see at lengthin my "Jewish-Christian Relationsin Aleppo as Backgroundfor the JewishResponseto the Eventsof October1850," International Journal of Middle East Studies 30, no. 1 (1998): 77-96. On the incidents in Damascus, see L. T. Fawaz, An Occasion for War: Civil Conflict in Lebanon and Damascus

in 1860 (London,1994). On the Jewishangle in these events,see Harel,"Changesin Syrian Jewry,"pp. 261-270. 7. M. Ma'oz, Ottoman Reform in Syria and Palestine, 1840-1860 (Oxford, 1968), p. 241.

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thesedisturbances motivation of mayverywell havebeenthesociopolitical theJewswhogradually weresweptup in thewavesof Christian emigration. Firstandforemost,however,it was economicconsiderations thatmotivatedthe JewishemigrationfromAleppo.Sincethe eighteenthcentury, AleppineJews had been very active in tradewith the portsof Europe, houseshadbecomethe mostimportant in the city, andJewishcommercial thoseestablished merchants fromEurope by "Francos," Sephardi particularly whosettledin Aleppoforbusinessreasonsandbecamepermanent residents.8 Thepresenceof the Francoswas beneficialto the localJewishbusinesses, whichbeganto developandprosperthroughtheirinvolvedin international trade,especiallywithEurope.In the mid-nineteenth century,foreigntrade hada strongeffecton the Syrianeconomy.Thanksto the specialcustoms dutiesgrantedto the Europeanpowersandto the lowerpricesof goods inEuropean manufactured fromthesecountries, factories, imports particularly fromEngland,increased.ThegrowingdemandforWestern productsin the citiesof theMiddleEastfurther enhanced theprofitsof theimporters. Withthepassageof time,international trademovedfromtheEuropean commercial housesandbecameconcentrated in localones.Thereasonsfor this werebotheconomicandpolitical.In the past,tradewithEuropehad beenmainlyin Western handsviamerchants fromEuropewhohadsettledin since the commercial houseshadnowayto developdirect Aleppo, European contactswithlocalmerchants. As themeansof communication andtransport thanksto thenewsteamships that"compressed" theMediterranean improved, visitedFrench,English,andothermajorEuropean Sea,Aleppinebusinessmen commercial cities.Atthesametime,merchants fromEuropecameto Aleppo. In this way, directcontactswere established,and both sides prospered. Towardthemiddleof thenineteenth families century, Aleppinecommercial to send or sons to them in began employees represent Europe, therebysaving the cost of payingcommercial housesin Europeto serveas theiragents. Suchdevelopments madeit pointlessforforeigners to maintain commercial in Aleppo,andthisenabledthe localJewsto further establishments expand 8. Onthe influenceof the Francos,theirconsularstatus,andtheirbusinessactivities,see A. Lutzky,"The'Francos'in Aleppoandthe Effectof the Capitulationon Its JewishInhabitants" [Hebrew],Zion 6 (1941): 46-79; Y Harel,"TheStatusand Imageof the PicciottoFamilyin the Eyes of the FrenchColonyin Aleppo"[Hebrew],Michael14 (1997): 171-186;idem,"The Controversyover RabbiEphraimLaniado'sInheritanceof the Rabbinatein Aleppo,"Jewish History 12, no. 2 (1998) (in press).

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theirbusinesses.9As a result,manylocal Jewishcommercialhousesbeganto importgoods fromLondon,Manchester,andLiverpool. The Jews of Aleppo played an increasinglygreaterrole in international trade.In 1857, for example,therewerenineJewsamongthe sixteenAleppine merchantsholding foreign nationalitywho submitteda petitionasking the British consul, Skene, to urge the Ottomanauthoritiesto build a jetty in the port of Alexandretta(present-dayIskenderun),throughwhich most of Aleppo's importand exportbusinesswas conducted.10 Eight years later, twenty-eightJewishmerchantswereamongthe forty-nineAleppineimporters and exporterswho submitteda complaintsubmittedto the same consul,this time asking him to press the Ottomanauthoritiesto cancel the planed transferof the customshouse fromAleppo to Alexandretta.The conclusion is inescapablethatin this periodJewishmerchantscontrolledoverhalf of the tradewith England.l" The politicalexplanationstemsfromthe shakysociopoliticalsituationin Syria,particularlydue to Muslimhostilitytowardthe Christianpopulation. Followingthe riotsmentionedabove,Europeansbecameincreasinglyapprehensive about continuingto do business in the Syrianmarket.They were replacedby natives of Syriawho settledin Europeancities, and hence also took over most of the profitsfromthe exporttradeto Syria.12 Manchesteras a Destination The industrialrevolutionthatbeganin Englandin the eighteenthcentury engenderedmany kinds of changes,includingthe accelerateddevelopment of capitalism,changes in the statusof workers,populationmovementsand 9. France,Archivesdu Ministeredes AffairesEtrangeres,Correspondance consulaireet commerciale,Alep, vol. 33, Bertrand,Alep, 21.3.1865;Sutton,Magic Carpet,p. 62 10. GreatBritain,PublicRecordOffice,ForeignOfficeArchives(FO.) 78/1279,Skeneto Stratfordde Redcliffe,Aleppo,July 28, 1859. The merchantswere membersof the Picciotto, Altaras,andGabbayfamilies. 11. F.O. 78/1865, Aleppo,Nov. 16, 1865. The familynamesof the Jewishmerchantsare Bejo, Gubbay,Shami, Ezra, Sacal, Dueck, Laniado,Sasson, Raffoul,Batis, Attia, Shalom, Shayo, Cassab,Ades, Cohen,Shamah,Sitton,Diab, Ziamma,Shalem,Silvera,Harari,Pinto, Tajer,and Hera.Some of these namesare signedon the documentin question.On the control of AleppineJews over most of the tradewith Europe,also see E. Neymark,Journeyin the Landof the East [Hebrew](Jerusalem,1947],p. 67. 12. See at lengthin A. L. Tibawi,A ModernHistoryof Syria(Edinburgh,1969),p. 139.

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growth, and a host of new social, economic, and political problems.The textileindustrywas one of the majorbeneficiariesof the far-reaching changes in manufacturingand internationaltradeit broughtabout.For hundredsof years,cottoncloth fromthe East,woven on manuallooms,hadbeen in great demandin the Westernmarket.Now, Englishfactorieswere able to produce cloth of very high qualityat lower prices.Therewas a growingdemandfor high-quality,inexpensiveBritish textile products,and Manchesterwas the foremostproducerandexporter.Thedemandextendedto countrieslike Syria, which had once been leadingproducersof textiles. Britishtextiles not only competedwith local goods, but outsoldthem. As a result,the manufacture of textiles in Syria, even for local consumption,becameunprofitable,and the exportationof textiles from Syria ceased to be a lucrativebusiness,as it had been in the past. In fact, the entireOttomanempirewas relegatedto the sidelines of the world economy,which was now centeredin capitalist Europe."1 Thanksto its commercialimportance,Manchesterattracteda greatmany immigrantsfrom all partsof Europeand the Middle East. In addition,the relativetoleranceenjoyedby Jews in England,which providedthemwith a refuge from the afflictionsthey sufferedin theircountriesof origin,turned it into a "land of promise"in the second half of the eighteenthcentury.14 Most of these immigrantswere poor people who engagedin peddlingand petty trade in London, Manchester,and other port cities. Some of them, though,were wealthymen who took advantageof the burgeoningeconomic developmentand engaged in commerce,banking,and the stock market.5 Several establishedcommercialhouses in Manchesterto exporttextiles to theirhome countriesand otherplaces. The colony of foreignmerchantsin

13. On this phenomenon,see at lengthin S. Pamuk,TheOttomanEmpireand European Capitalism,1820-1913 (Cambridge,1987). 14. On tolerancetowardJews in Britishsocietyuntilthe end of the nineteenthcentury,and its motives,see V. D. Rubenstein,"TheJewishEconomicElitein Britain,1815-1939,"in Jews in Economics[Hebrew],ed. N. Gross(Jerusalem,1985),pp. 325-329. 15. See D. Wilson,Rothschild:WealthandPower [Hebrew](Jerusalem,1991),pp. 24-25; S. D. Chapman,"NathanMeirRothschild'sEstablishment as a Banker,"in Jews in Economics [Hebrew],ed. N. Gross(Jerusalem,1985),pp. 304. See also W.F. Zenner'sforthcomingarticle, I thankProf.Zennerfor allowing "BourgeoisImmigrants:SyrianSephardimin Manchester." me to readhis manuscript.

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the city grew steadily,and by the end of the nineteenthcenturyit included 150 commercialhousesrunby immigrantsfromthe MiddleEast.16 TheBeginningofAleppineEmigrationto Manchester Accordingto Aleppinelore, the firstJewishmerchantfromSyriato visit Manchesterwas AbrahamBatis, a native of Kiliz, a town near Aleppo, in 1843.17 The 1851 census in Manchesterdoes not show any Jews from Aleppo,but the namesof two Aleppinefamiliesappearin the 1861 census.'8 Nonetheless,there is reliableevidence about an Aleppo Jew, Moses Asis, who was doingbusinessin Manchesterin the year 1854.19The documentthat is the basis of this articleenablesus to fix, with a high degreeof accuracy, the date when emigrationfrom Aleppo to Manchesterbecamean ongoing phenomenonratherthana sporadicact of individuals.The documentis dated 1859, and it mentions"severalyears"duringwhichJews fromAleppowere emigratingto Manchester.It thereforeseemsthatthe emigrationfromAleppo to England,as a permanentand ongoingphenomenon,began in the second half of the 1850s.20This dateis consistentwith the periodizationof Ottoman economic developmentin the nineteenthcentury.The years from 1820 to 1853 are regardedas the era duringwhich foreign tradeexpandedunder British hegemony,causing a decline in many branchesof manufacturein Syria, particularlyin textiles.21 Nevertheless,as the documentshows, the emigrationoccurredonly afterthe fact. At the outset,the Jews fromAleppo had no intentionof settlingin Manchester,but only plannedto remainthere for a limited time. Once they began to enjoy financialsuccess and to feel 16. F. Halliday,"TheMilletof Manchester: ArabMerchantsandthe CottonTrade,"British Journalof MiddleEast Studies19 (1992): 161. 17. J. A. D. Sutton,AleppoChronicles:TheStoryof the UniqueSephardeem of theAncient NearEast in TheirOwn Words(Brooklyn,N.Y., 1988),p. 58. 18. See B. Williams,TheMakingof ManchesterJewry(New York,1976), pp. 320-321, andZenner,"BourgeoisImmigrants." 19. F.O. 195/1113,Skeneto Elliot,Aleppo,Feb. 10, 1876. 20. Thesourcestestifyingto thefirstarrivalof ChristianmerchantsfromSyriaandLebanon in Manchesteralso indicatethatthisoccurredin the 1850s.See Halliday,"Milletof Manchester," pp. 164-165. 21. On the periodizationof the Ottomaneconomyin the nineteenthcentury,see Pamuk, OttomanEmpireand EuropeanCapitalism,pp. 10-17. On the declineof the textile industry, see ibid.,pp. 108-129.

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thatconditionswere conduciveto the establishmentof a communallife like the one they had known in Syria, they apparentlydecided to settle there permanently. A DistantSatelliteCommunity The Sephardiccommunityin Manchesterwas made up of descendants of Jews expelled fromSpainandPortugalin the fifteenthcenturyandrecent immigrantsfrom Baghdad,Morocco, and Aleppo. The Middle Easterners organizedinto communitiesseparatefromthe otherimmigrantcommunities. Unlike the AshkenaziJews, who settledin the northernand southernparts of the city, the immigrantsfrom the MiddleEast were concentratedonly in the northof Manchester.Theirisolationfromthe Ashkenazimincreasedtheir sense of being foreignersand theirdesireto strengthentheiridentityon the basis of their countryof origin. Since the AleppineJewishmerchantsfrom Aleppo in Manchesterwere organizedin a separatecommunityunderthe leadershipof a merchantby the name of Ezra Sherem,they maintaineda distinctlyindependentidentityeven amongthe city's Sephardim.22 Was there,alreadyat this stage, a deliberatedesireto remainapartfrom the rest of the Sephardicommunity?We do not possess enoughinformation to reply to this question.23In any event, the organizationof Manchester's AleppineJewsintoa separatecommunitywas madepossible,to a greatextent, by the supportthey receivedfrom theirtradingpartnerswho had remained in Aleppo.The latterfelt obligedto do theirutmostto help theircompatriots abroadcreatethe conditionsfora full Jewishlife.24Thiscommitmentstemmed from the Aleppo community'slong-standingtraditionof responsibilityfor its satellitecommunities.These communities,amongthemKiliz, Idlib,Urfa, Aintab,andAntioch,generallydependedon the Aleppocommunityfor their Since spiritualneeds, such as a rabbinicalcourt and religiouspersonnel.25 22. On the Jewish-Sephardic immigrantcolony in Manchesterand its development,see Williams,Makingof ManchesterJewry,pp. 319-325. See also L. Gubbayand A. Levy, The Sephardim:TheirGloriousTradition from the BabylonianExile to the PresentDay (London, 1992),pp. 207-208. 23. See the testimonyof ChaimNehmadin Halliday,"Milletof Manchester," p. 167. 24. Foran exampleof a complicatedcommercialpartnership, see J. Dayan,Zehketavyadi (Jerusalem,1986),p. 152, hoshenmishpat,n. 7. 25. See, for example,A. Dayan,Zikkaronle-nefesh(Jerusalem,1985),p. 56. Onthe supply of teachersand ritualslaughterersfrom Aleppo to the satellitecommunities,see Neymark,

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these communitiesdid not producetalmudicscholarsof their own, they utilizedAleppo'sreservoirof scholarsand hiredrabbisfor fixed periodsof time. The rabbis who took such positions had to be capableof fulfilling all the necessary functions,ruling on halakhicquestions,representingthe communitybeforethe authorities,and carryingout all the workof religious personnel--cantor,shofarblower,teacher,mohel (circumciser),and shochet The rabbiswho went to the satellitecommunitieswere (ritualslaughterer).26 often great Torahscholarswho were willing to acceptposts in places that were not Torahcenterseitherin orderto earna livelihoodor to advancetheir personalstatus.27 Until the mid-nineteenthcentury,Aleppo was surroundedby an inner circle of satellite communities.Duringthe second half of the century,an outer,distantcircleof new satelliteswas founded.Thisgroupwas madeup of the colonies of Aleppineemigrantsin Cairo,Manchester,Milan,New York, Buenos Aires, Mexico City, Sao Paulo, and many other cities throughout the world.28Althoughthese communitieswere not geographicallyclose to ties to it. To a great Aleppo, they had very strong spiritual-psychological these almost extent, daughtercommunities entirelypreservedthe Aleppo lifestyle in manyways. Theirlanguagecontinuedto be Arabic,theircuisine was Aleppine,and theirformof prayerand customswere the same as those of their communityof origin.29In addition,when emigrationto the West firstbegan, it was not thoughtof as permanentbut as a temporarysituation. Journeyin theLandsof theEast,p. 69. Onthe shipmentof etrogimandlulavimfromAleppoto the satellitecommunities,see, for example,R. S. Laniado,Beit dinoshel Shelomo(Jerusalem, 1982), p. 70, orah hayyim,n. 15; M. Dayan, YashirMoshe (Livorno,1879). See also Rabbi Yosef YadidHaLevi'scommentson Aleppo's influenceon the satellitecommunities,in his She'eritYosefpt. 1 (Brooklyn,N.Y., 1974),p. 326, evenha 'ezer,n. 1. 26. See, for example,the list of the virtuesof RabbiAbrahamDueckHaCohen,who left Aleppoto serve as the rabbiof the Antiochcommunityin the thirdquarterof the nineteenth century,as they are enumeratedby S. Dueck HaCohen,in EmetMe'eretz(Jerusalem,1910), pp. 27a-28a, n. 4. 27. See at lengthin Harel,"Changesin SyrianJewry,"pp. 75-76. 28. On the Aleppine immigrantcolonies in South and CentralAmerica,particularlyin Mexico City, see Liz Hamuide Halabe,ed., Los Judios de Alepo en Mexico (Mexico City, 1989);on the emigrationto America,see R. Chira,FromAleppoto America(New York,1994), and Sutton,Magic Carpet. 29. On the preservationof the Aleppine lifestyle in other countries,see, for example, withthe communityof originandclose ties to it were Sutton,AleppoChronicles.Identification of Syrianemigrationin general.See Halliday,"Milletof Manchester," characteristics p. 168,

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Since the earliestemigrantsdid not taketheirfamilieswith them,3" they sent the greaterpartof their income home, and this too militatedfor very close ties to the mothercommunity.The constantflow of newcomersfromAleppo reinforcedthe link with the home community,for they broughtnews and lettersfromfriendsandrelativesin Syria. In its relationshipto the distant satellites, Aleppo Jewry adoptedthe same model it had appliedto the innercircle of satellitecommunities.This explainswhy the merchantswho hadremainedin Aleppoundertookto send the hakhamYeshayaAttia to performthe religious functionsrequiredby the young communitytaking shape in Manchester.The patternof Aleppo sendinga rabbior Aleppineemigrantsabroadinvitingone becamean almost permanentfeatureof the formationandorganizationof Aleppinecommunities worldwide.As an example,we can cite RabbisShaulDavid Sutton,David Moshe Sutton, and Isaac Secheibar,who served in Buenos Aires, Rabbi MordechaiAttia, who was the head of the Aleppo communityin Mexico City, and RabbiYaacovKassin,who servedfor many years as rabbiof the Aleppine Jews in New York.3 At the outset, the deliberateand conscious self-segregationof immigrantsfromAleppoprobablystemmedfroma desire to alleviatetheirsense of foreignnessin theirnew homeby creatinga familiar settingthatremindedthem of theircommunityof origin.Lateron, however, this desirefor isolationmay have been reinforcedby a belief thatthe leaders andrabbinicscholarsof Aleppowere superiorto thoseof othercommunities. TheDocument Thedocumentwhichservesas a basis forthis articleis writtenon a single page, in Sephardicscript,and with the exceptionof the penultimateline is clearly legible. In Benayahu'scollection,there is a copy of the document, apparentlymade close to the time the originalwas written.The copy is also andK. H. Karpat,"TheOttomanEmigrationto America,1860-1914,InternationalJournalof MiddleEast Studies17 (1985): 193. 30. On the temporarynatureof their settlementabroad,see, for example,Dueck, Emet Me'eretz,p. 44b, n. 34. 31. On these rabbisand theirwritings,see Y. Harel,Sifreieretz:TheRabbinicLiterature of the Scholarsof AramZova [Hebrew](Jerusalem,1997), pp. 235, 216-217, 334, 280-287, 307-314.

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writtenin Sephardicscript,butthe middlesectionis defective.In addition,it differsslightlyfromthe original,althoughnot in substance.Forexample,in the originalthe name of the city is " nOfl'a",while in the copy it is written as "V~fnloV".Moreover,the signaturesof the partiesto the agreementdo not appearin the copy.The identitiesof the signatoriesarenotknownto me from other sources, althoughthe family names are well attestedin Aleppo, and most of themwere countedamongthe community'sfinancialaristocracy.

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"Into Life"??! Franz Rosenzweig and the Figure of Death Author(s): Zachary Braiterman Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 2 (1998), pp. 203-221 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486906 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:45 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

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"INTOLIFE"??! FRANZROSENZWEIG AND THEFIGUREOF DEATH by ZACHARY BRAITERMAN At the end of his short treatise Understanding the Sick and the Healthy,

Franz Rosenzweig predicatedthe restorationof what he called healthy consciousness upon the recognitionof death's sovereignty."[One] must direct [one's] life to no other goal but death,"he wrote. "A healthyman has the strengthto continuetowardsthe grave.The sick man invokesdeath and lets himself be carriedaway in mortalfear."Rosenzweigjuxtaposed the Grim Reaper with weary life. The healthy understandingknows that deathwill dash life to the ground.Yet it takes comfortfrom knowingthat deathwill accept it with open arms.In the end, eloquentlife falls silent as the eternallytaciturnone speaks,"Do you finallyrecognizeme? I am your In his notesto the Englishtranslation,NahumGlatzerremarkswith brother."' "This shock, concludingchapter--on death-stands in a strikingcontrast to the final passage of The Star of Redemption."As if to offset our text's moremordanttone,Glatzerthenquotesverbatimthe seeminglylife-affirming thatconcludeRosenzweig'smagnumopus.2Glatzeris nottheonly paragraphs commentatorto emphasizethe importanceof life in Rosenzweig'ssystem. Indeed,Else-RahelFreundnotes that The Star of Redemptionbegins with the phrase"fromdeath"and concludeswith the words "into life." In her

1. FranzRosenzweig,Understanding theSickand theHealthy:A Viewof World,Man,and God(New York:NoondayPress, 1953),p. 91. 2. Ibid.,pp. 101-102.

AJSReview23/2 (1998):203-221

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view, "fromdeathinto life" constitutesthe entiremeaningof Rosenzweig's existentialanalytic.3 In this paper I will critically reassess the importanceof love, life, revelation,speech, and social ethics in Rosenzweig'sthought.Alongside thesemotifs,I will arguethathis writingsexhibita prominentmorbidstrain. Against Glatzer,I will show why death'srevelationto life at the end of Understandingthe Sick and the Healthydoes not contradictRosenzweig's conclusionin TheStar of Redemption.AgainstFreund,I will arguethatthe figureof deathappearsbothat the beginningandat the end of Rosenzweig's magnumopus. Accordingto our view, Rosenzweignever turnedhis eye from the figure of death.Again and again, Rosenzweigdrawshis readers' attentionto deathand to the eternallife thatwaits beyondits gate. In order to makethis argumentstick,we will have to makesense of the lyricrefrains, "love is strongerthandeath"and "intolife." To widen our perspective,we will look at materialdrawnfromRosenzweig'slettersand diariesand from the YehudaHalevy commentary.By the end of this essay we will have a less thanluminouspictureof Rosenzweig.Tryingto bracketbiographical the side of Rosenzweigwe presentshowsa quietisticreligious considerations, thinkerpreoccupiedwith deathanddying as loci of enlightenment.4 I

"Colors,sounds,andthings-like Accordingto MauriceMerleau-Ponty, Van Gogh's stars-are the focal point and radianceof being."' Leaving Van Gogh's stars and the question of Being aside, our own analysis of Rosenzweig'sStar pays close attentionto the aestheticmarkersof light, silence, and spectacularvision. Rosenzweig consistentlycombines these 3. Else-Rahel Freund, Franz Rosenzweig' Philosophy of Existence: An Analysis of "The

Starof Redemption" (The Hague:MartinusNijhoff, 1979),pp. 3-5. Reflectionson HisLastDiaries," 4. See St6phaneMoses,"FranzRosenzweigin Perspective: in The Philosophy of Franz Rosenzweig, ed. Paul Mendes-Flohr (Hanover: University Press

of New England,1988), pp. 191-193. My analysiscoincideswith that of Moses in all but one respect.Moses also characterizesRosenzweigas a quietistfor whom love gives only spirituallife and mysticalvision. However,he does so on the basis of Rosenzweig'slatest, and unpublished,diaryentries.Moses concedesthatrealismandterrestriallife constitutethe ultimatewordin TheStarof Redemption.In contrast,we makeno suchconcession. 5. MauriceMerleau-Ponty, UniversityPress, 1964),p. Signs (Evanston,Ill.: Northwestern 15.

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figures to depict death and eternallife-even when he does not mention our theme explicitly.We have alreadyseen, in Understandingthe Sick and the Healthy, Rosenzweig associatinglife with eloquence and death with silence. The same associationsoccurin TheStar of Redemption.Revelation and redemptionrenderterrestriallife vocal throughthe auralphenomena of dialogueand choralsong--speech thinking.In vivid contrast,deathand eternallife representsilentfigures.As we areaboutto see, the appearanceof silence is a crypticsignalwith which to discussdeathandeternallife. Light also evokes these mordantthemes, an apocalypticfigure representingthe visual correlateof spectralsilence. We see the combinedimages of silence andlight at workin one suchexampletakenfromthe chapteron redemption. DescribingGod's final word, Rosenzweigwrites,"Godhimself must speak the ultimateword which may no longerbe a word. For it must be the end andno longeranticipation,while any wordwould still be anticipationof the next word.... In [God's]They,the We andthe Ye sinkbackinto one single blindinglight. Eachand everynamevanishes."6 Love ConquersDeath? Most interpretations of TheStar of Redemptionallow the readerto trace a line leadingfrom (1) an analysisof deathand the fear of deathto (2) an analysis of speech, love, social structure,and terrestriallife. PartI of the Staropenswithphilosophy'sattemptto anesthetizethehumanpersonagainst the fearof deathby directinghumanconsciousnesstowarda comprehensive "All"that would negate the realityof death.However,philosophyfails to cognize realityunderthe isolatedrubricsof God, world,or man.No single idea can subsumethe All, now shatteredinto three coeval fragments.In PartII, Rosenzweig sets himself the task of reconstitutingthis brokenAll throughthe course(Bahn)of creation,revelation,andredemption.Creation leaves us with a worldof manifoldobjectscrownedby death.Thatis, death consummatesthe object by fixing its identity once and for all underthe semantic-temporal sign of the perfecttense. At the same time, deathpoints Creation. beyond Rosenzweig writes, "the created death of the creature portendsthe revelationof a life whichpointsus beyondthe creaturelylevel."'7 6. Franz Rosenzweig, The Star of Redemption, trans. William W. Hallo (New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1970), p. 238. 7. Ibid., p. 155.

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By revelation,Rosenzw'eigmeansnothingmore and nothingless thanlove. In the analysis that follows, the readerdiscoversthat love is as strongas death. The createdworld presenteda world of manifoldbut dead detail. Revelationnow comes to animatethe individualfigure (in this case the individualbeloved soul) throughan experienceof sheerpresence,through the love between an I and a Thou.8Finally,the love betweenan isolatedI andThouassumescomprehensiverealitythroughthe mediumof redemption. This refersto the creationof a worldlycommunityunitedunderthe image of the choralsong. Redemptionunites the manifolddetail of epic creation with the lyricalimmediacyof love. In whatRosenzweigcalls the aestheticof nexus thatnow redemption,we have arrivedat an animated,interconnected subsumesthe All.9 The authorof TheStar of Redemptionpowerfullyaffirmslife and love. But what an odd statementwe have just cited in the last paragraph:"the createddeathof the creatureportendsthe revelationof a life whichpointsus In thispassage,Rosenzweigdoesnotreferto "death." beyondthe creaturely." He refers to "createddeath."This suggests the existence of two types of deathand dying. Indeed,we have a 1922 diaryentryin which Rosenzweig suggests that Revelation"overcomescreateddeathand sets up the rightof redeemingdeath. Whoeverloves no longer believes in death and only in When death."'"Combiningour two texts yields the followinginterpretation. in Rosenzweigstates the Starthat"loveis as strongas death,"we takehim to meanthatlove conquerscreateddeathbutnot redeemingdeath.Love allows the humanpersonto overcomethe createddeaththatthreatensthe healthy commonunderstandingwith paralysis.It therebyfrees the beloved soul to greetthe fraternalfigureof redeemingdeath,i.e., the deaththatcatapultsthe soul into eternallife. In sum, the coursechartedby Rosenzweigdoes not proceedfromdeath to love and everydaylife. Rather,it jolts backandforthfrom(1) the created 8. Ibid.,p. 193. 9. Ibid.,pp. 242-245. 10. FranzRosenzweig,Der Menschand sein Werk,GesammelteSchriften,I Briefe und 2 Bande,ed. RachelRosenzweigandEdithRosenzweig-Scheinemann, (TheHague: Tagebucher, MartinusNijhoff, 1979), p. 778 (emphasisadded).See the discussionof this letterin Moses, "FranzRosenzweigin Perspective,"pp. 191-192. See also WernerMarx,"Die Bestimmung des Todes im 'Sternder Erlosung'" in Der PhilosophFranz Rosenzweig(1886-1929), ed. Wolfdietrich Internationaler Schmeid-Kowarzik, Kongress(Munich:VerlagKarlAlberFreiburg, 1988),pp. 612-615.

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deathof creaturelyexistence to (2) love and terrestriallife and back again to (3) redeemingdeath and eternallife. As practicallyall of Rosenzweig's commentatorsagree, love (revelation)constitutesthe pivotal point in the system.It is caughtas a symbol of life in the midstof death.And it mirrors eternallife within the calendricaland ritualstructuresof terrestriallife. As such, the eternitydescribedthroughoutmuch of TheStar of Redemption's thirdpartis a static,cyclical repetitionin which the flow of time standsstill withinthe linearparameterof historicaltime." However,the light and love that reveal eternityin this-timemirrora faraway,supernatural sourcefrom beyondthe otherside of life. Immortality Freundpointsto the followingpassageto buttressher argumentthatthe move from deathto everydaylife constitutesthe meaningof Rosenzweig's thought.Describingthe final swell of the communalchoralsong of redemption, Rosenzweig proclaims,"The We are eternal:Death plunges into the Noughtin the face of this triumphalshoutof eternity.Life becomesimmortal in redemption'seternalhymnof praise."'2Indeed,deathlies vanquished,but not in the sense intendedby Freund.Freund'sreadingsuggeststhatthe choral form renderseverydaylife immortal.Othershave pointedto the messianic characterof Rosenzweig'sthought.However,in ourview, everydaylife and this-worldlymessianismdo not exhausthis understandingof redemption. Rosenzweiginsiststhat"thekingdommay buildits growthon the growthof life. But in additionit is dependenton somethingelse, somethingwhichfirst assureslife of the immortalitywhich life seeks for itself.""' Withthis otherworldlysupplementin mind,Rosenzweig'sconclusionto the redemptionchapterdoes not surpriseus. Immediatelyafterthe passage quotedby Freund,Rosenzweigpoints to the rabbinicsage Rav's depiction of the pious in the world-to-come.Rosenzweigcomments,"Foronly thus did the Rabbisdareto describethe eternalbliss of the worldto come, which differsfromthatever renewedpeace which the solitarysoul foundin divine love: the pious sit, with crownson theirheads,andbeholdthe radianceof the 11. StephaneMosbs,Systemand Revelation:ThePhilosophyof FranzRosenzweig,trans. CatherineTihanyi(Detroit:WayneStateUniversityPress, 1992),pp. 170-172, 223. 12. Rosenzweig,StarofRedemption,p. 253. 13. Ibid.,p. 225 (emphasisadded).

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manifestdeity."'4So ends the chapteron redemption.This image of eternal life in the world-to-comecombinesthe trope of light with the promiseof spectacularvision. Clearly,the veiled allusionto the luminousappearance of a deity become manifest(offenbargewordene Gottheit)does not belong to this-world.To borrowthe languageof Understandingthe Sick and the Healthy,this passage suggests that life and love propel the beloved soul towardthe goal of deathand the radiantvision describedby the rabbis.As we are now aboutto see, the holidaystructuresketchedin the thirdpartof the Star constitutesthe mirrorwith which the beloved soul preparesitself. Rosenzweig'srecourseto silence and light in PartIII of the Star will recall the descriptionof eloquentlife falling silent beforedeathin Understanding the Sickand the Healthy.It will also recallthe allusionto the lightperceived by the righteousin the world-to-come. Back into Life? (The SilentRitualCycle) At the end of the redemptionchapter(i.e., the end of the second part of the Star), the beloved soul has leaped from the gradualgrowthof the terrestrialKingdomto a radiantvision of eternallife. Rosenzweigmustnow directthe beloved soul back into life. In the introductionto the thirdpartof the Star,he warnshis readersagainstfanaticswho jump aheadto the final end-goal.By leapingaheadtowardthe goal, thebelovedsoul threatensto lose itself in the void. To counterthis danger,Rosenzweighas the Kingdomgrow in earthly,social time. Love must proceedgradually,loving only the most proximateperson (der Nichste) and then the next one withoutconcerning itself for the next-after(der Uberndchste).'5In a 1920 letterto RudolfHallo, Rosenzweigreiteratesthis pointwith the very samelanguagedrawnfromhis magnumopus. He tells Hallo thatwe shouldonly look at the next-moment (derNdchste)andforgetthe factthatwe candie atthenext-after-moment (der Uberndchste).Deathstandsbeforethe humanperson,forcinghim or herinto life (insLeben).'6Turningourattentionbackto theStar we see how theritual cycles of JudaismandChristianityandthehistoricaltrajectoryof Christianity contributeto the gradualgrowthof the Kingdomfrom one momentto the 14. Ibid., p. 253. 15. Ibid., pp. 270-271. 16. Franz Rosenzweig, Der Mensch und sein Werk,I, p. 662.

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next. As RobertGibbsnotes, the thirdpartof the Star representsa turning backto terrestriallife and social structures." However,the intertwinedtraceof deathand eternallife hauntsthe ritual cycle underthe tropes of silence, light, and spectacularvisions of a face. In the introductionto Part III, Rosenzweigassertsthat the silent common gesture(not the commonword) constitutesthe main componentof liturgy. Ritual signifiersare visual, not audible.Accordingto Rosenzweig,"They are the light, by which we see light. They are the silent anticipationof a worldgleamingin the silence of the future."'8 Elsewherein the introduction to Part III, Rosenzweig calls liturgythe reflectorthat focuses the light of eternityinto the small cycle of the year.It preparesthe soul for the ultimate silence of perfectunion.19This light is said to shine like a face, "likean eye whichis eloquentwithoutthe lips havingto move.Unlikethe mutenessof the protocosmos,whichhadno wordsyet, herewe havea silencewhichno longer has anyneed of the word.It is the silenceof consummateunderstanding. One glance says everythinghere."20 An eerie silence runs throughoutRosenzweig'sdescriptionof the holidays. The Sabbathsermon is supposedto beget unanimoussilence from its listeners.21 A few pages later, Rosenzweig contraststhe Sabbathwith the work week's chatterand noise.22The biblical pilgrimagefestivals of Passover, Shavuot, and Sukkot are supposedlymarkedby the common festivalmeal-an eatingthatpreparesthe soul for the ultimateexperienceof common silence.23However,the festivals prove unableto quiet the human soul. For this effect, Rosenzweigturnsto wordlessgesture(symbolizedby RoshHashanaandYomKippur).Havingonce metat the festivaltable,people greeteachothersilently.Echoingwhatthe literarycriticRussellBermancalls "fascistmodernism,"Rosenzweighas utopia representedby the army,the

17. RobertGibbs,Correlationsin RosenzweigandLevinas(Princeton:PrincetonUniversity Press, 1992). Cf. Moses, System and Revelation,and "FranzRosenzweigin Perspective"; RichardA. Cohen,Elevations:TheHeightof the Goodin Rosenzweigand Levinas(Chicago: Universityof ChicagoPress, 1994),pp. 70-71. 18. Rosenzweig,Starof Redemption,p. 295. 19. Ibid.,pp. 308-309. 20. Ibid.,p. 295. 21. Ibid.,p. 310. 22. Ibid.,p. 314. 23. Ibid., pp. 315-316.

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commonspirit,the knowledgeof belongingto thewhole,the flag---situations in which everyoneknows everyoneandgreetseach otherwordlessly.24 So far,Rosenzweighas only left veiled allusionsto light,perfectunion, and ultimatesilence. The discussionof deathbecomes explicit as the silent ritual cycle turns to the spiritualapex of Yom Kippur.On this day, the beloved soul wears a white shroud. In Rosenzweig's interpretation,the shroudtraditionallywornby Jewishmen on Passoverand at theirweddings challengesdeath.On these occasions,the shroudsignifieseating,drinking, andjoy. But on Yom Kippur,the shroudrepresentsthe attireof death.With the beloved soul standingalone before God on the Day of Judgment,the holidaycycle has reachedits crescendo.At the borderof life and death,this masculinizedJewishsoul perceivesGod'sface. In Rosenzweig'sdescription, "Onthe Days of Awe ... he confrontsthe eyes of hisjudgein utterloneliness, as if he were deadin the midstof life ... beyondthe gravein the veryfullness of living.... God lifts up his countenanceto this unitedandlonelypleading of men in their shrouds.. . . And so man to whom the divine countenance is lifted burstsout into the exultantprofession:the 'Lordis God': this God Yom Kippurrepresentsthe jubilantsoul's last of love, he alone is God!""25 confidentcry. The final word, we know from the chapteron redemption, belongsto God's silentmajesty. Fromthe spectacularvision of YomKippur,we returnto the yearlycycle and the mundaneinsecuritythat the holiday of Sukkotliturgicallyevokes. Of coursewe know thatthe rabbisin the Talmudmakethis biblicalharvest festival commemoratethe Israelites'wanderingin the desert.Rosenzweig takesup this themeto arguethatSukkotreinstatesthe realityof time in order For all that Rosenzweig to neutralizeYom Kippur'sforetasteof eternity.26 loves life, there is somethinganticlimacticin his descriptionof Sukkot. Everydaylife does not representthe highpointof Rosenzweig'scalendaror the apex of his system.To use a termdrawnfromclassicalmusic,we should rathersay that Sukkotfollows Yom Kippuras the diminuendofollows the crescendo!Fromthe apex of Yom Kippurat the borderof death,the ritual cycle has forcedthe belovedsoul backinto life, backintothe decrescendoof daily terrestrialexistence. 24. Ibid., pp. 321-322. 25. Ibid., p. 327. 26. Ibid., p. 328.

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Visionof the Face at the Gateof Death StephaneMoses and RichardCohen remindus that Rosenzweigwrites one last crescendointo the scoreof TheStarofRedemption.At the endof the text andthe coursethatit plots, the readerconfrontsa surprisingsight.27The beloved soul had brieflyperceivedGod's countenanceat the apex of Yom Kippur.Now, at the end of the Star the soul encountersa detailedvision of the divine face. In this last vision, the soul sees the eyes, ears,nose, and mouth of God. Accordingto Rosenzweig,the life of this face is gathered in the mouth. He writes, "The mouth is consummatorand fulfillerof all expressionof which the countenanceis capable,both in speech as, at last, in the silence behindwhich speech retreats:in the kiss." Havingdescribed God's face, Rosenzweigconcludes,"Butfor Moses, who in his lifetimewas privilegedonly to see the land of his desire,not to enterit, God sealedthis The face, of course,represents completedlife with a kiss of his mouth."28 the configurationof absolutetruth.God, world,person,creation,revelation, and redemptionform into the unitarypatternthat speculativecognitionhad failed to grasp.Not the lyric refrain"into life," but this vision of the face constitutesthe apex of the Star In our view, this climactic vision occurs at the gates of death. First, we note that the coupling of death and God's face had markedthe text's previoushighpoints.We saw allusivereferencesto the divine presenceand the divine countenanceat the conclusionof the redemptionchapter,where Rosenzweigdescribedthe rewardof the righteousin the world-to-come.A divine countenanceappearedagain at the apex of Yom Kippur.Oursecond reason for associating the appearanceof the face with death is textual. Rosenzweig concludes his depictionof the face with a referenceto God kissingMoses on the mouth.29At the end of the midrashictext Deuteronomy Rabbah,the rabbispictureMoses resistingthe Angel of Death.Since Moses refuses to yield to death,God must come and personallydrawout Moses' last breath.By citing DeuteronomyRabbah,Rosenzweig subtly links the spectacularvision of absolutetruthwith death'sadvent.We find a further warrantfor associatingthis appearancewith death in our third aesthetic marker:light. We have alreadyseen Rosenzweig associate light with the 27. See Moses, Systemand Revelation,pp. 284-286; Cohen,Elevations,pp. 241-267. 28. Rosenzweig,Starof Redemption,p. 423. 29. Ibid.

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rewardof the righteousin the world-to-come.Once again,now at the very endof the Star,we returnto thisfigure.Rosenzweigdescribesthe gateleading out of the mysterious,miraculouslight-filledsanctuaryin whichno mancan remainalive.30 IntoLife? From this climacticvision at the borderof life and death,Rosenzweig leadsthe soul backintolife. Miraculously,the visionvouchsafedhereis none otherthan the one perceivedin the midst of life: to do justice and to love mercyandto walk humblywith God. On a morepersonalnote, Rosenzweig explainsto Buberin a 1925 letterthat"intolife" cameto meanmarriedlife Thistouchingletter with EdithHahnandworkat the FreeJewishLehrhaus.31 (alongwith the last wordsof TheStarof Redemption)accordsperfectlywith the views of FreundandGlatzer."Intolife"meanseverydaylife. However,just becausethese arethe last wordsof the Stardoes not mean that "life"representsthe highest good in Rosenzweig'ssystem. We do not forget Rosenzweigdirectinglife to no other goal than deathat the end of Understandingthe Sick and the Healthy.Combiningour two texts, we take "intolife" to mean into life directedtowarddeath.It meanscomingto good termswith deathandovercomingthe fearof it thatwouldotherwiseparalyze In ourview, "intolife" representsa diminuendo! the healthyunderstanding. In the sameway thatthe grayrealiasymbolizedby Sukkotfollowthe spiritual apex of Yom Kippur,"intolife" follows the climacticvision of God's face like a decrescendo.Accordingto our reading,death, light, silence, and a spectacularvision of the truthrepresentthe highpointand highest good in Rosenzweig's thought.Indeed, in a 1923 letter,an ailing Rosenzweig reassureshis motherthathe couldnevercommitsuicide.A brutalpull toward life andan unboundedabilityto enjoyprecludethatoption.However,he goes on to say thathis life for him is but the second-highestgood. Thatit is not for him the highestgood he reallyfeels only in the tranquilitywith whichhe looks forwardto its end.32

30. Ibid., p. 424. 31. Rosenzweig, Der Mensch und sein Werk,I, p. 1062. 32. Ibid., pp. 921-922.

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The letterjust cited is admittedlylate. One could reasonablydismissits overall significanceby arguingthat it reflectsthe sentimentsof a mortally sick man. We could then cite lettersthat predateRosenzweig'sillness that supportGlatzer'sandFreund'sreadings.We have alreadyciteda 1920 letter in whichRosenzweiginstructsRudolfHallonot to worrythatwe mightdie at the next-after-moment. However,the LettersandDiaries showRosenzweig's morbiditypredatinghis disease.In a 1920 letter,his cousinWalterRaeburn confides that he has always recoiled from Rosenzweigin horror.Raeburn recountshavinglaughedat his morbidspeculationsin the face of happylife.33 Note Rosenzweig'sresponse.Withperhapsa traceof irony,he denies being melancholyand alien from life. RosenzweigthencountersthatRaeburnhas no right to privilege life over morbidspeculation.Raeburn'sown hatred for speculationwas itself too speculative.Rosenzweigthereforecounsels Raeburnto fear neitherRosenzweighimself nor his own talents,going on to suggest that our talentsare not our fault.34As we are now aboutto see, Rosenzweig'slettersoffer furtherproofof his speculativetalents.Morethan once, we will findRosenzweigdescribingdeathin termsof his own darkjoy, in termsof tranquilityand beauty.These letters,diaryentries,and personal accountsbolster our own suspicionthat Rosenzweig'stheoriesabout life, love, and eternallife mightthemselvesbe morbidspeculations. PrecociousReflections The firstreferencesto deathin the Lettersand Diaries take the form of playfuljokes. Inone 1907diaryentry,Rosenzweigconsidersthephilosophical possibilityof denyingdeath.Respondingto a hypotheticallyposed question, "Whatdo you thinkaboutdeath?",Rosenzweigcurtlynotes,"Thatit is a bad symptomto thinkanythingaboutit." He goes on to remarkhow strangeit is that he has absolutelyno relationto the topic. Clearlyjoking, the young Rosenzweig proceeds to offer a pseudo-Kantianargumentto supportthe notion of immortality.Qua physiologicalphenomenon,the humanperson does not die, becausehe or she is alreadydead.Quanoumenon,the human persondoes not die, becausehe or she has neverlived in time.35I do not want 33. Ibid., p. 684. 34. Ibid., pp. 685-686. 35. Ibid., p. 74.

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to dwell on a diaryentrywrittenby a precociouswit. At the same time, we note the irony thatthese reflectionsfollow the disavowalof any relationto the subjectof death.Best not to thinkaboutdeath,but Rosenzweigdoes so nonetheless. The laughingspiritwithwhichthe youngRosenzweigconsidersourtopic is not isolatedto this one diaryentry.We finda perfectexamplein Hermann Badt's 1908 account of Rosenzweig'smorningablutions.Coming to visit late in the morning,Badt finds Rosenzweigstill in bed. Badtthen proceeds to tease Rosenzweig about the length of time he takes preparinghimself. BadtrecordsRosenzweig'sresponse:a half-serious,half-jestinglectureabout the momentof daily awakeningfromnocturnaldeathbeing the greatestand most holy partof the day. In Rosenzweig'seyes, one could neverdwell too long on this daily renewal.He describesas truly happy he who not only consciouslyexperiencesthis daily reawakeningbut remainsconsciouseven at the momentof death,steppingfromthis worldto the beyond.36 Perhapswe beginto understandwhy RaeburnrecoiledfromRosenzweig. At the same time, Badt's more sympatheticaccountprovidesa fascinating window onto Rosenzweig's spiritualbiography.This early link between ritualand deathanticipatesthe morematurereflectionsfoundin TheStar of Redemption.In the Star rituallife reflectsthe light of eternallife into the narrowprism of temporallife. It helps the soul direct its journey toward the goal of death. In Badt's account, ritual practiceheightensthe soul's consciousnessof life's daily renewal.It preparesthe soul for the ultimate step. In this early source,ritualand deathcoalesce in the light-hearted jokes of an indolentstudent. Quietism Rosenzweigmaintainedanactiveinterestin deathas he matured.Ina 1917 letterto his cousin Hans Ehrenberg,he notes thateven animistsandpagans believein the soul'simmortality. Inhis eyes, corporealresurrection constitutes thereligiousconceptualization of deathparexcellence.Rosenzweigcontinues to talk about Christian,Jewish, and Germaniceschatologythroughoutthe remainderof the letter.37Scholarlypreoccupationsdo not, however,exhaust Rosenzweig'smatureinterestin death.In a 1917 letterto RudolfEhrenberg, 36. Ibid., p. 85. 37. Ibid., p. 358.

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Rosenzweig(now a soldieron the Balkanfront)informshis cousin thathe has no presentimentsregardinghis personaldestiny and maintainsa blind certaintyregardingthe importanceof his futureactivities.Eitherhe will die in battle,in whichcase God does not needhim.Thiswill sparehimworkand worry.Or,he will survive,whichwouldmeanthatGodneeds him to resume his duties.38Yearslater,the mortallystrickenRosenzweigrebukesHans for pitying him. Dying people are not sentimental,and he would not exchange placeswith anyone.39 ThatRosenzweigacceptsthe possibilitythathe mightnot survivethe war or that he later comes to accept his disease does not make him a quietist. Both letterslack the expressionof joy that we find in the following letter, datedMay 27, 1922. In this letter,Rosenzweigrespondsto his cousin and confidanteGertrudOppenheim'sregret at not being able to be with him duringthese troubledtimes. Rosenzweig tries to console Oppenheim.He reassuresher that one can only accompanya dying person so far,just as one can accompanya passengeronly as far as the railwaystation.Thenthe whistle blows and the traindisappears.Those left behindfeel only sorrow. However,the personactuallytakingleave forms a differentimpression.In additionto the sharedsorrow,he feels a "darkjoy" awaitingthatwhich is to come.40

Glatzerrenders"darkjoy" (dunkleFreude)as "obscureanticipation"--a translationthat does no justice to the eerinessof Rosenzweig'smetaphor.41 In our view, this peculiartranslationrecapitulatesGlatzer'sunwillingnessto grasp the mordantconclusionof Understandingthe Sick and the Healthy. The joy with which Rosenzweig anticipatesthe soul's departurebetraysa deep quietisticstrain.Earlierin this essay, we saw the diminuendoof "into life" followingthe ecstaticvision of the face in TheStarof Redemption.This letteronly confirmsour reading.Rosenzweigdoes not face the inevitability of dying with soberpoise. Ratherhe contemplateshis own demisewith the highly chargedfervorof a deeplyaffectedreligioussoul.

38. Ibid., p. 376. 39. Ibid., pp. 847-848. 40. Ibid., p. 788. 41. Nahum Glatzer, Franz Rosenzweig: His Life and Thought(New York: Schocken Books, 1953), p. 115.

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The Beautyof Death PerhapsRosenzweigacceptsdeathand moves towardit with a darkjoy becausehe findsit beautiful.We have alreadyseen the aestheticchargewith which Rosenzweigdescribesdeathin TheStar of Redemption.Deathmeans silence, light, and spectacularvision--not molderingbodies.A 1911 source finds Rosenzweigadoptinga similarlycontemplativepose towardold age. Workingon his dissertationin Berlin,he writesto his maternalgrandfather AmschelAlsbergon his seventy-fifthbirthday.Withtremendousfondness,he a living documentof the nineteenthcenturyandthe age calls his grandfather who (like of Bismarck.Rosenzweigthen playfullyrebukeshis grandfather, "allold people")wouldrathercomplainaboutold age ratherthanspeakwell of it. Rosenzweigoffersa differentstance.He claimsactuallyto look forward to old age as an opportunityto experiencea new relationshipto things.To Rosenzweig,old age meansa consummateanddetachedattitudeaccordingto which one can claim that"allthis reallydoesn'tconcernme."On this basis, Rosenzweigwon't sympathizewith elderlypeople who complainaboutold age.42

We have alreadyseen the passion,the darkjoy, with which Rosenzweig anticipatesthe end of life. In this letterwe see old age (the proximityof death)formingpartof a contemplativeandaestheticdistancefromterrestrial life. It is as if Rosenzweig might one day enjoy the act of dying even morethanlife itself. We findRosenzweigreflectingupona similarliminality that he had experiencedduring the war. Although Rosenzweig came to tire of the war,one cannotescape the impressionthathe spentmuch of his militaryserviceratherpleasantly.Thelettersfromthe frontshowhimreading, preparingarticles,lecturingthe officercorps. They show a wartimetourist charmedby the Jewishcommunitiesof Uskubin Macedoniaandof Warsaw. Rosenzweigalludesto similarpleasuresin a 1922 letterto Oppenheim.The mortallystrickenRosenzweigdescribeshis dailyroutine,filledwith lectures and reading.He admits that this sounds comical. Duringthe war, he had sometimesfelt the sameway,butnot frequently.Now he perceivesthis to be simplytrue.Accordingto the mortallyill sage, dying is morebeautifulthan living.43 42. Rosenzweig, Der Mensch und sein Werk,I, pp. 121-122. 43. Ibid., pp. 785-786.

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Deathand Life We conclude our analysis of the Lettersand Diaries with a letterthat shows Rosenzweig loving life and death. Before we begin to look at this letter, we want to note that it predatesthe disease that was to make the encounterwith death and dying immediatelypressing.In this 1918 letter, Rosenzweig attemptsto console his motheron the death of her husband, his father.He remindsher how duringthe war she wrote him how her life would cease if somethingwere to happento him. In contrast,Rosenzweig can think of no present or future loss that could alienate him from life. While every loss makes us more familiarwith our own death,no loss can bringus closer to it. No loss can expel us from the "houseof life." In the face of death, Rosenzweig stubbornlyupholdshis I and the unfathomable and surprisingtasksthateach day newly brings.Everyloss, by familiarizing one with death,makes one more preparedfor life. An interestingletter,it evokes Rosenzweig'slove of life and extraordinary sense of self. However, I "The less fear indeed the more I love it, death, Rosenzweig continues, I can live. the more freely Happinessand life are two differentthings,and it's no wonderthat men finally came to ascribebliss to the dead alone. In any event, it is not the portionof the living."44In our view, this strange condolencelettershows Rosenzweigloving deathlike the brotheridentified at the end of Understandingthe Sick and the Healthy.Writtenin 1918, this letterpredatesthe biographicalaccidentof his disease-just as Walter Raeburnhad suggested. III

It will not surpriseus to find similarreflectionsin the YehudaHalevy translationand commentary.Writtenafter Understandingthe Sick and the Healthyand beforethe Bible translation,Rosenzweig'sHalevycommentary Jewish representsone of the great literaryproductsof twentieth-century than Rather a scattered present thought. miscellany,he organizedthe Halevy poems and his own "notes" around a masterfullyarrangedtheological analysis.45We find in Rosenzweig'scommentariesthe same philosophical 44. Translated by Nahum Glatzer in Franz Rosenzweig: Life and Thought, p. 67 (emphasis added). 45. For a similar opinion, see Barbara Ellen Galli, "Placing the Halevi Book, Rosenzweig, and the Star," in Franz Rosenzweig and Jehuda Halevi: Translating, Translations, and

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acuity and heady lyricism that attractreadersto the Star: the attentionto language,the dialogicplay of revelation,passionatedescriptionsof the love bindingGod andhumansouls, the turntowardcommunity.At the sametime, the Halevy commentaryreveals the same morbidstrain:the preoccupation with deathand dying, the notionthatthe soul is boundto deathwithinlife, andthe pictureof the soul'sjoyful movementtowardthatdeath. "God" Rosenzweig organizesthe poems and commentariesinto four separate chapters.In the first chapter(entitled"God"),he has the poet take up the themesof revelation,the knowledgeof God,andreligiouspraise.Qualifying the choral shout describedin the Star, Rosenzweig recognizes the moral dangerposed by praisingGod. He knows thattoo manyhallelujahsthreaten to drownout the realitiesof evil andindividualsuffering.No one who wants to forget these has the right to praise God.46Suffering,however,performs a catharticfunction. God must shake the world until it collapses into a confusionof body and soul. In place of a proudspiritualorderthe soul finds religious confidenceamidsta chaos of humiliation.47 Rosenzweigends the chapterreflectingon the certaintyof divinehelp. He describesthe restrained joy that we are not gone, but live. Rosenzweigleaves his readerswith two kinds of certainty.The first reflectsthe easy certaintybelongingto one to whom help has been given. The deepercertaintybelongsto those who have reachedsuch deep despairthatthe memoryof past help has choked.When help has becomeunbelievable,it can only come fromthe farthestsource.48 So ends the chapteron God. The revelationof divine presence,the certaintyin divine help paradoxicallyrests on the experienceof suffering, dread,and despair.Rosenzweig'sfaith (in the catharticpower of suffering to transformhumanconsciousnessandrevealthe presenceof God) does not representa uniquetrustin modemJewishthought.The samerhetoricmarks the workof MartinBuberandAbrahamJoshuaHeschel.They too predicate

Translators, ed. Barbara Ellen Galli (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1995), p. 289. 46. Ibid., pp. 202-204. 47. Ibid., p. 208. 48. Ibid., pp. 211-212.

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WhatsetsRosenzweigapart divineencounteron the shockevokedby horror.49 is the excessivemorbiditythatcharacterizes fromhis fellow "existentialists" his thinking.BuberandHeschelneverseem to sharethe samepreoccupation with death and the world-to-comethat we find in the next chapterof the Halevycommentary. "Soul" In our text's second chapter(entitled"Soul"),Rosenzweig chartsthe soul's movementfromdespairto triumph.As promised,he does not buy this confidenceby turninghis readers'attentionaway from death.Once again, we find life and deathintimatelyentangled.RosenzweiginsiststhatJudaism couples a sensual, this-worldlyunderstandingof good with otherworldly life in the midst anticipations.He goes on to describethe poet apprehending of deathand longingfor worldly,sensualreward.Accordingto Rosenzweig, Halevy understoodthe full equivalenceof sensualand spiritualreward,of worldlyand otherworldlysalvation.This blendingof bothworlds,however, finds its boundaryat the point of death.While eternitymay here and there breakinto every earthlymoment,Rosenzweiginsists that only the clasp of eternityallows the soul to grasplife as a real,present,perfectedwhole."5 Rosenzweigends the chapteron the soul with the same confidencethat we saw in Understandingthe Sick and the Healthy.Deathdoes not frighten the soul which awaits its call home. Rosenzweigdescribesa floatingaway of immediatemusicalpoweras the poet introducesthe motif of deathinto a poem dedicatedto life. The calm certaintyof life in deathallows the refrain of life to rise moreandmoreexuberantly.Andfinally,the call "intolife"with whichthe soul greetsearthlylife allows it to enterthe "communityof souls." The poet has turnedfrom the today and here to the thereand always."5In the next poem, Rosenzweigdescribesthe poet glancingout of temporallife into the life of eternityon the day of deathas the soul surveysbothworlds.52 Finally, in the chapter'sconcludingnote, Rosenzweig summarizesall the 49. See Zachary Braiterman, (God) After Auschwitz: Tradition and Change in PostHolocaust Jewish Thought, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998), chap. 3. 50. Galli, Franz Rosenzweig and Jehuda Halevi, pp. 219-223. 51. Ibid., pp. 231-233.

52. Ibid.,p. 233.

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songs of the soul: the longingfor a vision of God,the certaintyof death,the heavenlyoriginof the soul and its desireto go home.53 "Zion" Thelastpoemsof theYehudaHalevybook(in thechapterentitled"Zion") recapitulatethe poet's leaving Spain,his sorrow,anticipation,and ultimate confidence.Rosenzweigtakesthisto meanthepoet'sovercominglamentation andlonging.Again,we findthe familiarpatternof dolefulyearningbreaking into delight.In the God chapter,Rosenzweighadarguedthatonly thosewho darenot forgetsufferingand deathare allowedto praise.Now, Rosenzweig evokes this very forgettingin terms of bright,manly consciousnessand clear,inspiredvision. The greatnessthatwill crownZion at the end of days overwhelmsthe memoryof thepeople'ssuffering.And so the poetforgetshis lamentin orderto rejoice.Thisjoy pointsbeyondmessianictrust.Rosenzweig concludes,imaginingthe poet carryingthisjubilantsong to his very death.54 This is the final, crowningimage of the 1927 YehudaHalevy commentary. Like Understandingthe Sickand theHealthy,this text also endson a note of "darkjoy."

IV The foregoingdiscussionhas left us with what is perhapsan unfamiliar pictureof Rosenzweig. We do not call Rosenzweiga quietistbecause he acceptsthe finalityof death.One can soberlysharethis view withoutbeing "morbid."Rosenzweig'squietismshows itself in the intensitywith whichhe directshis readers'consciousnesstowarddeath,in the jubilantconfidence with which he describesits spiritualsignificance,and in the beautifulfigure he makesof it. I do not wantto ignorethe readingsof Rosenzweigpresented by recentscholarslike Gibbs,Cohen,andGalli.Rosenzweig'sdramatization of life andlove, his speechthinking,andsocialethicsremainlastinglegacies. However,Rosenzweig'swritingsreveala radiantview of deaththat strikes a discordantnote in a post-Holocaustworld.UnlikeDeuteronomyRabbah's Moses,Rosenzweigdoes not turnawayfromthe Angelof Deathin disgustor 53. Ibid., pp. 234-235. 54. Ibid., pp. 285-6.

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beatit backwith a stick. In ourview, Glatzerwas rightto havebeen shocked by the conclusionof Understandingthe Sick and the Healthy.Rosenzweig seems to love deatha little too much. I would not want to concludethis essay withoutmentioningthe refrain withwhichRosenzweigendstheStar Clearly,Rosenzweigmovesthebeloved soul from the gates of deathback "intolife." But does Rosenzweigturnits back on death?Does he turnour attentionaway from it? We have already answeredthis question,but withoutthe following comparison.Readersof WalterBenjaminwill all recognizePaul Klee's angel flying into historical time with its face pointed towardthe ruinedpast. Klee's sad angel flies backwardstowardthe terminusof history.Rosenzweigsuggeststhe reverse movement.The beloved soul has jumped aheadand reachedthe endpoint of humanlife and thought.It does not want to die. It wants to live. With nowhereleft to go but throughthe luminousgate, it stepsbackinto life. But the beloved soul does not (as it were) turn away from death and fly face forwardback into life. Instead,the soul backsbackinto life, its face pointed with a darkjoy towardspectacularlight. Syracuse University N.Y. Syracuse,

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Haym Soloveitchik Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 2 (1998), pp. 223-234 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486907 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:45 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

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REVIEWESSAY 'OLAMKE-MINHA GONOHEG by HAYMSOLOVEITCHIK Yishaq(Eric)Zimmer.'Olamke-MinhagoNoheg.Jerusalem:MercazZalman Shazar,1996. 327 pp. This two-prongedstudyis a workof soundand soberscholarshipand of sterlinghonesty.The firstsectioncomprisesa studyof the courseandfate of ten religiousrequirementsor customs.Amongthose addressedis the history of the male headcovering(yarmulkeor kippah),a topicpreviouslysubjected to all types of tendentiousstudies,whichreceiveshereits firstobjectiveand comprehensivepresentation.A second studyis thatof pe'ot (earlocks)and its fate over the courseof two thousandyearsof Jewishhistory.Next, comes a fascinatinghistory of prayergestures--bowingor prostration,closed or open eyes, clasped,foldedor outstretchedhands,immobileor swayingbody (shokln,in Yiddish).All these stanceswere adoptedby one communityor anotheroverthe courseof the pasttwo millennia,andin a pathbreaking study, Zimmerprovidesus with a comprehensivesurveyof the Jewishposturesof prayer.Certainstrangepracticesin some communitieson the afternoonof the Ninthof Av aretheninvestigated,as is the fateof a numberof variantsin the prayerbook.Eatingindoors,ratherthanin thesukkah,on SheminiAzeret, a practicewe associatewith Hasidicgroups,is traced,in all its vicissitudes, back to a family in the eleventh-centuryRhineland.The section concludes with an enlighteningstudyof the disappearance in EuropeanJewryof one of the standardrequirementsof mourning,'atifatha-rosh. The second section of the book addressesthe issue of culturalcleavage-the rift in many areas of religiouspracticethat occurredin the late AJSReview23/2 (1998):223-234

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Middle Ages between western and eastern Germany,known as Minhag Rheinusand Minhag Ostreich.This split continueduntil the Holocaust,as Poland adoptedearly on the "Rite of Ostreich,"while Germanywest of the Magdburg-Regensburg line, whichincludedsuchfamedcommunitiesas Mainz, Wormsand Frankfurt(a. M.), remainedtrue to the old Rhineland traditions.The differencesbetweenthe rites are manyand seem to formno pattern.Zimmermakes the first systematicstudyof nine of these different practices,from menstrualand postnatalsexual abstinenceto the orderof lightingHanukkahlights (left to rightor rightto left) and seeks to come up with some commondenominator. Zimmercautiouslysuggests an idea or two, but candidlyadmits that they remain unprovedand that no clear explanationhas been found for this culturalrift, nor has any patternbeen discoveredin the strangeand manifoldways thatthis fissureexpresseditself. Not surprisingly,as cultural cleavages and boundaryformationsare among the most bafflingproblems in history,and in theirfinal formsthey often combinethe most centralwith the seemingly trivial. That the geographicline that linguisticallydivided northernand southernFrance into the lands of langue d'oc and langue d'oil shouldroughlycoincide with thatwhich separatesRomanesquefrom Gothic architectureseems to us, if not explicable,at least credible.That both should coincide with the geographicline separatingsharplysloped roofs made of flat tiles from gently sloped ones made of curvedtile seems somewhatridiculous.Or take a more analogousexample,one drawnfrom law. France in the Middle Ages was divided not only linguisticallybut also legally;it housedtwo differinglegal systems.The famedKlimrathline which divides pays de droit &crit(countryof Roman law) frompays de droit coutumier(countryof Germaniclaw) is almostidenticalwith the one separatingthe zones using differentterms for a mare (cavale or jument). (No disagreement,mind you, aboutwhat one called male horses--or dogs or cats, or any other animalfor that matter-just aboutthe word used for femalehorses.)And when one addsto the problemof culturalcleavagethat of the diffusionof legal customaries-such disseminationsoften hinge on the origins of the early settlers,marriagealliancesamongelites who made or interpretedthe laws and enforcedthe practices,zones of sharedculture as reflectedby commondialectandpronunciation-itseems naiveto expect that an initial survey, seeking to trace for the first time the origins and courseof nine such differences,shouldyield the whys andwhereforesof the complexculturalcleavagethat occurredduringone of the least (internally)

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documentedperiods in centralEuropeanJewish history,in the harrowing 150 yearsthat followed the Black Plague. Zimmerdraws attentionto six forces that had a significantimpacton religiouspraxis:Palestiniantraditions,which were especiallyactive in the Ashkenazicculturein the HighMiddleAges; GermanPietism,whichshaped the formationof the Austrianand Polish rite (MinhagOstreich)in the late middleages; Safedicmysticism,whichoftengeneratednew ritualsor swung the balancein favor of one competingpracticeover anotherin the course of the late sixteenthand the seventeenthcentury;culturalmilieu, such as thatwhich led to the abandonmentof 'atifatha-roshin mourning;physical environment,as in the instanceof the colder climatein Polandleadingto in manycirclesof eatingin the sukkahon SheminiAzeret; the abandonment and finally,the pervasivepresenceof the "ritualinstinct,"popularintuition thathas been so carefully as to whatwas or was not religiouslyappropriate, detailedby JacobKatzin TheShabbatGoy. The scholarshipmanifestedthroughoutthe studyis meticulous,and the integrityin acknowledgingthe help of others and the circumspectionin drawingconclusionssimply admirable.Thereis little thatthis reviewercan do exceptmakea correctionor registera demurrerhereandthere,andthento sharesome thoughtsaboutsome of Zimmer'slargerconclusions.If I caution abouta numberof Zimmer'sinferences,it is not becausehe has expressed them incautiously-far fromit, he is the very soul of caution-but because of the strangealchemyof grammatical moodthatoccursin scholarlycitation. Conclusionsstatedby an authorin the subjunctivemood oftenemergein the writingsof othersin the indicativeone. First,to some addenda,corrigendaanddemurrals: Pp. 72-113. This chapteron prayergestureswouldbe enhancedif placed alongsideof RudolphSuntrup'sDie Bedeutungder liturgischenGebaerden und Bewegungenin lateinischenund deutschenAuslegungendes 9 bis 13 Jahrhunderts(Munich, 1978). Jews may well have consciously avoided commonalitywith Christianreligious gestures;they would, however,have sharedthe common gestures of the surroundingsociety, much as we, for example,show approvalby clapping.Forthis reason,Suntrup'sstudyshould be complementedby FrangoisGamier'sLe languede l'imageau moyenage, vol. II, Grammairedes gestes (Paris,1982),a veritableencyclopediaof what each gestureandbody positionthenmeant. Pp. 83-84. One shouldaddthe outspreadhandsdescribedby R. Mosheh of Coucy, the authorof the Semag, in the prayerpublishedby Y. Gilat in

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Tarbiz27 (1958/9): 56. This source,in turn,would be illuminedby Heinz Demisch, ErhobeneHaende: Geschichteeiner Gebaerdein der bildenden Kunst(Stuttgart,1984). Bohemia P. 129. Spanish influenceon the rites of fourteenth-century seems to me implausible. P. 136. The authorof the Commentaryon Tamidis not R. Baruchof Worms,who authoredthe Sefer ha-Terumah.Urbach'sarguments(Ba'alei ha-Tosafot,rev. ed., vol. 1, pp. 354-360) on the matterare convincing.He is, however,a pupil of R. Samuelhe-Hasid,which is yet moreto Zimmer's point.Nevertheless,I fail to see whatevidencethereis thatHasideiAshkenaz were instrumentalin the desuetudeof the daily priestlyblessings (nesi'at kappayyim).If they demandedtevilat ba'alei qeryyin for prayerand, a fortiori,by Zimmer'sconjecture,for nesi'at kappayyim,they obviouslymet thatrequirementregularly,for they certainlyprayeddaily.Why then should they not have had priestlyblessingsdaily?If Zimmerwishes to attributeto HasideiAshkenazthe strangedoctrineof the SeferMiqsa'ot, why then did they bless on holidays?Do menstrualcycles cease on yamimtovim? Pp. 163-74. In his treatmentof sukkahon SheminiAzeret,ourauthorhas omittedthe characteristically originalpositionof R. Judahben Kalonymus in his YihuseiTannaimve-Amoraim(ed. Y. L. Maimon),pp. 329-330. It deserveswider currency,as it is the most cogent argumentever made for eatingindoorson SheminiAzeret. Pp. 194-195. Zimmer's bibliographicalreferencesto medieval dress are adequatebut somewhatdated;e.g., H. Weiss,Kostumekunde (Stuttgart, 1876). He might considerupdatingthem in a subsequentedition,using the bibliographyfoundin JoachimBumke,HoefischeKultur(Munich,1982) II, pp. 821-823. P. 216. The geographicdivide between Minhag Rheinusand Minhag Ostreichpresentedby Zimmer,based,I assume,on the informationcontained in the discussionof suet (pp. 250-261), is practicallyidenticalwith the line between Ashkenaz and Kenaandrawnby Max Weinreichin his History of the YiddishLanguage(p. 46). Weinreich'sdiscussionof the origins of the "Knaanite"settlement(pp. 79-91 and passim),while certainlyopen to question,is directlyrelevantto the problemthat Zimmeraddresses(e.g., pp. 234-235), and use of Weinreich'swork on this issue, not to speak of his discussionof Lotter(pp. 330 ff.), and the relationshipbetweeneastern Yiddishandeast-centralGerman(pp.448 ff.), wouldhaveenrichedZimmer's argument.One cannot overemphasizethe fact that while the differences

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between Ostreichand Rheinusexpressthemselvesin halakhahand liturgy, the divide itself is cultural,and such culturaldeterminantsas languageand demographicoriginsneed play a largerole in any analysisof thesefissures. to HasideiAshkenazof thegrowingtendency Pp.233-235. Theattribution in easternGermanyto abstainfromsexualrelationsduringthe entirepostnatal period (yemei.tohar,40 days afterthe birthof a son, 80 days afterthat of a daughter)seems to me forced. An ambiguousline in a manuscriptof the Pane'ah Raza seems somewhatthin evidence in the absence of any corroborationin either Sefer Hasidim or the writingsof Rokeah.Indeed, R. El'azarRokeahexplicitlypermitssexual congressduringthis period(p. 234). HIasideiAshkenazwere very stringentwith regardto contactbetweena womanandanysancta-sacred objects(sifreitorah),places(synmenstruant agogue),andacts (prayer).Full distance(harhakah)betweenspousesduring the menstrualperiodwas also advocatedto best avoid sexual temptation,a humanfailingof whichHasideiAshkenazwereonlytoo well aware.However, to the best of my knowledge,thereis no evidencethatthe GermanPietists advocatedsexual abstinenceover and above what the law demanded.For all its asceticismin othermatters,SeferHiasidimmanifestsan ample,almost lusty endorsementof maritalsex. If the widespreadpracticeof postnatal abstinenceobtained,Hasidei Ashkenazmight well have gone along, but I have difficultyenvisioningtheminitiatingsuchprotractedcontinence. I would also cautionhim on citingAuerbach'seditionof the Eshkol(pp. 31, 221, 226, 244, 253). The earlyyearsof the twentiethcenturywitnesseda bitterconflictoverits authenticity.ShalomAlbeck,the editorof a second,and muchsmaller,text of the Eshkol,launcheda vituperativeattackon Auerbach afterhis death,attackingnot only Auerbach'sjudgment,butalso his integrity andthatof his widow.Not surprisingly,some leadingscholarssprungto the defense of Auerbach'sgood name andpublisheda pamphletentitledSidqat ha-Saddiq.Upon its appearance,Auerbachappearedvindicated.With all respectto the good will of these trulydistinguishedscholars,the pamphlet is long on encomia and short on argument.Seen now, from a perspective of some three-quarters of a century,Auerbach'sEshkol appearsas a clear forgery,incorporatingargumentsfoundin sixteenth-,seventeenth-,andeven eighteenth-century writings.This is not to say thatAuerbachhimselfforged the manuscript.He may well havebeen duped.Whenhe beganworkingon it, in the mid-nineteenthcentury,manuscriptpublicationof medievalhalakhic workswas in its infancy,and little was then knownof the state of halakhic Provence.Be thatas it may,theworkremains thinkingin mid-twelfth-century

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a forgeryand shouldnot be used for historicalpurposes.I should,perhaps, add that Zimmer'scitationsof Auerbach'sEshkolare never crucialto his argument.Theireliminationin no way altersthe portraithe has drawn. And now to the largerconclusions: I would take exceptionto Zimmer'soccasionalpenchantfor explaining an inexplicabledevelopmentby attributingit to "Palestinianinfluence."For example,I do not see the evidence for the Palestinianoriginsof swaying, shakingbodily gesturesin prayer(pp. 211-212). A referenceor two (pp. 100-101) to the literatureof theyordeimerkavah,the Palestinianvisionaries of ecstatic ascent, seems an inadequatesupport.Ecstaticvisionariesmay well have trembledin prayer,but have we any evidencewhatsoever,from the midrashimor the TalmudYerushalmi,that ordinaryPalestinianJews swayedand"shokld"in theirprayers?(Truthto tell, we cannoteven findthe putativereferencein the hekhalotliterature[ibid.,n. 164].)Thereis, indeed, to manyAshkenazicpractices.Thiswas pointedout a Palestiniansubstratum in the earliestdaysof Wissenschaftdes Judentums, andhasbeenemphasized, in perhapsoveremphasized, recentyears.However,unlessa Palestinianorigin can be shown,adducingit withoutproofis, to my mind,to proffera panacea ratherthana solution.In fairnessone shouldaddthaton the severaloccasions thatZimmerdoes tenderthis solution,he cautiouslytags it with a "perhaps." Zimmerattributesto the colderclimes of Polandthe desuetude,in many Hasidiccircles, of sittingin the sukkahon SheminiAzeret.If climatewere a sufficientexplanation,there shouldhave been a disappearanceof sitting in the sukkahon Sukkotitself. Climate,then, is a necessarybut scarcely sufficientconditionfor this deviationfrom the norm.I would suggest that on SheminiAzeretwas establishedon anoriginalfaultline, and sukkah-sitting its observanceultimatelycrackedunderthe joint pressureof colderclimate and the changein religiouscalendarthat occurredin easternEuropeas the Safediankabbalahmade ever greaterinroads,especially among Hasidim. Allow me to explain.TheTalmud(Shabbat23a),whendiscussingthe second day of yom tov (yom tov sheni shel galuyyot),statesthat,strictlyspeaking, one shouldnot recitea blessingon the commandments performedthatday,as, for example,the secondnightof the seder.However,werethe rabbisto have institutedthe second seder, for example,withoutthe appropriate blessings over matzahand maror,people would not take the second-dayceremonies seriously (de-lo 'le-zilzuleibah). They made one exceptionto this policy, sukkahon SheminiAzeret-where theyinstitutedsittingwithouttheblessing, and,in the fullnessof time,the exceptionprovedthewisdomof therule.It did

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not have to happen,and in most lands,indeed,it did not happen.In Poland, however,the frequently,bitterautumncold made sukkah-sittinga genuine burden.Jews had sacrificedmuch for their religion, and no one dreamed that severe chills suspendedthe demandsof religion, and Jews dutifully sat in sukkotthroughoutthe Sukkotholiday.SheminiAzeret,however,was a differentmatter.Sukkah-eatingon that day was clearly a second-class commandment.Evidence--it did not even merita blessing,unlikeall other on Shemini second-daymisvot.Andby the 1640s,the laxityin sukkah-sitting the as the remarks of in was Azeret super-commentators widespread Poland, on the Turandthe ShulhanArukhclearlyindicate(pp. 168-169). Commonthough it was, it was not yet characteristicof any group.In the course of the next century,the growing influenceof Safedic kabbalah transformedHoshanahRabbahinto a day equal to-indeed, greaterin its momentousirreversibilitythan-Yom Kippur.On this day, the final and irrevocablejudgment on every individualwas rendered.The tension of JudgmentDay stretchednow, not fromthe firstof Ellul(whenselihotbegan) to Yom Kippur,but some fifty-twodays-all the way to HoshanahRabbah. Justas mos'eiYomKippurin Templetimesbecameanoccasionof celebration, as the accumulatedtensions of that awesomeday foundrelease, so mos'ei HoshanahRabbah,the night of SheminiAzeret,becamean eve of Hasidic celebration.Haqqafotwere shiftedfromSimhatTorah,andthe festivitiesof SheminiAzeret far exceeded those of its sister holiday.Such celebrations could scarcelybe held outside in the cold Octobernights, and the festive eatingand drinkingcould take place in the sukkahonly with difficultyAnd so sukkah-eatingon SheminiAzeretfell into desuetudeamonglargebodies of Hasidim.The northernclimate,indeed,played a role in this disuse, but withoutthe originalfault line of "no-berakhah" and the shift in date of the climax of the the autumn cold, year, sharp by itself,I wouldsuggest, religious wouldhave been insufficientto effect any large-scalechange. Zimmerdraws upon Ta-Shema'simportantarticle on the presenceof numerouspupils of R. Judahhe-Hasidin Slavic countries.Ta-ShemaconjecturedthatR. Judahhe-Hasidmoved from Speyerto Regensburgbecause of the oppositionthathe encounteredin the old Rhinelandcity to his radical programand sought out the "frontier"zone as being more receptive to his innovativeideas. Similarly,pupils of his settled in the East precisely because in the new settlementsthere was a greaterchance of instituting Hasidicdoctrines.Adoptingthis line of thought,Zimmmersees in German Pietism a major force in shapingthe rite of Ostreichand Poland.It is an

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interestingthesis and certainlyworthpursuing.It shouldbe noted,however, thatRegensburgin the twelfthcenturywas a burgeoningcommercialcenter. Situatedon the Danube,it was a gateway city to tradewith southeastern Europeandthe landsof Islam,andquitepossiblywas also alreadyplayinga centralrole in financingthe Ostsiedlung.And Jewishsettlementin medieval To askwhy R. Judahhe-Hasid times often followedcommercialopportunity. settledthereis to equallyask why otherprominentTosafists,suchas R. Isaac ben Mordecai(Rivam),R. Isaac ben Jacob(Ri ha-Lavan),R. Ephraim,R. Baruch,and R. Shemaryahhad all made their new homes in Regensburg. Moreover,Regensburg,while considerablyeast of the Rhineland,was no tabularasa, waitingforthe imprintof somedistinguishedemigre.It houseda distinguishedline of GermanTosafists,who antedatedR. Judahin residence by a half century.More significantly,it was the seat of one of the most venerableJewishcommunitiesin Germany,whoserecordedhistorystretched back as far as that of the Rhinelandcities. It is customaryto picturethe expansionof the GermanJewishcommunityas radiatingeastwardfromthe settlementson the Rhine.The writtenrecord,however,documentsthe simultaneousemergencein the tenthcenturyof Jewishcommunitiesbothalongthe Rhinelandandin the tradingcentersnearandalongthe easternbordersof the Empire-Regensburg,Magdburg,Merseburg,and Prague.True,the oldest academieswere in Mainz and Worms,but the other ancientcommunities were scarcelydeferentialabouttheirlocal customsandpractices.R. IsaacOr Zarua-who numberedR. Judahhe-Hasidamonghis teachers-juxtaposes, with no sense of inferiority,the traditionsof his nativeBohemiawith those of the Rhineland. As to the alleged influenceof GermanPietismon the EasternRite, we woulddo well to remembertwothings.First,richandimportantas Ta-Shema's articleis in the new informationthatit providesaboutlittle-knownmedieval Polisherudites,the connectionsbetweenthesescholarsandHasideiAshkenaz remain,nevertheless,conjectural.For example,thatthe scholarR. Ya'akov ha-Kohenbelongedto thecircleof GermanPietistsis basedon the assumption that the Ya'akovha-Kohen(not a very rareor distinctivename)mentioned in the halakhicsourcesis one andthe samepersonas the Ya'akovha-Kohen mentionedin a now-lostkabbalisticmanuscript.All thatwe know for certain is thatR. Judahhe-Hasidhad Slavicpupilsin his Bible classes. Thereis no evidence that these easternstudentswere scholarsof any standingor that they exercisedany authorityin theirhomeland.Second,andmoregenerally, we shouldbe open to the presenceof Frenchinfluenceon the easternborder

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of the Empire, a notion not as surprisingas it may first sound. In the latterhalf of the twelfth century,some Germanscholarstraveledto France to study underRabbenuTam, and in the thirteenthcenturythis westward student migrationbecame widespread.Indeed there is scarcely a single Germanscholarof note who did not spendconsiderable thirteenth-century time in Frenchacademies).'This means that Germanand Frenchscholars not only formedone intellectualcircle,butalso experiencedschool-bonding; andfriendshipsformedfromliving andstudyingtogetherin adolescenceand earlymanhoodhave provento be one of the firmestbasesof futurecontacts. Frenchhalakhicculture,moreover,was continuouslyrising in prestige, as Germanstudentsflocked to France,while few Frenchstudents,if any, studied in Germany.In mid-thirteenthcentury,Magdburg,on the eastern periphery,referreda questionto Normandy,to R. Samuelof Falaise,who, sick at the time, askedhis pupil, the futureR. Meirof Rothenburg,to copy out his response;2and in 1291, a plaintiffin Goslarwantedhis case judged by "Frenchrabbis."3The fortunesof FrenchJewrydeclinedsteadilyunder Louis IX and Philipthe Fair,and manypeople lookedaboutfor otherlands of opportunity.We know of a steady streamsouthward;is it unreasonable to think of a migration,at least of the elite, eastward?The new German settlementsneeded men of learning,and the "old school network"was in place,a skeinof friendshipsthickeninghereandthereintonodesof influence, thatcould ease the placementof past comradesandcolleagues,the would-be Frenchemigres. Not surprisingly,then, does R. Hayyim Paltiel become the rabbi of His Sefer ha-Minhagimmay well underliethat of R. Abraham Magdburg.4 Klausner,which played so decisive a role in the formationof the Minhag Ostreich.If correct,we wouldbe facedwitha majorFrenchcomponentin the EasternRite.5And let us not forgetthe settlementin Regensburgin the course 1. See AJSReview1 (1976): 349. 2. TeshubotR. MeirofRothenburg,ed. Lemberg,no. 386

3. Ibid.,no.476. 4. Cf.HenriGross,GalliaJudaica,p. 482. 5. A halfcenturyago,DanielGoldschmidt established thattheSeferha-Minhagim of R.

AbrahamKlausnerwas based heavily on that of R. HayyimPaltiel, which he discovered

andpublished hascontended SimhahEmanuel (KiryatSefer,23 [1947/48]:73-83).Recently, thattheSeferha-Minhagim of HayyimPaltielis itselfbasedon a prioroneof R. Hezekiah of Magdeburg foundin a Bodleymanuscript riteof (Neubauer, 1150).If so, theinfluential

R. Klausnerwould be entirelyGerman.As Emanuelanalyzedthe provenanceof the Bodley

ratherthanits contents--are thepracticestheremandated of Frenchor German manuscript

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of the twelfthcenturyof the prominentGermanTosafists,notedbefore,most of whomwerepupils,in one formor another,of RabbenuTamandkeptup an active correspondencewith him.6A beachheadmay have been established, an openingwedge created,even at thatearlydate,for Frenchinfluence.It is too earlyto speakwith any confidenceof thesematters,butit illustrateshow complex a process was at work. The spreadof swayingin prayer(shokln) in the fourteenthand fifteenthcenturiesis attributedby Zimmerto Hasidei Ashkenaz(p. 101), thoughit seems more a Frenchpracticethana German one. In a similarvein, the famed,perplexingabstentionfromeatinglegumes (qitniyyot)on Passover,universallyacceptedin easternEurope,is a French usage and not a Germanone.7This Gallic customthen foundendorsement at the easternperimeterof the Empire,by one of the architectsof the reconstructionof Jewishlife afterthe BlackPlague,R. Shalomof Neustadt, andby dintof his influenceandthatof his pupil,the famedR. JacobMoellin, the enjoinmentspreadboth eastwardinto Polandand westwardbackto the cities of the Rhineland.Againthe patternis: Franceto easternGermanyand then on to the plainsof Poland.It is good to pointout the possibleinfluence of R. Judahhe-Hasidon the EasternRite, but one has equallyto note other forcesthatmay have been no less formative. Much of the purportedinfluenceof the GermanPietists, in Zimmer's analysis,revolvesaroundtheirbent for stringency,for humra.However,not to HasideiAshkenaz.Theimpulse everytendencyto humraneedbe attributed for a thickeningof the heavenlyyoke, a divinediscontentwith the common standard,and the sense of the inadequacyof the receivednormsto summon up the full measureof the believer's devotionare recurringfeaturesof all religionsand springfrom quitevariedsources,most of which are unrelated usage?--only the publicationof the manuscriptwill settlethe issue. (SimhahEmanuel,"The LostBooks of the Tosafists"[Hebrew],Ph.D.diss., HebrewUniversity,1993,pp. 263-264.) 6. See nowthefineM.A.thesisof RamiReiner(writtenunderthedirectionofY. Ta-Shema), "RabbenuTam:His Teachersand GermanPupils"(Hebrew),HebrewUniversity,1997, pp. 82-98. 7. R. Samson of Falaise and R. Peres of Corbeil(d. 1297-99) are the first writersto mentionthe practice,thoughit clearly antedatestheir compositions.Both R. Mordecaiben Hillel (Pesahim,588) andR. Meirha-Cohen(HaggahotMaimuniyyot[Constantinople, 1509] HilkhotHames u-Masah5:1) know of it throughthe workof R. Peres,which they cite. The andR. Asher(Rosh)makeno mentionof it, andit is equally writingsof R. Meirof Rothenburg absentfromthe code of R. AlexanderSusslein,the Sefer ha-Agudah,the last Germanwork writtenbeforethe Plague.

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to any pietistic movementin the Rhineland.One may have little use for notions of the reson ha-bor'e or for the Pietists' radicalsocial program, yet, for one's own reasons,sharetheir aspirationsof maximizingreligious compliance.Even explicit statementsmadeat muchlaterdates,such as that of R. Joel Sirkes,8shouldbe carefullyassessed.Fortime hadpassedandthe moreradicalbentof the medievalPietistshadbeenlong forgotten.Littlenow remainedof the Pietists'legacy in the collectivememoryof pre-Chmielnicki Polandotherthan sensitivityin humanrelations,personalhumility,rites of penanceand an inclinationtowardhumra.A new culturefindingits voice (as Polanddid then) is often in searchof distinguishedantecedents,and, in this case, a claim was easily made for descentfromthe veneratedHasidei Ashkenaz.Such assertions,however,may be more in the natureof acquired heraldrythanactuallineage,or, if thatbe too harsha metaphor,morea pious self-imagethana fact. In specificinstances,moreover,the impulsetowardstringencymay well come from wholly differentsources.Zimmerhimself has pointedout that the atmosphereof sexualabstinencethatobtainedin Germanyin the century following the Black Plague had its influenceupon Jewish practice,especially with regardto postnatalsexual relations(p. 235). In sexual matters, what appearsto us as a humra,andundoubtedlyis one froma furthermore, of legal point view, may well have been a birthcontrolmeasureinstituted by women, who via issur niddahandyemei toharahultimatelycontrolled their sexual availability.Halakhically,the womanhas full credibilityas to the issur niddahand may announceat any time that she has experienceda minuteflow, and women's mode of countingshiv'ah neqiyyim,regardless of how protracted,is legally binding,as evidencedby taqqanatRav Ze 'ira in talmudictimes and the four- to seven-daymedievalextensions.Sexual subordinationof the woman in principle,but frequentcontrol of sexual congress in practice,is a central,if unnoticed,featureof Jewish domestic relations.And, one may add, the futurehistorianwho would essay to write its history(as Zimmerdoes not) woulddo well to pay heed to this fact. Finally,I wouldsuggestthatanytreatmentof themenstruation injunction, especially practicesfor which one is hardpressedto find any normative Thetaboois nigh universal, justification,involve, some use of anthropology. and certain recurringpatternsin human conductmay hold out as much enlightenmentas possible filiationswith Karaismor with some long-lost no. 79. 8. Teshuvotha-Bahha-Yeshanot,

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Jewish sect. Not all solutions in halakhichistory are textual.Admittedly, anthropologyhas no magic wand, and its currentfashionabilityamong historiansis, indeed,a bit much;nevertheless,it mayhavemuchto offerthe studentof Jewishfamilylife of the fourteenthandfifteenthcenturies,a period in generalhistorythat is sometimesknown as the "waningof the middle ages,"but in Jewishhistoryis no less thanthe crucibleof EasternEuropean culture. These aresome of the thoughtselicitedby thisrich,soberandscrupulous work.Zimmer'sclearlywrittenstudyis not always easy going, but it more thanamplyrepaysa close reading. YeshivaUniversity NewYork,N.Y.

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Martin D. Yaffe Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 2 (1998), pp. 235-244 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486908 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:45 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

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REVIEW ESSAY SHAKESPEARE AND THE JEWS by MARTIND. YAFFE

JamesShapiro.Shakespeareand the Jews. New York:ColumbiaUniversity Press, 1996. xi, 317 pp.

Thereis some questionnowadaysaboutShakespeare'smoralobtuseness in connectionwith the religiousand racialprejudicescommonto his time. In particular,the playwrightis routinelyexcoriated,or else apologizedfor ratherweakly, for his seemingly unfairtreatmentof Jews in his "Jewish" play, TheMerchantof Venice.Centralto its plot is the long-standinghatred betweena Christianmerchant,Antonio,anda Jewishmoneylender,Shylock. At least threemorallyshockingincidentsoccur.ShylockgrantsAntonioan emergencyloaninterest-free,butwith a poundof Antonio'sfleshas collateral for late payment-shock numberone! Shylocksoon findsoccasionto sue in courtto collect his collateral-shock numbertwo! UltimatelyShylock'ssuit backfireswhen the courtsurprisinglyfinds him guilty of being an alien--a non-Venetian--whohas conspiredagainst the life of a Venetiancitizen, thoughwhen it then shows mercyby bypassingthe statutorypunishmentof deathand impoverishment(wherefifty percentof Shylock'spropertywould have gone to the state and fifty percentto his intendedvictim) in favor of a fine and of Antonio'smerely administeringhis fifty percentas trusteefor Shylock'sheirs,it does so only withAntonio'sfurtherstipulationthatShylock convertto Christianity-shocknumberthree!How couldanyonewho writes such stuff,we now ask, have been very nice to Jews? AJS Review 23/2 (1998): 235-244

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The case against Shakespearehere is twofold. On the one hand, once incidentslike the foregoingare seen for whatthey are morally,it is hardto the playas a whole simplyin theirterms.Onthe otherhand, resistinterpreting and the play undeniablydrawsfroman appallinglegacyof misunderstanding mistrustof Jews in Englandfrom, say, 1290, when Jews were officially expelled,till at least 1753, when the ill-fatedJew Bill, as it was called,morequirement mentarilydroppedprofessingthe sacramentsas a naturalization andso, in effect,openedup citizenshipto Jews,who hadbegunto be formally readmittedunderCromwella centuryearlier.Obviouslythe two arguments, textualandhistorical,aremutuallyreinforcing.Evenso, separatelyortogether they remainweak, and gain plausibilityonly wheremoralindignationor the like displaces criticaljudgmentin interpretingShakespeare'splay. To see why, let us look at the historicalargumentfirst,beforegoing on to the textual one.

A convenient place to view the sort of historical evidence brought forwardagainstthe playwrightis JamesShapiro'srecentShakespeareand the Jews. Shapirodraws from chronicles,legal opinions,sermons,stories, whathe callsthe plays,politicalpamphlets,andtheologicaltractssurrounding "culturalmoment"of the play'sfirststaging(p. 10). He disclaimsany overall of Shakespeare'splay,or of the playwright'sprivateintentions, interpretation for that matter.He looks insteadto what otherEnglishmenat the time are seen to have thoughtaboutJews, and then finds in passing some evidence fromthe play itself to suggestthat Shakespearemust have thoughtmore or less the same.Whileinsistingthathe does not meanto condemnShakespeare for sharinghis countrymen'sthoughts(pp. 121, 227),' Shapironevertheless does not raise the all-importantcomplementaryquestionthat would go a conclusionor,rather, long way towardeitherconfirminghis across-the-board assumption,or else possibly distinguishingShakespeare,and those among Shakespeare'scountrymenwho saw the playwright'sdeepermerit,fromhis It is the questionof whetheror how moreor less thoughtlesscontemporaries. far the text of the play might show its authorto have been someonewho could, in the decisive respect,think aboutJews independentlyof what he anti-Jewishplay"(p. 221). 1. In anothercontext,however,Shapirospeaksof"Shakepeare's

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understoodhis contemporariesto have thoughtaboutthem, and who could therebyinstructor ennoblehis countrymenin turnby addressingthe moral shortcomingsof theirthoughtsaboutJews. Shapirolimits himself to consideringthe peculiarrole of Jews in the developmentof Englishmen'sawarenessof themselvesas a nationwhose "nationalpoet" Shakespearewas to become. Accordingto Shapiro,in Englishmen'seyes Jews becamea touchstone,not so muchof who Englishmen were as of what they were not. This fact would explain Englishmen's ongoing fascinationwith Jews, even or especially duringthe three and a half centurieswhen Jews were officially absentor only minimallypresent in England. Here, refreshingly,Shapiromeans to correct the oversights and omissions of mainstreamBritishhistorians.Jews, he finds,were never entirelyabsentfromEngland.Amongotherthings,he doubtsthe suddenness andthoroughnessof theirexpulsionunderEdwardII andof theirreadmission underCromwell--partlybecausedocumentsto certifyeitherevent are hard to find, and partlybecause, accordingto the plethoraof evidencethat fills Shapiro'sbook, Englishmendo not seem to have stoppedtalkingaboutJews in the meantime. The range of popularmisinformationaboutJews was full enough and its availabilityconstant enough to suggest to Shapirothat Elizabethans in particular,lacking as yet sufficientlybroadnationaltraditionsof their own, needed something both alien and akin to themselves in order to measure themselves by. Differently stated, their skewed opinions about Jewishreligiouspracticesand theirgenerallyunfoundedsuppositionsabout Jews' racial characteristics,nationality,criminality,sexuality,and related mattersdid not merelydecoratethe recentlyformedsocial bondconnecting all Englishmen,but helpedto cementit. The more fancifuland outrageous the opinionprojectedonto Jews, one might say, the more we are shown of Englishmen'stransitionalworriesaboutthemselvesin common.Or,to adapta phraseto Shapiro'sway of lookingat his subject:thenewlyarisennationwide the nascentnationalpathology. prejudicesaboutJews recapitulated such worries and Certainly prejudicesare, as Shapirosuggests,partof the shadowy backgroundto Shakespeare'splay. Shapirogathersthem so as to allow readersof TheMerchantto begin to perceiveits broadthemes with some historicaldepth. In a chapteron Elizabethannotions of Jewish criminality,for example,Shapiropointsout that,althoughthe identification of Jews with usury had long precededShakespeare'sEngland,by the late 1500sit hadincreasinglynarrowedto emphasizewhatwas reputedto be their

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"outrageousandexploitativelendingforprofit"(p. 99). In anotherchapter,on to theplay's"poundof Elizabethannotionsof circumcisionas thebackground flesh"theme,Shapirocites the contemporary theologicaldiscussionaboutthe meaningof "circumcisionof the heart"in Paul'sLetterto the Romans,with the suggestionthatShylock'sinsistenceon a poundof Antonio'sflesh might be a metaphorfor genital circumcisionor even castration(pp. 114-121). Shapiro'schapteron Elizabethannotionsof conversion,moreover,adduces the suspicionthata Jewess,being uncircumcisedto beginwith, could easily convertandmightjust as easilyrevertto the old covenant,andspeculatesthat such a suspicionmay underliethe disturbingexchangebetween Shylock's runawaydaughterJessica and her ChristianbridegroomLorenzo at the beginningof Act V, wherethe honeymoonerscomparetheirhastymarriage to severalthwartedlove-affairsof classicalantiquity(pp. 158-159). Finally, in a chapteron Elizabethanpuzzlementover whetherto considerJews a race,a nation,or simplyaliens, Shapiroremarksthat"Shylockcannotreally be understoodindependentof the largersocial tensionsgeneratedby aliens and their economic practicesin Londonin the mid-1590's"(p. 187), and, commentingon the likenessbetweenthe laws of Shakespeare'sVeniceand those of a typical English city undera feudal monarch,he infers that the or "fantasy"resolutionto the playwrighthas given us a self-contradictory problemposed by Shylock(pp. 188-189): As muchas it mightwantto, given its charter,Venetiansocietycannotpunish Shylocksimplybecausehe is a Jew.But in the termsof the play it can convict him as a threateningalien.In orderto accomplishthis delicatemaneuverin the spaceof... threedozenlines,thenatureof Shylock'sdifficultyis reconstituted: A Jew at the startof the speech[atIV.i.344-61],threelines laterhe is an alien. Yet once Shylockis convictedas an alien,he can be punished,not as an alien, but as a Jew who must"presentlybecomea Christian."2 2. See TheMerchantof Venice,ed. GeorgeLymanKittredge,rev.IrvingRibner(New York: 11.344-61: JohnWiley, 1973), IV.i.344-90,with 1.385 and,in particular, Tarry,Jew. The law hathyet anotherhold on you. It is enacted in the laws of Venice,

If it be prov'dagainstan alien Thatby director indirectattempts He seeks the life of any citizen, The party'gainstthe whichhe dothcontrive Shallseize one half his goods;the otherhalf Comesto the privycofferof the state;

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The historicalimportof these and otherdistortedandderogatoryimages of Jews, accordingto Shapiro,was to cast doubtover whetherJews could ever be trustedas denizens,much less fellow citizens, of England.To the extentthat Shakespearemay be said to have given furthercurrencyto such images, he also seems to have lent them furthercredibilityas his national staturerose-as Shapirofinds when looking, in his concludingchapter,at the publicdebateover the Jew Bill morethana centuryanda half later(pp. 195-224). The same images continuedto be invokedby opponentsof the Bill, Shapironotes, and led to its repealbarelytwo years afterits passage, despite argumentsin its favor drawnfrom more enlightenedthinkerslike JohnToland,DanielDefoe, andJohnLocke.Shapiroleadsus to infer,though he does not put it in so many words,thatthe Bill mighthave had an easier time had Shakespearethoughtbetterthanto write TheMerchantof Venicein the firstplace. Here is where the limitationsof Shapiro'sargumentbecome apparent. Assumingthatthepopularimagesas Shapirodescribesthemwereas decisive politicallyas he suggests,thereseemsa furtherneedto explainwhyParliament was not altogetherdazzledby them, at least for a time. Why, in short,did publiclife become as receptiveas it was to the positionin favorof tolerance of Jews as articulatedby Toland,Defoe, Locke, et al.? Here Shapirois comparativelysilent.3It is testimonyperhapsto the difficultyof this question And the offender'slife lies in the mercy Of the Duke only, 'gainstall othervoice. In whichpredicamentI say thoustand'st; For it appearsby manifestproceeding Thatindirectly,anddirectlytoo, Thouhastcontriv'dagainstthe very life Of the defendant,andthouhast incurr'd The dangerformerlyby me rehears'd. Down, therefore,andbeg mercyof the Duke. All subsequentreferencesto the play will be to this edition. 3. For example, ShapiroreadsLocke's statementin A SecondLetteron Tolerationthat "only full naturalisationcould directthe Jews of EnglandtowardsChrist"to mean merely thatits authorwrotein the grip of the prevalentanti-Jewishprejudices(p. 204). Shapirodoes not considerthe likelihoodthat Locke was in full controlof a statesmanlikerhetoricalploy. Consider,in this connection,the passage Shapirocites next, from Locke'sParaphraseand Notes on St. Paul's Epistleto the Romanson Romans11:23:"Thisgraftingin againseems to importthatthe Jews shall be a flourishingnationagain,professingChristianityin the landof promise,for that is to be reinstatedagainin the promisemadeto Abraham,Isaacand Jacob. ThisSt. Paul might,for good reasons,be withheldfrom speakingout here;but,in the prophets,

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thatit wouldrequirehim to widenthe scope of his inquiry,to move fromthe narrowerquestionof the popularprejudiceslatentandprevailingat a given hour (what Shapiroseems to mean by "culturalhistory")4to the broader questionof how responsiblestatesmanshipwould have to discernandguide suchprejudiceson importantpublicissues like the Jew Bill. Let us come closer to the point. Given at least the modest success of enlightenedstatesmanshipin 1753 in overcomingthe not entirelyadmirable play,wouldn'twe have imagesof Jews foundin Shakespeare'sthen-popular to ask, as Shapirodoes not, whetherShakespearehimself might have had enough statesmanlikeinsight to be able to anticipateand even encourage these same possibilities,howevermodestly,in his presentationof Shylock?5 The momentthis questionoccursto us, unless we simplydecideto rule out certainanswersbeforehand,we are forced to look again at the manifestly unflatteringthingssaid of andby Jews in Shakespeare's play,to see whether are indeed the last or word whether on the they play's contrarythey might also call to mind other,more salutaryimagesof the behaviorof Jews-and of Christians--embeddedas well in the psychesof his viewing andreading audience.To this second,or textual,question,we may now turn. III

Let us startwith the first morally shockingimage, the pound-of-flesh collateral.Whatis the differencebetweenlookingat this image as Shapiro largelydoes, as somethingresembling(exceptperhapsin intent)a propaganda cartoonin its powerto "hauntanddisturb,"andlookingat it firstandforemost insteadas partof a Shakespeareanplay?6 Well, in Shakespeare'splay it is piecedtogetherwitha largerstory,andthe fullmeaningof the imagetherefore there are very plain intimationsof it" (p. 204, emphasisadded).Locke'smentionof Paul's possiblydeliberatereticence("forgood reasons")is itself ratherreticent,in such a way as to suggestthatLockehimselfwas perfectlyacquaintedwith the practiceof rhetoricalellipsis. 4. See, for example,p. 43, with p. 189 ("theplay as a culturalsafety-valve")andp. 228 ("TheMerchant'scapacityto illuminatea culture"). 5. If so, the pro-Shylocksympathiesof nineteenth-and twentieth-century actors and audienceswould,to say the least, not be entirelywithoutfoundationin Shakespeare's text as understoodby its author.Considerheretheremarkby HemingeandCondellin theirintroductory letter"Tothe Varietyof Readers"in the Folio editionof 1623, thatShakespeare's "mindand handwenttogether." 6. "I am interestedhere not only in restoringa sense of the fascinationand importance

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withthelargerstoryinsofaras theaudiencemay dependson its connection be expectedto discernthatconnection. doestheplaysupplysuchthat,whenthepound-of-flesh Whatinformation to connectit withwhathasgoneon clausefirstcomesup,we areprepared beforeaswellaswithwhatis to come?Twothingsarestriking. First,Shylock hasalreadytoldusjustwhyhehatesAntonio.Notonlyis Antonioa Christian, butworse,Antoniois makingShylockthe targetof his one-manreligious crusadeagainstusuryontheRialto(seeI.iii.36-46).Antonio,inotherwords, is bad for Shylock'sbusiness.Second,Shylockhas also told us how he forpracticalpurposes.In responseto a gracious gets alongwithChristians dinnerinvitationby the beneficiary of Antonio'sloan,Bassanio,Shylock his with them that is limitedto businessnegotiations socializing snaps and does not includeeatingor drinkingor praying-presumably because the Shylockobservesthe Jewishdietarylaws, includinglaws stipulating whichChristians do not eatinganddrinking, properprayersaccompanying share(I.iii.28-33).Yetlest the audiencejumpto the conclusionthat,since to beanobservant clauseis perfectly Jew,hispound-of-flesh Shylockappears with Jewish or that Jews as such are to go compatible orthodoxy, permitted out of hatredor revenge(by dubiousreadings so far as to kill Christians insertsa further of, say, Leviticus19:17-18and 24:17-22),Shakespeare incidentshortlyafterthenote-signing. decides to Shylock acceptBassanio's dinnerinvitation anyway--"inhate,"as he says,"to feedupon/ Theprodigal Christian" (II.v.14f.), and, in a relatedremark,to "helpto waste/ His borrowedpurse"(II.v.48f.). Givenhis awarenessof Bassanio'sprodigal spendinghabits,Shylock'spresenceatwhatpromisesto be a lavishoccasion would seem to enhancethe likelihoodof anotherloan for Bassanioor even a defaulton the presentloan with its unfortunateconsequencesfor Antonio. Thepointis thatin planningto eat Bassanio'sfood, Shylockknowinglysteps outside Jewish orthodoxyas regardshis dealings with Antonio. In short, circumcisionheld for Elizabethansbut also in arguingthatan occludedthreatof circumcision informsShylock'sdesire to cut a pound of Antonio'sflesh. ... Plays, unlike sermons,are not reducibleto one lesson or another,nor do they gain theirresonancefrombeing abouta the less easilydefinable recognizablecentraltheme.Surely,in the handsof a talenteddramatist, the social and psychologicalcurrentsa play explores,the greaterits potentialto hauntand disturb.Wereturnagainandagainto Shakespeare's playsbecausetheyseemto operatein these depthsand tap into the roots of social contradictionson a stunninglyregularbasis, leaving criticswith the task of tryingto explainexactlywhatthese are and how Shakespeare's plays engagethem"(pp. 114, 121).

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Shakespearehas presentedus not with a stereotypicalJew,butwith one who cannotachievehis nefariousaims withinthe boundsof Jewishlaw. Werethe play to stop at this point, the passingsuggestionthat Shylock has deliberatelydisregardedhis own religionherewouldnot takeus very far. But it does prepareus for how the playwrightmeansfor us to takethe second moralshock to whichI have referred. The secondshock,Shylock'sactuallytakingAntonioto court,receivesan importantcommentwithinthe play fromthe Duke of Venice,who presides over the trial. In his initial formaladdressto the plaintiff(IV.i.17-34), he pleads with Shylock to abandonhis suit as an act of "mercyand remorse" towardAntonio.Antoniois said to deserveShylock's"pity"in light of his overwhelmingshippinglosses, the putativecause of his failureto repayon time. Under the circumstances,the Duke adds, Shylock ought to forgive not only Antonio'spenaltybut some of his principaltoo. Whatis important here are the Duke's announcedreasons for expecting some last-minute, out-of-courtrefinancingfrom Shylock. First, he says, everyone including himself believes that Shylock is merelystallingso as to make his eventual show of compassionmorespectacular.Thatis, the Dukeattributesto Shylock a sense of theatrics.Second, there is also the depressingmagnitudeof Antonio'sreportedlosses-enough, he says, down ... to pressa royalmerchant of his state Andpluckcommiseration Frombrassybosomsandroughheartsof flint, Fromstubborn TurksandTartars nevertrain'd Toofficesof gentlecourtesy. (IV.i.29-33) Thatis, Antonio'smisfortuneswould make even hardboiled,crudelyraised observersact compassionately.(TurksandTartarscome to the Duke'smind.) Hence,he concludes,"Weall expecta gentleanswer,Jew"(IV.i.34). The pertinentquestionis whetherthe Duke's concludingreminderthat Shylock is a Jew meansthathe manifestlyincludesJews amongthose who are by natureand/orupbringingungentle. Two reasons suggest he does, but then again a third seems to overridethem. First, a pun on "gentle" yields "gentile,"implyingthat the Duke is seeking a gentile or un-Jewish answerfromShylock,and second,the Dukehas alreadyconfidedto Antonio privately that he considers Shylock incorrigible (IV.i.3-6). Still, third, the

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Duke, whateverhis privateopinion, cannotadmitpubliclythat Shylockas Jew was "nevertrained"to be gentle--thatis to say,by Jewishlaw-without weakeninghis earlierargumentthat Shylock'sapparentlack of compassion was only a theatricaldelay.The inescapableconclusionhereis thatthe Duke is forced to give the public impressionto Shylock and everyoneelse that Jewishlaw does afterall teachmoraldecency,includingcompassion,andthat Shylock,being uncompassionate,is simplybeinga badJew,thatis, one who is disloyal or disobedientto his own law. This view will soon be confirmed on theologicalgroundsby Bassanio'srecentbride,Portia-who arriveslate and in disguise as a friendof the court-in her stunning"qualityof mercy" speech(IV.i.182-203). The theologicalpremiseof Portia'sspeech is thatthe Lord'sPrayeris a Jewish as well as a Christianprayer(see IV.i.197-200,with Matt.6:9-13). Hence its teaching,that mercy is a necessarysupplementto justice though not a replacementfor it, is commonto bothJew andChristian,thougheachis in dangerof misinterpreting thatteachingone-sidedly(cf. IV.i.195-201 with I.iii.173 f.). Jews, habituatedto Jewish law, tend to emphasizejustice and slightmercy,while Christians,receptiveto the Gospelof love, tendtowardthe oppositeextreme.The propermean, Portiainsists, is for mercyto "season" justice (IV.i.195).Now becauseshe is in the firstinstanceaddressingShylock in court,her rhetoricemphasizesmercy. Still, being mindfulof Shylock's Jewish shortcomingsdoes not make her unmindfulof those of the play's arch-Christian,Antonio. Oddly,that is just why she soon goes out of her way to inviteAntonioto exercisemercyby helpingto reformulateShylock's sentence(IV.i.376). Antonio,typically,overdoesit in his packageproposalfor how Shylock should live the entire rest of his life. This fact goes a long way toward absorbing,or ratheraccountingfor, our thirdmoralshock,thatof Shylock's conversion. In retrospect,Antonio's excesses here turn out to be, pace Shapiro,7the understatedthemeof the play as a whole.Wemustkeepin mind thatfromwordone, ShakespearepresentsAntonioas a moroseman,andyet morosenessis for Christiansa sin-a "capitalvice,"as ThomasAquinascalls it, for while forgivablein itself, it leadsto othervices.8In Antonio'scase, that vice is connectedwith his routinelycharitablebehavior-which almostevery other Venetianadmiresbut few choose to emulate-including his public 7. See the precedingnote. 8. ThomasAquinas,Summatheologiae11-11.35.4, with 1-11.84.3-4.

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crusadeto replace usury on the Rialto with old-fashionedcharityand his privategenerosityin financingBassanio'sstringof prodigal,money-losing ventures.Yet because Antonio lacks a sense of justice, or at any rate of proportion,in his treatmentof both Shylock and Bassanio, his form of charitablenesscannotin the end be distinguishedfrommeddlesomeness-in Shylock's legally toleratedand economicallynecessaryloan business, for example,as well as in Bassanio'smarriage.(To say the least,Antonio'strial pointedlyinterruptsPortia'sweddingnight.) What Portia cannot correct but can only expose indirectlyin court, however,she can subsequentlycorrectat home. As the denouementto her subtly contrivedring-plot,she ultimatelygets Antonioto swearto give up meddling in her own family, if not in others' (V.i.238, 249-53). But to see Shakespeare'smuted critiqueof Christiancharitablenesshere, and to recognizejust why he had to mute that critiquethroughoutthe play, we mustreconsidereach incidentas it occurs,shocksand all, with the prospect of Portia'stwin theologicalteachingin mind.9None of this is to deny the possible bearingof the argumentsof Shapiroand otherchroniclersof moral abuses.Rather,it is to see whereShakespearein his statesmanlike way faced those abusesmore fully and constructively. of NorthTexas University Denton,Texas

9. For a fuller statement, see Martin D. Yaffe, Shylock and the Jewish Question (Baltimore:

JohnsHopkinsUniversityPress, 1997).

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Gary A. Rendsburg Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 2 (1998), pp. 245-247 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486909 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:45 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

BOOKREVIEWS Anson F. Rainey. Canaanitein the AmarnaTablets:A LinguisticAnalysis of the MixedDialect Used by Scribesfrom Canaan.4 vols. Handbuchder Orientalistik,ErsteAbteilung:DerNahe undMittlereOsten,vol. 25. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1996. xxiv, 204; xx, 415; xiv, 280; viii, 198 pp. Forthe studentof the historyof the Hebrewlanguagein its earliestphase, the importanceof the Amarnatabletshas been well known for more than a century.Soon afterthese texts were discoveredat Tell el-Amarna,Egypt, in the late nineteenthcentury,scholarsrealizedthat the Akkadianof these documents,writtenin the fourteenthcenturyB.C.E., was not pureAkkadian. Moreover,earlyresearchdeterminedthatthe Akkadianof the Amamatablets was heavily influencedby the local languageof the Canaanitescribeswho wrote these texts, that is, Canaanite.As such, the Amarnatabletsbecamea majorresourceforrecoveringthe earlieststageof the Hebrewlanguage,what mightbe called"Pre-BiblicalHebrew."' Butaftera centuryof Amarnaresearch,fromits beginningswhenthestudy of Akkadiangrammarwas still in its infancy,and throughthe discoveryof UgariticandotherSemitictexts,no completegrammarof AmarnaAkkadian, withattentionto the Canaaniteinterference,haseverbeenpublished.2 Instead, scholarshave had to rely on dozens of studiesand monographs,including someveryimportantunpublisheddissertations. Accordingly,thismultivolume Anson F. who has been the studyby Rainey, among mostproductivescholarsin Amarnaresearchduringthepastfew decades,is a mostwelcomecontribution. Here,in threevolumes(the fourthprovidesbibliographyandindices),the interestedreaderwill find as completea descriptionof the Amarnalanguage as could possibly be accomplished.One cannotoverstatethe excellence of this work: both in the quantityof the data included,with every item well 1. Thus C. Brovender,"HebrewLanguage,Pre-Biblical," EncyclopaediaJudaica(1971), vol. 16, cols. 1560-68. 2. The pioneeringworksof F. M. Th. B6hl, E. Ebeling,andE. Dhormewere remarkable but they were writtenat a time when the knowledgeof Akkadiangrammar accomplishments, was still developingandthuscouldbe used only with greatcautionoverthe pasteightyyears.

245

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illustrated,and in the qualityof the presentation,throughclearand concise discussionsof the grammaticalissues. Volume 1 includes short sections on orthographyand phonology,after which the morphosyntacticanalysis of the Amarnalanguagecommences. The remainderof the volumetreatspronouns,nouns,andnumerals;volume 2 treatsthe verb; and volume 3 treatsthe particlesand adverbs.For each grammaticalitem introduced,Raineypresentsthe two sides of the Amarna (his term), both the standardAkkadianand the divergent "interlanguage" materialreflectingthe Canaaniteinfluence.Forexample,for the third-person masculine singularpronominalsuffix, Rainey notes that "throughoutthe corpusof lettersfromCanaan,the normalAkkadiansuffix-Ju is employed" (vol. 1, p. 76), buthe also discussesin detailthe few examplesthatemploy-u and -Ou,both of which representthe correspondingWest Semiticform-hfi. Afterpresentingthe morphologyof eachform,Raineydiscussesthe syntactic issues involved. Volume2 is the largestof the volumes, both becausethe verb usually requiresthe most treatmentin a grammarof any language,and becausein the case of the Amarnainterlanguage, the knowledgegainedfromthe verbal usagehas hadthe greatestimpacton WestSemiticstudies.Rainey'sprevious studiesof the Amarnaverbandits impacton Hebrewstudiesarewell known to Hebraists.But most of thatwork is devotedto the prefixconjugation,or yqtl form, and to the best of my knowledgeRainey has not concentrated on the suffix conjugation,or qtl form. Accordingly,it is worthnoting his conclusionregardingthe latterusage:the Amarnaevidenceshowsclearlythat the "qtlconjugationpatterndid not originatein an expressionof completed termthan'perfect'couldhardlybe action";therefore"a more inappropriate imagined!"(vol. 2, p. 366). NotwithstandingRainey's attentionto the Canaanitismsin the corpus, it should be noted that often he does not explaincertainusages, nor does he turn to Biblical Hebrew (and other Iron Age Canaanitedialects) as frequentlyas one mighthave expected.As an exampleof the former:Rainey merely notes that the Akkadianfirst-personcommon singularaccusative independentpronounydti "is rare,being supplantedalmostentirelyby the 1st c.s. accusativesuffix"(vol. 1, p. 55). Is this due to the factthatCanaanite lacks a correspondingform?Readersmustdecidefor themselves. I appendhere a few commentsfrom the perspectiveof a scholarwho worksprimarilyon the Bible. Rainey notes that the second-person masculine singular independent

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pronounis at-ta "withoutexception"(vol. 1, p. 56) and thus explainsthe format in EA 34:7 (cf. EA 124:35at-m[a)as a scribalerrorto be restoredas at<-ta>. But we mightwish to consideracceptingthe format as genuinein light of threebiblicalpassages,Numb 11:15,Deut 5:27, Ezek 28:14, which have nXas masculine.Note especiallyEzek 28:14, in a pericopeaddressed to Tyre,andcomparewith EA 34 fromAlashiaandEA 124 fromByblos. EA 83:37 reads ui u-s'i-ra-JuJu-ut "so release him, especially him!" Rainey refers to this as "an especially interestingsyntagma [with] the independentpronounin appositionto the accusativesuffixforreinforcement" (vol. 1, p. 65). Mic 7:3 is a difficultverse, but I believe thatthe phrasemni KIM W10presentsessentiallythe same syntagma(albeitfollowinga genitive). We may be dealing with a northernCanaaniteusage: the end of Micah is most likely the workof a northernprophet,andEA 83 originatedin Byblos. Rainey cites the unusualusage of iKtuqdt(i), literally"fromthe hand (of),"butmeaning"dueto"or "becauseof' in EA 297:16,"forwhicha close biblicalparallelwas not found"(vol. 3, p. 59). May I suggestthatthis usage is paralleled in 2 Kings 9:7, where the expression

coming at the

,riz, end of the verse, and thus at quite a distancefrom?T,• the verb upn,means"on accountof Jezebel"(cf. NAB's "shedby Jezebel,"in contrastto NJPSV's "thusI will avengeon Jezebel"). Rainey'smagnumopus presentsthe scholarof Semitic languageswith a detaileddescriptionof AmarnaAkkadian,an importantinterlanguageof interestto both Assyriologistsand WestSemitists.While it does alwaysnot keep an eye focused on the Bible, it nonethelessprovidesall the necessary datafor the Hebraistor biblicistwho wishes to utilizethis crucialcorpusfor explainingissues relevantto BiblicalHebrew.Weareall in Rainey'sdebtfor this magisterialwork.

GaryA. Rendsburg CornellUniversity Ithaca,N.Y. John M. G. Barclay. Jews in the Mediterranean Diaspora: From Alexander to Trajan (312 BCE--117CE).Edinburgh:T & T Clark, 1996. xvi, 522 pp.

The last decadehas seen the appearanceof a considerablebody of importantwork on individualdiasporacommunitiesin the ancientworld.Barclay boldly undertakesa survey of the five best-attestedJewish communities

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Martha Himmelfarb Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 2 (1998), pp. 247-250 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486910 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:47 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

BOOK REVIEWS

247

pronounis at-ta "withoutexception"(vol. 1, p. 56) and thus explainsthe format in EA 34:7 (cf. EA 124:35at-m[a)as a scribalerrorto be restoredas at<-ta>. But we mightwish to consideracceptingthe format as genuinein light of threebiblicalpassages,Numb 11:15,Deut 5:27, Ezek 28:14, which have nXas masculine.Note especiallyEzek 28:14, in a pericopeaddressed to Tyre,andcomparewith EA 34 fromAlashiaandEA 124 fromByblos. EA 83:37 reads ui u-s'i-ra-JuJu-ut "so release him, especially him!" Rainey refers to this as "an especially interestingsyntagma [with] the independentpronounin appositionto the accusativesuffixforreinforcement" (vol. 1, p. 65). Mic 7:3 is a difficultverse, but I believe thatthe phrasemni KIM W10presentsessentiallythe same syntagma(albeitfollowinga genitive). We may be dealing with a northernCanaaniteusage: the end of Micah is most likely the workof a northernprophet,andEA 83 originatedin Byblos. Rainey cites the unusualusage of iKtuqdt(i), literally"fromthe hand (of),"butmeaning"dueto"or "becauseof' in EA 297:16,"forwhicha close biblicalparallelwas not found"(vol. 3, p. 59). May I suggestthatthis usage is paralleled in 2 Kings 9:7, where the expression

coming at the

,riz, end of the verse, and thus at quite a distancefrom?T,• the verb upn,means"on accountof Jezebel"(cf. NAB's "shedby Jezebel,"in contrastto NJPSV's "thusI will avengeon Jezebel"). Rainey'smagnumopus presentsthe scholarof Semitic languageswith a detaileddescriptionof AmarnaAkkadian,an importantinterlanguageof interestto both Assyriologistsand WestSemitists.While it does alwaysnot keep an eye focused on the Bible, it nonethelessprovidesall the necessary datafor the Hebraistor biblicistwho wishes to utilizethis crucialcorpusfor explainingissues relevantto BiblicalHebrew.Weareall in Rainey'sdebtfor this magisterialwork.

GaryA. Rendsburg CornellUniversity Ithaca,N.Y. John M. G. Barclay. Jews in the Mediterranean Diaspora: From Alexander to Trajan (312 BCE--117CE).Edinburgh:T & T Clark, 1996. xvi, 522 pp.

The last decadehas seen the appearanceof a considerablebody of importantwork on individualdiasporacommunitiesin the ancientworld.Barclay boldly undertakesa survey of the five best-attestedJewish communities

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of the Mediterranean diasporain the hellenisticand early Romanperiods: Egypt, Cyrenaica,Syria, Asia Minor,and Rome. The discussionof these five communitiesin a common frameworkoffers a strikingreminderof how unevenly the evidence is distributed.About half the book is devoted to the Jews of Egypt, because virtuallyall of the survivingliteratureof the Greco-Romandiasporacomes from Egypt. In the absenceof a literary legacy, the othercommunitiesget no morethan a chapterapiece;for these communities,we are painfullydependenton Josephus,with some help from inscriptionsandaccountsby non-Jews,includingearlyChristians. Barclay'scarefuladherenceto the chronologicalboundariesof his title is also salutary.It is perhapsdisappointingthatthis requireshim to exclude importantbut somewhat later archaeologicalevidence from Asia Minor, includingthe imposingsynagogueat Sardisand the Aphrodisiasinscription with its decisive evidence for the god-fearers,but it is importantto be remindedof what we actuallyknow about Asia Minor in the period this book covers.Barclayhimself succumbsto temptationin his treatmentof the communityat Romeby drawingon the largecorpusof inscriptionsfromthe catacombs,most laterthanthe time of Trajan. For each diasporacommunityBarclayprovidesa judiciousaccountof its historyand a discussionof the Jews' relationswith theirneighborsandtheir place in the largercultureof theirtime.He attemptsto locatemembersof the communitiesand theirtexts on threescales: assimilation,acculturation, and accommodation.Assimilationrefersto "socialintegration,"while acculturation reflects the adoption of "linguistic, educational and ideological" aspects

of culture(p. 92). By distinguishingbetweenthe two phenomena,Barclay rightlyinsiststhatintimatefamiliaritywithGreekculturedoesnotnecessarily mean the droppingof social barriersbetweenJews and gentiles. The third scale, accommodation, measures "the use to which acculturation is put, in

particularthe degreeto which Jewishand Hellenisticculturaltraditionsare merged,or alternatively,polarized"(p. 96). In otherwords,a work may be writtenin good Greekandbe conversantwith Greekliteraryconventionsand Greekphilosophy,and may still take an antagonisticstance towardGreek culture. One problemwith the axes is the limitationsof the evidenceavailable to us. Many of the people who can be placed on the assimilationaxis are drawnfrom inscriptionsor brief mentionsin historicalworks,and too little is known about them to allow them to be placed on the other two axes. and Literaryworks,on the otherhand,providematerialfor the acculturation

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accommodationaxes, butusuallythe authorcanbe placedon the assimilation axis only by extrapolatingfromhis ideas,a methodthatwouldunderminethe independenceof the axes. The treatmentof Paul is particularlycompelling becausewe know enoughabouthis life for Barclayto makeeffectiveuse of all threeaxes. As Barclaypoints out, Paul has traditionallybeen seen as the sourceof the Greekelementsin the Christiansynthesisof JudaismandHellenism.But Barclayquestionsthis view, presentingPaulas an "anomalous" figure.He is little acculturatedandvery antagonistictowardgentileculture.But he is also highlyassimilationist.WhileBarclaydoes not say so, the explanationforthis unusualconfigurationof characteristicsis surelyPaul'sintenseexpectation of the imminentend. Barclay'sinsistencethat acculturationis not synonymouswith accommodationis important.Yet his understanding of acculturation, which places "scholarlyexpertise"at the very top of the acculturationscale and implicitly treatsphilosophyas the most importantmode of acculturation,is not unproblematic.By these standardseven most nativeswould not score very scale. The emphasison philosophicalknowledgeas high on the acculturation the key elementin high acculturationalso exercisesa problematicinfluence on the supposedly independentaccommodationaxis. Three of Barclay's five examples of works from Egypt that tend towardaccommodationare philosophicalin outlook:the Letterof Aristeas,Aristobulus,and Philo; as Barclay notes, philosophyprovides a mode for working out a theory of accommodation.Barclaydoes offer an interestingreadingof anotherphilosophicallyinformedwork, the Wisdomof Solomon,as deeply antagonistic to gentiles. But the associationof philosophywith both acculturationand accommodationhas problematicresults. Thus the Sibylline Oraclesshow "some degree of acculturation. . . . Yet this Hellenization in theme and form

should not be confusedwith the carefulaccommodationachievedby such figuresas AristobulusandAristeas"(p. 224; emphasisadded).It is remarkable thatthe SibyllineOracles,whichuse the Sibyl,a femalepaganoracle,as their speakerand are writtenin hexameterversewith Homericepithetsappliedto God, count only as somewhathellenized.Of course,they show no traceof the influenceof philosophy.Notice also the slide in Barclay'scommentfrom acculturationto accommodation! The difficultyBarclayhas in maintainingthe separationbetweenacculturationand accommodationsuggests an underlyingproblemin his view that the acquisitionof Greekcultureand the use to which it is put are two

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separatemomentsthat can be representedon two differentaxes. Barclay seems to have been little influencedby the work of Elias Bickerman,but Bickerman'sunderstandingof hellenizationas a process of adaptationand which unitesthe two moments,seems to me a betterway to transformation, get at the dynamicsof hellenization. Finally,while it is probablyunfairto fault a projectthat is alreadyso broadlycomparativefor omittinganothercomparativedimension,one thing missingfrommuchof this book is a recognitionof thepluralisticcharacterof the societies in which most diasporaJews foundthemselves.Barclaygives littleattentionto otherethnicminoritiesin the Greco-Roman world;indeedhe His accountof oftenuses the terms"Greeks"and"gentiles"interchangeably. the historyof the Jews in Egypt makes amply clear the complex relations amongnativeEgyptians,somehighlyhellenized,Greeks,Jews,andeventually theirRomanrulers.But his discussionof the Jews in Syriatreatsgentilesas Greeksin an area where recent scholarshiphas emphasizedthe long-term survival of native Semitic culture.The discussion of the Jews in Rome would surelyhavebenefitedfromattentionbothto attitudestowardthe other ethnicgroupsthat establishedthemselvesthereand to the organizationand developmentof these groups,and so too for Asia Minor.A full treatmentof these issues would requirea second volume, but a brief sketch or even a statementof the issues would providesome perspectiveon Jewishsimilarity and difference in a book that will be an importantresourcefor anyone interestedin the Jews in the Greco-Romandiasporafor a long time to come. Martha Himmelfarb Princeton University N. J. Princeton, Ellen Bimbaum. The Place of Judaism in Philos Thought:Israel, Jews, and Proselytes.BrownJudaicStudies290 / StudiaPhilonicaMonographs2. Atlanta:ScholarsPress, 1996. xviii, 262 pp. Initiallya 1992Ph.D.dissertationat ColumbiaUniversity,thismonograph is a specimenof perfectionin bringinga researchprojectto its fulfillment throughpublication. The clarityof methodwith which BirnbaumtracesPhilo'suse of terms

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Abraham Terian Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 2 (1998), pp. 250-253 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486911 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:47 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

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separatemomentsthat can be representedon two differentaxes. Barclay seems to have been little influencedby the work of Elias Bickerman,but Bickerman'sunderstandingof hellenizationas a process of adaptationand which unitesthe two moments,seems to me a betterway to transformation, get at the dynamicsof hellenization. Finally,while it is probablyunfairto fault a projectthat is alreadyso broadlycomparativefor omittinganothercomparativedimension,one thing missingfrommuchof this book is a recognitionof thepluralisticcharacterof the societies in which most diasporaJews foundthemselves.Barclaygives littleattentionto otherethnicminoritiesin the Greco-Roman world;indeedhe His accountof oftenuses the terms"Greeks"and"gentiles"interchangeably. the historyof the Jews in Egypt makes amply clear the complex relations amongnativeEgyptians,somehighlyhellenized,Greeks,Jews,andeventually theirRomanrulers.But his discussionof the Jews in Syriatreatsgentilesas Greeksin an area where recent scholarshiphas emphasizedthe long-term survival of native Semitic culture.The discussion of the Jews in Rome would surelyhavebenefitedfromattentionbothto attitudestowardthe other ethnicgroupsthat establishedthemselvesthereand to the organizationand developmentof these groups,and so too for Asia Minor.A full treatmentof these issues would requirea second volume, but a brief sketch or even a statementof the issues would providesome perspectiveon Jewishsimilarity and difference in a book that will be an importantresourcefor anyone interestedin the Jews in the Greco-Romandiasporafor a long time to come. Martha Himmelfarb Princeton University N. J. Princeton, Ellen Bimbaum. The Place of Judaism in Philos Thought:Israel, Jews, and Proselytes.BrownJudaicStudies290 / StudiaPhilonicaMonographs2. Atlanta:ScholarsPress, 1996. xviii, 262 pp. Initiallya 1992Ph.D.dissertationat ColumbiaUniversity,thismonograph is a specimenof perfectionin bringinga researchprojectto its fulfillment throughpublication. The clarityof methodwith which BirnbaumtracesPhilo'suse of terms

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andanalyzestheircontextin passagesthatdefineJewishidentityfrombiblical Israelto his own time, trackingthem down separatelythrougheach of his three exegetical series (the Allegory,the Exposition,and the Questionsand Answers on Genesis and Exodus), sets a standardfor word studies and exegeticalanalysesin voluminousauthors.Her lucid introductionpaves the way for a well-guidedtour into Philo's thought:the ideas which he uses in of passagesregardingancientIsraeland in his references his interpretation to his people. Besides highlightinghis particularand mostly systematicuse of the term "Israel"vis-a-vis otherpropernouns designatingthe patriarchs or the people of God, such as Hebraios, Chaldaios, and Ioudaios, Birnbaum considers his use of related key words like genos, ethnos, laos, politeia,

etc. Her delineationsof these termsin the light of theirPhilonicusage and her frequentsummariesmake this otherwisetechnicalstudy an interesting readingfor the nonspecialistas well as for the specialist. Most of the book is devotedto unpackingthe recurringmeaningPhilo gives to "Israel"in his exegeticaltreatisesas horon,hor6ntheon,horatikos, horatikon genos, horatikon kai epistemonikongenos, all suggesting a special

relationshipwith God in which all people-Jews and non-Jews-might participatein "seeing" the truly Existent. Obviously,the meaning Philo gives to "Israel,"however ambiguous,derives from his understandingof the Hebrew etymology of the name as "one that sees God" (linguistically and contextuallylinked with Gen. 32:29 [p. 31]). Bimbaumobservesthat on the whole he refersto Israelas seeing God much less frequentlyin the Expositionthanin the othertwo exegeticalseries. Her explanationthatthis has to do with Philo's intendedaudience(s)is very convincing,especiallyas we come to realizethatPhilo startedout as an exegeteandgraduallybecame moreandmoreapologeticin his laterworks.This is furtherindicatedby her observationthatoutsidethe exegeticalwritingsthe etymologicalmeaningof Israelas seeing God is foundbut once, in De Legationead Gaium4. The greaterjustificationfor Birnbaum'sstudy,however,comes in the form of a question:"If Philo does allow for a legitimaterelationshipwith God outsideJudaism,then how shall we assess the place of Judaismin his thought?"In the courseof herresearchthe "if"'becomes"since,"andfurther interestingobservationsemerge,suchas Philo'sreferringto "Israel"as genos ("race/class")and not as laos ("people")or ethnos ("nation").Ultimately, the question is answeredby appealingto Philo's presentationof Judaism as a philosophyand to his own commitmentto being a Jew, seen in his involvement with the Alexandrian Jewish community and its way of life.

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Birnbaumseems to be awareof the characteristicweaknessesof word studiesthatseldomventurebeyondthe soughttermsintothe conceptsthatlie beneaththem.A good exampleof thisis herobservationof the factthatPhilo even thoughthe termwas currentin his time. neveruses the word"Judaism" Yet, as she pointsout, the conceptof Judaismis prevalentin his thoughtas a philosophythatleadsto the one trueGod andas a way of life experiencedin the Jewishcommunity.Consequently,she is absolutelyrightin the pursuitof her subjectby (1) singlingout Judaismas the only first-century monotheistic in on the of and monotheism Philo's (2) dwelling place religion thought. Althoughthe Judaismin Philo'sthoughtis neitherdefinednoridentified, we may presumethat it representsthe beliefs, concepts, and customs of postbiblicalJudaismwith which he was chiefly in contact-with all its diversity.It need hardly be stressed that Philo was very much at home in mattersof halakhahand haggadah.Yet Birnbaum'sstudy,unlikeearlier studiesthatapproximateherwork,is not an explorationof Judaismin Philo's thoughtwith the purposeof ascertainingabove all else how justified--or unjustified-the stricturesof AlexandrianJudaismarevis-a-visthePalestinian or rabbinictradition,or what some would call "mainstream" or "normative" Judaism.Because Philo refersto one of his visits to the Landof Israelnear the end of the secondbook of De Providentia,we wouldpresumethathe was acquaintedwiththe prevalenttraditionsthere.Moreover,his exegeticalworks indicatethathe was cognizantof morethanone well-definedformof Jewish religious expression,if not also of several groupsor sects. Even a degree of ApocalypticJudaismis discerniblein his De Praemiiset Poenis. Indeed, Philo himself may have belongedto a priestlyfamily with a long-standing commitmentto ancestralpracticesanddevotionto thePentateuchin its Greek version.By not definingPhilo's Judaism,Bimbaumseems to avoid whatin our day has been a false and one-sidedpresentationof Jewishtheology in Late Antiquity,a presentationto which therehas been considerablereaction in recentdecades. There can be no doubt,however,that Philo's Judaismwas shapednot only by the Judeo-Greekworksof his predecessors,who wrotefor apologetic purposes,but also by the experiencesof the large Jewish communityin Alexandria,which, as everywherein the Greco-Romanworld, included slaves, fugitives,annualworkers,craftsmen,andotherswho weredeliberately marginalizedby Romanpolicieswell knownto Philo.Moreover,as Birnbaum points out, Judaismchallengedthe prevailingculturalnormsof the GrecoRoman world through its family and community lifestyle to the point of being

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countercultural. Given the sociopoliticalrealitiesof the time, especiallythe turmoilin Alexandria,the observationsmadein thelastchapter("Proselytesin Relationto God, Jews, and 'Israel'") becomedoublysignificant.Hereagain, Philo reservesthe term "Israel"for those spirituallyqualifiedor privileged to see God, regardlessof ancestry.More importantly,it is not as though proselytesconstitutednew communitiesthatmarkedthe boundaryseparating Jews andnon-Jews.Proselytesare consideredJews for havingcome overto the laws andworshipof the one God;they arepartof the Jewishcommunity. Thereis no description,however,of the rite(s)by which proselytesjoin the collectivity,and this, perhaps,is becauseof Philo's silence on the subject. One misses some analysisin this chapterof the "dialogue"of Judaismwith paganism,as Philo obviouslyendeavoredin some of his works,especiallyin the Exposition. It must be said that ThePlace of Judaismin Philos Thoughtis a very cautiousstudy,and Birnbaumhas given us a definitivework on what Philo means by his numeroususes of the word "Israel"besides othertermsthat defineJudaismin the firstcentury. Authors are seldom faulted for what they do not discuss, and their vulnerabilityto adversecriticismis often limitedto downrightblundersin whatthey assert.Birnbaum,by contrast,deservesto be commendedprofusely for the thoroughnessof her coverageof the subjectand the absenceof any discernibleinaccuraciesin her work. She couldwell say with Philo, "MayI neverdevote studyandpainsto anythingof whichI am not afterwardsto be a defender"(QuodDeteriusPotioriInsidiariSolet 64). Abraham Terian St.NersessArmenian Seminary NewRochelle,N.Y. FlorentinoGarciaMartinezand Julio TrebolleBarrera.The People of the Dead Sea Scrolls. TheirWritings,BeliefsandPractices.Trans.WilfredG. E. Watson.Leiden:E. J. Brill, 1995. ix, 269 pp. Althoughthevolumeunderreviewmightappearfromits titleto be another to the Dead Sea Scrolls,"it differsfrommostsuchbooksin two "Introduction significantways: first, it consists of a series of studiesmost of which have been publishedelsewhereand was not composedab initio as an integrated volume, and second, it reflects the work and approachesof two different

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Moshe J. Bernstein Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 2 (1998), pp. 253-255 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486912 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:47 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

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countercultural. Given the sociopoliticalrealitiesof the time, especiallythe turmoilin Alexandria,the observationsmadein thelastchapter("Proselytesin Relationto God, Jews, and 'Israel'") becomedoublysignificant.Hereagain, Philo reservesthe term "Israel"for those spirituallyqualifiedor privileged to see God, regardlessof ancestry.More importantly,it is not as though proselytesconstitutednew communitiesthatmarkedthe boundaryseparating Jews andnon-Jews.Proselytesare consideredJews for havingcome overto the laws andworshipof the one God;they arepartof the Jewishcommunity. Thereis no description,however,of the rite(s)by which proselytesjoin the collectivity,and this, perhaps,is becauseof Philo's silence on the subject. One misses some analysisin this chapterof the "dialogue"of Judaismwith paganism,as Philo obviouslyendeavoredin some of his works,especiallyin the Exposition. It must be said that ThePlace of Judaismin Philos Thoughtis a very cautiousstudy,and Birnbaumhas given us a definitivework on what Philo means by his numeroususes of the word "Israel"besides othertermsthat defineJudaismin the firstcentury. Authors are seldom faulted for what they do not discuss, and their vulnerabilityto adversecriticismis often limitedto downrightblundersin whatthey assert.Birnbaum,by contrast,deservesto be commendedprofusely for the thoroughnessof her coverageof the subjectand the absenceof any discernibleinaccuraciesin her work. She couldwell say with Philo, "MayI neverdevote studyandpainsto anythingof whichI am not afterwardsto be a defender"(QuodDeteriusPotioriInsidiariSolet 64). Abraham Terian St.NersessArmenian Seminary NewRochelle,N.Y. FlorentinoGarciaMartinezand Julio TrebolleBarrera.The People of the Dead Sea Scrolls. TheirWritings,BeliefsandPractices.Trans.WilfredG. E. Watson.Leiden:E. J. Brill, 1995. ix, 269 pp. Althoughthevolumeunderreviewmightappearfromits titleto be another to the Dead Sea Scrolls,"it differsfrommostsuchbooksin two "Introduction significantways: first, it consists of a series of studiesmost of which have been publishedelsewhereand was not composedab initio as an integrated volume, and second, it reflects the work and approachesof two different

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scholarswho are individuallyresponsiblefor separatesegmentsof the book. The book makes no pretenseat covering all aspects of Qumranresearch, althoughthe subject areas covered are among the most significantin this scholarlydiscipline.The volume thus resemblestwo sets of selectedessays thathavebeenintegratedintoa coherentsequence.Furthercontributing to the lackof unityis the fact thatsome of the materialwas clearlyaimedat a fairly popularaudiencein its originalpresentation,while some of it was presented in moreacademiccontexts.Thereis also the minorannoyancethat,whereas the essays by GarciaMartinezhave theiroriginallocus of publicationlisted, the chaptersby TrebolleBarrerado not. The book is divided into three fairly broad sections: "The Men and the Communityof Qumran,""TheBible, Purityand MessianicHope,"and The individualchaptersof each "Qumranand the Originsof Christianity." section do not coheretightly,and there is a certainamountof repetitionin some of the chaptersby the two authors(e.g., chapters1 and2 bothprovide similar introductionsto Qumranscholarship).Some of the introductory material,especially the first chapter,which is a sort of introductionto the introductions,is a fairlyblandprologueto the historyof the scrolls,anchored firmlyin the view thattheywereproductsof Qumran,andnotof theJerusalem or Templelibrary,as held by NormanGolb, and in the assertionthat the settlementat Qumranwas linkedto the caves wherethe scrollswere found. Also rejectedare the idiosyncraticviews of RobertEisenmanand Barbara C.E.dateforthe scrolls. Thiering,whichclaima Judeo-Christian, first-century In this regard,this volume stands squarelyin the mainstreamof Qumran scholarship. The theoryused by GarciaMartinezto explainthe historyof the group that wrote the scrolls is known to the scholarlyworld as the Gr6ningen hypothesis,and GarciaMartinezis one of its inventorsandmainsupporters. In one of the morevaluablechaptersin the book,he lays out the alternatives to this hypothesisand attemptsto refutethem, presentingthe evidence for the originof the Qumrancommunityas partof the largerEssenemovement duringthe high priesthoodof JohnHyrcanus(135-104 B.C.E.). The sectarian communityof Qumranwas thusEssene,butnot completelyso, since it broke with the mainbranchof the movementover a varietyof important,primarily halakhic,issues. TrebolleBarreraadds to GarciaMartinez'sintroduction some mild remarkson the publicationhistoryof the scrolls, defendingthe lack of speed so frequentlycriticizedin recentyears. What the book lacks is the glue that could hold its discrete chap-

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ters together and make these distinct treatmentsinto an introductoryor intermediate-levelgeneralwork on Qumranand the scrolls. In fact, for a readerto benefit fully from some of the chapters,previousknowledgeof the scrolls is virtuallyindispensable.On the other hand, some of the less popular,more scholarly,essays are valuablecontributionsto the literature on Qumran.Thereis also an imbalancein the threemajordivisionsof the book:the severalprefatoryand introductoryessays belong together,and the thirdmajorportionof the book, "Qumranand the Originsof Christianity," actuallyholds togetheras a groupof essays with an overarchingunity.But the centralsection, "Bible, Purityand MessianicHope,"does not form an integratedcategory.Each of these is an importantdiscretetopic in Qumran studies, and the individualessays are useful summariesof the significant issues involved. But they have nothingin commonotherthan the fact that they are not introductoryand do not deal with the New Testament. The very fact thatone sectionof the book, albeitthe shortest,is devoted to "Qumranandthe Originsof Christianity" indicatesthe audienceto whom the volume appearsto be directed.Unlike Schiffman'sReclaimingthe Dead Sea Scrolls,whichattemptsto relocatethe studyof the scrollsin a thoroughly Jewish matrix,these essays highlightthe possible links between Qumran and early Christianity,althoughthe treatmentof the possible connectionsis conservative,careful,andunsensational.Both GarciaMartinezand Trebolle Barrerastressthe absurditiesof many of the more outlandishtheories,such as those of ThieringandEisenman,whichclaimthatthe scrollsactuallyrefer in code to a numberof significantfigures in early Christianity.Likewise, like VanderKamin The Dead Sea Scrolls Today,they both underscorethe ways in which Christianitydivergessharplyfrom the rigorouslegal milieu of the Qumranscrollsdespitesome of the attractivesuperficialresemblances betweenthem. This volume, then, cannotsubstitutefor a soundgeneralintroductionto the scrolls. But thereis no doubtthatit can be readand studiedwith profit by scholarsof Qumran,and that studentsof Judaismin late antiquitywill also find much of value, providedthatthe caveatsindicatedearlierare kept in mind. MosheJ. Bernstein YeshivaUniversity NewYork,N.Y.

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Reena Zeidman Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 2 (1998), pp. 256-258 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486913 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:47 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

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Lawrence A. Hoffman. Covenant of Blood: Circumcision and Gender in

RabbinicJudaism. Chicago Studies in the History of Judaism.Chicago: Universityof ChicagoPress, 1996. 256 pp. LawrenceHoffman'sstudyof circumcisionis ostensiblytryingto respond to the question:why do we have this rite, antiquatedand difficultas it is? In otherwords, Hoffman,who is a ReformJew, asks why ReformJudaism sustainedthis practicewhen it denieda placeto so manyotherunfashionable practices.He attemptsa systematicstudyof the ritefroma numberof vantage points. Hoffmandrawson sociology,anthropology, philology,history,andanecdotal evidence in his study of circumcision.However,none of these forays intothe subjectis treatedwith anyrigor;thus,the better-trained readerlearns and the casual reader cannot the information he little, effectively process are What tendentious of rabbinic literature emerges highly readings provides. usingprimarilyanthropologicalcategories. Levi-Strauss,MaryDouglas,and a numberof othersare granteddivine status in Hoffman's cosmos. He constructsan approachto circumcision that for him representsthe most importantinsight into the rabbinicworld. He claims that a quest for orderdefines the entirehalakhicsystem of the Talmud.His theoriesrest on a simplisticreadingof the material:the blood of circumcisionis an act which is controlled;that is, the mohel makes an incision on the infantfor a definedtime and stops the blood from flowing heavily.The site of the incisionis also relevantbecausesexualregulationis a markerof controlof the passionsin righteousmen. Forexample,Hoffman notes that Joseph'scontrolof his sexual desires,that is, the blood flow of sexualdesire,in the house of Potiphar,was highlightedas righteousnesspar excellencein midrashand in kabbalisticliterature. The blood of circumcisionis typical of the male place in the halakhic world. This is so because males control the environmentof circumcision by drawingblood at a specific time at will. In contrast,the blood of the menstruatingwoman is an aspect of the uncontrollednatureof women, their rawness and their naturalness.Hoffmannotes that women's issues are comparedby the rabbisto vines without limits. His taxonomyof the differencesis worthwhileciting:"Whatinterestsus is thefactthatdichotomies of nature/culture,women/men,and wild/controlledare symbolizedby the archetypicalbloodof the two sexes. Theessenceof circumcisionis thewillful and controlleddrawingof blood accordingto the Toraiticcommand,thatis,

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accordingto culturaldictates.Women,on the otherhand,are characterized by blood that flows naturally,uncontrolledby culture"(pp. 167-168). The implicationsof this ratherexaggeratednotion of physiologyis thatwomen are prohibitedfrom time-boundpositive commandments(p. 165). Hoffman summarizes:". .. the entirerabbinicsystemis basedon a sociologyof order in which it is men'srole to imposeorderon humanaffairs,parallelinga male God's primevalact of orderingthe cosmos. The halakhahis nothingif not the systemof imposingorderon creation"(p. 156). Hoffman's comparisonbetween the two bloods is not supportedby rabbinicreadingsand in essence operatesonly as a constructin Hoffman's own highlyidiosyncraticreading.Thebloodof niddahis just one of themany flows whicharetreatedin the Bible. Boththezav andthezavahareproblems of purityin the life of Israel.Hoffman,to his credit,cites JacobMilgram's credible interpretationof the biblical record.However,he claims that the system which operatesin the Bible differsfrom the mishnaictradition(pp. 147-148). This is simply not the case. He offers only his own and Howard as evidencefor a differentreading.Further, Eilberg-Schwartz's interpretation associated with if controlis blood,Hoffmanshouldrealizethatthe womanis in controlof her own sexual life. The Bible says she is to counther niddah, this places the burdenof responsibilityin the woman'sworld. In my view, "control"is simply too vague an issue to determineon the basis of every halakhah.It is all too easy to interpretcontrolin every act, and it leads to of the systemas a whole. misrepresentations In this reviewer's opinion, Hoffmanmisinterpretsthe Talmudand its commentatorswhen he maintainsthatthe tosafistsarguedwith the Talmud, when in factthey explainthe text. His claimthatthe Talmud(Kiddushin52b) preventedwomen from enteringthe Templecourtyard,whereasthe tosafists permittedit, misses the point. Whatthe tosafistsexplain,in fact, is thatthe Talmudpreventedwomen from enteringthe courtyardonly for purposesof betrothal,sincethis couldhaveinfringeduponthe dignityof the holy Temple. Hoffmanis on slipperygroundwhen he triesto datethe blessingon the wine to geonic times (with its first appearancein SederRay Amram).This fallacy,commonin JewishStudies,aimsto datea certainsayingor act to the personrelatingit. However,thereis no way of tellingif therewere blessings prior to this date; we are only in possession of the recordfor the geonic period.Highlytendentiousalso is his readingof the wine givento the woman to drink.He associates it with salvationand sees Christianaspects to this component(anotherHoffmanesquereadingwhich is not borne out by any

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sourcematerial).He claims thatthe wine is associatedwith womenbecause it is blood. However,as he is well aware,and bringsa numberof proofsto this effect, the husbandor childdrinksthe wine also. If this is so, the symbol of blood= wine is no longeroperative.Hoffmanis too eagerto fit everything into one neat unit. He extendshis critiqueof blood so far as to suggestthat "theblood of circumcisionthusfunctionedas an iconicmarkerin opposition to differentiatethe gendersin rabbinicJudaism" to the blood of menstruation This is an of the rabbinicsystem. oversimplification (p. 190). extraordinary Man cannot live by blood alone, and neithershould an anthropologesque scholarof liturgy. ReenaZeidman Queen'sUniversity Ont. Kingston, RobertEisen. Gersonideson Providence,Covenant,and the ChosenPeople: A Studyin MedievalJewish Philosophyand Biblical Commentary. Albany: StateUniversityof New YorkPress, 1995.xiv, 257 pp. This is an excellent, important,and pioneeringwork. As RobertEisen notes,"Gersonidesis the only majormedievalphilosopher,asidefromSaadia, who producesboth a majorphilosophicalworkand a body of biblicalcommentaries"(p. 5). But, as he furthernotes,while studentsof Gersonideshave devotedmuch energyto elucidatinghis philosophicclassic, The Warsof the Lord,they havegenerallyneglectedto examinehis biblicalcommentariesfor the lightthey mightshedon his thought.' And the light is considerable.Forat the heartof Gersonides'philosophic projectis his attemptto "recastall the majorBiblical categories--suchas creation,providence,prophecy,and miracles-in orderto bring them into line"with his acceptanceof an "Aristotelianconceptionof God ... [as] an 1. Eisengives generouscreditto the importantstudiesof Gersonides'exegesisby Seymour Feldman,MenahemKellner,andCharlesTouati.Althoughhe refersin passingto the essay of Amos Funkenstein,"Gersonides'BiblicalCommentary: Science,History,andProvidence,"in Studieson Gersonides,ed. GadFreudenthal (Leiden:Brill, 1992),pp. 306-315, it wouldseem theessayappearedtoo lateforEisento makeanyuse of it. A recentimportant essaywhichmakes expertuse of boththe Warsandthe biblicalcommentariesis SaraKlein-Braslavy, "Prophecy, Clairvoyance,andDreams,andthe TermHitbodedutin Gersonides'Thought"[Hebrew],Daat 39 (Summer,1997):23-68.

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Lawrence Kaplan Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 2 (1998), pp. 258-263 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486914 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:47 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

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sourcematerial).He claims thatthe wine is associatedwith womenbecause it is blood. However,as he is well aware,and bringsa numberof proofsto this effect, the husbandor childdrinksthe wine also. If this is so, the symbol of blood= wine is no longeroperative.Hoffmanis too eagerto fit everything into one neat unit. He extendshis critiqueof blood so far as to suggestthat "theblood of circumcisionthusfunctionedas an iconicmarkerin opposition to differentiatethe gendersin rabbinicJudaism" to the blood of menstruation This is an of the rabbinicsystem. oversimplification (p. 190). extraordinary Man cannot live by blood alone, and neithershould an anthropologesque scholarof liturgy. ReenaZeidman Queen'sUniversity Ont. Kingston, RobertEisen. Gersonideson Providence,Covenant,and the ChosenPeople: A Studyin MedievalJewish Philosophyand Biblical Commentary. Albany: StateUniversityof New YorkPress, 1995.xiv, 257 pp. This is an excellent, important,and pioneeringwork. As RobertEisen notes,"Gersonidesis the only majormedievalphilosopher,asidefromSaadia, who producesboth a majorphilosophicalworkand a body of biblicalcommentaries"(p. 5). But, as he furthernotes,while studentsof Gersonideshave devotedmuch energyto elucidatinghis philosophicclassic, The Warsof the Lord,they havegenerallyneglectedto examinehis biblicalcommentariesfor the lightthey mightshedon his thought.' And the light is considerable.Forat the heartof Gersonides'philosophic projectis his attemptto "recastall the majorBiblical categories--suchas creation,providence,prophecy,and miracles-in orderto bring them into line"with his acceptanceof an "Aristotelianconceptionof God ... [as] an 1. Eisengives generouscreditto the importantstudiesof Gersonides'exegesisby Seymour Feldman,MenahemKellner,andCharlesTouati.Althoughhe refersin passingto the essay of Amos Funkenstein,"Gersonides'BiblicalCommentary: Science,History,andProvidence,"in Studieson Gersonides,ed. GadFreudenthal (Leiden:Brill, 1992),pp. 306-315, it wouldseem theessayappearedtoo lateforEisento makeanyuse of it. A recentimportant essaywhichmakes expertuse of boththe Warsandthe biblicalcommentariesis SaraKlein-Braslavy, "Prophecy, Clairvoyance,andDreams,andthe TermHitbodedutin Gersonides'Thought"[Hebrew],Daat 39 (Summer,1997):23-68.

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impersonalbeing ... who has limited knowledgeof events in the world below, is unableto experiencea changein will, and cannotinteractdirectly of the above with humanaffairs"(p. 2). But if Gersonides'reinterpretation biblicalcategoriesis to be foundin the Wars,his views on the biblicalconcept of the ChosenPeople, by contrast,are developedand set forthprimarilyin his biblical commentaries.And the concept of election, which appearsto be premisedon the existence of a special personalcovenantalrelationship betweenGod andIsrael,would seem to pose an especiallydifficultchallenge to Gersonides'philosophicprinciples.Eisenhas thusnot only chosenboth a philosopheranda themethatareof centralimportancein thehistoryof Jewish thought,but his juxtapositionof philosopherandthemeis particularlysuited to illuminatesuch broaderissues as the tensionbetweenAristotelianmetaphysicsandthe thoughtworldof the Bible andtherabbisthatso occupiedthe medievalphilosophers,andthe interactionbetweenphilosophicalspeculation in the course of which both this tension and the and biblical interpretation it to overcome were attempts amplydisplayed. Eisen'spresentationis exceptionallyfull andlucid,if at the priceof some is firmlygroundeduponanexact, slightrepetitiousness,andhis argumentation penetrating,and philosophicallysensitive readingof all the relevanttexts in both the Warsand the biblicalcommentaries.2 Particularlyadmirable,he takes care to accord a fair to the views of otherscholarsand always hearing to indicate when the sources allow for similarly primary multipleinterpretive possibilitiesor are simply too obscurefor the readerto be able to determine theirmeaningwith any degreeof certainty. After an introductorychapter,Eisen begins his studyin chapter2 with a surveyof the philosophicmaterialin the Warsrelevantto Gersonides'understandingof covenant,focusingin particularon his view of divineprovidence. He then moves fromthe Warsto the biblicalcommentaries,for it is only in thosewritingsthatGersonidesfully developshis notionof the covenantidea. of Chapters3 and 4 are devotedto Gersonides'philosophicalinterpretation the patriarchalcovenantandits role up to the conquestof Canaan,chapters5 and6 to his understanding of the Sinaiticcovenant,andchapters7 and8 to the role played by the patriarchalcovenantin Jewishhistoryfromthe conquest to the messianicera. In chapter9 Eisen seeks to accountfor the apparently 2. Oneminorcorrection.Eisen'stranslation(p. 90) of Gersonides'commenton Deut.29:28 as "Goddid not commandus to obey the wordsof the Torahjust with regardto thatwhich is overtin them"is misleading.The correcttranslationis "Godcommandedus to obey the words of the Torahonly withregardto thatwhichis overtin them"(lo... raq = lo 'ela).

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personalisticlanguagethat Gersonidesuses in the biblicalcommentariesin describingtheworkingsof divineprovidence,whilethefinalchapteris devoted to a generalanalysisandassessmentof Gersonideson Jewishchosennessand concludingreflectionson the place of the biblicalcommentariesin his philosophy.Also treatedin the book are such substantiveissues as Gersonides' views on Mosaic prophecyand the messianicera and such methodological questionsas the presenceor absenceof esotericismin his thought.3 As theprecedingoverviewmakesclear,at theheartof thebookis Gersonof the Sinaitic ides' attemptto offera philosophicallyacceptableinterpretation covenants. andpatriarchal Gersonides'view of the Sinaiticcovenantis intimatelyboundup with his view of thepurposeof theTorah.As Eisenindicates,theTorah,forGersonides, functionsprimarily"asa [philosophic]guidebookforbringingtheIsraelitesto moralandintellectualperfectionso thattheycanexperienceindividualprovidence"(p. 73). Thismay seemverysimilarto Maimonides'view of theTorah, with "greater but,as Eisenpointsout, Gersonidesinveststhe commandments philosophicsophisticationand contemporarysignificancethanMaimonides does" (p. 94). Indeed, Gersonides,througha liberaluse of allegorization, seeks to show how the commandments"provideinstructionin all issues in naturalscience and metaphysics"(p. 94). We can sharpenEisen's contrast betweenMaimonidesand Gersonides.For Maimonides,the commandments provide "welfareof the soul," which "consistsin the multitudeacquiring to theirrespectivecapacity,"a capacitywhich correctopinionscorresponding for not "suffice thatsubjectmatter[of the opinions]as it does apprehending is" (Guide3:27). (It is worthnotingthatMaimonidesdoes not allegorizethe For Gersonides,who, as Eisen notes,has a greaterestimacommandments.) tion of the multitude'scapacitythandoes Maimonides,the commandments, preciselyby providinginstructionin naturalscienceandmetaphysics,provide notjust welfareof the soul butalsoperfectionof the soul.4 In light of Gersonides'view as to the purposeof the Torah,the Sinaitic covenant,Eisen concludes,"canbe easily translatedinto philosophicterms" 3. A comparisonof Eisen'sreadingof Gersonides'views on the messianiceraandesotericism with the very differentreadingof Dov Schwartzwouldproveenlightening,but mustbe left for another occasion. See Dov Schwartz, Messianism in Medieval Jewish Thought [Hebrew]

Bar-IlanUniversity,1997),pp. 184-186. (Ramat-Gan: 4. One shouldalso mentionthatGersonidesrequiresa muchlowerthresholdfor achieving perfectionof the soul thandoes Maimonides.See WarrenZ. Harvey,"Crescas'Critiqueof the Theoryof the AcquiredIntellect"(Ph.D.diss., ColumbiaUniversity,1975).

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(p. 95). The Israelites,by observingthe Torah,achievemoralandintellectual perfection,andtherebyattainto individualdivineprovidence.But,as Gersonides explainsin Book 4 of the Wars,individualdivineprovidenceis a product of impersonallaws. "Thus,at MountSinai the Israelitesessentiallyforge a covenantwith impersonalprovidentiallaws,notwitha personalGod"(p. 95). Occupyingcenterstagein the book,however,is not the Sinaiticcovenant, butthe patriarchal, particularlythe Abrahamic,covenant.How,froma philosophicalstandpoint,arewe to understandGod'sunilateralpromisesto Abraham to protecthis descendants?Preciselyhere,Eisen shows us the intricate interplaybetween the Warsand the biblicalcommentaries.The key to understandingthese divine promisesis providedby the doctrineof inherited providence,a conceptbrieflyintroducedin the Warsin the courseof Gersonides' discussionof miracles.A prophetis ableto performmiracles,Gersonides explains,by activatinga special series of impersonallaws in orderto bring abouta materialor spiritualgood or averta materialor spiritualharm.What Eisencalls inheritedprovidencerefersto Gersonides'apparentsuggestionthat theprophetperformsmiracleson behalfof his descendantsthrougha (notvery clearlyexplained)time-delayedactivationof this impersonalseries of laws. Moreover,in the WarsGersonidesgoes on to suggestthatGod'spromiseto Abrahamin the covenantbetweenthe pieces thatHe wouldperformmiracles on behalfof his descendantsisjust animaginativeway of statingthatAbraham himself, afterhe foresawwhat the futureheld in store for his descendants, performedthese miracleson theirbehalfby meansof inheritedprovidence. It is only througha carefulstudy of the biblicalcommentariesthat we can see exactly how, in Gersonides'view, the patriarchalcovenant,in other words,inheritedprovidence,functionson behalfof Abraham'sdescendants. Eisensumsup his carefulstudyas follows: Inherited providence[in Egypt]hada clearlydefinedrole.It servedas an measureto rescuethe Israeliteswhentheywerethreatened with emergency . . butwerenot deservingof providence in theirown physicaldestruction Inthecourseof rescuingtheIsraelites right.[Its]role... wasalsotemporary. fromslaveryit providedthe necessaryconditions forthe Israelites to regain the capacityfor achievingprovidenceon theirown ... by bringingmiracles

thatwouldconvincethemto acknowledge God'sexistenceandallowthemto

achieveintellectualperfection. After the conquestof Canaan,inheritedprovidencecontinuesto perform a series of similarfunctions.It comes into play as a last resortto rescuethe Jewswhen theyhave disobeyedGod'scommandments andarethreatenedwith

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... designed punishments physicaldestruction....It [also]producesprovidential

withGodso thattheycan theirconnection to convincetheJewsto re-establish onceagainbeprotected bytheirownprovidence. (pp.144-145)5

Eisen's conclusionhere thatthe role ascribedby Gersonidesto inherited providenceis modest and limited strikesme as being exactly right.Unfortunately,throughoutmost of the book he maintains,in a contraryvein, that role for inherGersonidesenvisageda muchmoreexpandedandfar-reaching itedprovidence.Thushe claimsthatin Gersonides'view inheritedprovidence was responsiblefor the giving of the Torah(pp. 63, 73, 96, 170, and 173), was similarly"responsiblefor the miraculousqualityof Moses' legislative capabilities"(pp. 81-82), andwill even ensurethecomingof the Messiah(pp. 151, 155, and 171).None of these claimscan be sustained. Withregardto thegivingof theTorah,Gersonidesstatesthatthemiraclesin Egyptresultedfrominheritedprovidenceand,in turn,providedthe Israelites with the belief in God that made them worthyof receivingthe Torah.But they receivedthe Torahon accountof theirfaith,not on accountof inherited providence,whichplayedonly an indirectrole.As for the miraculousquality of Moses' legislativecapabilities,even EisenadmitsthatGersonidesnowhere attributesit to inheritedprovidence.Finally,for Gersonidesto say thatAbrahamforesawthe comingof the Messiahandprovidedinheritedprovidenceas a secondaryand limitedmeasureto help preservehis descendants'existence untilthatday is not to say thatinheritedprovidencewill actuallybringabout the comingof the Messiah.6 In lightof all this,we cannotagreewithEisen'spositionthat"thecovenant at Sinaiis seen by Gersonidesas anoutgrowthof the ... covenantwiththePatriarchs,"and,consequently,thatit is the"providenceinheritedfromAbraham morethanotherfactorsin Gersonides'thinking[that]accountsforthe chosen statusof the Jewishpeople"(pp. 172-173). To the contrary.Sincethe Sinaitic covenant,andsince covenant,forGersonides,is independentof thepatriarchal it is the Torahrevealedat Sinai that providesthe Jewishpeople with both moraland intellectualperfection,it follows, to cite the succinctformulation 5. Eisen, however,at times conflatesGersonides'views on the sufferingresultingfrom inheritedprovidencewithhis views on "sufferingsof love"resultingfromone'sownprovidence. 6. Interestinglyenough,since forGersonidestherewill be no needforinheritedprovidence in themessianicera,andit will consequentlycease to function,in this respectthemessianicera will be less miraculousthanpresenttimes.

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of Amos Funkenstein,that"the... law (andits fulfillment)is Israel'sspecial providence"andthe markof theirelection.'In this respect,then,Gersonides is in completeagreementwith Maimonides,for whom the electionof Israel meansfirst and foremostthatthey were the recipientsof the divine Mosaic cannotacceptEisen'ssuggestionthat"therearestriking law.8Wefurthermore similaritiesbetween Gersonides'notion of inheritedprovidenceand Judah Halevi'samr ilahi (p. 174), even grantingHerbertDavidson'sinterpretation of the amrilahi "asan externalaurathatenvelopsthepeopleorlandof Israel" (p. 175),given the limitedrole Gersonidesascribesto inheritedprovidenceas opposedto the centralrole Haleviascribesto the amrilahi. It goes without saying that I am only able to offer these criticismsof Eisen's view of inheritedprovidence and suggest an alternativereading thanks

to Eisen'sown scrupulousdeploymentof all the relevanttexts of Gersonides bearingon this issue. Indeed,it maybe fairlysaidthatI havedonelittlemore thancite Eisen againstEisen anddrawwhatI believeto be some appropriate conclusions. In a recent essay Amos Funkenstein describes Gersonides' biblical commentaries as "dry, schematic, repetitive, and dogmatic," as exuding a "slight

boredom."'It is the markof Eisen's impressivemonographthatas we come to its end, we findhis contraryjudgmentfully compelling. Oneshouldnotbedeceivedbytheunadorned qualityof Gersonides' exegetical writing.It is in theseworks,morethanin anotherportionof his corpus,that we see the integration of Gersonides' manytalentsas scientist,philosopher, rabbinic scholarandbiblicalcommentator. Indeed,it is herethatthecomplexity andoriginalityof this remarkable medievalthinkermostclearlyemerges. (p. 183) LawrenceKaplan McGillUniversity

Montreal, Que. 7. Amos Funkenstein,"Gersonides'BiblicalCommentary," p. 314. 8. See LawrenceKaplan,"Maimonideson the Singularityof the JewishPeople,"Daat 15 (Summer 1985): v-xxvii; Menahem Kellner, Maimonides on Judaism and the Jewish People

(Albany:StateUniversityofNew YorkPress,1991),pp.81-95; andJacobLevinger,Maimonides as Philosopher and Codifier (Jerusalem: Mossad Bialik, 1989), p. 89.

9. Funkenstein,"Gersonides'BiblicalCommentary," pp. 305 and315.

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Judith R. Baskin Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 2 (1998), pp. 264-266 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486915 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:47 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

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Marc Saperstein. "Your Voice Like a Ram's Horn": Themes and Texts in Traditional Jewish Preaching. Cincinnati: Hebrew Union College Press.

1996. xix, 522 pp. Sermonspreservethe most direct expressionsof rabbinicedification, eloquence, and guidance intendedfor the ordinaryJew. Marc Saperstein, whose earlier Jewish Preaching, 1200-1800 (New Haven: Yale University

Press, 1989) presentedannotatedtranslationsof sermonsby preachersfrom the High Middle Ages to the beginningof Emancipation,has long been a persuasiveadvocatefor the idea that sermonsare a valuableand untapped resourcefor understandingJewish history,spirituality,and thought.In the presentvolume, which includes eleven thematicessays and seven textual studies, some of them published previously,he offers new insights on how sermonscan illuminatevariousaspectsof the Jewishpast. Saperstein arguesthat close readingsof homiletictexts can both revealthe endurance and expansionof exegeticaltraditionsand demonstratethe ways in which philosophicaland mystical ideas achievedpopulardissemination.He also revealshow sermonscan serveas mirrorsof social crisisandchange,andas relationsin specifictimes andplaces. reflectionsof Jewish-Christian thematic essays take a varietyof forms.In a discussionof Saperstein's sermonsfor the Days of Awe, he traces the preachingfunctionof "Raise your voice like a ram'shorn,declareto My people theirtransgression,and the house of Jacobtheir sin" (Isa 58:1), which connectsthe Torahreading for Rosh Hashanah(Gen 22) to a propheticreadingfor Yom Kippur.Using examplesfrom preachingmanuals,homileticaltreatises,and actualsermon texts, Sapersteinshows how the identificationof preachingwith biblical of this verse. prophecywas madeexplicitthrougha varietyof interpretations Thus,sermonsaddressthe difficultyof preachingto diverseaudiencesthrough the metaphorof the rangeof shofarsounds:the preachermustuse the blend for his audience.Similarly,the threesoundsof the of tones most appropriate shofarmay serve as the model for a sermonof ethicalandreligiousrebuke, progressingfroma simplesoundto a soundof groaningto a soundof wailing and finally to a simple sound again, to indicatethe structureof a single sermoniccall to repentance.In eighteenth-century Hasidism,one finds the quietisticnotionthatthe preacher,like the shofar,becomesa passivevessel for the divine voice. Sapersteinsees a self-consciousefforthereto delineate the challengesandpitfallsof Jewishpreachingby leaderswho wereprepared

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to criticize,not only their audiences,but colleagueswho failed to measure up to the standardsimpliedby God'scharge. In other essays, Sapersteinoffers examplesof how medievaland early modemChristianandJewishpreachersusedpositiveimagesof the disdained "other"to castigatetheir flocks. ChristianpreacherspraisedJews for their punctiliousobservance,theirhorrorat blasphemy,theirdevotionto learning for themselves and their children,and their loyalty to their faith. Jewish sermons,on the otherhand,laudedChristiansforestablishinguniversities,for fidelityto the Church,for attentivenessto preachers,forhonestyin business, and for the willingnessof Christianpreachersto criticizethose in authority. Sapersteinsuggeststhatthese sermonsdemonstratethatChristiansandJews could occasionallytranscendtheirmutualhostilityandview one otheras an ethicalandspiritualmodel.Elsewhere,Sapersteindiscusseshow eighteenthcenturypreachersexpressedpatriotismandsupportforcontemporary military Western campaignsin their sermons,indicationsof how pre-Emancipation and CentralEuropeanJews were alreadyidentifyingwith the destiniesand martialtriumphsof theircountriesof residence. Sapersteinis carefulto post a numberof caveatson the use of sermonsas historicalsources,noting thatwhat has survivedare books containingtexts of sermonswhich were almostcertainlywrittenandrevisedfor publication sometimeaftertheyweredelivered.Thus,he askswhethercriticismsdirected attheJewishcommunity,a commonfeatureof survivinghomileticalliterature, were more likely to have been added later in publishedversions and not actually preached,and whethervoiced criticismsof local situationshave sometimes been eliminatedas not of interestto distantreaders.He also wonderswhetherexpressionsof dissatisfactionfromthepulpitwereformulaic and expected on certainoccasions, or whetherthey sometimesindicatean unusualcrisis in a specificcommunity.He takesas his test case eighteenthcenturyPrague,analyzingthe sermonsdeliveredbetween 1755 and 1785 by Zerah Eidlitz, Ezekiel Landau,and Eliezer Fleckeles for evidence of a traditionalcommunity in trouble. Certainlythe sermons describe and decry a high degree of secularization,and delineatesignificantlapses in observanceof the higheststandardsof rituallaw andsexualmores,as well as questionableeconomicpractices.Yet Sapersteinsuggeststhatthese protests are hardly new, offering virtually identical sermoniccritiquesfrom such Toledo.Rather,he findsindicationsin the Prague placesas thirteenth-century sermonsthat the preachersthemselvesfelt they were witnessinga crisis of unforeseendimensionsin the Jewish life of their communityin which the

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forcesof traditionallife werebeingoverwhelmed.WhileSapersteindoes not believe that the preachers'complaintsof drasticdissolutionwere justified, since their community'sunderlyingassumptionswere still fundamentally unchallenged,one must creditthemwith an uncannyprescienceconcerning the consequencesof the significantchanges CentralEuropeanJewrywas beginningto experience. This volume also containsseven Hebrewdocuments,with Englishtranslationsand introductions,four frommedievalSpain,two fromseventeenthPrague.Theseinclude centuryAmsterdam,andone fromeighteenth-century threesermons,threeeulogies,anda fifteenth-century preacher'smanualfrom Spain,perhapsthe earliestextantexampleof a Jewishversionof the popular ChristianArs Praedicandigenre. While the preacher'smanualwas written in Hebrew,the other Hebrewtexts that Sapersteinpresentsand analyzes were almostcertainlydelivered,if not initiallycomposed,in the vernacular languagemost comfortablefor the preacher'saudience.The linguisticissue is an importantone that Sapersteindoes not addressas thoroughlyas he might. Furtherdiscussionof how Hebrewrenditionsof sermons,prepared for scholarlypeers,may have departedfromthe originalvernacularhomilies, and how this affectstheirusefulnessas historicalsources,would have been welcome. In the case of Ezekiel Landau's1780 eulogy for EmpressMaria Theresa,deliveredin the synagoguein the presenceof numerousChristian dignitaries,Sapersteindoes analyze the Hebrewtext against the German versions;moredetailsof wherethe texts differed(andwhy) wouldhavebeen interesting. In general,however,this volume promptsfew complaints.Writtenin a clearand engagingmanner,with ampleand broaddocumentation,it directs ourattentionto an importantbody of Jewishliteraturewhichhas a greatdeal to teachus. JudithR. Baskin StateUniversity of NewYorkatAlbany Albany,N.Y. Roberto Bonfil. Tra due mondi. Cultura ebraica e cultura cristiana nel

Medioevo.Naples:Liguori,1996. 308 pp. The essays in this volume were first publishedseparatelyby Bonfil beginningin the late 1970s and into the early 1990s. They deal with three

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Anna Foa Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 2 (1998), pp. 266-270 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486916 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:48 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

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forcesof traditionallife werebeingoverwhelmed.WhileSapersteindoes not believe that the preachers'complaintsof drasticdissolutionwere justified, since their community'sunderlyingassumptionswere still fundamentally unchallenged,one must creditthemwith an uncannyprescienceconcerning the consequencesof the significantchanges CentralEuropeanJewrywas beginningto experience. This volume also containsseven Hebrewdocuments,with Englishtranslationsand introductions,four frommedievalSpain,two fromseventeenthPrague.Theseinclude centuryAmsterdam,andone fromeighteenth-century threesermons,threeeulogies,anda fifteenth-century preacher'smanualfrom Spain,perhapsthe earliestextantexampleof a Jewishversionof the popular ChristianArs Praedicandigenre. While the preacher'smanualwas written in Hebrew,the other Hebrewtexts that Sapersteinpresentsand analyzes were almostcertainlydelivered,if not initiallycomposed,in the vernacular languagemost comfortablefor the preacher'saudience.The linguisticissue is an importantone that Sapersteindoes not addressas thoroughlyas he might. Furtherdiscussionof how Hebrewrenditionsof sermons,prepared for scholarlypeers,may have departedfromthe originalvernacularhomilies, and how this affectstheirusefulnessas historicalsources,would have been welcome. In the case of Ezekiel Landau's1780 eulogy for EmpressMaria Theresa,deliveredin the synagoguein the presenceof numerousChristian dignitaries,Sapersteindoes analyze the Hebrewtext against the German versions;moredetailsof wherethe texts differed(andwhy) wouldhavebeen interesting. In general,however,this volume promptsfew complaints.Writtenin a clearand engagingmanner,with ampleand broaddocumentation,it directs ourattentionto an importantbody of Jewishliteraturewhichhas a greatdeal to teachus. JudithR. Baskin StateUniversity of NewYorkatAlbany Albany,N.Y. Roberto Bonfil. Tra due mondi. Cultura ebraica e cultura cristiana nel

Medioevo.Naples:Liguori,1996. 308 pp. The essays in this volume were first publishedseparatelyby Bonfil beginningin the late 1970s and into the early 1990s. They deal with three

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basic themes of Italian Jewish life. First and most fully treated is the theme of Jewishculturein the ItalianSouthbetweenthe ninthand eleventh centuries,from the Yossiponto the Megillat Ahimaaz,from what Bonfil calls the Babylonianhegemonyto a new equilibriumbetweenBabylonian, Palestinian,and local (Jewish)culturesand traditions.The secondthemeis Jewish-Christianrelationsin the late Middle Ages and the Renaissancein an Italy which Bonfil interpretsnovelly, howevermuchhe calls the Italian Jewish experienceunique. The third is the natureand functionof Jewish historicalwriting in this period, and in discussingthis Bonfil resumeshis debate with H. Yerushalmiover the position he took in Zakhor He also vision of the Renaissance,in particularas it repudiatesthe Burkhardtian was elaboratedby Cecil Roth, who painteda pictureof felicitousharmony betweenthe Jewishand Christianworlds. The unifying principleof these essays is well expressedby the title: Between Two Worlds.Nonetheless,taken as a whole, the essays depict a complexportraitwhose lines and imagesemergein a seriesof dichotomies, to wit, between the cultures of Babyloniaand Palestine,the culturesof Jews, Christians,and Muslims,the culturesof the Diasporaand the Land of Israel,the realms of myth and history,and the spheresof popularand learnedcultures,of identityand acculturation, and of closureand openness. Bonfil's close attention to the details of these dichotomies,the Through whole becomes ever more sharplydelineated,particularsare madeto stand out, and the supposedlytriedand trueis rejected.The overallgoal is to put to rest the old historiographical partitionthatviewed as distinctthe internal andexternalstoriesof Jews living in a Christiansociety.Accordingly,Bonfil first, that Jewish history must be posits two principlesof interpretation: pursuedaccordingto the same rules of evidenceand interpretation applied to historyas a whole, and,second-however muchit seems to contradictthe first-that there is a sharpculturaldivide separatingChristiansfrom Jews, and Jews from Christians.To overcomethis evident contradiction,Bonfil proposes that we must investigatethe modalitiesof both the "presence" and the "absence"of Jews in the Christianworld and, in particular,the mutualinterpenetration of the two worlds,whichone mightcall "absencein presence." Bonfilforcefullyillustratesthesethemesof culturalclashin his discussion of the ItalianSouth,where, in fact, a thirdculturalpole is broughtto bear, that of Islam. Yet the fundamentaloppositiontherewas not betweenJews and Christiansor Muslims, but between Palestinianculture,anchoredin

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veneratedlocal practice,and the cultureof the BabylonianTalmud.Bonfil describes this opposition in terms of direct challenge, acculturation,and the loss of tradition.The desire he perceives of Italian Jews to resist the supremacyof Baghdad, a desire also expressed by various Jewish communitiesunder direct Islamic rule, is seen as most conservativeand linkedto commonperceptionsandmentalstructuressharedby ItalianJewry with its Christianneighbors.Largelyon the basis of the MegillatAhimaaz, Bonfil describes a new equilibriumbetween Palestinianand Babylonian traditionsreached in the eleventh century.The break with Babylonian hegemonyand the independenceof the Occidentfrom the Orientwas also expressedin terms of a new conceptionof the Land of Israel fueled by both myth and history:"Thediscourseof Ahimaazreverberateswith a new music of the diaspora,destinedto continuethroughthe beginningof modem times"(p. 132). The historyof Italyin the fourteenthandfifteenthcenturiesoffersBonfil ample possibilitiesto investigatewhat he calls the primaryoppositionsof "openness"and"closure,"invertmeanings,andchangethe valenceof signs; andhe sets out determinedlyto demolishthe currenthistoriographical vision of a processof "interrupted Insteadhe [social and intellectual]integration." speaks of a period of intellectualencounterbetween Christiansand Jews, which had a social impactas well, but which was followed in the fifteenth centuryand afterwardby a progressiveexclusiveness.A principalcause of thisclosurewas the disappearance of thescholasticculturethatpreviouslyhad furnished"the primarybasis for the Jewish-Christian intellectualmeeting" (p. 202). The loss of this common culturalbase, togetherwith a growing need for individualself-definition(which itself unequivocallyderivedfrom preexistingconcepts)led to an ever-wideninggap betweenthe self and "the other."Only in a later period accompaniedby an entirelynew mentality producedby laicizationwould this processbe reversed,a reversalthatwas anticipatedneverthelessby the modalitiesof the previousperiodof closure. While using his sourcesto definethe closureof the two worlds,Bonfil also uses them to demonstratethe link betweenclosureand acculturation, an ever-presentinterchange,because"anti-biosis"(definedas the antithesis of symbiosis) produces acculturationalphenomenano less intense than those of symbiosis. Examiningepistolariesas indicatorsof the modes in which Jewishsociety perceivedits own culture,Bonfilarguesthatfor Jews, Christiansociety does not havea "real"existence;non-Jewsare"accidental," Onthe otherhand,througha processof constantJudaization, not "necessary."

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Jewishcultureassimilatesmodelsof non-Jewishculture(theaccentis heavily on high culture),beginningwith languageand extendingto the formof the epistolaryitself. Analogously,the Christianworld appearsfully disposed to accept and internalizeJewish values, yet equally disposed to have the Jews disappear(throughconversion).Hence, if Jewish cultureconstantly fascinatesand seduces Christianculture,Christianculturein its turnoffers Jews alternativemodels of perception,which were indeed received and transformedthroughcontinuousinteraction.In the process,the gap between thetwo keptwideningandthe senseof estrangement grew.A clearexampleof this processis the evolutionof the idea of deathamongJews froma negative to a positive one, an evolutionwhose initiationBonfil attributes(although not representingunanimityon this point) to direct Christianinfluencein southernItaly in the tenth century,and which he views as a preludeto the full-blownAshkenazictheoryof QiddushHa-Shemduringthe Crusades. For Bonfil, then, there is no simple substitutionof a black for a rosy image of the relationshipbetween the "Two Worlds."What he wants to derailis the historiographical vision thatdistancenecessarilyimpliesclosure that or, conversely, openness implies culturalsymbiosis. In Bonfil's view, the opennesstoward cultureof the other is primarilythe other face of the coin of closure, a point he illustratesthroughthe story of the Inquisitor who perceivedAzariahde Rossi's intensivestudy of the Gospelsas a sign that he was about to convert. De Rossi, in fact, saw his studyingof the "other"as nothingof the kind. But Jewishexponentsof the Haskalah,says Bonfil,not to mentionGraetzor Cecil Roth-all threearetargetsof Bonfil's polemic-would not have understoodthis. Believingthat"theconservation of nationaland culturalunity . . . implieda palpableacceptanceof the need to reduce contactswith outside cultures"(p. 241), they would effectively have been performingthe samementaloperationas the Inquisitormentioned above.Whyrepresentatives of nineteenth-century Orthodoxyarenotincluded on Bonfil's list of opponentsis not at all clear. It is a fascinatingreconstruction,yet one with many still obscureand unresolved lines. Bonfil himself betrays the sources of difficulty in his brilliant,yet neverthelessunsatisfyingportraitof JudahMesserLeon,a rabbi anythingbut liberal,a halakhicallysevereconservative,despitehis openness to the outside world and its culture,whose productshe intendedsolely to integrateand absorbinto a Jewish culturalrealm.Throughthe complexart of mirrors,of refusal, seduction,assimilation,and rejection,which these essays construct,we well perceivethe insufficiencyof olderinterpretations.

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At the same time, Bonfil'snew interpretations, althoughcompelling,remain in and shadow. enveloped ambiguity AnnaFoa of Rome"LaSapienza" University Rome,Italy

David M. Gitlitz. Secrecy and Deceit: The Religion of the Crypto-Jews.

Philadelphia:JewishPublicationSociety,1996. xvi, 677 pp. David Gitlitzundertooka gargantuanenterprisein writingthis book, an attemptto documentand describethe religiousand social customs of the conversos.He didnot limithimselfchronologicallyor geographically, dealing with bothIberiaandthe New World,presumablyin orderto coverthe subject to the greatestpossible extent,both of time andplace. This approachhas its advantagesandits disadvantages.On one hand,informationaboutmorethan one communityor phenomenonenlargesthe perspective,particularlysince scholarsin the field tend to centeron specific periodsand locales. On the otherhand,the resultis somewhatdistractingand eclectic;in addition,it is very hardfor the authornot to generalize,althoughhe is well awareof the pitfallsinvolved. One must point out that Gitlitzporedover an impressivearrayof bibliographicmaterial;the originalarchivalresearchappearsto be the work of scholars of many ilks and from many countries.He devoted his energies to organizingthis material:the first and shorterportionof the book is an historical introduction,while the bulk of the 677-page tome deals with religiouscustoms. In the historicalportion, additionalexplanationsand/or bibliographic referencesmight have been helpful. When the term "new-Christians" first Gitlitz does not mention the fact that conversos was the appears(p. 8), in term for the and that "New Christian" came converts, Spain accepted only intouse in the mid-fifteenthcentury.His attemptto explainthe conductof the Spanishmonarchsis anachronistic: "Theywere not rabidanti-Semitesin the Hitlerianmold [emphasisadded]"(p. 17). Thestatementthatthe Inquisition's policy of not namingwitnesses"hampered any seriousdefense"(p. 20) is not precise.Onemustadmitthatdefenseattemptsto providecharacterwitnesses were inherentlydoomedto failure(a defendantprovedto be a good Catholic

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Renée Levine Melammed Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 2 (1998), pp. 270-273 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486917 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:48 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

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At the same time, Bonfil'snew interpretations, althoughcompelling,remain in and shadow. enveloped ambiguity AnnaFoa of Rome"LaSapienza" University Rome,Italy

David M. Gitlitz. Secrecy and Deceit: The Religion of the Crypto-Jews.

Philadelphia:JewishPublicationSociety,1996. xvi, 677 pp. David Gitlitzundertooka gargantuanenterprisein writingthis book, an attemptto documentand describethe religiousand social customs of the conversos.He didnot limithimselfchronologicallyor geographically, dealing with bothIberiaandthe New World,presumablyin orderto coverthe subject to the greatestpossible extent,both of time andplace. This approachhas its advantagesandits disadvantages.On one hand,informationaboutmorethan one communityor phenomenonenlargesthe perspective,particularlysince scholarsin the field tend to centeron specific periodsand locales. On the otherhand,the resultis somewhatdistractingand eclectic;in addition,it is very hardfor the authornot to generalize,althoughhe is well awareof the pitfallsinvolved. One must point out that Gitlitzporedover an impressivearrayof bibliographicmaterial;the originalarchivalresearchappearsto be the work of scholars of many ilks and from many countries.He devoted his energies to organizingthis material:the first and shorterportionof the book is an historical introduction,while the bulk of the 677-page tome deals with religiouscustoms. In the historicalportion, additionalexplanationsand/or bibliographic referencesmight have been helpful. When the term "new-Christians" first Gitlitz does not mention the fact that conversos was the appears(p. 8), in term for the and that "New Christian" came converts, Spain accepted only intouse in the mid-fifteenthcentury.His attemptto explainthe conductof the Spanishmonarchsis anachronistic: "Theywere not rabidanti-Semitesin the Hitlerianmold [emphasisadded]"(p. 17). Thestatementthatthe Inquisition's policy of not namingwitnesses"hampered any seriousdefense"(p. 20) is not precise.Onemustadmitthatdefenseattemptsto providecharacterwitnesses were inherentlydoomedto failure(a defendantprovedto be a good Catholic

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could also have been a seriousjudaizer).However,the system of tachas (disqualifyingwitnesses for the prosecutionby proving their unreliability and/orsubstantiatingsuspicionsof a motiveto perjure)was widely used and at times succeededin underminingthe prosecution.WhenGitlitzwritesthat thejudges were not consistentover the years(p. 22), he needsto explainthe whys andwhereforesto substantiatethis assertion. Gitlitzsays thatthejudaizers"inventedstrategiesforacknowledgingeach other"(p. 39) but providesno examples.He writesthatbetween 1540 and was takingits definitiveshape"(p. 43), butwhy then, 1580, "crypto-Judaism ever and where, in Spainor in Portugal?I am not sure thatcrypto-Judaism hada "definitiveshape"!Moreover,as temptingas it maybe to makethe fast of Estherthe classic crypto-Jewishobservance,the real determiningfactors were location and time. For example, none of the women tried in Toledo between 1492 and 1520 observedthis fast. I also wonderwhy GitlitzrelieduponKamenfor his numbersratherthan the statisticalstudies of Henningsenand colleagues.When discussingwhy the Spanishemigres often chose to go to Portugal,he neglects to mention that many alreadyhad family ties there, as well as the significantdanger factorinvolvedin going elsewhere;the risksinvolvedin a tripoverlandcould not compareto the perils of a sea voyage. In addition,when comparingthe natureof the Spanishand Portugueseconverts,Gitlitzalmostwritesoff the conversoswith the phrase"except very large group of fourteenth-century for the blocks of forced converts .

. .

most conversos converted willingly"

of the complexities (p. 50). Nevertheless,he expressesa clearunderstanding of the topic, and aims for a delicatebalancein dealingwith conversos,the Inquisition,andIberianJewishhistory. In the secondportionof the book,Gitlitz'schoiceof sourcesis sometimes disappointing.This applies,for example,to his quotingof rabbinicopinions or documentsfrom secondarysources or from the EncyclopaediaJudaica, as occursseven times in his chapteron deathcustoms.His referenceto oto haish (p. 139) shouldincludethe talmudicsource,as shouldhis descriptions of avodahzara (p. 146). Whendiscussingritualandprayer,Gitlitzrefersto communalprayeras occurringon the Sabbathandfestivalsandoccasionally daily (p. 443) ratherthanexplainingthatthe normwas to attendthe morning service, in particularon Mondaysand Thursdayswhen therewas a Torah serviceas well. reading,and, if possible,to returnfor the afternoon-evening He also calls themezumana prayer,whereasit is aninvitation(orintroduction) prior to the prayer (p. 485).

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At times, Gitlitz tries to summarizeand categorizephenomena.This shouldbe especiallyhelpfulfor the uninitiated,yet the readeris neverquite surehow to digestthe largequantityof materialpresented,orwhetheronemay dareto drawclear-cutconclusionsfromso muchvariegateddata.Sometimes thereis no smoothtransitionfromone periodto another,as in the discussion of proselytizing,whichjumps fromthe fifteenthto the seventeenthcentury (p. 231), perhapsdue to a lack of materialfor the interimperiod. Ratherthandiscusseachchapter,I will makea few commentson passages orstatementsthatstandoutin my mind.Thediscussionof messianicclaimants fails to mentionDavid Reubeni(p. 109). It is not clearwhy fortune-telling aids are included(p. 185), and I likewise wonderhow the odd description fromMexico of the eatingof humanflesh (p. 206) couldpossiblybe treated as judaizing.The discussionof maritalproblemssuch as leviratemarriage would have been enrichedby referencesto the rabbinicresponsaliterature; even S. Assaf's classic article in Me'assef Zion (5, 1933) would have sufficed.SometimesGitlitzdescribescustomswithoutnamingthem,suchas descristianizar("routinelyscrubbedoff holy oil afterbaptism,"p. 148) and the barbillera(tieingup thejaws of the deceased,p. 284). He writesthat"itis likely thatsome conversoswere given a Jewishburial"(p. 291) butprovides no proofof this contention. The claim that most crypto-Jewsfasted before the Sabbathseems to be based on the researchof one single scholar(p. 322), and I am also not certainthatit is truethat"Sabbathobservanceamonglatergenerationswas so routinethatinvestigatorsrarelypumpedfordetails"(p. 330). Thediscussionof fastson MondaysandThursdaysdoes not mentionthe well-knownmessianic atthebeginningof thesixteenthcentury,whenIn6s movementin Extremadura of Herreraemphasizedpreciselythis activityas incumbentupon conversos awaitingsalvationandpassageto the Holy Land! A statementsuch as "prayersrelated to hand washing and to eating ...

were part of almost every crypto-Jew's routine" (p. 450) makes me

wonder.Did the women wash theirhands,or are we only countingthe men in a nonexistentpost-Expulsionquorumas crypto-Jews?The explanation accompanyingthe discussionof food and dietarylaws is glaringlymodem, claimingthatwhen Jews aresurrounded by gentiles,and"whereassimilation is possibleor even encouragedby the majoritysociety,it is alwayseasierfor Jews not to keep the dietarylaws thanto keep them"(p. 531); somehowthis does not seem relevantto the case at hand. Yet many of Gitlitz's descriptionsand assessmentsare quite relevant.

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Thereare good examplesof syncretismin the chapteron the belief system. The discussionof books is very interesting,as is the shortbut sweet chapter on oaths. The attemptto describechangesin modes of worshipaddsa nice touch(p. 460), andhis attemptto categorizetypesof conversosin the chapter on conversionis distinctivelycreative.I do not agreewith his conclusions regardingthe partiallyassimilated(p. 569), for going to mass and keeping the dietarylaws was parfor the coursefor the crypto-Jewandnotnecessarily a sign of assimilation.Gitlitz highlightsthe complex problemsrelatedto families,the pressuresanddifficultyin keepingthemtogether,andconcludes that"formost conversosgradualassimilationinto Christianidentitywas the norm"(p. 579); thereis no doubt,as he states,thatthe Inquisitiondestroyed the foundationsof trust(p. 596). At the very end, I foundhis finalparagraph to be a bit surprisingin light of the contentsof the book, thoughperhaps for a scholarof GoldenAge literature. appropriate While the specialist in the field may have some bones to pick with the author,the novice will find a fair assessmentof conversocustomsand psychology.As has been indicated,a wealth of materialis includedin this work,andthe bibliographyis most useful. ReneeLevineMelammed of JudaicStudies Seminary Israel Jerusalem, AvromSaltman.TheJewish Questionin 1655: Studiesin Prynne "Demurrer". RamatGan:Bar IlanUniversityPress, 1995. 284 pp. WilliamPrynne,distinguishedlawyer,publicist,and the irascible,testy seventeenth-centuryKeeper of the Records, heaped learnedvituperation upon his real or imaginedfoes. He attackedJews and Papistswith equal abandon,as well as Jesuits,Quakers,Levellers,ArchbishopLaud,Cromwell, and stage plays. He also managedto publish more than 200 books and pamphletsduringhis lengthy,troubled,and tempestuouslife. In 1656, he publisheda ferventplea againstthe readmissionof the Jews to England,a two-partwork entitled:A Short Demurrerto the Jewes long discontinued Remitter into England. Comprisingan exact chronological relation of theirfirst admission into, their ill deportment,misdemeanors,condition, sufferings,oppressions,slaughters,plunders,by popular insurrectionsand

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Stephen D. Benin Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 2 (1998), pp. 273-275 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486918 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:48 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

BOOK REVIEWS

273

Thereare good examplesof syncretismin the chapteron the belief system. The discussionof books is very interesting,as is the shortbut sweet chapter on oaths. The attemptto describechangesin modes of worshipaddsa nice touch(p. 460), andhis attemptto categorizetypesof conversosin the chapter on conversionis distinctivelycreative.I do not agreewith his conclusions regardingthe partiallyassimilated(p. 569), for going to mass and keeping the dietarylaws was parfor the coursefor the crypto-Jewandnotnecessarily a sign of assimilation.Gitlitz highlightsthe complex problemsrelatedto families,the pressuresanddifficultyin keepingthemtogether,andconcludes that"formost conversosgradualassimilationinto Christianidentitywas the norm"(p. 579); thereis no doubt,as he states,thatthe Inquisitiondestroyed the foundationsof trust(p. 596). At the very end, I foundhis finalparagraph to be a bit surprisingin light of the contentsof the book, thoughperhaps for a scholarof GoldenAge literature. appropriate While the specialist in the field may have some bones to pick with the author,the novice will find a fair assessmentof conversocustomsand psychology.As has been indicated,a wealth of materialis includedin this work,andthe bibliographyis most useful. ReneeLevineMelammed of JudaicStudies Seminary Israel Jerusalem, AvromSaltman.TheJewish Questionin 1655: Studiesin Prynne "Demurrer". RamatGan:Bar IlanUniversityPress, 1995. 284 pp. WilliamPrynne,distinguishedlawyer,publicist,and the irascible,testy seventeenth-centuryKeeper of the Records, heaped learnedvituperation upon his real or imaginedfoes. He attackedJews and Papistswith equal abandon,as well as Jesuits,Quakers,Levellers,ArchbishopLaud,Cromwell, and stage plays. He also managedto publish more than 200 books and pamphletsduringhis lengthy,troubled,and tempestuouslife. In 1656, he publisheda ferventplea againstthe readmissionof the Jews to England,a two-partwork entitled:A Short Demurrerto the Jewes long discontinued Remitter into England. Comprisingan exact chronological relation of theirfirst admission into, their ill deportment,misdemeanors,condition, sufferings,oppressions,slaughters,plunders,by popular insurrectionsand

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regal exactions in; and their total, final banishmentby judgement and edict of Parliament,out of England,never to returnagain, etc. This, like many of Prynne'sworks, has earneda reputationas a great repositoryof chancerymiscellanea,fromwhichmedievalistsandothersquarrydocuments unknown,ignored,or forgotten. And yet, Prynne has been acknowledgedas the father of medieval Anglo-Jewishhistoriography,and not solely by gentile historians.Avrom Saltman'sstudyof Prynneis a valuableandlearnedbook.He uncoverslayer upon layer of materialsrelatingto Anglo-Jewishhistory in his study.He beginswith a shortintroduction,followedby a synopsisof theDemurrer,and in a chapterdevotedto Prynne'smarginalsourceshe displaysthe materials availableto this seventeenth-century scholar.A summaryof Prynne'sviews on politics andreligiousissues associatedwith the argumentover admission of the Jewsto Englandcompletesthe narrativesectionof thebook.Morethan half of the volume is devotedto a painstakingand scrupulousstudyof the sourcesfromthe PublicRecords,some 360 of them,numberedandassigned to the reignsof John,HenryIII,EdwardI, andEdwardIII.Thisis notmerely a listingof documents,but texts with valuableandhelpfulcommentaries,an embarrasde richesses. Prynne'schief contributionsto Anglo-Jewishhistory,accordingto Saltman, consist in the following achievements.Prynneadvocatedthe view, adoptedby morerecentscholars,thatJewsfirstcameto EnglandfromRouen at some date very soon after the NormanConquest.After first holding a differentposition,he came to understandthat "thepresbiterateof the Jews of England"was in fact a secular,not a religious,office, and the head of the presbiteraterepresentedthe communityat the Exchequer,especiallyin mattersof taxation.The dating of the Statutede Judaismowas assigned by Prynneto 1275, ratherthan 1290. His greatestcontributionwas his full or partialpublicationof hundredsof documents,mainly thirteenth-century sources,from the Public Records,many of which have yet to be published elsewhere. Prynne'soppositionto the readmissionof the Jews was groundedin English law, Scripture,and economic reasons.Many laws of England,he said, includingthe laws againstcoin-clipping,usury,extortion,fraud,and deceit, made it undesirableto admitthe Jews; he adduceda series of texts from the New Testamentthat could be interpretedas barringreadmission; andpace Menassehben Israel'seconomicargumentsin favorof the Jews,he warnedthat divine punishmentwould be incurredif they were readmitted,

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for as St. Peter said to Simon Magus, "Thy money perish with thee." Saltmanlocates Prynne'soppositionto the Jews and the venom he spews scholarship.The againstothersfirmlyin the contextof seventeenth-century ideas underlyinghis antisemitism,as well as the influenceof Protestant and Catholicantisemiticliterature,are presentedand analyzed.This is an of his age importantand eruditestudyof a remarkablefigurerepresentative and world. It will be of great interestto studentsof Anglo-Jewishhistory and Englishhistoryin general,andto those who are intriguedby the debate over the admissionof the Jews to England,andwhat thatdebatetells of the largerissue of the Jews andtheirplace, or lack of one, in WesternEuropean historyand culture. StephenD. Benin of Memphis University Tenn. Memphis, Michael A. Meyer, ed. WilliamTempler,trans.German-Jewish Historyin Modern Times. Vol. 1, Traditionand Enlightenment, 1600-1780. New York:

ColumbiaUniversityPress, 1996. xiii, 435 pp. In his prefaceto the set of four volumesinauguratedby the book under review, MichaelMeyer outlinesthe principalgoals of the groupprojecthe is overseeing.What he and his team aim to produceis "an encompassing, syntheticwork that reflects the currentstate of research"in the historyof the Jews in German-speakingCentralEuropeand "integrate[s]it into an easily readablenarrative"(p. ix). The contributors'desireto stay up to date obviouslyreflectstheirrespectfor the work thathas been done in this area in recentdecades.Theiremphaticconcernwith readabilityis best explained by the fact thattheirintendedaudienceincludesnot only fellow expertsbut "educatorsandgeneralreadersas well" (p. xii). Theprojectis certainlyoff to a fine start.Volume1, whichcoversnot only theperioddemarcatedin its titlebutalso the intellectualhistoryof the ensuing twenty years, effectively drawsupon a vast arrayof scholarlyliteratureto createan extremelyhelpfuland"user-friendly" accountof Jewishlife in the Germanculturalsphereduringtwo crucialcenturies.Its trenchantdiscussions of the role of court Jews, the Landjudenschaften, Mendelssohn's"Bible project,"the satiricalliteratureof the Haskalah,andmanyothersubjectswill

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Allan Arkush Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 2 (1998), pp. 275-277 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486919 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:48 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

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for as St. Peter said to Simon Magus, "Thy money perish with thee." Saltmanlocates Prynne'soppositionto the Jews and the venom he spews scholarship.The againstothersfirmlyin the contextof seventeenth-century ideas underlyinghis antisemitism,as well as the influenceof Protestant and Catholicantisemiticliterature,are presentedand analyzed.This is an of his age importantand eruditestudyof a remarkablefigurerepresentative and world. It will be of great interestto studentsof Anglo-Jewishhistory and Englishhistoryin general,andto those who are intriguedby the debate over the admissionof the Jews to England,andwhat thatdebatetells of the largerissue of the Jews andtheirplace, or lack of one, in WesternEuropean historyand culture. StephenD. Benin of Memphis University Tenn. Memphis, Michael A. Meyer, ed. WilliamTempler,trans.German-Jewish Historyin Modern Times. Vol. 1, Traditionand Enlightenment, 1600-1780. New York:

ColumbiaUniversityPress, 1996. xiii, 435 pp. In his prefaceto the set of four volumesinauguratedby the book under review, MichaelMeyer outlinesthe principalgoals of the groupprojecthe is overseeing.What he and his team aim to produceis "an encompassing, syntheticwork that reflects the currentstate of research"in the historyof the Jews in German-speakingCentralEuropeand "integrate[s]it into an easily readablenarrative"(p. ix). The contributors'desireto stay up to date obviouslyreflectstheirrespectfor the work thathas been done in this area in recentdecades.Theiremphaticconcernwith readabilityis best explained by the fact thattheirintendedaudienceincludesnot only fellow expertsbut "educatorsandgeneralreadersas well" (p. xii). Theprojectis certainlyoff to a fine start.Volume1, whichcoversnot only theperioddemarcatedin its titlebutalso the intellectualhistoryof the ensuing twenty years, effectively drawsupon a vast arrayof scholarlyliteratureto createan extremelyhelpfuland"user-friendly" accountof Jewishlife in the Germanculturalsphereduringtwo crucialcenturies.Its trenchantdiscussions of the role of court Jews, the Landjudenschaften, Mendelssohn's"Bible project,"the satiricalliteratureof the Haskalah,andmanyothersubjectswill

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no doubtbe welcomedby all segmentsof the authors'envisionedaudience. It would be too muchto say, however,thatvolume 1 fully lives up to all of the editor'spromises.One of the statedgoals of this series is, for instance, to give due attentionto the hitherto-neglected subjectof the role of Jewish women (p. xi). It is consequentlysomewhatsurprisingto find no reference here to any of the work that has been done in recentyears on the spiritual lives of Ashkenaziwomen in the earlymodemperiod. Anothergoal is to shapethe contributors' joint effortsinto a "harmonic aim While this the on is, whole, admirablyachieved presentation"(p. xii). in the inauguralvolume, there are occasionallapses. In his discussionof Mendelssohn'sHebrew periodical,Qohelet Musar, for example, Michael Graetzcontrastsits basicallyoptimisticoutlookon life in this worldandthe next with the viewpointrepresentedin pre-Enlightenment musarliterature. "Thattraditionalgenre,"he writes,"haddepicteddeathandthe agonieshell held in storefor the sinnerin garish,frighteningcolors,fillingthe Jew with profoundanxiety"(p. 277). Of suchgreatmentaldiscomfortandthe literature thatproducedit, however,thereis no mentionin MordecaiBreuer'schapters dealingwith the medievalandearlymodemperiods. In his treatmentof the JewishEnlightenment,Graetzcertainlykeeps up with a great deal of the latest researchin the field. Among other things, he follows some of the most recentscholarsof this periodin concentrating on "the Haskalahas a socioculturalphenomenon."More than the classic works of Jacob Katz (an active memberof the project'sadvisoryboard) and of the editorhimself (who singles out Katzfor specialthanks)on early modem Jewry,Graetz'schapterselucidatethe social originsand economic circumstancesof the firstgenerationof maskilimandof theirsupportersand sympathizers.They likewise shed a greatdeal of light on the relationship betweenthe worldlysituationof the maskilimandtheirprogramto changethe Jewishworld.Whatthey do not do, however,is to provideas illuminatinga summaryof the ideologyconnectedwith thatprogramas is alreadyavailable in the worksjust mentioned. Whateverthe shortcomingsof this volume (and they are by no means numerous),it unquestionablygoes a very long way towardmeetingthe main goals thathavebeen set forthe seriesit initiates.Andeven if it is not superior, in all respects,to earlieroverviewsof the epochit covers,it is neverthelessfar moreaccessible.Well-written,well-translated, well-organized,andsprinkled with instructivemaps and illustrations,it deserves,amongotherthings,the carefulconsiderationof professorswho select the texts thatcollege students

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coursesin modemJewishhistory.Itwill to readin introductory arerequired no doubtreceive such attention,once it is availablein paperback. AllanArkush StateUniversityof New Yorkat Binghamton Binghamton,N.Y. Michael Galchinsky, The Origin of the Modern Jewish Woman Writer: Romance and Reform in VictorianEngland. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1996. 275 pp.

Michael Galchinskyintroducesa group of writerswho remainalmost entirelyunknownto Englishliterarystudiesdespiterecentcriticaleffortsto recoverforgottenvoices fromthemarginsof literaryculture.Thesewritersare doublymarginalized,as women and as Jews. They publishedbetween 1830 and 1880, the periodin which for the firsttime womenin largenumbersrose to prominencein Englishliterature,manyenteredthe sphereof high culture, and a few eventuallyattainedcanonicalstatus;a period,too, duringwhich EnglishJudaismwas beginningthe processof internalreformandJewswon relief fromcivic disabilitiesand acquireda new standingin Englishsociety. But these changeswere for the most partstill tentativeand contested.Celia Moss, her sisterMarionMoss Hartog,andGraceAguilar,the mainfiguresin this study,wereanomalousin the Jewishcontextas well as in the Englishone; theypublishedfictionbeforeJewishmendid,andprecededJewishwomenon the continentand in Americain publishingat all. Muchof theirwritingwas directedto Jews on behalfof women,supportingwomen'seducationandthe religiousreformmovementthatwould, they hoped,improvethe positionof womenin Judaism.To the Englishthey spokeon behalfof Jews,endeavoring to counterpopularstereotypesand presentJews and Judaismin a favorable light to the Christianworld. They beganwritingfiction,Galchinskypersuasivelyargues,in response to an English romancetraditionin which a Jewish heroinerebels against hermaterialisticfatherandfindshappinessin a spirituallyexaltingmarriage with a Christian.In such storiesJewish women (in what we have come to recognize as a typical orientalistformulation)are oppressed,inadequately educated,andreadyfor conversion.This traditioncreateda discursivespace in whichJewishwomencouldwriteaboutJewishheroinesforbothJewishand non-Jewishaudiences,with a ready-madeset of narrativeconventionsthey

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Dorothy Mermin Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 2 (1998), pp. 277-279 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486920 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:48 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

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coursesin modemJewishhistory.Itwill to readin introductory arerequired no doubtreceive such attention,once it is availablein paperback. AllanArkush StateUniversityof New Yorkat Binghamton Binghamton,N.Y. Michael Galchinsky, The Origin of the Modern Jewish Woman Writer: Romance and Reform in VictorianEngland. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1996. 275 pp.

Michael Galchinskyintroducesa group of writerswho remainalmost entirelyunknownto Englishliterarystudiesdespiterecentcriticaleffortsto recoverforgottenvoices fromthemarginsof literaryculture.Thesewritersare doublymarginalized,as women and as Jews. They publishedbetween 1830 and 1880, the periodin which for the firsttime womenin largenumbersrose to prominencein Englishliterature,manyenteredthe sphereof high culture, and a few eventuallyattainedcanonicalstatus;a period,too, duringwhich EnglishJudaismwas beginningthe processof internalreformandJewswon relief fromcivic disabilitiesand acquireda new standingin Englishsociety. But these changeswere for the most partstill tentativeand contested.Celia Moss, her sisterMarionMoss Hartog,andGraceAguilar,the mainfiguresin this study,wereanomalousin the Jewishcontextas well as in the Englishone; theypublishedfictionbeforeJewishmendid,andprecededJewishwomenon the continentand in Americain publishingat all. Muchof theirwritingwas directedto Jews on behalfof women,supportingwomen'seducationandthe religiousreformmovementthatwould, they hoped,improvethe positionof womenin Judaism.To the Englishthey spokeon behalfof Jews,endeavoring to counterpopularstereotypesand presentJews and Judaismin a favorable light to the Christianworld. They beganwritingfiction,Galchinskypersuasivelyargues,in response to an English romancetraditionin which a Jewish heroinerebels against hermaterialisticfatherandfindshappinessin a spirituallyexaltingmarriage with a Christian.In such storiesJewish women (in what we have come to recognize as a typical orientalistformulation)are oppressed,inadequately educated,andreadyfor conversion.This traditioncreateda discursivespace in whichJewishwomencouldwriteaboutJewishheroinesforbothJewishand non-Jewishaudiences,with a ready-madeset of narrativeconventionsthey

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could simultaneouslyuse andoppose.Theirromancesreconceivethe fatherdaughterplot and affirmthe spiritualvalues of Judaism.The first chapter conversionistromancesfrom of Galchinsky'sbook tracesnineteenth-century theirroots in Shakespeare'sTheMerchantof Veniceand Sir WalterScott's Ivanhoe.The second chapterdeals with Jewishmen, who also wrote about conflict, althoughmostly in midrashimratherthan prose father-daughter of women. fiction,and who upheldpaternalauthorityand the subordination HereGalchinskytells the sad storyof MarionMoss Hartog'sJewishSabbath Journal,the firstJewishwomen'speriodical,whichappearedbrieflyin 1855 only to be crushed out of existence by the hostile editor of the Jewish Chronicle.Hartog,who tried to resist conventionalJewish and Victorian idealsof femininity,is the heroineof this book;GraceAguilar,"whodid not resistbut spokethe contradictionsof herculture"(p. 171), andwhose works remainedpopularwith wide and variedaudiencesfrom the mid-nineteenth centuryinto the earlytwentiethcentury,is its exemplaryfigure. The book is organized around a set of oppositions: not only Christian/Jewishand male/female,but also Sephardic/Ashkenazic, upper class/middleclass, traditionalist/reformist, and (in line with currentwork in Victorianstudies) feminist/nonfeminist. As is naturalwhen introducing hitherto-overlooked writers,the authoris somewhatinclinedto overrateboth their literarymerit and the degree to which their attitudescorrespondto those in favortoday,althoughhe is generallycarefulto moderatehis claims. The literarymerits of the works discussedremaindubious.By 1830 the romanceform had been prettymuch drainedof literaryvitality,and Grace Aguilar'sdefensive,ideology-riddendomesticnarrativeslack the sharpness of observation,the distinctionof style, and the edgy ambivalencewith which Amy Levy (whose works fall just too late for the time-frameof this Jewishand Englishlife. Whatever book) at her best depictedcontemporary feministimpulsesmay have impelledthem,moreover,thesewomenrebelled overtlyagainstmale authorityonly rarely(andnot, as MarionMoss Hartog learned to her sorrow, with impunity);they are accuratelydescribedas "transitionalforemotherswho came to prominenceby deckingthemselves submissivelyin the mother'smantle,butwho neverthelessmanagedto create a woman-centeredvision of JewishhistoryandJewishpractice"(p. 192). Other women get less attentionthan the fiction writers,althoughthe briefdescriptionsofferedmakethemseem at leastas interesting.Upper-class women directedtheir literaryefforts to the edificationand improvement of the Jewish poor, while Anna Maria Goldsmid, coming from a rich and

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powerfulfamily (her brotherwas a memberof Parliament),wrote sermons and translations.Almost all the women writerswere interestedin improving women's education, and translationacquireda unique importancewhen women were barredfrom linguistic access to the basic texts of Jewish culture;one might comparethe situationof Englishwomenwho yearnedfor the culturalauthorityconferredby knowledgeof LatinandGreek. Like theirfemaleEnglishcontemporaries, Jewishwomenprofessedtheir dedicationto domesticityand the privatesphereeven as they enteredthe public sphere throughtheir writings, and disclaimedany interestin fame while busily working to acquire it. This typical Victoriancontradiction is heightened,however, for Jewish women who want Jews to assimilate publiclyand practiceJudaismbehindclosed doorsat home, and even more for those who open an idealizedJewishfamily life for Christianinspection. The SephardicAguilar, Galchinskyargues, takes impetusboth from the matriarchalstorytellerswho kept Judaism alive in ostensibly converted homes, and from the traditionof concealmentitself. Introducinga new set of writerswith their distinctiveinflectionof Victorianwomen's literary situation-the only comparablestudy,LindaGertnerZatlin'sTheNineteenthCenturyAnglo-JewishNovel(1981), hasa differentemphasisaltogether-this book makesan originaland importantcontributionbothto Victorianstudies andto Jewishstudies. DorothyMermin CornellUniversity Ithaca,N.Y. Efraim Sicher. Jews in Russian Literature after the October Revolution: Writers and Artists between Hope and Apostasy. Cambridge Studies in

RussianLiterature.Cambridge:UniversityPress, 1995. xxiv, 280 pp.

Todaythereis no shortageof scholarshipon Jews in Russianliterature, sometimesfocusingon the Jew as character,sometimeson the Jew as author. Whatmuch of this scholarshipshows us is thatby the 1917 RussianRevolution,therewas no shortageof Jews in Russianliterature.Despiteongoing discriminationand emigration,this smallnationformeda disproportionately largepercentageof the intellectuals,artists,andpoliticiansin the lateRussian andthen Soviet empire.Trotskywas not alone. What the most recent spate of books on Russian-Jewishwritersclaims

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Judith Deutsch Kornblatt Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 2 (1998), pp. 279-281 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486921 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:48 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

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powerfulfamily (her brotherwas a memberof Parliament),wrote sermons and translations.Almost all the women writerswere interestedin improving women's education, and translationacquireda unique importancewhen women were barredfrom linguistic access to the basic texts of Jewish culture;one might comparethe situationof Englishwomenwho yearnedfor the culturalauthorityconferredby knowledgeof LatinandGreek. Like theirfemaleEnglishcontemporaries, Jewishwomenprofessedtheir dedicationto domesticityand the privatesphereeven as they enteredthe public sphere throughtheir writings, and disclaimedany interestin fame while busily working to acquire it. This typical Victoriancontradiction is heightened,however, for Jewish women who want Jews to assimilate publiclyand practiceJudaismbehindclosed doorsat home, and even more for those who open an idealizedJewishfamily life for Christianinspection. The SephardicAguilar, Galchinskyargues, takes impetusboth from the matriarchalstorytellerswho kept Judaism alive in ostensibly converted homes, and from the traditionof concealmentitself. Introducinga new set of writerswith their distinctiveinflectionof Victorianwomen's literary situation-the only comparablestudy,LindaGertnerZatlin'sTheNineteenthCenturyAnglo-JewishNovel(1981), hasa differentemphasisaltogether-this book makesan originaland importantcontributionbothto Victorianstudies andto Jewishstudies. DorothyMermin CornellUniversity Ithaca,N.Y. Efraim Sicher. Jews in Russian Literature after the October Revolution: Writers and Artists between Hope and Apostasy. Cambridge Studies in

RussianLiterature.Cambridge:UniversityPress, 1995. xxiv, 280 pp.

Todaythereis no shortageof scholarshipon Jews in Russianliterature, sometimesfocusingon the Jew as character,sometimeson the Jew as author. Whatmuch of this scholarshipshows us is thatby the 1917 RussianRevolution,therewas no shortageof Jews in Russianliterature.Despiteongoing discriminationand emigration,this smallnationformeda disproportionately largepercentageof the intellectuals,artists,andpoliticiansin the lateRussian andthen Soviet empire.Trotskywas not alone. What the most recent spate of books on Russian-Jewishwritersclaims

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is that these figuresremainedJewish even afterconversionto Christianity, in some cases, or partialto complete assimilationinto the atheist Soviet state. Indeed, one mark of their Jewishness is an intense struggle with theirtraditionand culturalidentity,which the authorsof these studiesoften find to be defining tensions in their texts. Russian-Jewishwritersremain even in apostasy. "God-wrestlers" Sicher's study is no exception. After a preface and two introductory chapters("BurningEmbers"and "ModernistResponses:The Jewish Jesus"), Sicherdevotes four chaptersto Isaac Babel, Osip Mandelstam,Boris Pasternak,and Ilia Ehrenburg,respectively.His epilogue,"HopeBetrayed," centers on Vasily Grossman,a figure somewhatless known in the West. Sicher alreadyhas a well-deservedreputationas a Babel expert,and has publishedsome of his ideas on Mandelstamas well. His innovationin this study is the creativejuxtapositionof the ambiguousstatusof his subjects (Russianand Jewish as culturalopposites,Jew and writeras synonymsfor with the the subversiveOther)and theirrole as witnessto or accommodator Sicher differentiates his from others Revolution. Russian study by focusing precisely on the Revolution:"I argue that the Revolutionand the events leading up to 1917 in art and in the social history of the Jews caused a completebreakwith the old Russian-Jewishliterature.These are individual portraitsof the artisticself in conflictwith time andhistory"(p. xx). Justas these writerscould not shaketheirinnersense of Jewishness,so, too, could they never forget the jarringeffects of the Revolution(or of Stalinism,in the cases of Ehrenburgand Grossman).For Russian-Jewishwritersof the twentiethcentury,Sicherpointsto the combineddislocationof threemoments in history:the pogroms,modernism,andthe Revolution.All of thesewriters with the Revolutionandwiththemselves";eachof facedan "accommodation thempresentsa "literaryresponseto modernityandrevolution"(p. xix). Despite this unique focus, Jews in Russian Literature after the October

Revolutionultimatelydevelops a standardbinarymodel; Sicher explores each given writer'sconflictedattemptsto "breakout"of a stiflingsense of Jewishothernessinto the "expanseof Russianness"(p. 14). (A provocative chapteron Christiansymbolismin modernistJewishwritersand introductory paintersmightbe betteroff as a separatestudy,althoughthe authordoes refer backto the Jewish/Christian oppositionin someof thechaptersalongwiththe Jewish/Russianconflict.)In the case of Babel'sdichotomousdilemma,Sicher refers to an "irreconcilablecontradictionbetween the violent Revolution and humaneJudaism"(p. 102) and a "consciouslyopen-endeddialecticof

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must contradictions" (p. 111). In Mandelstam,Sichertells us, the "narrator resolve the problem of the boundary"(p. 114). Interestingly,Sicher sees a reversalin Pasternak,whose Doctor Zhivagoconcerns"the spiritualand morehumanevalues identifiedwith the Russiannation.To Pasternak'sway of thinking,these were values antitheticalto any attachmentto Judaism"(p. of the 151). Ehrenburgtroda differentpaththroughthe binarycontradictions Soviet-Jewishwriter:"theexpletionof the personalself" (p. 171): "in each of my books I 'dissociated'myself frommyself" (p. 192). What Sicher hints at is the complex relationshipbetween Jewry and Judaismfor all these writersin a countrywhere the two are linguistically differentiated(evrei and iudei) but culturallyconfused.To what extent did these writersunderstandJewishnessas a nationalidentity?As a religious tradition?As a culture?Couldthey abandonone identitywhile retainingthe other?Did Pasternakbecome"Russian"by his conversionto Orthodoxy?Did Mandelstam's"aestheticconcept of 'Judaism'" (p. 129) infringeupon his desireto enterRussianculturalhistory?How did Ehrenburg's claim to "the of textsin orderto slantethnic statusof Russianwriterthroughtheperformance biographyandliteraryontogenesis"(p. 175)relateto his largelyChristianized conceptionsof Jewishnessandhis "prohibitedlove for Russia"(p. 187)? I close this reviewof whatis a strongandprovocativecontributionto the literatureon Russian-Jewishwriterswith a smallreservationanda question, the latterfor myself as well as Sicher.To my mind,Sichermarsmanyof his insightfulstatementswith too muchjargon:"erasureandexorcism,""psychic damage,""double-voicing";but this is mainly a question of taste. More troubling,I sometimeswonder whetherthe persistenceof Jewish themes or hidden referencesin writers ambivalentabout their Jewishnesshas a more pragmaticmeaningthanmany would avow. As a scholarof RussianJewishliterature,I writeof the torturedrelationshipbetweenJewishnessand Russiannessnot only to express my own torn soul, as it were. Cynically speaking,does not at least some of my motivationstem from a desire to exploit an expertise,develop a "minorityadvantage"?Couldthis not be the case for Babel and the othersas well? A positiveanswerneed not diminish our fascinationwith theirmasterpieces,but it can help us avoidunnecessary psychologizingwhen we discussthem. JudithDeutschKornblatt of Wisconsin University Wis. Madison,

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Joëlle Bahloul Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 2 (1998), pp. 282-284 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486922 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:48 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

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Norman A. Stillman. Sephardi Religious Responses to Modernity. Sherman

LectureSeries 1. Luxembourg:HarwoodAcademicPublishers,1995.xiii, 99 pp. In this shortvolume, Stillmantackles a controversialtheoreticaldebate thathas turnedideologicalwiththe flourishingof Sephardicstudiesin the last threedecades.Stillmanbravelyset himselfto answerthe questionof whether and OrientalJews,like theirNorthernEuropeancounterparts, Mediterranean role in the processof modernization, andif so, how.The debateis playedany view that OrientalJewishsocietieshave groundedin a widespreadscholarly not attainedthe modernizationthat typifies their Europeanbrethren.This view is sustainedby recentsociologicaldata(gatheredmostly in the Israeli context)testifyingto a strongSephardicand OrientalJewishinclinationto a more cohesive religioustradition,and placing all OrientalJewriesin the orderof traditionas opposedto modernity. In my opinion,this view suffersfromtwo majorflaws. First,thereis no clearsociological,cultural,andhistoricaldefinitionof modernity.Second,its main supportwas derivedfromthe absenceof scholarlyworkon Sephardic and Orientalhistory until about three decades ago. The end result of the debate,in many instances,has been to deny Sephardicand OrientalJews any statusin modem history,and to make them,as Eric Wolf would put it, "a people withouthistory."'Stillman'svolume aims to overcomethese two flaws, first with his encyclopedicand exhaustivescholarshipon Sephardic history,2secondly with his use of a sociological conceptualizationof the processof modernization. The originalityof Stillman'smethodologyis to be foundin his focus on the religiousdimensionof OrientalJewishmodernity.We see how Oriental rabbis,througha sophisticatedand secularlylearnedliterature,addressed the questionof Jewishmodernityin theirtheologicaldiscussions.Stillman uses rabbinicalsources writtenby sages from Morocco,Egypt, Iraq,and Sarajevo,most of whom lived in the nineteenthcenturyandthe firstdecades of the twentieth,and displayeda typicaltolerancefor the profoundchanges takingplace in MiddleEasternsociety.Despite some complaintsaboutthe declineof traditionalreligiouspractice,andthe weakeningof the patriarchal 1. Eric R. Wolf, Europe and the People without History (Berkeley: University of California

Press, 1982). 2. See his TheJews of Arab Lands(Philadelphia:JewishPublicationSociety, 1979) and The Jews of Arab Lands in Modern Times (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1991).

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family,these rabbisdid not submitwith resignationto a seeminglyinevitable historicalprocess,but attemptedto negotiatewith it by inventingnew forms of religiosity that would both satisfy the needs of modem lifestyles and remainfaithfulto the centralprinciplesof the Jewishfaith.The theologyof Egypt's Rabbi Raphaelben Simeon and RabbiElijahBekhorHazzanwas region and stronglyinfluencedby their travels throughthe Mediterranean into Europe,andby theirknowledgeof secularliteraturein severalEuropean languages.Indeedthese sages viewed seculareducationas the foundationof whichtheydidnotoppose.RabbiMosesHazzanof Alexandria modernization, (d. 1863)reflectedaboutseculareducation,andespeciallythematterof foreign languageinstruction,which he thoughtwas necessaryto Jewish children's educationalinstitutionlike culturaldevelopment.Even a European-centered the Alliance IsraeliteUniverselle,accordingto Stillman,did not encounter vigorous oppositionfrom the rabbisof North Africa and the Middle East. In his authoritativeresponsaBen Ish Hayy, the renownedRabbi Joseph Hayyimof Baghdad(1833-1909) expressedtolerancetowardlocal Jewswho desecratedthe Sabbathand gave instructionsabouthow to instillrespectfor the holy day in gentile coffeehouses.Rabbi HakhamSomekhof Baghdad (1813-1889) reflectedon the developmentof new technologiesin a response to a questionfroma Jew in India,andruledthatridinga trainon the Sabbath withinthe city limits was allowed. Finally,Stillmanreportson the attitudeof Sephardicrabbisto Zionism, a secular nationalistideology born and developedin Centraland Eastern Europe,to whichthey gave a religiouslyorientedapproach,as in the writings of the Bosnian-bomRabbiJudahAlkalai.Stillman'slast chapterrelatesthis ideological history to the currentplace of OrientalJews in Israeli society andpolitics. Herewe find a differentvision of the Zionistprojectand of the Jewishnationalexperience,whichis moredeeplyrootedin the communities' religious traditions.Such an attitudeis reflectedin the growing political significanceof the ever more popularpilgrimagesfor the venerationof deceasedrabbis. Overall,Stillman'sprojectgives the readera very insightfulperspective on Sephardicmodernization,one that points to the rabbinicaldiscourseon modernity,in additionto analyzingthe actualmodernizationof Sephardic Jews. As Stillmanremindshis readers,but only en passant, modernization reachedthe Sephardicworld by way of Europeanization(p. 13), that is, throughthe experienceof colonialism.I wouldhave enjoyedfurtherreading abouthow the rabbisrelatedto the colonizationof Jews, and to the socio-

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economichierarchyit entailed.Also, the bookwouldhavebeenmuchricher if it hadincludedsome considerationof the modernization of domesticritual in in practice,not just Israel but, for example, France,Canada,and Latin America.Stillman'svolume is overall a necessaryreadingfor any serious studentof modernJewishhistory. JoalleBahloul Indiana University Ind. Bloomington, MichaelBrenner.TheRenaissanceof Jewish Culturein WeimarGermany. New Haven:YaleUniversityPress, 1996. xi, 306 pp. Thatthe WeimarRepublicwas the site of an enormousculturalexplosion is a commonplaceof twentieth-century Europeanhistory.ThatJewsplayedan role this in explosionis also well known.Whatis not so extremelyimportant well known,however,is thatWeimarGermanyalso witnesseda renaissance of Jewish culture as GermanJews tried to redefinetheir relationshipto Germany'sculturaltraditionand their own Jewish heritagein the shadow of a culturaland intellectualrevolutionthat was rapidlytransformingthe very fabricof Europeanand Germanlife, namely,modernism.It is to this enormouslycomplex and deeply fascinatingproblemthatMichaelBrenner turns in his superbstudy, The Renaissanceof Jewish Culturein Weimar Germany. Fromthe outset Brennerseeks to correctthe widespreadmisconception that WeimarJewry'sabsorptionin the torturedconvulsionsof Germany's nationalculturenecessarilyentaileda retreatfromits own culturalheritage. Whatmighthavebeentrueof theirfathersandgrandfathers was not, Brenner true of those Jews who rose to cultural argues, always prominencein the WeimarRepublic.For while many Jewish intellectualsin the Weimar breakwith Republicexperienceda profoundand in many cases irreparable Judaismand Jewishculture,others-like FranzRosenzweig,MartinBuber, andHermannCohen,to mentiononly the mostprominent-lamentedthatso littlewas left of theirown culturalheritageandundertooka valiantcampaign to preservethatwhich had survivedand to restorethatwhich had not been irretrievablylost. At the heartof this projectlay whatBrenneridentifiesas a longing for community,a longingno doubtaccentuatedby the fact that,no matterhow much GermanJews might identifywith the symbolsandvalues

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Larry Eugene Jones Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 2 (1998), pp. 284-286 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486923 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:48 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

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economichierarchyit entailed.Also, the bookwouldhavebeenmuchricher if it hadincludedsome considerationof the modernization of domesticritual in in practice,not just Israel but, for example, France,Canada,and Latin America.Stillman'svolume is overall a necessaryreadingfor any serious studentof modernJewishhistory. JoalleBahloul Indiana University Ind. Bloomington, MichaelBrenner.TheRenaissanceof Jewish Culturein WeimarGermany. New Haven:YaleUniversityPress, 1996. xi, 306 pp. Thatthe WeimarRepublicwas the site of an enormousculturalexplosion is a commonplaceof twentieth-century Europeanhistory.ThatJewsplayedan role this in explosionis also well known.Whatis not so extremelyimportant well known,however,is thatWeimarGermanyalso witnesseda renaissance of Jewish culture as GermanJews tried to redefinetheir relationshipto Germany'sculturaltraditionand their own Jewish heritagein the shadow of a culturaland intellectualrevolutionthat was rapidlytransformingthe very fabricof Europeanand Germanlife, namely,modernism.It is to this enormouslycomplex and deeply fascinatingproblemthatMichaelBrenner turns in his superbstudy, The Renaissanceof Jewish Culturein Weimar Germany. Fromthe outset Brennerseeks to correctthe widespreadmisconception that WeimarJewry'sabsorptionin the torturedconvulsionsof Germany's nationalculturenecessarilyentaileda retreatfromits own culturalheritage. Whatmighthavebeentrueof theirfathersandgrandfathers was not, Brenner true of those Jews who rose to cultural argues, always prominencein the WeimarRepublic.For while many Jewish intellectualsin the Weimar breakwith Republicexperienceda profoundand in many cases irreparable Judaismand Jewishculture,others-like FranzRosenzweig,MartinBuber, andHermannCohen,to mentiononly the mostprominent-lamentedthatso littlewas left of theirown culturalheritageandundertooka valiantcampaign to preservethatwhich had survivedand to restorethatwhich had not been irretrievablylost. At the heartof this projectlay whatBrenneridentifiesas a longing for community,a longingno doubtaccentuatedby the fact that,no matterhow much GermanJews might identifywith the symbolsandvalues

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of Germany'snationalculture,they alwaysremainedpariahswho neverquite gainedadmittanceinto the Volkthey had come to regardas theirown. The strengthof Brenner'sbook lies in its carefuland detaileddiscussion of projects such as Rosenzweig's Lehrhausmovement,Eugen TAiubler's Academyfor the ScientificKnowledgeof Jewry,the JiidischesLexikon,and the EncyclopaediaJudaica.Theseventureswereall partof a concertedeffort to raise the level of Jewish knowledgeamong German-speaking Jews and for the what Brenner identifies the set as of stage helped Leitmotif Weimar Jewishculture,namely,the dialecticbetweenthe questfor the authenticJew andthe Jewishembraceof modernism. Brennerfirstturnsto literarytexts such as Lion Feuchtwanger's Jiid Siif3 (1925), JakobWassermann'sDer Fall Maurizius(1928), and Josef Roth's Das Spinnennetz(1923) not only to documentthe ambivalencethat many GermanJews felt about their own culturalheritagebut also to examine the juxtapositionof the much-malignedOstjudeto the GermanJew as an example of authenticJewry.What Brenneraptly terms "the inventionof the authenticJew,"however,standsin dialecticaltensionto the enthusiasm with which many of WeimarJewry'smost prominentintellectualsembraced culturalmodernism.This embracewas perhapsmost apparentin the field of music, where Heinrich Schalit and other Jewish composers tried to revitalizesynagoguemusicby infusingit withthe modernistidiomof Arnold Schoenberg,Alban Berg, and Paul Hindemith.The searchfor a new mode of musicalexpressionthatwas bothauthenticallyJewishand inspiredby the experimentaltechniquesof the modernistmovementreachedits zenithwith the inauguralperformanceof Schalit'smuch-acclaimedEine Freitagabend Liturgiescarcelyfour monthsbeforeHitler'sassumptionof power.Even in the visual arts, where Jews were far from prominent,the curiousamalgam of the Jewishquest for authenticitywith the modernistidiom could be seen in the work of Ludwig Meidnerand JakobSteinhardt,most notablyin the latter'sPassoverHaggadahof 1923. All of this, Brennerclaims, bears dramatictestimonyto the remarkable renaissanceof Jewish culturein the WeimarRepublic.Whetherthis might havebeena reactionto the rise of politicalandracialantisemitismafterWorld WarI or whetherit representedan internaldynamicthatwould have taken place regardlessof the externalcircumstancesin whichGermanJewryfound itself is a questionthatremainsessentiallyunanswered.By the same token, Brennerarguesthatthe searchfor a moreauthenticJewishculturein Weimar Germanyplaceda heavy strainon Jewishloyaltiesto the liberalpartiesthat

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hadchampionedthe causeof Jewishemancipation,thoughwithoutindicating whetherthis was part of the more general crisis of Germanliberalismin the postwarperiodor a responseto specificdevelopmentswithinGermany's liberalestablishment.At the same time, Brennertends to overestimatethe true extent and natureof Jewish disenchantmentwith Germanliberalism duringthe WeimarRepublic.Theseblemishes,however,arerelativelyminor and do little to detractfromthe overallsignificanceandmeritof his book as a contributionto the existing body of secondaryliteratureon the historyof GermanJewry.Brenner'sstudyof the revivalof Jewishculturein the Weimar Republicis an enormouslyeruditeand carefullycraftedworkthatsucceeds in sheddinglight on an aspectof Weimarculturethatup to now has failedto receivethe seriousscholarlyattentionit so richlydeserves. LarryEugeneJones CanisiusCollege Buffalo,N.Y. JohnH. Dippel,Bound Upona Wheelof Fire: WhySo ManyGermanJews Made the TragicDecision to Remainin Nazi Germany.New York:Basic Books, 1996. 353 pp. Themainproblemwiththis oftengrippingandwell-writtenbookis thatit promisesmore thanit delivers,and deliverssomethingratherdifferentfrom whatit promises.Dippeltells the storyof six distinguishedGermanJewsand theiranguisheddecisionsto leave or not to leave Germanyin the thirties.He profilesan elite groupandtheirstruggleto come to termswiththe collapseof the so-calledGerman-Jewish symbiosis,whichthey had foundso productive their lives. In the end, throughout they couldnot survivein Germanydespite theirpreeminenceandtheirinfluence.The individualsDippelchoseto profile GermanJews. Well connectedandwell known, hardlyconstitute"ordinary" a that had visibility imperiledthemeven as theircontactsofferedthem they some protection. DippelportraysprominentfinancierMax Warburg,whose bankingskills and financialwizardrymade him one of the most powerfulbankers,Jewish or non-Jewish,in Germany,and Leo Baeck, scholarandrabbi,who became andthusthe de factoleaderof the Jews in the leaderof the Reichsvertretung Germanyduringtheirmost tryinghours.ZionistjournalistRobertWeltsch, whose oft-quotedcolumn after the April 1, 1933 boycott, "WearIt With

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Michael Berenbaum Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 2 (1998), pp. 286-289 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486924 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:48 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

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hadchampionedthe causeof Jewishemancipation,thoughwithoutindicating whetherthis was part of the more general crisis of Germanliberalismin the postwarperiodor a responseto specificdevelopmentswithinGermany's liberalestablishment.At the same time, Brennertends to overestimatethe true extent and natureof Jewish disenchantmentwith Germanliberalism duringthe WeimarRepublic.Theseblemishes,however,arerelativelyminor and do little to detractfromthe overallsignificanceandmeritof his book as a contributionto the existing body of secondaryliteratureon the historyof GermanJewry.Brenner'sstudyof the revivalof Jewishculturein the Weimar Republicis an enormouslyeruditeand carefullycraftedworkthatsucceeds in sheddinglight on an aspectof Weimarculturethatup to now has failedto receivethe seriousscholarlyattentionit so richlydeserves. LarryEugeneJones CanisiusCollege Buffalo,N.Y. JohnH. Dippel,Bound Upona Wheelof Fire: WhySo ManyGermanJews Made the TragicDecision to Remainin Nazi Germany.New York:Basic Books, 1996. 353 pp. Themainproblemwiththis oftengrippingandwell-writtenbookis thatit promisesmore thanit delivers,and deliverssomethingratherdifferentfrom whatit promises.Dippeltells the storyof six distinguishedGermanJewsand theiranguisheddecisionsto leave or not to leave Germanyin the thirties.He profilesan elite groupandtheirstruggleto come to termswiththe collapseof the so-calledGerman-Jewish symbiosis,whichthey had foundso productive their lives. In the end, throughout they couldnot survivein Germanydespite theirpreeminenceandtheirinfluence.The individualsDippelchoseto profile GermanJews. Well connectedandwell known, hardlyconstitute"ordinary" a that had visibility imperiledthemeven as theircontactsofferedthem they some protection. DippelportraysprominentfinancierMax Warburg,whose bankingskills and financialwizardrymade him one of the most powerfulbankers,Jewish or non-Jewish,in Germany,and Leo Baeck, scholarandrabbi,who became andthusthe de factoleaderof the Jews in the leaderof the Reichsvertretung Germanyduringtheirmost tryinghours.ZionistjournalistRobertWeltsch, whose oft-quotedcolumn after the April 1, 1933 boycott, "WearIt With

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Pride,"broughthim a measureof fame and respect,is depictedalong with Nobel Prize-winningscientistRichardWilstatter,who lived in regalisolation and believed in the meritocracyof science well on into the Nazi regime. The plight of Hans JoachimSchoeps,a fiery young Germannationalistand right-wingJewishleaderwho becamea philosopherandthinkerunderduress, is described,as well as thatof Bella Fromm,ajournalistandgossipcolumnist with excellentcontactsto the diplomaticcorpsandthe Berlinelite. Each of the six is as atypical of Germany'sJews as any elite and of thegeneralpopulace.All of themhadcontactsathomeand unrepresentative abroadthatprovidedinvitationsto emigrateandillusionsof safetythatdelayed their seemingly inevitabledepartures--optionsthat their coreligionistsdid not have. Alone among the six, Rabbi Leo Baeck stayed with his people until he was deportedto Theresienstadtin 1943. His decision to stay was not an act of folly, but of principle.He believedthata rabbimust stay with his flock. While Baeck was not the only rabbito make so honorableand self-sacrificinga decision,manyothers,includingsome renownedOrthodox and Hasidicleaders,left theirfollowersbehindwithoutguidance,and often withouta word. WarburgandWeltschwell understoodthe tenuousnessof theirpositions, yet their respective talents in finance and journalismaffordedthem the opportunityto be of service to otherJews, to help theirpeople and become central,untilthe eleventhhour,in effortsto rescuetheJewsof Germany.They were brave enoughto stay until it was almosttoo late and wise enoughto dedicatedhis considerabletalentto departjust in time.Inthe interim,Warburg welfare concernsand findingcommoneconomicground workingon Jewish betweenthe desireof Jews to emigratewith some of theirfinancialresources intactandthe desireof Germansto enrichthemselvesby confiscatingJewish wealth.He kepthimselfusefulandproductiveuntilhe couldno longerassure his own safety andthen soughtrefugein the UnitedStates.Weltschused his journalisticskills to interpreteventsto Jewsin Germany,advocateemigration to Palestine,andconsole, assist, inform,andshapeJewishopinion.Although he hadbeen on the marginsof Jewishlife in WeimarGermany,eventspushed him towardthe centeras Zionismsuddenlybecameviable andPalestinethe destinationof German-Jewishyouth. Both men were never again to enjoy the prominenceof theirfinal days in Germany,neverto be as influentialor as needed. Dippel allows us to understandthe courageandwisdomof thoseGerman Jews who left Germany early, who uprooted themselves and moved to

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freedom.Still, he does not portraytheirstoriesas vividly,and we have less of a sense of theirpersonalsituation. Othershave portrayedBaeck as convincingly.LeonardBaker'sPulitzer Prize-winningbiographygives a largercontextto the rabbi'sworkandinner struggle.It traceshis entirelife and the decisionshe maderegardingJewish participationin deportationandhis roleas a religiousleaderin Theresienstadt. So too, AlbertFriedlander,whose wide-rangingconsiderationof Baeckas a sage and spiritualfigurehas a depththatis not foundin this work.Dippel's task is deliberatelymorelimited.He is interestedin a morenarrowquestion. To leave or not to leave, andwhen to leave, thosewere the questions. I foundhis portrayalof Bella FrommintriguingpreciselybecauseI knew so little aboutherworldandaboutthe "incrowd"of Berlinin the 1930s. She traversedthe worldof glamourandpower;she chronicledGermany'ssocial crowd.She was protectedby loversandadmirers.Throughout,she attempted to use her social contactsto protectherselfandherdaughteras well as those to whom she could be helpful.Afterher departurefor the UnitedStates,she too foundthatlife could not be the same. Muchto his chagrin,RichardWilstitterfoundthatscience could not be pursuedindependentlyof society. The laboratorywas his place of refuge, but his world became more constrainedand limited until his departure. International recognitionwas his protection.It affordedhim the opportunity to leave andthe illusionthathe could stay untilit was almosttoo late. Schoepswas a more tragicfigure.He adjustedfar too late to the reality thatNazi Germanyhad no need for Jewish supporters,and thatright-wing Jewish nationalistswere of even less interestto the Hitler regime than Zionists,whose passionfor Palestinemadethemmorewillingto depart.Still a young man, he could not find his place eitherin Germanyor outsideit in the 1930s andthuscouldneitherstaynorfindrefuge.He remaineddependent on the supportof his parents.It was not sufficientto be a Jew of talentand considerablebrillianceduringthose desperatetimes. My quarrelwith the promise implied in the title is that I would like to know why so many GermanJews delayedtheirdeparture.After reading BoundUponthe WheelofFire, I knewwhy five privilegedJewsdelayedtheir departureand one remained.For WarburgandWeltschthe decisionto delay was not so muchtragicas sacrificial.Theyofferedtheirtalentsto theirpeople in the hourof most desperateneed. They left in time. To a lesser degreethe samecan be said of Fromm.ForBaeck,choosingpersonalsafetywouldhave compromised his integrity, his rabbinate. His fate was tragic but poignant.

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So much is learnedfromDippel. The portraitsare gripping,the anguish so clear that this reader is grateful. Still, the disappointmentis that the larger,most compelling of all questionsremainsunanswered.One might have expectedotherwise. MichaelBerenbaum ShoahVisualHistoryFoundation LosAngeles,Calif. Raul Hilberg. The Politics ofMemory: TheJourney ofa Holocaust Historian.

Chicago:IvanR. Dee, 1996. 208 pp. Raul Hilberg is one of the giants of contemporaryscholarship.His Destruction of the European Jews, first published in 1961, remains the single

most importantworkaboutthe Holocaust.In my judgment,regardingbooks publishedin the past sixty years, only GershomScholem'sMajor Trendsin JewishMysticismhas had the influenceof Hilberg'sDestructionas a single volume relevantto an understandingof Jewish history.I know this is a large claim aboutwhich scholarscan argue-and my referenceto a single volumeis consciouslyintendedto excludehugeprojectslike Baron'sHistory and Goitein'sMediterraneanSociety-but in makingit I wish primarilyto indicatethe magnitudeof Hilberg'sachievementandinfluence. Hilbergthe scholar consciously writes as a political scientist,and his on the studyof maincontributions,untillate in his career,have concentrated the Nazi bureaucratic machinerythatwas centralto the murderof European Jewry. In the course of his researchhe has enteredonly marginallyinto the areas of the psychologicaland ideological,preferringinsteadto focus on the structureof (primarilyNazi) organizations.He has been particularly unsympatheticto explanationsof the Shoahthatemphasizethe role of Nazi ideology in the destructionof EuropeanJewry. Now, in this brief, highly personalmemoir,we get a glimpseof Hilberg man as he strugglesto become,andto be, Hilbergthe Holocausthistorian. the We learn of his youth in Vienna,of his parentsand theirunhappymarital relationship,of the family'semigrationto Americajust in timein 1940,made possible by the interventionof his mother'srelativesin America.We also learn of his early rejectionof religion:"I became a rebel. AlreadyI was contraryminded,turningaway fromreligionwhichat firstbecameirrelevant to me and then an allergy"(p. 37); of his love for religiousmusic; of his

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Steven T. Katz Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 2 (1998), pp. 289-292 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486925 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:48 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

289

BOOK REVIEWS

So much is learnedfromDippel. The portraitsare gripping,the anguish so clear that this reader is grateful. Still, the disappointmentis that the larger,most compelling of all questionsremainsunanswered.One might have expectedotherwise. MichaelBerenbaum ShoahVisualHistoryFoundation LosAngeles,Calif. Raul Hilberg. The Politics ofMemory: TheJourney ofa Holocaust Historian.

Chicago:IvanR. Dee, 1996. 208 pp. Raul Hilberg is one of the giants of contemporaryscholarship.His Destruction of the European Jews, first published in 1961, remains the single

most importantworkaboutthe Holocaust.In my judgment,regardingbooks publishedin the past sixty years, only GershomScholem'sMajor Trendsin JewishMysticismhas had the influenceof Hilberg'sDestructionas a single volume relevantto an understandingof Jewish history.I know this is a large claim aboutwhich scholarscan argue-and my referenceto a single volumeis consciouslyintendedto excludehugeprojectslike Baron'sHistory and Goitein'sMediterraneanSociety-but in makingit I wish primarilyto indicatethe magnitudeof Hilberg'sachievementandinfluence. Hilbergthe scholar consciously writes as a political scientist,and his on the studyof maincontributions,untillate in his career,have concentrated the Nazi bureaucratic machinerythatwas centralto the murderof European Jewry. In the course of his researchhe has enteredonly marginallyinto the areas of the psychologicaland ideological,preferringinsteadto focus on the structureof (primarilyNazi) organizations.He has been particularly unsympatheticto explanationsof the Shoahthatemphasizethe role of Nazi ideology in the destructionof EuropeanJewry. Now, in this brief, highly personalmemoir,we get a glimpseof Hilberg man as he strugglesto become,andto be, Hilbergthe Holocausthistorian. the We learn of his youth in Vienna,of his parentsand theirunhappymarital relationship,of the family'semigrationto Americajust in timein 1940,made possible by the interventionof his mother'srelativesin America.We also learn of his early rejectionof religion:"I became a rebel. AlreadyI was contraryminded,turningaway fromreligionwhichat firstbecameirrelevant to me and then an allergy"(p. 37); of his love for religiousmusic; of his

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deep youthfulinterestin geography;of his responseto the Nazi takeoverof Austria;of his family'ssailingto Havana,wherethey stayedfor fourmonths; and of their move to New YorkCity, where he attendedAbrahamLincoln High Schoolandenrolledin BrooklynCollegefor two yearsin orderto study chemistrybeforejoining the U.S. Army in 1944. He tells this earlypartof his storyclearlyand with sufficientpersonaldetailto make it an interesting andeasy read. But the essence of the book, like the essence of the man, begins to unfold--to emerge-on his returnto civilian life after the war. At this juncturehe switched his studies from chemistryto political science and beganthe scholarlyjourneythatwouldoccupytheremainderof his life. After finishinghis B.A. at BrooklynCollege, he enrolledas a graduatestudentat Columbia.Herehe studiedhistoryandpoliticalscience andtook a coursein modernJewishhistorywith Salo Baron.Of his workwith Baronhe reports: I cameawayfromBaron'scoursewithanimpression of Jewishapartness, of a self-contained thathadtocopewiththenewexpectations long-lived community andthathadbecomenewlyvulnerable as it emergedfromthe of governments I was of Jewish defenselessness undertheNaziregime. ghetto.Already thinking (p.61) Eventuallyhe wrotehis doctoralthesis underthe supervisionof the German 6migr6 scholar Franz Neumann,authorof the classic study of the Nazi state,Behemoth.And it was this thesis on whatHilbergcharacterizesas the "Germanperpetrators" (p. 61) thateventuallymaturedinto TheDestruction of the EuropeanJews. In his thesis he adoptedthe methodologicalposition that "the perpetrator'sperspectivewas the primarypath to be followed." Indeed,this approach"becamea doctrinefor me, whichI neverabandoned" (pp. 61-62). To work on such a topic in the late 1940s and early 1950s was as unusualas it was brave.Neumann,on hearingHilberg'sproposedthesis topic, replied:"It'syour [academic]funeral"(p. 66). Hilberg now briefly describesthe beginningsof his deep, years-long immersionin the Nazi documentsdealingwith the annihilationof European Jewry.Particularlyimportantin this regardwas his inclusionin the newly formedWarDocumentationProjectof the U.S. Government.Of this labor and its influencehe writes: Inthegathering of mysourcesI havealwaysremained a brute-force man.My havebeencomprehensiveness watchwords andquantity. Themoreagencies

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I couldexamine,thebetter,andthemorepaperinthefiles,all whosematerials it required of theJewswasso decentralized, thebetter.Becausethedestruction theirshare of allthoseagenciesthathadthemeansto perform theparticipation arose.The of the actionat the momentwhenthe needfortheircontribution involvedintheprocessis synonymous of officesthatwereultimately spectrum orthewholeof Germany's withtheconceptof German organized government society.Thatis the reasonI couldnot dispensewithanyagencycollection, whynothingseemedtooremote. (p.76) While still a graduatestudentHilberg also obtainedhis first teaching position,at HunterCollege in New YorkCity,andthenin 1954 he taughtfor one yearat the Universityof Mayaguezin PuertoRico. In 1956he was hired by the Universityof Vermont,and therehe stayed,despitemany invitations to move, for the remainderof his career,retiringin May 1991. Between 1956 and 1961 he struggledto publishthe first editionof The Destruction of the European Jews. His efforts provide a sad tale of stupid

publishers--especiallyat ColumbiaUniversityPressandat the Universityof OklahomaPress-and of foolish editors.But finally,with the financialaid of FrankPetschek,the workwas publishedby a refugeeJewishphilanthropist, a new Chicagopublishinghouse, QuadrangleBooks, andthe rest is history. As Hilbergrecountsthishistoryof his extraordinary successandenormous the is a tale dominated influence, by profoundsadness,even an unjustified, misplaced,sense of failure. As he tells it, the past thirty-fiveyears have beenfilled with, even dominatedby, scholarlyquarrels(especiallywith Lucy Dawidowicz),academicjealousy, the plagiarismof his work by others(he singlesoutNoraLevin),andharshreactions(led initiallyby OscarHandlin)to his thesisregarding"theactiverole of the Jews in theirown destruction" and the relativelack of Jewishresistance.These last two subjectshave remained the focus of much controversy,especiallywith leadingIsraelischolars.(See also my new introductionto thereissueof IsaiahTrunk'sJudenrat[University of NebraskaPress, 1996].) Hilbergreminiscestoo about the pain caused by HannahArendt'suse and misuse of his book and the personalunhappinessthat has resultedas a consequenceof the popularand scholarlylinking of his work with her Eichmannin Jerusalem.StronglydistancinghimselffromArendt,he says, in sharpcriticismof her famous(or infamous)subtitle,"therewas no 'banality' in this 'evil' " (p. 150). The one-sidedscholarlyrelationshipin whichArendt

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used and abusedHilberg'sresearch,while privatelyheapingscornon him in a letterto KarlJaspersin which she refersto him as "prettystupidandcrazy" and disparagesthe openingchapterof Destruction,makesparticularlygrim reading. The last partof Hilberg'smemoirdeals with morerecentexperiences.It reflectson his second, 1985 editionof Destruction,andincludesa description of a very unpleasantsabbaticalspent in Israel,primarilyat Yad Vashem, where, as he judges it, he was "personanon grata"(p. 165). It ruminates abouthis importanteditingof AdamCzerniakow'sDiary,whichonce again involvedcomplexandultimatelyunhappyrelationswithYadVashem.It tells of his warmand sympatheticreceptionin Germany,andthe publication,to a very mixed and limited reception, of his Perpetrators, Victims,Bystanders

in 1996. He concludesby quotinga privateletterdatedMay 6, 1962 from HansG. Adler,a survivorof Theresienstadt andthe authorof a majorstudy of that camp (the letter was not addressedto Hilbergbut was discovered in an archiveand broughtto his attention).Adler praisedthe researchand thoroughnessof Destructionbut concluded:"At the end nothingremains but despairand doubt about everything,because for Hilbergthere is only recognition,perhapsalso a grasp,but certainlyno understanding" (p. 203). Hilbergis much too hardon himself.His is a monumentalachievement despite the particularcriticismsthat can be legitimatelydirectedat aspects of his, as at all, greatscholarship.He, andwe, can say of his life's scholarly effortswhatcan be said of the publicationsof few scholars:his workmadea real difference. StevenT.Katz BostonUniversity Boston,Mass. DonnaF. Ryan. TheHolocaustand the Jews of Marseille:TheEnforcement ofAnti-SemiticPolicies in VichyFrance.Urbana:Universityof IllinoisPress, 1996. xviii, 307 pp. DonnaRyan'snew bookconstitutesa welcomeadditionto theburgeoning scholarlyliteratureon VichyFrance'sJewishpolicies.Ryan'sfindingsdo not challenge any of the prevailingassumptionsregardingthe role of Vichy Francein the persecutionof the Jews, and she wholeheartedlyconcurswith the thesis put forthby MichaelR. Marrusand RobertPaxtonin their Vichy

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Vicki Caron Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 2 (1998), pp. 292-300 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486926 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:48 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

292

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used and abusedHilberg'sresearch,while privatelyheapingscornon him in a letterto KarlJaspersin which she refersto him as "prettystupidandcrazy" and disparagesthe openingchapterof Destruction,makesparticularlygrim reading. The last partof Hilberg'smemoirdeals with morerecentexperiences.It reflectson his second, 1985 editionof Destruction,andincludesa description of a very unpleasantsabbaticalspent in Israel,primarilyat Yad Vashem, where, as he judges it, he was "personanon grata"(p. 165). It ruminates abouthis importanteditingof AdamCzerniakow'sDiary,whichonce again involvedcomplexandultimatelyunhappyrelationswithYadVashem.It tells of his warmand sympatheticreceptionin Germany,andthe publication,to a very mixed and limited reception, of his Perpetrators, Victims,Bystanders

in 1996. He concludesby quotinga privateletterdatedMay 6, 1962 from HansG. Adler,a survivorof Theresienstadt andthe authorof a majorstudy of that camp (the letter was not addressedto Hilbergbut was discovered in an archiveand broughtto his attention).Adler praisedthe researchand thoroughnessof Destructionbut concluded:"At the end nothingremains but despairand doubt about everything,because for Hilbergthere is only recognition,perhapsalso a grasp,but certainlyno understanding" (p. 203). Hilbergis much too hardon himself.His is a monumentalachievement despite the particularcriticismsthat can be legitimatelydirectedat aspects of his, as at all, greatscholarship.He, andwe, can say of his life's scholarly effortswhatcan be said of the publicationsof few scholars:his workmadea real difference. StevenT.Katz BostonUniversity Boston,Mass. DonnaF. Ryan. TheHolocaustand the Jews of Marseille:TheEnforcement ofAnti-SemiticPolicies in VichyFrance.Urbana:Universityof IllinoisPress, 1996. xviii, 307 pp. DonnaRyan'snew bookconstitutesa welcomeadditionto theburgeoning scholarlyliteratureon VichyFrance'sJewishpolicies.Ryan'sfindingsdo not challenge any of the prevailingassumptionsregardingthe role of Vichy Francein the persecutionof the Jews, and she wholeheartedlyconcurswith the thesis put forthby MichaelR. Marrusand RobertPaxtonin their Vichy

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France and the Jews (New York,1981), thatthe Germanscouldneverhave carriedout the Final Solutionin Franceas successfullyas they did without Frenchcollaboration,particularlysincetherewereonly 2,500-3,000 German troopsstationedon Frenchsoil. Nevertheless,by focusingon one important locale in the unoccupiedzone, the departmentof Bouches-du-Rh6ne, Ryan has added greatly to our knowledgeof how Frenchbureaucrats,many of whom were not antisemiticzealots, became embroiledin the persecutory process. The departmentof Bouches-du-Rh6neprovidesan interestingtest case because it had the largest Jewish populationof all the departments in the unoccupiedzone (over 30,000 in 1940), due largelyto the fact that Marseille,the country'sprincipalportof emigration,servedas a magnetfor Jews seekingto emigratein the wake of the Germaninvasion.Marseillealso hada sizablepopulationof NorthAfrican,andespeciallyAlgerian,Jews,who were strippedof their citizenshipwhen Vichy revokedthe 1870 Cr6mieux decreein October1940. Like thousandsof CentralandEastEuropeanJews, they weretransformedovernightinto statelessrefugeessubjectto particularly harshtreatmentby the regime. Finally,Marseillewas importantbecauseit servedas the headquarters of the Commissariat Generalaux QuestionsJuives (CGQJ);the Union G6n6raldes Israelitesde France(UGIF), the Jewish council createdby Vichy in November 1941, which remainedin Marseille until 1943, when a Germancrackdownforcedit to move to Lyon;anda host of Jewishandnon-Jewishrelief andemigrationorganizations. Like otherwriterson this Ryan'sprincipalfocus is on the bureaucracy. she shows that the from the untilthe creationof the armistice subject, period in March 1941 was one of administrative chaoswith respectto Jews. CGQJ Althoughthe VichyStatutdes Juifsof October1940targetednativeas well as foreignJews, eliminatingthem froma wide rangeof professionalactivities, Ryanarguesthat at least until the springof 1941, nativeJews scarcelyfelt the impactof this policy.Rather,Vichy'sattentionduringthis periodfocused primarilyon foreignJews, who were internedin the fall of 1940. Likeothers who have writtenon this subject,includingSusanZuccottiin TheHolocaust, the French and the Jews (New York, 1993), and Anne Grynbergin Les Camps de la honte: Les internesjuifs des campsfranpais, 1939-1944 (Paris, 1991),

whichstrangelyis not mentionedin herbibliography, Ryansurveysthe harsh conditionsthatprevailedin the internmentcampsin southernFrance,where, as SergeKlarsfeldhas shown,some 3,000 foreignJewsdied. In termsof explainingwhy Vichy embarkedon the policy of internment, however, Ryan's discussionis not altogetherclear.To be sure, Vichy was

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intenton reducingthe competitivethreatposed by foreignJews, who were heavily involved in commerceand the liberalprofessions,and indeed, efforts in this directionhad alreadybegun in the 1930s. Yet Ryan strongly discountswhatthe regimeclaimedto be its majorgoal withrespectto foreign Jews-emigration. Like Marrusand Paxton,she suggeststhatthe numerous bureaucraticobstacles to emigrationdevised by Vichy make it difficultto take this goal seriously.Thus,althoughthe Jewishemigrationorganization, in March1941for its "benevolentinterest" Hicem,praisedthe administration in Jewish emigrationand its encouragementof Hicem's efforts "to send overseasas many emigrantsas possible,"Ryandismissesthis statementas obviously false, and suggests it was made solely for diplomaticreasons(p. 139). On this issue, however, there are many reasons to believe that the regime was entirely sincere in its efforts to foster emigration,and in this respectits policies towardforeignJewswerea directcontinuationof policies initiatedduringthe last years of the ThirdRepublic.For the Vichy regime, the majorpurposeof internmentwas not to persecuteJewsdeliberatelyor to preparethe way for theireventualdeportationto the deathcampsin the East. Rather,by segregatingforeignJewsin internmentcamps,theregimebelieved that the goal of emigrationwould be made significantlyeasier,since these would be readyto leave as soon as theirvisas arrived.While "undesirables" it is true that Vichy erected numerousbarriersto emigration,these arose more from bureaucraticchaos than a deliberateeffort to stifle emigration. Moreover,the most significantobstaclesdid not come fromVichy,but from outside. The Germans,for example, barredall men of militaryage from departing,andthe UnitedStates,togetherwithmost otherWesternandSouth Americancountries,adheredto extremelyrestrictivevisa policies. Hence, I would argue strongly-and I believe this view is confirmedby archival documentsfromthe FrenchForeignMinistryas well as the AmericanJewish JointDistributionCommittee(JDC)archivesin New York,neitherof which the authordrew upon for this study-that the regime was entirelyserious about emigration,and that the policy of internmentcannotbe understood withouttakingthis broadergoal into account. Withregardto Jewishpolicy in general,Ryanarguesconvincinglythata cleardirectionbeganto emergeonly afterthe appointment of XavierVallatas headof the CGQJin March1941.Now, the Vichyregimeundertooka census of all Jews; enforcedyet anotherStatutdes Juifs, which eliminatedJews from an even wider range of professionsand imposeda numerusclausus

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on their participationin the liberal professionsand institutionsof higher learning;embarkedon the process of aryanization,the transferof Jewish propertyto non-Jewishcontrollers;andfinally,accededto Germandemands in 1942 thatFrenchpolice participatein the roundupsof foreignandthenof FrenchJews, to be sent to the deathcamps in Poland.Withrespectto this collaboration,Ryanemphasizesthe degreeto whichlocal officials,especially MauriceAnne Mariede Rodellecdu Porzic,the headof the Marseillepolice, andhis assistant,Robert-Stephane Auzanneau,zealouslycarriedout Vichy's it her main is theme that without their enthusiastic and indeed, bidding, of the collaboration, implementation both Vichy and Germananti-Jewish policies would not have been so successful.After the war GastonKahnof the UGIFaccusedbothRodellecdu PorzicandAuzanneauof crimesagainst humanity.Rodellec'szeal was so greatthateven the Vichypolice chief,Rene Bousquet,apparentlyfound it excessive, dismissinghim from his post in 1943 (althoughthe reasonsfor Rodellec'sdismissalarenot altogetherclear). on Jewishpolicyproceeded collaboration Accordingto Ryan,bureaucratic in and she unhindered furthermore almost Marseille, suggests that this generallyhad the supportof pubicopinion.Althoughmanyrecentworkson book, Vichy'santi-Jewishpolicy,includingSusanZuccotti'sabove-mentioned AsherCohen'sPersecutionet sauvetages:Juifsetfrangaissous l'occupation et sous Vichy(Paris,1993),andJohnF. Sweet'sChoicesin VichyFrance:The FrenchunderNazi Occupation(New York,1986), stressthe mixed popular responseto Vichy'santi-Jewishpolicy,emphasizingthedegreeto whichmany Frenchcitizens opposed certainaspects of it, particularlythe deportations, and even frequentlyhelped Jews, Ryan argues that in the departmentof the Bouches-du-Rh6nesuch behaviorwas extremelyrare.The vast majority of the French,Ryan argues,had no objectionto antisemiticlegislationor the internmentof foreignJews. Moreover,to the extentthatmany ordinary citizens, as well as membersof the clergy,such as the bishopof Marseille, MonsignorJeanDelay, protestedthe deportations,Ryansuggeststhey were appalledmoreby theirbrutalitythanby theiranti-Jewishcharacterper se. Yet if the Bouches-du-Rh6nerepresentsthe "worstcase scenario"with respectto public acquiescenceto the regime'santi-Jewishpolicies, Ryan's discussionneverthelessrevealsthatsignificantpocketsof oppositionexisted even here. A numberof people, includingseveral Vichy officials, bravely risked their jobs, and were even arrestedfor following the dictates of conscience.To be sure,Ryanshowsthatmanygroupslenttheirwholehearted supportto Vichy's antisemiticagenda.Among the most prominentof these

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werethe professionalgroupsthatstoodto gainfromthe eliminationof Jewish competitors:doctors, lawyers, the chambersof commerce,and students. Moreover,Ryan also suggests that therewas considerablepopularsupport for the aryanizationof Jewish businesses,which in Marseillewas carried out on a significantscale; fully one-halfof all Jewishbusinesseshere were on the aryanized.Finally,she also shows thatmanyJews were apprehended basis of personaldenunciations,whichwere frequentlyinitiatedby business competitors. Nevertheless, Ryan also reveals significantpublic disapprovalof the regime'sJewishpolicies. Amongprofessionalgroups,the architects'associationin Marseillefollowed its Parisiancounterpart in refusingto handover lists of Jews, at least until 1942 when,underconsiderablecoercion,it turned overincorrectlists. Moreover,the localchambersof commerce,althoughthey never protestedthe anti-Jewishmeasures,did objectto theirbeing applied to Jewishcolleagueswho hadperformedmilitaryservice.At the time of the massdeportationsin the winterandspringof 1942-43, severalpolice officers gave Jews advancewarning,allowing them to escape, and by early 1944 the Marseillepolice were consideredunreliablepartnersin the executionof anti-Jewishactions.As one Germanofficiallamented,"TheMarseillepolice forceis notwithus; I'm goingto askVichyto cleanit out"(p. 204). Moreover, in one of the most courageousacts of protest,the campcommandantat Les Milles, RobertMaulave,refusedto participatein handingover interneesfor deportationduringthe mass roundupsin the summerof 1942, an actionthat led to his dismissalandultimatelyhis arrest.As Maulavelaterexplained,he had always envisionedhis task as helpingJews to emigrate;never had he intendedto send thembackto Germanconcentrationcamps. Accordingto Ryan, there was oppositioneven at the highest levels of local government.Althoughshe claims that only one high-rankingofficial, the subprefectof Arles, Jean Seguy, directlyprotestedVichy's anti-Jewish policies beforethe end of 1942 (Seguy was arrestedby the Gestapoin 1943 forhavingassistedJews),othersbeganto voice oppositionbeginningin 1943. RobertAndrieu,whoreplacedRodellecduPorzicas theMarseillepolicechief, staunchlyresistedNazi demandsto turnoverJewishhostages;as he explained to Raymond-RaoulLambert,the secretarygeneralof the UGIF,he was not "thefingerof God"(p. 198).Andrieuwas subsequentlyarrestedforresistance activities.Theheadof the PrefectoralCouncil,AntoineZattara,togetherwith severalofficialsin themayor'sofficein Cassis,alsohelpedJewsat thetimeof the deportations.Finally,manychurchmen,includingDelay,notwithstanding

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significantambivalence,ultimatelyprotestedthe deportations,and, as Ryan in rescueactivities. pointsout,manyclericalordersclandestinelyparticipated while is correct to out the relative absence of protest Hence, Ryan point the and the policy of aryanization,her claim antisemiticlegislation against thatoppositionto Vichy'santisemiticpolicieswas virtuallynonexistentin the herview thatRodellec Bouches-du-Rh6neis perhapstoo harsh.In particular, du Porzicrepresentedthe normseemsmisplaced,especiallysinceeven Vichy officialsviewedhimas anextremist.Hence,while fartoo few peoplefollowed Maulave'sexample,not many followedRodellec'seither.The vast majority stood somewherein between, althoughRyan is right to point out that the absenceof protestpriorto the deportationssuggestsa significantdegreeof popularsupportfor Vichy'sotheranti-Jewishpolicies. Anotherimportantthemeof Ryan'sbook is the role of the variousrelief organizations.She claimsthatthe majorphilanthropy operatingin the camps in thisregionwas the Quaker-affiliated AmericanFriendsServiceCommittee, althoughI am not sure this was the case, since the JDC pouredhuge sums of money into the relief effort, and its activities are barely mentioned. Nevertheless, Ryan deals in an even-handedmannerwith the efforts of the relief organizations,includingthe activities of the UGIF,which have the UGIFhas been accused frequentlycome underbitterattack.In particular, of keepinglists of foreignJews andchildrenhousedin Jewish-runchildren's homes, which eventuallymadethese groupseasy targetsfor Vichyand later Germanpolice raids. Otherorganizations,such as VarianFry's Emergency RescueCommittee,whichworkedto securevisas forprominentintellectuals, have been chargedwith elitism, since they did not deal with the emigration of ordinaryforeignJews.Nevertheless,accordingto Ryan,the overallimpact of the relief effortswas positive,and she argues,rightlyI believe, thatmany foreignJews would not have survivedthe firsttwo years of the regimehad there not been a significantrelief network,especiallyin light of the sharp the antisemitic impoverishmentof the Jewishpopulationdueto aryanization, and all of which Jews of the internment, legislation, stripped rightto work. Still, Ryanis somewhatcriticalof the relief organizations,claimingthat they did nothingto alertthe worldto the plightof the Jews,andthatthey did not do enoughto protestthe internmentpolicy, in partbecausethe existence of the camps made it far easier to deliverrelief thanwould have been the case had the recipientsbeen scatteredover the countryside.On these two issues I believe Ryan'sassessmentis too harsh.Therelief organizations,and especiallythe JDC,did a greatdeal to alertthe worldto the plightof foreign

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Jewsin France,as anyreadingof JDCpublicationsfrom1940will show.The extentto which these organizationswere successfulis indicatedby the fact that the New YorkTimesin 1940-41 undertooka campaignto alertpublic opinion to the fate of foreign Jews in France.Dismayedby this negative publicity,the Frenchambassadorin Washingtoninitiateda countercampaign to explain that foreign Jews had to be internedfor economic and security reasons.Indeed,it was largelyin responseinternational criticism,especially in the United Statesand Switzerland,thatthe Vichy governmentultimately appointedAndre Jean-Faureto survey camp conditionsin April 1941, an effortwhich eventuallyled to many ameliorationsand most significantlyto the releaseof manyinternees. As to Ryan'sassertionthatthe relief organizationsturneda blind eye to the evils of internment,I would arguethatthis chargeis somewhatunfairfor two reasons:these organizationsbelievedthatVichy'sgoal vis-ai-visforeign Jews was emigration,and furthermore,in termsof deliveringrelief, it was easierto workthroughthe camps.In 1941 the JDCrefusedto putup money for a plan worked out by anothergroup, the GourevitchCommittee,that would have permittedevery refugee with a 1,200 francguaranteeto leave the camps.Hadthe JDCknownthese refugeeswere destinedto be deported, thereis no doubtit would have given the plan more seriousconsideration, especially since the Frenchgovernmenthad agreedto its provisions.To be sure, from a position of hindsightit is easy to say that the organizations deludedthemselvesas to the regime'sintentions,but given the knowledge availableto them at the time, togetherwith the fact that Vichy's aim was emigrationright up to the springof 1942, their assumptionsmade a great deal of sense. AnotherthemerunningthroughRyan'sbook is the natureof the Jewish responseto Vichy'santisemiticmeasuresandultimatelyto the deportations. As mentionedabove,she is generallysympatheticto the UGIF,whichserved as the principalconduitfor Jewishrelief, and she rightlypointsout thatby 1943theUGIFwas servingin manyrespectsas a resistanceorganization, since it sponsoreda rangeof clandestinerescueactivities,includingthe fabrication of false papers.Nevertheless,an underlyingtheme of Ryan'sdiscussionis that native Jews were naive in theirresponse;she arguesthat the majority of them were caughtcompletelyoff-guardby the anti-Jewishmeasuresof 1940, and thatas late as 1941 they continuedto see the regime'santisemitic measuresas aimed primarilyat foreign Jews. She furthermoreclaims that one of the leading spokesmenfor the native community,Raymond-Raoul

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Lambert,never came to termswith the Frenchgovernment'scomplicityin the anti-Jewishmeasures. Once again, this assessmentseems too harsh.Native Jewish leaders, and especially Lambert,were well aware by the late 1930s that hostility to foreign Jews would ultimatelyredoundto them, and the fact that the native communitycreated a self-defense organizationin 1936 to combat antisemitism,the Centrede Documentationet de Vigilance,indicatesthat they perceived antisemitismas a serious threat.Moreover,the claim that Jewish leaderslike Lambertnever came to termswith Frenchgovernmental complicity is true in the sense that they were profoundlyshockedby the enactingof antisemiticlegislation,as a readingof Lambert'sdiary shows. Nevertheless,Lambertdid not deludehimselfthatnativeFrenchJewswould be exemptedfrom antisemiticmeasures.If Lambertstill had any illusions afterthe Frenchdefeat,they were shatteredforeverby the passageof the first VichyStatutdes Juifsof October1940.As he wrotein his diaryin responseto this legislation:"Racismhas becomethe law of the new state.Whatshame! I still cannotcome to termswith this negationof justice and scientifictruth. ... All my illusions are shattered[emphasisadded].... I cried ... like a manwho has suddenlybeen abandonedby the wife who was the sole love of his life."' Moreover,Ryannotes thatnearlyhalf the Jews in the department of Bouches-du-Rh6nefailed to registerfor the 1941 Jewishcensus. While it is likely that the majorityof them were foreigners,some must have been French.In any case, the failureto comply suggeststhatmanyJews, foreign andperhapseven native,were not altogethernaive. Finally,I foundsomewhattroublingthe teleologicaltone of Ryan'sbook. Repeatedly,she statesthatalthoughVichyneverintendedto exterminatethe Jews, the regime's anti-Jewishpolicies between 1940 and 1942 "carefully laid the groundworkfor the deportationsof Jews living in Franceto the deathfactoriesof Auschwitzand Sobibor."To be sure,she is alwayscareful to qualify such statementsby saying that "No one in 1940 could foresee preciselywhereFrenchactionsagainstthe Jews would lead"(p. 22), but the constantrepetitionof this themesuggeststhatall Vichyactionspriorto 1942 were somehowleadingup to the Holocaust.While it is technicallytruethat the census of the Jews, theirinternment,and the passageof the antisemitic laws did facilitate the execution of the Final Solution, it is nevertheless 1. Lambert,Carnetd'un temoin,1940-43, ed. and annotatedby RichardI. Cohen(Paris, 1985),p. 85.

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imperativeto rememberthat no one in France,not only in 1940, but even as late as the springof 1942, believedthese policies would lead to the mass murderof the Jews.Hence,while Vichymusttakeresponsibilityforits earlier policies,responsibilityfor the massmurderof the Jewsresidessquarelywith the Germans,notwithstanding Vichy'sancillaryresponsibilityfor havinglent Frenchpolice andbureaucratic supportto assistthemin theirdirtywork. this bookpresentsan extremelywell Thesereservationsnotwithstanding, and conceived, written,thoughtfully carefullyresearchedexpositionof the fate of Jews in the departmentof Bouches-du-Rh6ne, particularlyduringthe first two years of the Vichy regime. While it focuses on the local level, it providesa much more generaloverviewof Vichy's anti-Jewishpolicies, as well as Jewishandnon-Jewishrelief andrescueactivities.Ryan'sconclusion thatthe FinalSolutionin Francewas madepossiblebecausethe "bureaucracy droned on" (p. 220) offers a chilling antidoteto Daniel J. Goldhagen's thesis, put forth in Hitler 's WillingExecutioners: Ordinary Germans and the

Holocaust (New York, 1996), that the Holocaustcould not have occurred at everylevel been imbuedwith a fanaticalhatredof hadnot the perpetrators can be no doubtthatthe idea of the FinalSolutionwas the Jews.Whilethere productof such fanaticism,the executionof the Final Solutionwas all too often carriedout by individualsof manynationalitiesactingout of far more mundanemotives. VickiCaron CornellUniversity Ithaca,N.Y.

David Sorkin. Moses Mendelssohn and the Religious Enlightenment. Berke-

ley: Universityof CaliforniaPress, 1996. xxv, 214 pp. David Sorkin'smonographprovidesa succinctbutcomprehensivesurvey of Moses Mendelssohn'smajorJewishworks,both Hebrewand German,in of his Jewishthought.Criticizing the serviceof an overarchinginterpretation views that see Mendelssohn,the person and thinker,as divided against himself--"a heathenin his brainand a Jew in his body,"to cite Solomon Steinheim-Sorkin revertsto the view of Mendelssohn'sfirst biographer, Isaac Euchel, in arguingfor a more harmoniousinterpretation of both the person Mendelssohnand his thought. For Sorkin, as for Euchel or for

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Lawrence Kaplan Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 2 (1998), pp. 300-307 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486927 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:48 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

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imperativeto rememberthat no one in France,not only in 1940, but even as late as the springof 1942, believedthese policies would lead to the mass murderof the Jews.Hence,while Vichymusttakeresponsibilityforits earlier policies,responsibilityfor the massmurderof the Jewsresidessquarelywith the Germans,notwithstanding Vichy'sancillaryresponsibilityfor havinglent Frenchpolice andbureaucratic supportto assistthemin theirdirtywork. this bookpresentsan extremelywell Thesereservationsnotwithstanding, and conceived, written,thoughtfully carefullyresearchedexpositionof the fate of Jews in the departmentof Bouches-du-Rh6ne, particularlyduringthe first two years of the Vichy regime. While it focuses on the local level, it providesa much more generaloverviewof Vichy's anti-Jewishpolicies, as well as Jewishandnon-Jewishrelief andrescueactivities.Ryan'sconclusion thatthe FinalSolutionin Francewas madepossiblebecausethe "bureaucracy droned on" (p. 220) offers a chilling antidoteto Daniel J. Goldhagen's thesis, put forth in Hitler 's WillingExecutioners: Ordinary Germans and the

Holocaust (New York, 1996), that the Holocaustcould not have occurred at everylevel been imbuedwith a fanaticalhatredof hadnot the perpetrators can be no doubtthatthe idea of the FinalSolutionwas the Jews.Whilethere productof such fanaticism,the executionof the Final Solutionwas all too often carriedout by individualsof manynationalitiesactingout of far more mundanemotives. VickiCaron CornellUniversity Ithaca,N.Y.

David Sorkin. Moses Mendelssohn and the Religious Enlightenment. Berke-

ley: Universityof CaliforniaPress, 1996. xxv, 214 pp. David Sorkin'smonographprovidesa succinctbutcomprehensivesurvey of Moses Mendelssohn'smajorJewishworks,both Hebrewand German,in of his Jewishthought.Criticizing the serviceof an overarchinginterpretation views that see Mendelssohn,the person and thinker,as divided against himself--"a heathenin his brainand a Jew in his body,"to cite Solomon Steinheim-Sorkin revertsto the view of Mendelssohn'sfirst biographer, Isaac Euchel, in arguingfor a more harmoniousinterpretation of both the person Mendelssohnand his thought. For Sorkin, as for Euchel or for

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Mendelssohn'snineteenth-century biographer,Meyer Kayserling,the two of Berlinandthe Moses of Dessau,are, the Socrates of faces Mendelssohn, full belief in revealedreligion "Mendelssohn's in truth,one face. Similarly, in enlightenmentthinking"(p. xxi) shouldbe seen andfull-scaleparticipation as entirelyconsistent,as two complementarysides of the samecoin. Sorkin, however,attemptsto place this rathertraditionalunitarypictureon a firm scholarlybasis, both textualandcontextual. The textual key to the unitary picture is the concept of "practical knowledge,"which for Sorkinconstitutesthe unifyingprincipleunderlying Mendelssohn'smany and diverse works. The contextualkey is two-sided. Sorkinclaims that Mendelssohnsynchronicallybelongedto the eighteenthcenturyreligiousenlightenment,a movementcomposedof moderateProtestants, Anglicans, Catholics,and Jews, while diachronicallyhe drew upon and in a sense revivedwhat BernardSeptimushas called the "'Andalusian' traditionin medieval Jewish thought,"a traditionincludingSaadyaGaon, JudahHalevi, and Nahmanides,but significantlynot Maimonides(p. xxii). This dualcontextprovidesthe missinglinkbetweenMendelssohn'scommitsinceboththeeighteenth-century mentsto revelationandto theenlightenment, religiousenlightenmentandtheAndalusiantradition,itselfa typeof medieval religious enlightenment,sought, in varying ways, "to put enlightenment [thinking]in the service of revealedreligion"(p. xxi). Moreover,text and contextreinforceeach other,because,so Sorkinargues,bothenlightenments aimedto createa "practicalrationalism"througha broad-basedcurriculum. In general,Sorkin'spictureof Mendelssohn'sthought,while not ignoringits consermodern,innovative,anddynamicelements,emphasizesits traditional, vative,andstaticfeatures.Mendelssohn,Sorkinstatesrepeatedly,"usednovel means for conservativeends." Similarly,the main tenets of Mendelssohn's faith, despite minor variations,remainedunchangedthroughouthis life. "Judaismwas a religionof practicalknowledge(divinelegislation),grounded in history,maintainedby oral transmission,and based on heteronomy"(p. xxiv; cf. p. 148). Unfortunately,Sorkin does not succeed in substantiatinghis bold and challenging interpretation.Sorkin's textual key, the concept of practical knowledge,becomes,in his hands,so multiform,so changing,so proteanthat it soon loses anyclearandfirmmeaning.It encompassescertainmetaphysical argumentsfor God's existence insofar as they provide "vital efficacious knowledge"(p. 12), the theoreticalknowledge of good and evil (p. 63), aesthetics(p. 49), appliedethics(p. 12), naturalreligion(p. 50), andrevealed

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divine legislation(pp. xxiv, 55). Further,in accordancewith the all-purpose natureand functionof practicalknowledge,Mendelssohnallegedlyfinds it being taughtin the most diversebooks of the Bible: in Ecclesiastes(p. 35), in the Psalms (pp. 46, 50), and, most significantly,in the Pentateuch(pp. 56-65). Indeed, for Sorkin'sMendelssohn,even such genres or modes of writingas commentary(p. 13)andhistory(p. 78) providepracticalknowledge. Unfortunately,in none of these instancesdo we findthe slightestmentionof practicalknowledgein the primarysourcesto which Sorkinrefers. In truth,Mendelssohnneverused the term"practicalknowledge,"which leads one to questionwhether,in fact, he recognizedthe existenceof such a concept. Thus in his famous essay "On the Question:What Is Enlightenment?",dealing with the relationshipbetween practicaland theoretical matters,an essay to which Sorkindevotes preciselypart of one sentence (p. 147), Mendelssohnstatesthatboth "(objective)rationalknowledge"and the "(subjective)facility in rationalreflectionaboutmattersof humanlife" belong to theoreticalmattersand not to practicalmatters.It would appear that for Mendelssohnall knowledgeis theoreticaland not practical,which is not to say-and this seems to be the sourceof Sorkin'sconfusion--that theoreticalknowledgemay not at the sametime be vital andefficacious. Nor is Sorkin'scontextualizationwithoutits problems.To be sure, the idea of Mendelssohnas part of a transconfessionaleighteenth-century reis and Sorkin has this in idea ligious enlightenment appealing, developed several essays.' But in the presentwork this religious enlightenmentand Mendelssohn'splace in it remain shadowy and undefined.By contrast, Sorkindoes have a great deal to say about Mendelssohnas reviving the Andalusiantraditionin medievalJewishthought,but preciselyhere Sorkin's contentionsappearquestionable. Onemayquestionwhetherit is altogetherpossibleto speakof a traditionin Jewishthoughtencompassingsuchradicallydiversefiguresas Saadya,Halevi, andNahmanides,butto examinethis with the fullnessit deserveswouldtake us too farafield.Herewe simplywish to showthatSorkin,in accordancewith his notionof Mendelssohn'srevivalof an Andalusiantraditionthatincludes Halevi but excludes Maimonides,consistentlyexaggeratesMendelssohn's

1. "FromContextto Comparison:The GermanHaskalahand ReformCatholicism,"Tel Aviver Jahrbuchjfur deutsche Geschichte 20 (1991): 23-58; and "The Case for Comparison:

Moses Mendelssohnandthe ReligiousEnlightenment," ModernJudaism14 (1994): 121-138.

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relianceupon the "practicalrationalism"of Halevi,andequallyconsistently understateshis relianceuponthe "speculativerationalism"of Maimonides. Referringto Mendelssohn'scommentaryon Exodus 20:2, "I am the Eternal,your God, who broughtyou out of the land of Egypt," Sorkin arguesthat "Mendelssohn'sinsistenceon the centralityof the Exodus and the revelationat Sinai reveals his proximityto JudahHalevi and thus his distancefromMaimonides"(p. 129).But in the verysamepassagein theBiur of the significance MendelssohnspecificallycriticizesHalevi'sunderstanding of this verse.2Nor shouldthis be surprising.ForHalevi,the reasonwhy God identifiedHimself at Sinai as the redeemerfromEgypt and not the creator of the world is that a rationalapproachto God based on creationleaves us only with the highly inadequatenotionof the God of the philosophers,while the true God, the God of Abraham,may be knownonly on the basis of His miraculousacts in history.For Mendelssohn,by contrast,naturalreligion, based on reason,providesus with a perfectlyadequateconceptionof God. In his view-and here he follows Maimonides'positionas set forthin Laws of Idolatry,chapter1-Abraham arrivedat his knowledgeof God through reason and not throughprophecy,and consequentlythe God of Abraham is the God of the philosophers.The significanceof the book of Exodus, for Mendelssohn,is that God, by redeemingthe Israelites,became their sovereign,which sovereignty,in turn,endowsthe law Godrevealedto them with authority.I wouldhavethoughtthatthis fundamental differencebetween Halevi andMendelssohnwas a truism,but it seems thatscholarssometimes, in theirunderstandable desireto set forthnew and bold theses, forgetbasic truisms. Twoexamplesmustsufficeto showhow,in thisreviewer'sopinion,Sorkin misses Mendelssohn'srelianceon Maimonideson fundamentalissues. First, Sorkin claims (pp. 70-71) that Mendelssohn'streatmentof the problem of biblical anthropomorphisms (e.g., his explanationthatGod's descending meansHis condescending)follows the grammatical approachof the Rashbam andnot the philosophicalmethodof Maimonides.This is a plainmisreading of Mendelssohn'stext. To the contrary,in the three places in the Biur whereMendelssohnoffersthis explanation(Gen. 11:5;Exod.3:8, 19:20),3he 2. MendelssohncharacterizesHalevi's explanationas bilti mspkt.It would appearthat Sorkin vocalized mspktas mesupeket,in which case Mendelssohnis saying that Halevi's explanationis indubitable.In truth,as the context makes perfectlyclear, mspktshould be vocalizedas maspeket,thatis, accordingto Mendelssohn,Halevi'sexplanationis inadequate. 3. The commenton Genesis 11:5is by Mendelssohn'scollaborator, SolomonDubno.

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explicitlystatesthathe is followingthe approachof Maimonides,andrefers thereaderto Guide1:10.Second,andeven moresignificant,Sorkinargues(p. 56) thatMendelssohn,in his commenton Genesis24:8, "definesthe concepts of truthand faith in a practicalmanner. . . based on the identitybetween the soul's contentsandthe externalworld."But, as anyonefamiliarwith the Guidewill immediatelyrealize,this definitionis basedupon, and is almost verballyidenticalwith, Maimonides'famous definitionof truthand belief in Guide 1:50. This example by itself should suffice to call into question Sorkin's entire distinctionbetween practicaland speculativerationalism, thoughit may be noted thatMendelssohndoes give Maimonides'definition an interestingethicaltwist. As my last point indicates,I do not want to go to the opposite extremeand arguethat Mendelssohnwas a Maimonidean. WhatI do wantto claim is thatonly to the extentthatwe appreciatethe full scope of Mendelssohn'srelianceon Maimonideswill we also be in a position to appreciatethe interestingand significantways in whichhe deviatedfrom him. Evenif we cannotacceptSorkin'soverallinterpretation of Mendelssohn's thought, his survey of Mendelssohn'swritings is not without value. He providesthoughtfuland informativediscussionsof such generallyneglected works as the commentaryon Maimonides'Logical Terms(pp. 18-21), the commentaryon Ecclesiastes (pp. 35-45), and Ritual Laws of the Jews (pp. 105-107). He even has somethingnew and interestingto say about Mendelssohn'smuch-discussedtheory of the relationshipbetween church and state as set forth in the firstpartof Jerusalem(pp. 121-125). Yet this survey'svalue is greatlydiminishedby two seriousflaws. First, in his attemptto stress the traditionalistside of Mendelssohn, Sorkin consistentlydownplaysor glosses over some of the modern and problematicaspects of his writings. For example, though Sorkin seems aware that Mendelssohn'sfirst Hebrew work, KohelethMussar, uses the "unconventionalform" (p. 15) of a moral weekly, consisting of essays writtenin a distinctlyeighteenth-century style, he repeatedlyrefersto it as a "commentaryon Hebrewtexts" (pp. 16, 18, 23, and 35). So skewed a descriptionapparentlyrevealsSorkin'sdesireto attributeto the worka more traditionalcast and therebymute its rathermodemflavor.In a similarvein, SorkinarguesthatMendelssohn'sdescriptionof the "manof faith"in one of the essays in KohelethMussaris simply a slightlymodernizedpresentation "of the venerableideal of the 'pious scholar' (talmid hakham)"(p. 17), passing over the fact that Torahstudy does not occupynearlyas important

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a place in the life of Mendelssohn'sman of faith as it does in the life of the traditionaltalmidhakham.4Even more revelatory,Sorkinrefers(p. 79) to Mendelssohn'sletter of November 1771 to JohanGeorg Zimmermann andhis well-knownletterof November29, 1770 to Lessing,but he neglects to mention that in the formerletter Mendelssohnboth acknowledgesthe possibilitythatthe Masoretictextsof PsalmsandEcclesiastesmaybe corrupt in someplacesandrefersto a numberof psalms,all of whicharetraditionally viewed as being divinely inspired,as "verymediocrepoems,"'5 while in the latterletterhe gives expressionto what appearsto be, at the very least, a rathercavalierattitudeto the moralcharacterof a numberof highlyrevered biblicalworthies.6 The second, even graver flaw is Sorkin's inadequate control of Mendelssohn'smedievalHebrewsources,bothphilosophicalandexegetical. This flaw irremediablyimpairswhat potentiallycould have been the most importantand innovativecontributionof Sorkin'sstudy,namely,his attempt to use the Biur as a majorsource for reconstructingMendelssohn'sJewish thought. The Biur, as Mendelssohnand his collaboratorSolomonDubnostate,is basedon the commentariesof the greatmedievalpashtanim,Rashi,Rashbam, IbnEzra,andRamban.Andmanyindividualcommentsin theBiurare,indeed, explicitlyidentifiedas derivingfromone or more of these commentaries.It wouldappearthatSorkinassumedthatwherevera commentis notso identified it reflectedMendelssohn'sor Dubno'sown originalinterpretation.7 But even a cursorycomparisonof the Biur with a standardrabbinicBible will reveal 4. See MeirGillon,KoheletMussarle-Mendelssohn'al RekaTekufato(Jerusalem,1979), p. 129. 5. For a translationof the letter,see AlexanderAltmann,Moses Mendelssohn:A BiographicalStudy(University,Ala., 1973),p. 275. GivenMendelssohn'sstaunchandunbending affirmationof the reliabilityof the Masoretictext of the Pentateuch,one wondersif, in his commenthere about possible textual corruptions,Mendelssohnmay have been tacitly anticipatingthe position of Shadal,who defendedthe reliabilityof only the Pentateuchal Masoretictext, to the exclusionof the Masoretictext of the restof Scripture. 6. CompareSorkin'sinadequatediscussion of this importantletter with the insightful analysesto be foundin Altmann,MosesMendelssohn,pp. 255-256; andAllanArkush,Moses Mendelssohnand the Enlightenment(Albany,N.Y., 1994), pp. 204-207. While more, in my view, still remainsto be saidaboutthis letter,at leastAltmannandArkushhaveaskedthe right questions.(Fulltranslationsof the letterareto be foundin bothAltmannandArkush.) 7. Thusthe only commentsfromthe Biur thatSorkinidentifiesas being derivedfromthe medievalcommentariesarethose explicitlyidentifiedas suchin the Biuritself.

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that the great majorityof these unidentifiedcommentsare similarlybased upon or at times takenverbatimfrom the above-mentionedcommentaries.8 To cite some examples of unidentifiedcommentsthat Sorkinconsidersto be Mendelssohn'sown original interpretations: the comment on Moses' encounterwith God at the burningbush (Exod.3:11-12) is basedlargelyon Rashi;the commenton the new covenantGod establishedwith Israelafter the sin of the goldencalf (Exod.34:10)is basedon IbnEzraandthe Ramban; the commenton the providentialsignificanceof Moses' Egyptianeducation (Exod. 2:3), which Sorkin sees as part of Mendelssohn'spolemic against the "contemporary historical-critical of J. G. Eichorn(p. 82), is scholarship" takenverbatimfromIbnEzra.The list couldgo on. Of course, the fact that the greatmajorityof Mendelssohn'scomments in the Biur are based on medieval sources does not mean that the work cannot serve as an importantsource for his thought.One can ask what criteriaMendelssohnused in decidingbetween conflictinginterpretations, examinehow he spliced differentsourcestogether,take note of his subtle but oftentimessignificantreworkingand reshapingof the sourceshe cites, and the like.9But one thing is certain.We will not even begin to know the properquestionsto put to the Biur much less arriveat any answers,if we, like Sorkin,overlook the full dimensionsof its reliance on the medieval exegeticaltradition. An even more disturbingmanifestationof Sorkin'sinadequatecontrol of the field of classical parshanut are the numerousinstanceswhere he eithermisunderstands or mistranslatesMendelssohn'sexegeticalcomments. Again a few examplesmust suffice.The reasonwhy Mendelssohnadds the parentheticalphrase"(namely,thatthey acceptedthe calf not as a guidebut ratheras a God)"to his translationof Exodus32:35 is not, contraSorkin(p. 72), in orderto clarifythe natureof the Israelites'sin in requestinga golden calf,butin orderto offeran answerto a questionthattroubledall the exegetes, namely,what is it exactly thatAaronsaw? (This is clearlyborneout by the Biurad loc.) AgaincontraSorkin,Mendelssohnis not sayingin his comment on Genesis2:3 thatthe accountof creationin GenesisI was "anoraltradition 8. Why some of the commentsin the Biur takenfromthe medievalcommentariesare so identifiedwhile otherstakenfromthe samecommentariesarenot so identifiedrequiresfurther examination. 9. See, in this connection,the incisive observationsof EdwardBreuerin his important new work, The Limits of Enlightenment: Jews, Germans, and the Eighteenth-Century Study of

Scripture(Cambridge,Mass., 1996),pp. 182-183.

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thathad gone awry ... andwas restoredwhen God gave the correctstoryto Moses"(p. 83). To the contrary,for Mendelssohn,Mosesreceivedthe correct creationstory from an uncorruptedoraltradition.(Sorkin'serrorhere stems fromhis mistranslatingbiketzatam,whichmeans"amongsome of them,"as "in part.")Imprecisetranslationsof a numberof Mendelssohn'scomments lead Sorkinto confusethe distinct,albeitinterrelated, conceptsof man'strust to fulfillHis word(p. 50). in God and God'strustworthiness I concludethis highly selective list with a particularlyegregiouserror, whichencapsulatesa numberof theflawslistedabove.Offeringanexampleof are"formsof practicalknowledge how,for Mendelssohn,the commandments ratherthan abstracttruths,"Sorkinstates,"Theobservanceof the Passover commemoratesnot the 'gift of blood,' the fact that Israel'sfirstbornwere spared,but the realizationof trustthroughthe fulfillmentof God'spromise" (p. 58). The note cites the Biur on Exod. 12:24,"Andyou shall observethis matteras a statutefor you and your childrenforever."The reader,perplexed by the peculiarphrase"giftof blood,"who turnsto the Biurad loc. will find the following: "This refers to the paschallamb mentionedearlier(12:21), not to the placing of the blood (mattan damim) [on the lintel and the two

doorposts],for they [the Israelites]were commandedto observethis matter [theplacingof the blood]only on the Passoverof [theExodusfrom]Egypt." Mendelssohnhereis citingalmostverbatimthe commentaryof Furthermore, Nahmanides,who in turnbasedhimselfon the Mishnah(Pesahim96a). Moses Mendelssohn and the Religious Enlightenmentserves to underscore

the caveatthatscholarsin the areaof modemJewishthoughtwho wish to deal with its classical and medievalsourcesmust be able to handlethis difficult andknottymaterialproperly. Lawrence Kaplan McGillUniversity Montreal, Que. Zahava Szasz Stessel. Wine and Thorns in the Tokay Valley:Jewish Life in Hungary; The History of Abauijszant6.Teaneck, N.J.: Fairleigh Dickinson

UniversityPress, 1995. 341 pp.

Raphael Patai. The Jews of Hungary: History, Culture, Psychology. Detroit:

WayneStateUniversityPress, 1993. 730 pp

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Howard Lupovitch Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 2 (1998), pp. 307-315 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486928 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:49 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

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thathad gone awry ... andwas restoredwhen God gave the correctstoryto Moses"(p. 83). To the contrary,for Mendelssohn,Mosesreceivedthe correct creationstory from an uncorruptedoraltradition.(Sorkin'serrorhere stems fromhis mistranslatingbiketzatam,whichmeans"amongsome of them,"as "in part.")Imprecisetranslationsof a numberof Mendelssohn'scomments lead Sorkinto confusethe distinct,albeitinterrelated, conceptsof man'strust to fulfillHis word(p. 50). in God and God'strustworthiness I concludethis highly selective list with a particularlyegregiouserror, whichencapsulatesa numberof theflawslistedabove.Offeringanexampleof are"formsof practicalknowledge how,for Mendelssohn,the commandments ratherthan abstracttruths,"Sorkinstates,"Theobservanceof the Passover commemoratesnot the 'gift of blood,' the fact that Israel'sfirstbornwere spared,but the realizationof trustthroughthe fulfillmentof God'spromise" (p. 58). The note cites the Biur on Exod. 12:24,"Andyou shall observethis matteras a statutefor you and your childrenforever."The reader,perplexed by the peculiarphrase"giftof blood,"who turnsto the Biurad loc. will find the following: "This refers to the paschallamb mentionedearlier(12:21), not to the placing of the blood (mattan damim) [on the lintel and the two

doorposts],for they [the Israelites]were commandedto observethis matter [theplacingof the blood]only on the Passoverof [theExodusfrom]Egypt." Mendelssohnhereis citingalmostverbatimthe commentaryof Furthermore, Nahmanides,who in turnbasedhimselfon the Mishnah(Pesahim96a). Moses Mendelssohn and the Religious Enlightenmentserves to underscore

the caveatthatscholarsin the areaof modemJewishthoughtwho wish to deal with its classical and medievalsourcesmust be able to handlethis difficult andknottymaterialproperly. Lawrence Kaplan McGillUniversity Montreal, Que. Zahava Szasz Stessel. Wine and Thorns in the Tokay Valley:Jewish Life in Hungary; The History of Abauijszant6.Teaneck, N.J.: Fairleigh Dickinson

UniversityPress, 1995. 341 pp.

Raphael Patai. The Jews of Hungary: History, Culture, Psychology. Detroit:

WayneStateUniversityPress, 1993. 730 pp

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Communalhistorieshave formedan integralpartof HungarianJewish historiographysince its inceptionover a centuryago. One of the earliest seminalworkson HungarianJewry,a historyof Rohoncby MeirZipser,was the firstof dozens of communalhistoriesthatfollowed.Zipser,recognizing that a shortageof rabbinicliteraturehad preventedhistoriansof European Jewryfrom examiningJewish life in Hungarybeyondthe broadstrokesof royal charters,used a wide arrayof materialsfrom the municipalarchive to paint a more detailedand comprehensivepictureof Jewish life. During the ensuinghalf-century,dozensof scholars--somehistoriansby profession, others by avocation-entered the local archives in their hometownsand authoredhistoricalworksof similargenre.On the eve of the SecondWorld War,one would have been hardpressedto find a Jewish communitythat had not been the subjectof, at the very least, a journalarticle,and many communitieshad been treated in full-lengthmonographs.Zahava Szasz is the latest contributionto a century-long Stessel's historyof Abatijszaint6 traditionof Hungariancommunalhistory writing, and one of the few in English. The events of the interwarperiodandthe SecondWorldWarshiftedthe focus of Hungariancommunalhistories.Priorto the GreatWar,the authors of such works devoted considerableattentionto illuminatingthe long and harmoniousrelationshipbetween Jews and their gentile neighbors.Works writtenafter the war, whetherby 6migresresidingin the United States or Israelor by Jews living in Hungary,typicallypass quicklyoverpre-twentieth centuryevents and proceed with alacrityto the rise of antisemitismafter WorldWarI and the horrorsof the Nazi occupation.One of the strengths of this work is the fact thatit examinesthe dramaticeventsof the twentieth centurywithoutignoringearlierdevelopments. balancesbetween the Moreover,the author,a native of Abadijszaint6, broaderhistoryof herformerJewishcommunityandherpersonalexperiences and recollections.Recognizingthe importanceof memoryin the study of history,and thathistoryand memorycomplementone anotherin furthering an understandingthe past, Stessel uses both in reconstructingthe last two centuriesof thisHungarianJewishcommunity.Hermemoriesandexperiences breathelife and nuance into what would otherwisebe a dry collectionof archivaldataandcommunalprotocols.At the sametime,herarchivalresearch groundsherpersonalinvolvementin the communityin the contextof Jewish andHungarianhistory. Stessel follows a fairly conventionalscript. She begins with a brief

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descriptionof the Tokay Valley, the arrivalof the Magyarsin the tenth century,the foundingof the town in the thirteenthcentury,and the oldest extant documentaryevidence. Then she recountsthe arrivalof Jews in successive waves from Austria, Bohemia and Moravia,and Poland, and the organizationof a Jewishcommunityin Abaiijszant6aroundan affluent, well-connectedJew. After sporadic settlementin the eighteenthcentury and the beginningsof Jewish communallife in the 1760s, a slow process of economic ameliorationfollows during the first half of the nineteenth century,culminatingin a golden age usheredin by political emancipation and economic growth. Alongside this tale of economic success, Stessel describes the triumph of religious orthodoxy in Abatijszaint6,and the culturalimplicationsof this developmentfor the local rabbinate,schools, and othercommunalinstitutions. Inaddition,Stesselprovidesherreaderswitha rareandrefreshingglimpse of Jewishlife in Hungarythatneitherdwells on Jewishlife in Budapestnor paradesthe accomplishmentsof HungarianJews in medicine,music, film, literature,and otherareasof cultureand science.While she digressesbriefly in this direction,she quicklyreturnsto her primaryobjective:the historyof a single Jewish community.Throughout,she presentsabundantinformation on a broadarrayof topics that ranges from rabbisand scholarsto Jewish actorsand composers,and consistentlyplacesthis diversecollectionof facts in a broaderHungarianJewishcontext.For this reason,the book is a useful referencetool both for newcomersto the studyof HungarianJewryand for more informedreaders.Earlierchaptersprovidenewcomerswith a feel for the generalcontoursof HungarianJewishhistory,while the middle section of the book homes in on morespecifictopics in the institutionalandcultural life of HungarianJewry.Those interestedin the historyof the Kehilla, the rabbinate,and educationalinstitutionswill find the chapterson these topics especiallystimulating. Althoughshepresentsa thoroughchronology,however,Stesselonlyrarely addressesbroaderissues in the historyof HungarianJewry.Her discussion of educationalinstitutions,for example, thoroughlyacquaintsher readers with the possibilitiesfor educationin an Orthodoxcommunity.But thereis little or no attemptto move beyond local historyand addressthe broader education-related controversiesthatdividedHungaryin the 1850sand 1860s. Similarly,in discussingthe rabbinate,she recountsthe movinglife andtimes of RabbiEleazarL6w but has little to say regardinghis role in the conflict between progressives and traditionalists, despite the fact that Abatijszant6

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lay at a crossroads of ideological currents emanating from Pressburg, Pest, Galicia, and Moravia. When Stessel turns to the twentieth century, she skillfully weaves a compelling tapestry of historical facts and memories. Describing the effects of World War I, she recalls: Life duringthe war was difficultfor Abauijszaint6 citizens. The armyneeded the town's manpowerand expropriatedall availablemeansof transportation. A total of 816 soldiersfrom the town participatedin WorldWarOne. Many fathersservedwith theirsons, andtheirhorsesandcarriagesalso werepressed into service.My grandmother R6za Szisz's husband,heronly son, two horses, and the family carriagewere taken. She remainedalone with her watchdog untilthe armytriedto "draft"it for serviceas well. Onlyafterpetitionsandher touchingpleaswas her dog allowedto remainwith her. (p. 165) Equally compelling are her recollections of the forced labor of the WorldWar II years, which she tempers with a keen historical eye. In manyunits,Jewsweretreatedbrutallyandinhumanely.Theyweregenerally ill-clothedand inadequatelyfed. One of my profoundchildhoodfearswas of my fatherbeing called for laborservice.The sight of a mailmanwith special deliveryletterswas sufficientto interruptmy play.I breathlesslywatchedthe official until he passed our home. Whenthe summonsto reportfinallycame in 1942, my father,who was stationedin a nearbyvillage, was preparedto breaka leg underthe wheels of a horse-drawncarriagein orderto avoidbeing transportedabroad..... His case was only one exampleof the many other desperateacts contemplatedby HungarianJewishmen to avoid the dreaded forcedlabor. (p. 189) In the end, however, this is not simply another communal history racing toward tragedy and destruction. The author, in fact, exercises remarkable restraint and balance in describing her experience during World War II, and, appropriately,she concludes by linking the tragic end of her community with its beginnings two centuries earlier. Abaiijszint6was once a thrivingtown that engenderedJewish creativityin the arts, folklore, and other aspects of culture.Now it is an ordinaryrural community.The atmosphereof emptinessrecallsthe underdevelopedsite the

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firstJewishsettlersfoundovertwocenturies ago.Onlythefadedepitaphsof eminentscholarsandrabbisin theJewishcemeterysustainthememoryof its mostcharming, andhistorically of oneof Hungary's lostgrandeur, significant, ruralJewishcommunities. (pp.238-239) Thus,in accordancewithhergoal,ZahavaStesselhasretrievedthisostensibly obscureJewishcommunityfromthe dustbinof history,while preservingthe memoryof her own experience. Writing in 1879, Hungarian Maskil-turned-historian Joseph Bergl lamentedtheminimalattentionthatHungarianJewryreceivedin thehistorical surveysof the Jewishpeople thathad appearedby thattime, specificallyin the worksof Basnage,Jost,andGraetz.'Onehundredandtwentyyearslater, RaphaelPatai echoes this sentimentin the opening lines of this massive survey,addingShimonDubnowto the list of negligenthistorians.Therewas, of course,significantprogressduringthe centurybetweenBerglandPatai.In additionto severalgenerationsof historicalscholarshipin Hungary,a number of worksappearedin moreaccessiblelanguages,includinga few in English: an articleon Hungaryin the EncyclopaediaJudaica,NathanielKatzburg's monographon HungarianJewryas partof the PinkeseiHa-Kehillotseries, and the sections on HungarianJewryin Salo Baron'sSocial and Religious History of the Jews.

Despite these contributionsand a handfulof otherworks,however,the literatureon HungarianJewryin non-Hungarian languagesremainspitifully in An interested reader can choose one of a small, particularly English. numberof comprehensiveEnglish-languagesurveys of Germanor Polish Jewishhistory,butuntilnow has hadto consulthalf a dozenbooksin two or threelanguagesto findan equallycomprehensivehistoryof HungarianJewry. This historiographical lacuna,so aptlynotedby BerglandPatai,resultednot only from a dearthof the rabbinicliteraturethat elsewhere providedan indispensablecornerstonein the documentaryfoundationof medievalJewish historicalwriting,butalso fromthe shortageof secondarysourcesaccessible to thosewho couldnot readHungarian.EvenBaron,in his seminalarticleon

1. JosephBergl, Geschichteder UngarischeJuden(Leipzig,1879),p. 3.

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the Revolutionsof 1848, admitteda certainreluctanceto includeHungarian Jewrydue to a lack of sources.2 Source materialand language difficulties,however, are impediments that most graduatestudentsface at some point. Hardlyuniqueto this one area of study, such problemsdo not fully explain why HungarianJewry has received so little scholarlyattention.A broaderview of this scholarly lacunashows that it reflectsa historiographical tendencyto place German and Polish Jewry squarelyat the center of the history of the Ashkenazic experience,while relegatingneighboringJewishcommunities-in Hungary, the Netherlands,and Romania,for example--to the periphery.Patai has takenan importantstep towardretrievingHungarianJewry,the third-largest Jewry in the world in 1914, from the marginsof the AshkenazicJewish experience.His single greatestcontributionin this volume is to make the thousand-yearhistory of Jews in Hungaryaccessible to non-Hungarian readers,an accomplishmenthe enhancesby announcingat the outset the limitationsof this project. No single volume, after all, could contain a thousandyears of history, and the author'srefreshingcandorallows his readersto keep theirexpectationsreasonable. Pataiarrangedthe book, for the most part,chronologically.He leads his readersquicklythoughthefirstsevencenturiesof Jewishlife in Hungary,from the beginningsof Jewishsettlementbeforethe Magyarconquestthroughthe ebb andflow of the MiddleAges. Littleaboutthesecenturieswas unusual,as thehistoryof Jewsin Hungaryfollowedthegeneralcontoursof Jewishhistory elsewhereon the continent:the Crusades,the expulsions,the Renaissance, the Reformation,the warsof religion,andthe Age of Absolutism.Whatever distinguishingfeaturestheremight have been, Pataiduly notes, are largely lost to us becausethe documentaryevidenceis limitedto chartersand legal statutes.For example,the royalcharterthatKing LouisI grantedHungarian Jews in 1301, which readerscan enjoy for the firsttime in translationfrom the Latinoriginal,lists an arrayof restrictionsandprivilegessimilarto those thatJews receivedfrom otherChristiansovereigns.Similarly,in recounting the attitudeof the RenaissancemonarchMathiasCorvinustowardhis Jewish subjects,and the momentarysurge of Jewish culturalactivity duringhis reign,Pataicapturesthe hybridattitudeof a RenaissanceChristianmonarch seekinga middlegroundbetweenhis intellectualandculturalappetitesandthe 2. Salo Baron, "The Revolutions of 1848: Jewish Scholarship,"Proceedings ofthe American Academy of Jewish Research 21 (1952): 87.

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practicaldemandsof administeringJews in a hostileChristianenvironment. his Occasionally,Pataienhancesthis chronologicalsurveyby incorporating otherresearchinterests,such as his work on medievalJewishalchemy,into his accountof the MiddleAges. Theseasidesneitheraddto nor detractfrom the overallsweep of the survey. Onthewhole,though,thisbookdealsprimarilywiththelasttwo centuries. Patai aptly apportionedthe book accordingto the size and prominenceof HungarianJewry.Hungaryemergedas a majorcenterof worldJewryduring the nineteenthcentury,and Pataiappropriately devotesthree-quarters of the book to the last 150 years, and more than half to the post-1867 period. Here he recapitulatessome of the broaderstrokesof earlierhistorians-the role of HungarianJews in the economicdevelopmentof the disproportionate kingdom,the protracteddebateover Jewishemancipation,and the division of HungarianJewryinto OrthodoxandNeolog factions-but thenreiterates some of their omissions as well. Patai,like HungarianJewishhistoriansin general,passesquicklyoverthe decadesbetween1790and 1848,anddevotes a merefive pages to the Revolutionsof 1848. By the time he finishes discussing the EmancipationEdict of 1868 and the schism between Orthodoxyand Neology, it is clear that Patai is patientlyplodding his way toward the centraltheme of the survey: the inherentcompatibilitybetween Jews and Magyarsalludedto in his earlier chapters.A common threadthat runs throughoutthe book recountsthe naturallyamiablerelationshipbetweenJews and Magyarswhich is periodically interruptedby foreigninfluences,such as the RomanCatholicChurch, Jesuits,GermanBurghers,the growinginfluenceof the Habsburgs,German racialantisemitism,and finallyNazis and Communists.This preoccupation with demonstratinga naturalrapprochementbetween Jews and Magyars presents Patai with a dilemma as he turns in successive chaptersto the role of HungarianJews in the foundingof Zionismandthe contributionsof assimilatedHungarianJews tofin de siecle cultureand science. Drawing on his recent study of TheodorHerzl, Patai scrutinizesthe paradoxicalrole of HungarianJews in the rise of Zionism. Hungarian Jewry,he argues, producednot only Herzl, Max Nordau,and numerous otherprecursorsand foundersof Zionism,but also the majoropponentsof the movements.For a brief moment in chapter30, Patai seems prepared to probe the role of assimilatedHungarianJews in the rise of Zionism. Was Herzl, he ponders,simply a case of leadershipfrom the periphery,a manreactingto antisemitism,or did some uniquelyHungariancircumstance

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lead him back to Jewishness?Instead of answeringthis question, Patai abandonsit in favor of a more conventionaland less provocativelitanyof assimilatedJews whose contributionsto Hungariancultureand science he simply cannotoverlook.Equallydisappointingis his explanationof Gy6z6 Ist6czy and other Hungarianracial antisemitesas the productof foreign influence: anti-Semitism in the 1870swasundoubtedly Theriseof Hungarian influenced in where Adolf of the Prussian preacher by developments Germany, St6cker, SocialWorkers court,in 1878foundedtheChristian Partywithananti-Semitic In Hungary, the Germanexample,addedto the indigenous riseof program. sentimentamongthe impce-.-rished the anti-Jewish facilitated smallholders, whosemainproponent wasGy6z6Ist6czy. spreadof themovement (p. 347)

Patai continueshis survey into the twentiethcentury,and by now the readerappreciatesthe author'sabilityto describea highlycomplexseriesof events:the 1919 Communistrevolutionand the ensuingcounter-revolution, the numerusclausus and otheranti-Jewishlaws. Again, Patailinks the rise in Hungarianantisemitismto developmentsin Germany,in this case the rise of Nazism. Hitler,he argues,strengthenedthe Hungarianrightby providing antisemiticpoliticians like Gyula G6mbOs,who negotiatedan economic agreementwithNazi Germany,with easy andimpressivesuccessesin foreign policy. No surveyof HungarianJewrywouldbe completewithouta few remarks on the destructionof HungarianJewryand its aftermath,and Pataidoes not disappointhis readers.Why,he asks, did sucha comparativelylargenumber of HungarianJews remainin Hungaryafterthe war,andwhatsortof Jewish identitydid they maintain?Here,portrayingpost-HolocaustHungarianJews as twentieth-centuryMarranoswhose self-imposedreligious and cultural silence was intensifiedby a half-centuryof communistrule, Pataimakes it evidentwhy psychologyis an elementin the book's subtitle. In the end, the numerousshortcomingsof TheJews of Hungary--the absenceof footnotesand a comprehensivebibliography,the scantattention to geographicalvariation-do not detractfromthe author'saccomplishment. By condensingthe tortuoushistoryof HungarianJewryinto a singlevolume, RaphaelPatai has not only providedfutureresearcherswith an invaluable referencework, but also made it significantlyeasier for Englishreadersto approach this once-elusive topic. An obvious first step will be annotatingthe

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volume. Patai recognized the limitations of the book, as he candidly admitted in his prefatory remarks, but he also expressed what he hoped its potential impact would be on future scholarship. However,mine is but a firstattempt,andnot withoutshortcomingsof its own. I was over eighty when I began workingon this book. At that age, one no longerhas the patience-or the time-to follow up meticulouslyeverylead,or to undertakeall the myriadminortasksthatcouldgo intowritingsucha major historicalstudy.I am surethatin the comingyearsyounghistorianswill takeup the subjectand will producebetterandmorecompletehistoriesof Hungarian Jewry.I shallnot be hereto see them,butI wantto welcomethemin advance. (p. 2) HowardLupovitch ColbyCollege Waterville,Me.

AlanL. Mittleman.ThePolitics of Torah:TheJewishPolitical Traditionand the Founding ofAgudat Israel. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1996. 200 pp. The political history of modem Israel and its antecedents in premodem Judaism remains a vibrant part of the broad scholarly interest in modem Judaism.Its continued relevance may be due in large partto the ever changing nature and fabric of contemporary Israel both vis-a-vis the world and, more interestingly, vis-a-vis itself. Alan Mittleman's The Politics of Torah traces the cultural, political, and ideological origins of Agudat Israel, one of the more intricate and fascinating chapters of modem Jewish political theory. As Mittleman consistently and correctly points out, the phenomenon of Agudat Israel extends far beyond the spectrum of politics; it reflects a profound struggle between tradition and modernity presented as a counterideology to conventional Zionism and the quickly acculturating trend in German Orthodoxy in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Mittleman's study of Agudat Israel is an important contribution to the more general study of modem Jewish political theory for various reasons. First, his introductorychapter presents a useful methodological framework in which he proceeds to discuss his topic. He does not fall prey to the general academic tendency to overtheorize, nor does he succumb to the commonplace

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Shaul Magid Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 2 (1998), pp. 315-318 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486929 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:49 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

315

REVIEWS BOOK

volume. Patai recognized the limitations of the book, as he candidly admitted in his prefatory remarks, but he also expressed what he hoped its potential impact would be on future scholarship. However,mine is but a firstattempt,andnot withoutshortcomingsof its own. I was over eighty when I began workingon this book. At that age, one no longerhas the patience-or the time-to follow up meticulouslyeverylead,or to undertakeall the myriadminortasksthatcouldgo intowritingsucha major historicalstudy.I am surethatin the comingyearsyounghistorianswill takeup the subjectand will producebetterandmorecompletehistoriesof Hungarian Jewry.I shallnot be hereto see them,butI wantto welcomethemin advance. (p. 2) HowardLupovitch ColbyCollege Waterville,Me.

AlanL. Mittleman.ThePolitics of Torah:TheJewishPolitical Traditionand the Founding ofAgudat Israel. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1996. 200 pp. The political history of modem Israel and its antecedents in premodem Judaism remains a vibrant part of the broad scholarly interest in modem Judaism.Its continued relevance may be due in large partto the ever changing nature and fabric of contemporary Israel both vis-a-vis the world and, more interestingly, vis-a-vis itself. Alan Mittleman's The Politics of Torah traces the cultural, political, and ideological origins of Agudat Israel, one of the more intricate and fascinating chapters of modem Jewish political theory. As Mittleman consistently and correctly points out, the phenomenon of Agudat Israel extends far beyond the spectrum of politics; it reflects a profound struggle between tradition and modernity presented as a counterideology to conventional Zionism and the quickly acculturating trend in German Orthodoxy in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Mittleman's study of Agudat Israel is an important contribution to the more general study of modem Jewish political theory for various reasons. First, his introductorychapter presents a useful methodological framework in which he proceeds to discuss his topic. He does not fall prey to the general academic tendency to overtheorize, nor does he succumb to the commonplace

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tendencyin JewishStudiesto workwithina complexmethodologicalsystem withoutexplicitlytracingits roots. Emile Durkheimand Max Weberare as presentin the body of the text (andnotjust the footnotes)as areLeo Strauss and SamuelEisenstadt.Hence,the introductory chapterdoes not addressthe subjectso much as introducethe readerto the way in which the authorwill proceedto do his work.In manyways, the introductionreflectsthe classical genre of hakdamotliteraturewhere the legalistor philosopherwill statehis purposeandmethodbeforeaddressingsubstance. Mittleman then proceeds to survey traditionalnotions of political theoryfrom Maimonidesto Spinoza,concludingwith a freshand insightful comparativeanalysisof Leo Strauss'spoliticalwritings,SamuelEisenstadt's Continuity and Polity, and David Biale's Power and Powerlessness, all of

which enables him to proceed to analyze the emergence, impact, and influenceof AgudatIsrael in the twentiethcentury,a subjectwhich is not the focus of the otherstudiesmentioned.The readerwill find it difficultto categorizeMittleman'sessay. Is it culturalandpoliticalhistory?The history of ideas? Jewish sociology? In fact, the essay is none of the above and all of the above, which makes it a pleasureto read. Mittlemanweaves a very carefulhistoricalanalysiswithoutever abandoningthe largerquestionshe raises in the introductionand his first two survey chapters.Therefore,the initialimpatienceone may feel when readingthe firstpartof the book (the introduction,chaps. 1 and 2) is not an indicationof the tangentialnatureof his historicalsurveybut only the result of Mittleman'scommitmentto the elucidationof theoryas an importantif not essentialacademicexercise. One of the more strikingdimensionsof Mittleman'sessay is the way in whichhe presentsthe severeandlargelyirreparable distinctionsbetweenthe exponentsof WesternOrthodoxy,SamsonRaphaelHirsch,SolomonBreuer (whose thoughtwas primarilyexpressedthroughthe work of his son Isaac Breuer),andJacobRosenheim(thetruefounderof AgudatIsraelin Germany), in PolandandHungary,mostof whom andtheirEasternEuropeancounterparts had little patiencewith the Germancall for a Politics of Torah.Mittleman exhibitsthe extentto which it was the Germanmodernistprogramof Breuer and Rosenheim and not the ultra-Orthodoxagenda of EasternEuropean ideologues which served as the backboneof the Agudahat its inception. The Politics of Torahprogram,an alternativebut not unequivocalrejection communitiesof of Zionism,had no real foundationin the ultra-traditionalist PolandandHungary.This point is particularlysignificantin light of the fact that the second half of the twentiethcenturyhas witnessedthe eclipse of

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the Germanbranchof AgudatIsraelin the shadowof its EasternEuropean counterpart. As Mittleman convincingly argues, however, Agudat Israel, which began almost simultaneouslyin Poland and Germany,was an important bridge between these two worlds in their valiant attemptto ward off the heretical challenge of political and culturalZionism in the first decades of the twentiethcentury.The fact that the Germanand EasternEuropean participantshad radically differentagendas is an importantpoint which Mittlemandevelops in variousways. The KattowitzConference(October 1911 to May 1912) served as the womb in which East and Westjoined arms, however reluctantly,to birth AgudatIsrael. Mittlemansums up the tension and ambiguitywell when he says, "WhileEasternJews sought to wardoff modernity,even at the cost of graspinga double-edgedsword,the GermanJews soughtto recoverfrommodernitythe Jewishnessthey hadlost througha centuryof adaptations.They wantedto move beyonda synthesis of Judaismand modernityinto a totalistic assertionof Jewish being" (p. 18). Mittleman'spoint is thatthe Germanand Polish Jews workedtogether to found and develop AgudatIsrael,but the two communitieshad separate agendaswhich madethe relationshiptenuousat best. This phenomenonwas furtherproblematizedby the ultra-OrthodoxHungariancontingent,some of whom reluctantlyjoined so as not to be entirely excluded from the innovativepoliticalprocess. Anotherimportantpart of this historicalanalysis is the way in which Mittlemantraces the developmentof the separatistFrankfurtcommunity begun by Hirsch into an Erez Yisrael-basedideology by Hirsch'sson-inlaw Isaac Breuer.In this regardThe Politics of Torahis an addendumto Mittleman'sbook on Isaac Breuer,BetweenKant and Kabbalah(Albany, N.Y., 1990). He would have benefitedreadersby moreexplicitlyintegrating his earlierstudywiththepresentone. Manyof themoretheoreticaldiscussions on Breuer'sthoughtare relevantto the Politicsof Torahideologydeveloped here. In any event, the shift from Orthodoxautonomy(Hirsch/Frankfurt) to ErezYisraelseparatism(TelAviv/Breuer)was pivotalin thatit madeAgudat Israel an anti-ZionisticZionism, the consequencesof which we are now seeing as the centurydrawsto a close. Alan Mittleman'sThe Politics of Torahis an important,useful, and readableessay in the historyof modemJudaism.His researchis thorough,his methodologicalposition well argued,and his findingsare both informative and substantive.I only wish he had been willing to draw more daring

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conclusionsfromhis research,conclusionswhich,I believe,areembeddedin his essay but can only be broughtto the surfaceby a carefulandthoughtful reader. ShaulMagid JewishTheological of America Seminary NewYork,N.Y. Ken Frieden.Classic YiddishFiction.Albany:StateUniversityof New York Press, 1996. xiii, 364 pp. With the publicationof threemajorstudies, 1996 was a landmarkyear for Yiddishscholarship.Fornearlya quartercentury,Englishreadershad to contendwith therebeing only one scholarlybook on Yiddishfiction--Dan Miron'sout-of-printA TravelerDisguised:A Studyin the Rise of Modern YiddishFiction in the NineteenthCentury(Schocken,1973).Miron'sclassic has now been resurrectedin a revisededitionby SyracuseUniversityPress, while David Roskies's A Bridge of Longing: TheLost Art of YiddishStorytellingis availablefrom HarvardUniversityPress. The thirdstudyis the book underreview,Ken Frieden'sClassic YiddishFiction. I would like to startwith a caution:anyoneseekingthe usual thematic, quasi-literaryinformationin Frieden'sbook will be sorely disappointed, because he is not repackaginghackneyedmodes of interpretivepractice. Instead,he defines the genre by way of literaryaestheticsand rhetorical methods. He does this by focusing on Abramovitsch(Mendele Mocher Sforim), Sholem Aleichem, and I. L. Peretz, the three giants of Yiddish fiction. In discussing Abramovitsch,Frieden draws attentionto the essential distinctionbetweenthe authorandhis better-known pseudonym,Mendelethe Book Peddler.Accordingto Frieden,Abramovitschemployedthis device to createdistanceand avoid criticismfor havingscrutinizedthe popularbeliefs of his readers.As Friedenputs it, "Mendele'smockblessingsemphasizethe errorof trustingblindly in divine providence,when the world so painfully confrontsus with contradictoryconditions.... He leadshis readershipfrom traditionalismto enlightenment,chartingtheir course alongsideMendele's ownjourneytowarda criticaloutlookin an ironicmode"(p. 91). I should note that Frieden is not a formalist, since he does draw

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Michael Taub Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 2 (1998), pp. 318-321 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486930 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:49 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

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BOOK REVIEWS

conclusionsfromhis research,conclusionswhich,I believe,areembeddedin his essay but can only be broughtto the surfaceby a carefulandthoughtful reader. ShaulMagid JewishTheological of America Seminary NewYork,N.Y. Ken Frieden.Classic YiddishFiction.Albany:StateUniversityof New York Press, 1996. xiii, 364 pp. With the publicationof threemajorstudies, 1996 was a landmarkyear for Yiddishscholarship.Fornearlya quartercentury,Englishreadershad to contendwith therebeing only one scholarlybook on Yiddishfiction--Dan Miron'sout-of-printA TravelerDisguised:A Studyin the Rise of Modern YiddishFiction in the NineteenthCentury(Schocken,1973).Miron'sclassic has now been resurrectedin a revisededitionby SyracuseUniversityPress, while David Roskies's A Bridge of Longing: TheLost Art of YiddishStorytellingis availablefrom HarvardUniversityPress. The thirdstudyis the book underreview,Ken Frieden'sClassic YiddishFiction. I would like to startwith a caution:anyoneseekingthe usual thematic, quasi-literaryinformationin Frieden'sbook will be sorely disappointed, because he is not repackaginghackneyedmodes of interpretivepractice. Instead,he defines the genre by way of literaryaestheticsand rhetorical methods. He does this by focusing on Abramovitsch(Mendele Mocher Sforim), Sholem Aleichem, and I. L. Peretz, the three giants of Yiddish fiction. In discussing Abramovitsch,Frieden draws attentionto the essential distinctionbetweenthe authorandhis better-known pseudonym,Mendelethe Book Peddler.Accordingto Frieden,Abramovitschemployedthis device to createdistanceand avoid criticismfor havingscrutinizedthe popularbeliefs of his readers.As Friedenputs it, "Mendele'smockblessingsemphasizethe errorof trustingblindly in divine providence,when the world so painfully confrontsus with contradictoryconditions.... He leadshis readershipfrom traditionalismto enlightenment,chartingtheir course alongsideMendele's ownjourneytowarda criticaloutlookin an ironicmode"(p. 91). I should note that Frieden is not a formalist, since he does draw

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upon crucial historical,political, social, and religious sources to buttress his arguments. Proceedingchronologically,and with an eye to Mendele'sdevelopment from pure social critic to satiric/parodicnovelist, Friedenfocuses on Dos kleynementchele("TheLittle Man,"1864), Dos vintchfingerl("TheMagic Ring,"1865), Fishkeder krumer("Fishkethe Lame,"1869),Di takse("The Tax,"1869),Di klyatsche("TheMare,"1873),andfinally,theonebest-known to readersof English, Kitser masoes Binyominhashlishi ("TheTravelsof Benjaminthe Third,"1878). In his discussionof Mendele,Friedenprovides many valuable insights into some rarely discussed works of the Yiddish canon. Thanks,perhaps,to his book and the one by Roskies, a Mendele renaissanceseems to be underway,what with the impendingpublicationof his novellas and short stories by Schocken'sLibraryof YiddishClassics. (SholemAleichemandPeretzhave alreadybeen featuredin this greatseries editedby RuthWisse.) Friedenuses a similar methodologyin the Sholem Aleichem chapter: identifythe literaryandnonliteraryforcesthatshapedhis artisticcareer,then follow up with a discussionof representative worksto illuminatethe thesis. An importantcontributionhereis Frieden'sassertionthatStempenyu,anearly, work, is in fact a spoof of the typical European perhapsground-breaking romancegenre:"Stempenyuis a kindof JewishCasanovawhobreaksheartsin we learnthatSholemAleichem's everytown"(p. 147).But,moreimportantly, "JewishNovels" were intentionallydesignedto breakwith conventionsof Europeanromance,for "even when they verge on becoming love stories, their predominantgoal is satire ratherthan seduction"(p. 141). This, I believe, is the firsttime SholemAleichemhas been viewed primarilyfroma Europeanliteraryperspective,a totallyvalidapproachconsideringthe wealth of non-Jewish,non-Mendelesourcesflowing into his creativeprocess.The tensionbetweenthe urgeto produceliteraryrealism/socialreformativetypes of texts andthe equallypowerfuldrivetowardsurrealistic,fantasticliterature is well documentedin this study.Thosefamiliarwith the literatureknowthat this conflict did not cease with Sholem Aleichembut persistedwith many Yiddishwritersof latergenerations. Frieden'schoice of works in this chapteris understandable; the Tevye episodesandthe famous"RailroadStories"areperfectillustrationsof thekind of rhetoricalaesthetiche attributesto the masterof the Jewishtale. In a bold move, Friedenconfrontssome prevailingopinions(Halkin,Harshav,Miron) on Tevye'smuch-debatedquotations,offeringthisview: "thesequotationsare

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a sophisticatedliterarydevice by which SholemAleichemchips away at the simplemimeticillusion"(p. 166). I believe thatmorethanone approachcan be used to explainthis aspectof Tevye'scharacter.On the whole, Frieden's aestheticformulationsare applicableto the workscited,butthosewho know the entireSholemAleichemfictionalcorpusmay wish thathe haddealtwith lesser-known,if not superior,works.I am alluding,of course,to Kasrilevke, In the Storm,MenachemMendl, and TheHoax. These novels are different fromTevyeandthe Railroadcycle, andrequireserioustreatment,perhapsin a moreextendedstudyof SholemAleichem'sfiction. While Mendele and Sholem Aleichem were clearly the foundersand mastersof Yiddishnarrativefiction,Peretzwas unquestionably theintellectual "Tzaddik"of his time. He was a guideto countlessaspiringwriters,a strong voice in the Jewish communityat large, and a respectedfigure in Polish intellectualcircles. He was a man who aspiredto become a Polish writer, toyedwith socialism,spentseveralmonthsin prisonfor subversiveactivities, and practicedlaw for a living. Of course,he was also a man who foughtin the fiercelanguagebattlesaboutwhetherHebrewor Yiddishwas the Jewish nationallanguage,a social scientistwho undertooka long journeythrough the Polish countrysideand wrote aboutit in greatdetail, and a collectorof hundredsof Jewishfolktales,eventually"Farperetzt," rewrittenin the unique Peretzstyle andbroughtout as Folkstimlechegeshichtn("FolkStories"),and Hasidish.Thoughnot coveredby Frieden,Peretz'sfictionencompassessome fine poetryand drama. In formulatingPeretz's aesthetic, Friedenpoints to a combinationof modernistictaste, romanticbent, and "improvisatorystyle expressinghis impulsiveness"(p. 256). Drawingon ShmuelNiger'sworkon Peretz,Frieden managesto capturethe essence of this complex, even paradoxical,Jewish writer.As he rightly points out, it seems that Peretz chose short literary forms-the essay, the shortstory,the one-actplay-because they suitedhis highlypolemicalwritingson a host of socialproblems.Thus,in the storieshe employsironyand fantasyto addressissues like corruptionamongthe laity, cynicismamongthe enlightened,andself-righteousness amongthe pious. While in the earlierchaptersFriedenis occasionallyadventurous,in the Peretz section he stays solidly on the beaten path. But he avoids being repetitious.In fact, he is surprisinglyat his best whenhe skillfullyintegrates the work of his predecessorsinto a smooth,concise,narrative.RuthWisse's excellent Peretz studies, I. L. Peretz and the Making of ModernJewish Culture,and her introductionto the I. L. Peretz Reader no doubt paved

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the roadto a betterunderstandingof this writerin his sociopoliticalmilieu. Friedenbuildson this scholarship,contextualizingit withinthe frameworkof the threeYiddishclassics as well as the widerparametersof modemJewish cultureand literature. Classic YiddishFiction is uniquefor its comprehensiveview of the field, its solid criticalfoundations,and its exhaustivebibliographicalinformation. Whilewe havemuchcauseto celebrateFrieden'sbook,it is sadto reflectthat the dwindlingnumberof Yiddishistsmay mean that it is the last scholarly endeavorof its kind. Let anyonewho believes otherwiserememberthe title of Peretz's short story: "Az men zogt meshuge,gleyb" "If they tell you you're crazy,believe it." MichaelTaub NewYork,N.Y. AvrahamBalaban.A DifferentWavein IsraeliFiction:PostmodernistIsraeli Fiction.Jerusalem:KeterPublishingHouse, 1995. 265 pp. (Hebrew). Themost creativeandinnovativeHebrewauthorsof the 1980sand 1990s arethe ones who have challengedtheirpredecessorswho were centralto the literaryscene of the 1960s and 1970s.In theirwritings,the desireto organize a chaoticworld in meaningfulterms,manifestedin the work of Amos Oz, has given A. B. Yehoshua,AharonAppelfeld,andAmaliaKahana-Carmon, of well as the way to the abandonment conventionalnarrativestructureas attemptto find meaningin the life of the groupof the individual.Attempts to reveal the psychologicalprocessesmotivatinghumanactionshave been supplantedin the new generationby a focus on randomencountersbetween charactersandpointlessor mechanicalresponsesto events. Whereasthe New Wave of the 1960s and 1970s produceddense, multilayered,richly allusive styles, the postmodernwritersare often colloquial; theirstyle is devoidof intertextualallusions.Balabansuggeststhatthe reason lies in the politicalbreakdownof the relativelyunified for this transformation ideologicalsystemof LaborZionismin thewakeof theYomKippurWar.The changein leadershipin 1977 was yet anothermanifestationof the profound social crisis of the 1970s. Thoughreligious, ethnic, and regionaltensions existedbefore, it was in the 1980s thatthese tensionseruptedin criticaland transformative ways. The loss of ideologicalcertaintyis reflectedin chaotic, analogousplots basedon coincidenceratherthandevelopment.Thenarrators

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Esther Fuchs Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 2 (1998), pp. 321-324 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486931 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:49 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

321

BOOK REVIEWS

the roadto a betterunderstandingof this writerin his sociopoliticalmilieu. Friedenbuildson this scholarship,contextualizingit withinthe frameworkof the threeYiddishclassics as well as the widerparametersof modemJewish cultureand literature. Classic YiddishFiction is uniquefor its comprehensiveview of the field, its solid criticalfoundations,and its exhaustivebibliographicalinformation. Whilewe havemuchcauseto celebrateFrieden'sbook,it is sadto reflectthat the dwindlingnumberof Yiddishistsmay mean that it is the last scholarly endeavorof its kind. Let anyonewho believes otherwiserememberthe title of Peretz's short story: "Az men zogt meshuge,gleyb" "If they tell you you're crazy,believe it." MichaelTaub NewYork,N.Y. AvrahamBalaban.A DifferentWavein IsraeliFiction:PostmodernistIsraeli Fiction.Jerusalem:KeterPublishingHouse, 1995. 265 pp. (Hebrew). Themost creativeandinnovativeHebrewauthorsof the 1980sand 1990s arethe ones who have challengedtheirpredecessorswho were centralto the literaryscene of the 1960s and 1970s.In theirwritings,the desireto organize a chaoticworld in meaningfulterms,manifestedin the work of Amos Oz, has given A. B. Yehoshua,AharonAppelfeld,andAmaliaKahana-Carmon, of well as the way to the abandonment conventionalnarrativestructureas attemptto find meaningin the life of the groupof the individual.Attempts to reveal the psychologicalprocessesmotivatinghumanactionshave been supplantedin the new generationby a focus on randomencountersbetween charactersandpointlessor mechanicalresponsesto events. Whereasthe New Wave of the 1960s and 1970s produceddense, multilayered,richly allusive styles, the postmodernwritersare often colloquial; theirstyle is devoidof intertextualallusions.Balabansuggeststhatthe reason lies in the politicalbreakdownof the relativelyunified for this transformation ideologicalsystemof LaborZionismin thewakeof theYomKippurWar.The changein leadershipin 1977 was yet anothermanifestationof the profound social crisis of the 1970s. Thoughreligious, ethnic, and regionaltensions existedbefore, it was in the 1980s thatthese tensionseruptedin criticaland transformative ways. The loss of ideologicalcertaintyis reflectedin chaotic, analogousplots basedon coincidenceratherthandevelopment.Thenarrators

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lack authority,the stories are often narratedfrom severalpointsof view or the protagonistis an unreliableone. The charactersareflat, interchangeable; a fragmented,lacking coherentego, isolatedfroma socialandfamilycontext. Motifs of insanity,breakdown,and suicide are common. The boundaries between reality and fantasy,dreamand perception,are fluid, and it is not alwaysclearwhat is "really"happeningandwhatis being imagined. Balaban is aware of the multiple and various definitionsof literary postmodemism,as well as of the visible influenceon the Israeliauthorshe discusses of the crisis of Westernvalue systems and Westernpostmodern writing.He concedes that the boundarybetweenmodernismand postmodernism is at times ratherfluid. Nevertheless,he arguesconvincinglythat there is no mistakingthe emergingpostmoderntrend in Hebrew letters. Balabanidentifiesthis trendas leaningless towardsolipsistic Furthermore, self-reflectiveness.Despite the "metaliterary" tendencyof severalauthorsto of to the reflect question ability language realityor communicateanything about most Israeli authors to be reality-oriented.They tend it, meaningful no longer try to impose a meaningfulstructureon the realitythey invoke, but their descriptionsrefer to an identifiablyIsraelicontext, its problems, paradoxes,and tensions. Severalauthorsuse theirpostmodernwritingas a social and culturalcritique.This critiqueis radical;it questionssome of the basicpremisesandstatedgoals of the state,andit does so farmorethoroughly and unflinchinglythan the critiquesof theirpredecessorsof the 1960s and 1970s. In Balaban'swords: "The fiction of the last decade disengaged, partially,fromthe normof 'the prophetof the Houseof Israel,'butnot from Israel"(p. 76). The firstpartof the book is a theoreticaloverviewof postmodernism and its manifestationsfrom the mid-1980s throughthe mid-1990s.The second part of the book is made up of six chapters.The thirdand fourthdiscuss AvrahamHefner,while the othersaredevotedto suchauthorsas HaimLapid, Yuval Shimoni,Amnon Navot, and YitzhakLaor.The first chapterin the secondpartdeploresthe criticalneglectof HaimLapid.Balabanarguesthat Lapidwas a pioneerin his presentationof the secularcharacteras lacking the basic mechanismwith which to interpretreality.He emphasizesthe innovative patterns Lapid used in his novel The Secret Notes of My Deputy,'

namely,doubles,multipleendings,andmultiplenarrativeframes.Ultimately, 1. The English titles of the novels discussed in this article are my own translations.

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Lapid makes the point that no one narrativereflects a person'slife. Each personis the sum of severalpossiblenarrativeshe tells abouthim-or herself. The second chapter deals with Yuval Shimoni's The Dove's Flight, emphasizingits unique presentationof the cruel randomnessthat shapes individuallives. Balaban presents us with two analogousplots evolving in the same place, Paris, but disconnectedfrom each other.The plots are stylisticallyasymmetrical:one is mimeticrealism,the otheruses the stream of consciousness.The plot lines clashrandomly,andtheirintersectionpoints up the profounddifferencebetweenthem;the one describesa Parisianwoman aboutto commitsuicide,andthe otherdescribesa marriedAmericancouple vacationingin Paris. Chapters3 and4 discussAvrahamHefner'snovel TheInterpretedBook. Herethe narratorandthe authorthemselvesemergeas fictivecharacters.The authoris a text. Charactersin the novel discussbooksandcharactersin books thatreflectthemto the pointof blurringthe distinctionbetweenfictionaland real characters.Hefnersuggeststhat literature,like religion,often mediates and thus distortspeople's perceptionsof life and reality.He implies that realityis monstrousand ought to be confrontedby each individualwithout the distortingmediationof texts. In this and in subsequentworks,the use of of the cinematographic techniquesis highlyvisible,yet anothercharacteristic postmodernmovementin Israeliletters. Amnon Navot's The Deserters' Captorsfocuses on the ruthlessnessof traineesin the militarypolice. This difficultnovel exploresa darkcomerof Israelisociety:the processof trainingunwillingsoldiersandpreparingthem for a militarycareerthey arereluctantto pursue.Theprocessresultsin death, insanity,and desperateeffortsto survivewith dignity in a contextoffering neitherdignitynor validation. Chapter6 discusses YitzhakLaor's presentationof a groupof soldiers desperatelytryingto survivein a threateningworld.A People, a RoyalMeal is a political and psychologicalnovel centeringon the individual'sattempt to remainautonomousdespite pressuresto conform.Balabansuggeststhat Laoroffers an incisive critiqueof the Zionistethos using Lacaniantermsof reference. A DifferentWavein HebrewFiction is a seriousassessmentof a recognizabletrendin contemporaryHebrewfiction.WhatI miss in this book is a criticaldistance,a distanceassessingthe relativestrengthsand weaknesses of the phenomenonit describes.While the developmentBalabansketches out may be worthy of our attention,there is much in it that is trendy

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and fashionable.Balaban'scelebrationof the sophisticatedtechniquesof disconnectionanddisorientationraisesthe questionof the use of literaturein a society alreadyfragmentedand confused.When is a work an aestheticist exercise, or even a commercialeffort,and when is it worthyof our serious attention?This questionis the criticalconundrumthe book avoidsat the risk of giving too muchcredenceto a passingfad. EstherFuchs of Arizona University Tucson,Ariz. Yael Zerubavel.RecoveredRoots: CollectiveMemoryand the Makingof Israeli National Tradition.Chicago:Universityof ChicagoPress, 1995. xx, 340 pp. In a contemporary intellectualculturedrivenby paradox,it oughtto come as no greatsurprisethat rememberingis a hot topic. Equallypresentin the currentacademicfascinationwith memoryis an axiom of longer-standing pedigree:that Jews have more of it, thatthey do theirrememberinglonger, imharder,better,with greaterobsessiveness.Erstwhiledeconstructionists, some traumas of their have converted own, high-profilegenealogical pelledby theirlinguisticallyinclinedversionof poststructuralism intosomethingcalled traumatheory,in which the strugglesof Holocaustsurvivorsto remember their unbearable--andhence largely irrecoverable--experiencesstand at once as the outcome of the particularhorrorsof the Nazi era and as sign of the necessarydividednessof modem subjectivity.The emergenceof this poststructuralistinterest in the workings of individualmemory has been roughlycoincidentwith the appearanceof a differentinterestin a different sort of memory,associatedin the academicrealmwith the growing,though loosely defined,field of culturalstudies.Confiningitselfneitherto the literary nor the linguistic,this secondkind of studytendsto focus on the "memory" of collectivitiesratherthan individuals,and to examinethe ways in which various social, cultural,and political institutions,practices,and interests interactwith one anotherto producea sense of sharedmemoryout of the raw stuff of merehappening. It is with this latter,culturalistmethodologythatYael Zerubavel'scompelling new study, RecoveredRoots: CollectiveMemoryand the Making of Israeli National Traditionought to be aligned. Zerubavelshows the

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Irene Tucker Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 2 (1998), pp. 324-330 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486932 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:49 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

BOOKREVIEWS

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and fashionable.Balaban'scelebrationof the sophisticatedtechniquesof disconnectionanddisorientationraisesthe questionof the use of literaturein a society alreadyfragmentedand confused.When is a work an aestheticist exercise, or even a commercialeffort,and when is it worthyof our serious attention?This questionis the criticalconundrumthe book avoidsat the risk of giving too muchcredenceto a passingfad. EstherFuchs of Arizona University Tucson,Ariz. Yael Zerubavel.RecoveredRoots: CollectiveMemoryand the Makingof Israeli National Tradition.Chicago:Universityof ChicagoPress, 1995. xx, 340 pp. In a contemporary intellectualculturedrivenby paradox,it oughtto come as no greatsurprisethat rememberingis a hot topic. Equallypresentin the currentacademicfascinationwith memoryis an axiom of longer-standing pedigree:that Jews have more of it, thatthey do theirrememberinglonger, imharder,better,with greaterobsessiveness.Erstwhiledeconstructionists, some traumas of their have converted own, high-profilegenealogical pelledby theirlinguisticallyinclinedversionof poststructuralism intosomethingcalled traumatheory,in which the strugglesof Holocaustsurvivorsto remember their unbearable--andhence largely irrecoverable--experiencesstand at once as the outcome of the particularhorrorsof the Nazi era and as sign of the necessarydividednessof modem subjectivity.The emergenceof this poststructuralistinterest in the workings of individualmemory has been roughlycoincidentwith the appearanceof a differentinterestin a different sort of memory,associatedin the academicrealmwith the growing,though loosely defined,field of culturalstudies.Confiningitselfneitherto the literary nor the linguistic,this secondkind of studytendsto focus on the "memory" of collectivitiesratherthan individuals,and to examinethe ways in which various social, cultural,and political institutions,practices,and interests interactwith one anotherto producea sense of sharedmemoryout of the raw stuff of merehappening. It is with this latter,culturalistmethodologythatYael Zerubavel'scompelling new study, RecoveredRoots: CollectiveMemoryand the Making of Israeli National Traditionought to be aligned. Zerubavelshows the

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way in which a complex variety of acts of "commemoration"--practices rangingfrom state-sponsoredmemorialceremonies,educationalcurricula, and television broadcaststo epic poems and ritualyouth-groupexcursions and to popularjokes and songs-function to produce, and at times to challenge, what she calls "the mastercommemorativenarrativeof Israeli society"(p. 12). This masternarrativeis notable,Zerubaveltells us, for the extent to which it "focus[es]on events that did not occupy a majorplace in traditionalJewish memory."The early Zionists,she explains,sought to create a political-nationalcollective memory that at once repudiatedand drewuponthe authorityandpracticesof an alreadyexistingreligiousJewish memory,and for this reason the Israeli exampleillustrateswith particular claritythe selectivityof collectivememory,the way in which it "continually negotiatesbetween availablehistoricalrecordsand the currentsocial and politicalagendas"(p. 5). While theoristsof collectivememorylike Maurice Halbwachsand PierreNora conceive of collective memoryand historical knowledgeas differenthistoricalstages withina developmentalcontinuum, with staid"disciplined"historysupplantinga loosernotionof groupmemory as a given societymoves towardmodernity,forZerubavelcollectivememory is dynamic, occurringalongside and in shifting relationto the available historicalrecord.The contentof collective memoryis thus always at least partlyconstrainedby the availablehistoricalrecord,even as it drawsupon the culturalauthoritygrantedhistoricity. But Israelicollectivememorydoes not simplysuppresscertainhistorical eventsin orderto emphasizeothers;it is selectivewithindiscerniblepatterns. How is it that"historicalevents thathad endedin deathanddefeatcould be transformedin Israelicultureintoheroicsymbols"(p. xiv)? RecoveredRoots tracesthe symbolic evolutionof threeevents--the fall of Masada(73 C.E.), the BarKokhbarevolt(132-135 C.E.),andthe defenseof Tel Hai (1920)--as they arerepeatedlywrittenandrewrittenfromthe earliestyearsof the Yishuv throughthe 1948 establishmentof the Stateof Israelto the majordisruptions of the culturalsymbolicbroughtaboutin the 1980sby the LebanonWarand the Intifada.The first section of the book examines"how a historicbattle in which several settlersdie and the survivorsevacuatethe settlementcan becomea myth of successfuldefenseanda symbolof 'no retreat'(Tel Hai); how the leaderof a revoltthatendswith defeatis rememberedas a legendary hero who led the people to freedom(Bar Kokhba);and how a historical episode that ends with a collective suicide is transformedinto a myth of fightingto the bitterend"(p. xviii).

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not only encomZerubavel'sgenealogy is formidablyinterdisciplinary, a of artifacts from the aesthetic to the overtlypedagogic,from passing range to but the ephemeral the canonical, includingas well extensiveinterviews with those Israeliswho are the objects of some of the culture'smost concertedeffortsat nationalsubjectformation-adolescentstudentsdrawnfrom does both religious and secular school populations.But interdisciplinarity more than simply make the case for the pervasivenessof certaincultural mythsof relativelyrecentvintage;in Zerubavel'saccount,it is preciselythe marshalingof such an extensivevarietyof culturalpracticesunderthe rubric that producesthe symbolic transformations in which of "commemoration" she is interested.Indeed,much of the intellectualhistoryis familiar:we are told, for example, that the early Zionists sought to connect the centrality of state autonomyin Palestine to the notion of Jewish nationalidentity by emphasizingthe division of the Jewishpast into two periods,antiquity and exile, to the exclusion of alternativemodels of categorization,such as classificationaccordingto generationsof rabbinicalscholars,or the division of Diasporacommunitiesaccordingto theirgeographicallocation. But the power of her argument,not merely its methodology,lies in its details.Thusnot only do we learnthatthe nationalizingsecularizationof the Jewishpastassociatedwiththe antiquity/exiletaxonomywas accomplishedin partby relabelingthe conventionaldivision"Firstand SecondTemple"with the modern Hebrew ha-bayit ha-rishon, ha-bayit ha-sheni ("Firstand Second

House"or"Commonwealth"), butwe areoffereddetailedreadingsof theways in which Zionisteducatorsand politiciansemployedthe pointedlyreligious semiotic system of the holidaycycle as a means of erasingthe significance of religiosityin the Jewishpast."Holidayscreatecommemorative narratives aboutspecificevents,detachingthemfromtheirbroadhistoricalcontext"(p. froma militarydefeatunderthe 216). So theBarKokhbaRevoltis transformed commandof a leaderof dubiousethicalcredentials(BarKokhbawas known in a numberof earlyandmedievalrabbinicalsourcesas BarKoziba,fromthe Hebrewwordkazav,"lie"[p. 50]), into an exampleof the ancientHebrews' willingnessto takeup armsto preservetheirfreedom.This is donein partby the final relocatingits commemorationon the Jewishcalendar.Traditionally, battleof the Bar Kokhbarevolt, the fall of Betar,had been commemorated on Tisha B'av, the fast day that also markedthe destructionof the First and SecondTemples.By transferring the commemoration of the revoltfrom TishaB'av to the minorfestivalof Lag B'omer,aroundwhichtimethe revolt began, the Zionist collective memoryshiftedthe commemorationfrom the

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outcome of the revolt to Bar Kokhba'svictory over the Romansduringits initial stages, transformingthe event "froma cause for collectivemourning to a cause for collective celebration"(p. 55). Moreover,because the Lag B'omerholidayfalls duringthe school year,while TishaB'av occursduring the summerbreak,the new "happy"version of the Bar Kokhbarevolt was able to be institutionalizedwithin, and by means of, the school curriculum in the form of lessons, songs, stagedperformances,and bonfires,while the moremoroselinkageof the revoltto TishaB'av becameeasy to ignore. But in Zerubavel'saccount,state recognitionand the variousforms of institutionalizationthat follow from such recognitionought not automatically to be understoodas a kind of unambiguoushegemonictriumph.In the final section of RecoveredRoots, Zerubaveltracks the emergenceof discoursesand ritualsthat challenge,either openly or "countermemories," obliquely,the narrativesof Zionism's"mastercollectivememory."Here,we learn that the additionof Tel Hai Day to the holiday calendargenerated not only annualpilgrimagesto the "RoaringLion"Tel Hai memorialin the UpperGalilee,but, in the 1930s and 1940s, a fiercebattlebetweenSocialist and RevisionistZionists over the true lesson of the Tel Hai massacreand its implicationsfor contemporarypolicy (pp. 148-157), and more recently, a veritable cottage industryin jokes and cartoonslampooningTel Hai's heretoforeheroic one-armedcommanderYosef Trumpeldor.Similarly,the Israeli state's assumptionof symbolic and administrativecontrolover the Masada site-a control articulatedmost deliberatelyby the formal state burialgiven to the archaeologicalremainsof Masada'slast defenders,the establishmentof Masadaas the oath-takingsite for the ArmoredCorps,and the constructionof a cable-carride to the summitto replace the ancient "snakepath"(pp. 129-137)--effectively disruptedthe site's functionas locus of Zionistmemory. Theofficialandlegalcharacter of theoath-of-allegiance ceremonies transforms a tradition[of strenuously hikingthe pathto the Masadasummit]thatwas andvoluntary intoa formalcontractbetweenthe citizen-soldier spontaneous andthestate.By assumingtheroleof mediator, thestateinevitably [emphasis a cognitivedistancebetweencontemporary Israelisandtheir added]introduced ancientpredecessors in anactthatwasoriginally conceivedas a formof direct bondingbetweenthem. (p. 131) So at the very moment the Zionist project seems to be realized most

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fully, the moment when Jews are not only able to assert controlover the summit of Masadabut do so with the assurancethat their assertionsare backed up by the institutionalauthorityof an internationallyrecognized nation-state,the "inevitable"resultis the alienationof fully formedIsraeli nationalsubjectsfromthe ideologythathasproducedthem.Butwhatexactly makessuchan outcomeinevitable?I wantto suggestthatthe inevitabilitythat assertsits authorityto describethe conditionof Israelicollectivememory-it can happenno other way--has less to do with any particularquality of thanwith the self-imposed thatmemoryor its modes of institutionalization constraintsof Zerubavel'sanalysis.In its insistenceuponthe necessityof the movementfromidea to outcome,the rhetoricof inevitabilitypointsto what is missing from the analysisin RecoveredRoots of Israelicommemorative culture:an accountof the relationsbetweenthe realmof symbolicpolitics it so compellinglydetails whose complexmovementsandcountermovements andthe nondiscursiverelationsof institutionalpowerwithinwhichthis space of symbolic politics is framed-and made to matter.Remarkably,we are never told what would make a given opinionor ideology"count"as partof Is a joke told in a livingroomamong "themastercommemorativenarrative." close friendsas mucha partof Israelicollectivememoryas a holidaytaught and celebratedin the schools? How about a joke told to an interviewer? Whatif variantsof the joke are repeatedby 80 or 90 percentof the people interviewed? Zerubavelassumes, quite rightly, that ideology cannot occur without she goes on to concludefrom this, less convincingly,to my representation; mind,thatthereis no differencebetweenhow people talkaboutor represent institutionsand how those institutionsoperate.Thus,when she tells us that the jokes thatIsraelishave recentlycome to tell aboutTel Hai "bothreveal andsuppressambivalenceaboutthe way andthe legacyof patrioticsacrifice, thereby diffusing the impact of [their] political message" (p. 171), the "ambivalence"expressedandthe "diffusion"of its impactare not measured as relationsto the actual operationof political institutions,but, rather,are conceived as relationsto-specifically, as a deviationfrom-the ways in whichthe TelHaimassacrehasbeenrepresented,andcelebratedandsymbolized, in the past. In otherwords,for Zerubavel,the "humorousframework" of jokes does not diffusethe politicalimpactof Tel Hai becauseit produces no changesin how the Israelimilitaryis organizedinternallyor conceived in the calculationof foreignor domesticpoliticalstrategy-indeed, fromthe descriptionswe are given, we have no way of evaluatingwhethertherehas

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been any impactat all--but, rather,jokes diffusetheirpoliticalimpactinsofar as they do not clearly express an attitudetowardthe past representations and ritualizationsof Tel Hai. The interdisciplinarity of RecoveredRoots, allows the while admirablycataloginga wide varietyof voices, inadvertently differencesamongvoices to take the place of the differencebetweensaying somethingandhavingit matter. The analysis presentedin RecoveredRoots is not wholly insensibleto this difference.In her final accountof the politics of the memorialization of the Bar Kokhbarevolt, Zerubavelrecalls a controversysurroundinga series of newspaperarticleswrittenin the early 1980s, in which Yehoshafat relationsat HebrewUniversity,not only Harkabi,a professorof international characterizedthe Bar Kokhbarevolt as one of the threemajordisastersin Jewishhistory,butarguedthatthe samespiritthatled to the disastrousrevolt, an admirationof "rebelliousnessand heroism,detachedfromresponsibility for theirconsequences"(Harkabi,quotedon p. 180),also characterized much of currentIsraelipolitical culture.Harkabiadmitsto having been stunned by the uproarthat ensuedfrom these articles,not becausehe had expected his sharpcriticismsof contemporary policy to be greetedwithouta stir,but because the vehementresponsethe articlesunleashedso greatlyexceeded that which had been provokedby earlierarticleshe had writtenregistering similarcriticismsof Israeli-ArabrelationswithoutinvokingBar Kokhbaas anhistoricalanalogue.Whatthisresponsesuggestsis thatthereis a politicsto the act of symbolizationitself as well as to particularsymbolsor narratives. The existenceof this politicsof symbolizationsuggeststhatthe social effects of any particularact of symbolicpolitics, such as the government'sdecision to have soldiers swear allegianceon the summitof Masada,would not be "inevitable." In the openingpages of RecoveredRoots,Zerubavelannouncesthatshe "isparticularly interestedin findingouthowhistoricaleventsthathadendedin deathanddefeatcouldbe transformedin Israelicultureinto heroicsymbols" (p. xiv). Zerubaveldoes a remarkablejob of demonstratingthat such a took place,as well as showinghow it was broughtabout.Why transformation it happenedis a questionshe leaves largelyunexamined.Thatthe Zionists were able to emphasizecertainevents at the expense of others and thus emergewith a new collectivememoryseems,by the endof RecoveredRoots, beyondargument;why they selectedstoriesof militarydefeatas theparticular narrativesto be reworkedis a questionstill to be takenup. Zerubavel'smost provocativediscoveryseems to me one of which she is largelyunaware:the

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existence of a deep strainof ambivalencetowardthe institutionalpower of the state,andtowardits powerto definenationalculture,withineven themost Zionistpractices.Theuncoveringof thisambivalence apparently"nationalist" is a significanthistoricaldiscovery,one whose potentialpoliticaleffects are undeniable(thoughnot inevitable).It is an ambivalencethatdeservesto be explored,not simply enacted. IreneTucker DukeUniversity N.C. Durham, Nancy E. Berg. Exile from Exile: Israeli Writersfrom Iraq. Albany: State

Universityof New YorkPress, 1996. 212 pp. The efflorescenceof literaryand critical work on and by Judeo-Arab Jews in the last decade provides us with a renewed appreciationfor the emotionaldepth and intellectualsophisticationof a culturethat has often andmarginalizedin JewishStudies.NancyBerg'sExile been misrepresented from Exile: Israeli Writersfrom Iraq is a contribution to this growing field

of knowledge.Its focus is the work of authorswho emigratedfrom Iraqto the State of Israel shortlyafter its establishment.The book is divided into two parts.The firstpartconsiders"TheLiteratureof Exile and IraqiJewish Writing,"and the second,"NarrativeWritingsof the IraqiJews in Israel." Chapter1, "Exile, Literature,and Jewish Writers,"summarizesmajor themesin exile literatureandtheory.The conditionof exile, a discontinuous state of being, leads to a crisis of identity.The search for identity and the dual existence of living here and there give rise to exile literature. Chapter2, "The Jewish Communityin Iraq,"offers a historicalsurvey of Iraqi Jewry from biblical times to modernity.The authorhighlights the enormouscontributionof the BabylonianTalmud,andthe continuedhalakhic innovationsof thegeonimthroughouttheMiddleAges. Shenotesthereligious andsocialrestrictionsthe JewishcommunitysufferedundermedievalIslamic rule, and finally the tribulationsand crises broughtaboutby secularization, antisemitism,and anti-Zionism,pressuresthat led to the mass migrationof IraqiJewryto the newly foundedStateof Israel.Chapter3, "JewishWriters of Modem Iraqi Fiction,"highlights the culturalcontributionJews made to modernIraqi literature.Jewish writerswere among the pioneersof the

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Esther Fuchs Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 2 (1998), pp. 330-332 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486933 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:49 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

BOOK REVIEWS

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existence of a deep strainof ambivalencetowardthe institutionalpower of the state,andtowardits powerto definenationalculture,withineven themost Zionistpractices.Theuncoveringof thisambivalence apparently"nationalist" is a significanthistoricaldiscovery,one whose potentialpoliticaleffects are undeniable(thoughnot inevitable).It is an ambivalencethatdeservesto be explored,not simply enacted. IreneTucker DukeUniversity N.C. Durham, Nancy E. Berg. Exile from Exile: Israeli Writersfrom Iraq. Albany: State

Universityof New YorkPress, 1996. 212 pp. The efflorescenceof literaryand critical work on and by Judeo-Arab Jews in the last decade provides us with a renewed appreciationfor the emotionaldepth and intellectualsophisticationof a culturethat has often andmarginalizedin JewishStudies.NancyBerg'sExile been misrepresented from Exile: Israeli Writersfrom Iraq is a contribution to this growing field

of knowledge.Its focus is the work of authorswho emigratedfrom Iraqto the State of Israel shortlyafter its establishment.The book is divided into two parts.The firstpartconsiders"TheLiteratureof Exile and IraqiJewish Writing,"and the second,"NarrativeWritingsof the IraqiJews in Israel." Chapter1, "Exile, Literature,and Jewish Writers,"summarizesmajor themesin exile literatureandtheory.The conditionof exile, a discontinuous state of being, leads to a crisis of identity.The search for identity and the dual existence of living here and there give rise to exile literature. Chapter2, "The Jewish Communityin Iraq,"offers a historicalsurvey of Iraqi Jewry from biblical times to modernity.The authorhighlights the enormouscontributionof the BabylonianTalmud,andthe continuedhalakhic innovationsof thegeonimthroughouttheMiddleAges. Shenotesthereligious andsocialrestrictionsthe JewishcommunitysufferedundermedievalIslamic rule, and finally the tribulationsand crises broughtaboutby secularization, antisemitism,and anti-Zionism,pressuresthat led to the mass migrationof IraqiJewryto the newly foundedStateof Israel.Chapter3, "JewishWriters of Modem Iraqi Fiction,"highlights the culturalcontributionJews made to modernIraqi literature.Jewish writerswere among the pioneersof the

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modem Iraqi short story.Notable among them were Anwar Shaul, Yaqub Bilbul, and ShalomDarwish. In Chapter4, "TheChoiceof Language,"Bergdiscussesthe most serious challengeIraqiauthorshadto face uponarrivingin Israel.To writein Arabic was to hold on to somethingfamiliarin a strangeland.Theauthorswho chose ArabicoftencamefrommoretraditionalandinsularJewishfamilies.Because their readershipwas limited, they moved from being a Jewishminorityin Iraqto being an Iraqiminorityin Israel.On the otherhand,thosewho turned to Hebrewhadto confrontseveraldifficulties:it tooktimeto achievefluency, andit took specialskill to translatelinguisticallyandculturallyanexperience thathad takenplace in an Arabiccontext. In chapter5, "The Experienceof Transition:First Novels in Hebrew," Berg discusses Shimon Ballas's, Ha-Ma'abarah(1964), Sami Michael's Equal and More Equal (1974), and Eli Amir's Fowl of Atonement(1984). All three novels are critical of the discriminatorytreatmentsufferedby Mizrahim,or immigrantsfrom Arab and Muslim lands, at the hands of the Ashkenaziestablishment.Until recentlythe Ma'abarahliteraturewas consideredmarginalnot only because it challengedthe masternarrativeof Zionist ideology,but also becauseit was writtenin the style of the realistic collectivenovel typicalof an earliergeneration. Chapter6, "Childhoodand Home in Iraq:Narrativesin Arabic,"focuses on YitzhakBar-Moshe'sA House in Baghdad and SamirNaqqash'sThe the second Night of HoshanaRaba. Both works (the firstan autobiography, a fictional novella) offer a nostalgic depictionof childhoodin Baghdad. In both works childhoodis depicted as a time of innocence, safety, and rootedness.The metaphorof the home is centralin both, suffusingthe past with a nostalgicperspective.Chapter7, "DifferentPerspectiveson Life in Iraq:Narrativesin Hebrew,"discussesworksin Hebrewin whichthe Jewish past in Iraqis less idealized.Among the authorsdiscussedhere are Shalom Darwish,ShimonBallas, and Sami Michael.These authorsdescribeIraqas a menacingexile, therebyexplainingthe necessityof theirmovingto Israel. In chapter8, "Conclusion,"Berg emphasizeswhatI considerto be the most importantcontributionof this volume:"Thegreatestcollectiveachievement of the JewishwritersfromIraqis the creationof a new literarysubgenrethat focuses on the experiencesand issues at the core of Israelisociety"(p. 155). This book is the first work in Englishto deal with the Iraqiexperience in Hebrewliterature,andit introducesthe English-speaking readerto authors and works little known outside Israel.One wishes that Berg made more of

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previouscriticalwork,notablyin Hebrew,concerningMizrahiliteratureand authors(e.g., Lev Hakak).In addition,thereis only a somewhattenuouslink betweenthe theoreticalcommentson exile literaturein the firstchapterand the commentson immigrantliteraturein the concludingone. Otherwise,this book offers an appreciativereadingof a long-neglectedbody of literature,a of a culturalexperience,and a reevaluationof an aesthetic reinterpretation tradition.Hereinlies muchof its value. EstherFuchs of Arizona University Tucson,Ariz. Alan Cooper.Philip Roth and the Jews. Albany:State Universityof New YorkPress, 1996. xiv, 319 pp. Onemightview Alan Cooper'sPhilipRothand theJews as an unabashed love song for PhilipRoth,a paeanthattakesfull measureof the complexity and variety of both the man and the oeuvre. Writingto persuadethose whose readingof Roth stoppedin the 1970s, those whose impressionsof (andtaste for) the writerstalledin the wake of the scandalous(andriotous) Portnoy's Complaint,Coopersets out to demonstratethatRothis not simply an enfantterrible(turnedeminencegrise) whosepersonaas a self-hatingJew and sophomoricbad boy has growntedious.Rather,Cooper'sexhaustively researchedstudy of Roth's work and its ambivalentJewishreceptionmaps "genuineartisticand Jewishdevelopments"overlooked,misread,or misunderstoodby Roth's Jewish readership.Throughan interminglingof close readingandbiographicalmaterial,Cooper'sstudydemandsa new encounter with Roth,a reassessmentof the author'srelationshipwith Jewishness. Cooperoffersbotha historyof Roth'sJewishreceptionanda consideration of the place of Jewishnessin Roth'swriting.I use awkwardand somewhat ambiguouslocutions here-Jewish reception,Jewish readership--because Cooperbringsunderhis purviewa panoplyof responsesto Roth'swriting, of organizedJudaism,Jewishorganizations, Jewish includingrepresentatives popularand intellectualpublications,Jewish literaryand social critics, in genresrangingfrombookreviewsin theNew YorkTimesandJewishweeklies, to extendedessaysby IrvingHowe andCynthiaOzick,to rabbinichomiletics, to a considerationby theologianEugeneBorowitzof Portnoy's Complaintas a strugglewith theyetser ha-ra-the evil inclinationof rabbinicliterature.In

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Sara R. Horowitz Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 2 (1998), pp. 332-335 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486934 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:49 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

BOOKREVIEWS

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previouscriticalwork,notablyin Hebrew,concerningMizrahiliteratureand authors(e.g., Lev Hakak).In addition,thereis only a somewhattenuouslink betweenthe theoreticalcommentson exile literaturein the firstchapterand the commentson immigrantliteraturein the concludingone. Otherwise,this book offers an appreciativereadingof a long-neglectedbody of literature,a of a culturalexperience,and a reevaluationof an aesthetic reinterpretation tradition.Hereinlies muchof its value. EstherFuchs of Arizona University Tucson,Ariz. Alan Cooper.Philip Roth and the Jews. Albany:State Universityof New YorkPress, 1996. xiv, 319 pp. Onemightview Alan Cooper'sPhilipRothand theJews as an unabashed love song for PhilipRoth,a paeanthattakesfull measureof the complexity and variety of both the man and the oeuvre. Writingto persuadethose whose readingof Roth stoppedin the 1970s, those whose impressionsof (andtaste for) the writerstalledin the wake of the scandalous(andriotous) Portnoy's Complaint,Coopersets out to demonstratethatRothis not simply an enfantterrible(turnedeminencegrise) whosepersonaas a self-hatingJew and sophomoricbad boy has growntedious.Rather,Cooper'sexhaustively researchedstudy of Roth's work and its ambivalentJewishreceptionmaps "genuineartisticand Jewishdevelopments"overlooked,misread,or misunderstoodby Roth's Jewish readership.Throughan interminglingof close readingandbiographicalmaterial,Cooper'sstudydemandsa new encounter with Roth,a reassessmentof the author'srelationshipwith Jewishness. Cooperoffersbotha historyof Roth'sJewishreceptionanda consideration of the place of Jewishnessin Roth'swriting.I use awkwardand somewhat ambiguouslocutions here-Jewish reception,Jewish readership--because Cooperbringsunderhis purviewa panoplyof responsesto Roth'swriting, of organizedJudaism,Jewishorganizations, Jewish includingrepresentatives popularand intellectualpublications,Jewish literaryand social critics, in genresrangingfrombookreviewsin theNew YorkTimesandJewishweeklies, to extendedessaysby IrvingHowe andCynthiaOzick,to rabbinichomiletics, to a considerationby theologianEugeneBorowitzof Portnoy's Complaintas a strugglewith theyetser ha-ra-the evil inclinationof rabbinicliterature.In

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ways which are sometimesilluminatingand sometimesproblematic,Cooper brings these diverse readersof Roth and their responsesunderthe large umbrellaof "theJews." Underlyingthe book is a mission one might define as redemptive-to redeem a misunderstood,undervaluedRoth. In face of the Jewish critics, Coopermountsa persuasivedefense of Roth againstthe chargesof "antiSemitism,betrayalof the family,misogyny,shallownessof imagination,and self-pity."Cooperarguesthat the secularAmericanJewish worldin which Roth was raised fuels and challengesRoth'sartistry,shapinghis sense not only of the Jewishbut also of the Americanstrugglewith modernity-with As such,Coopermarvels identity,with self-definition,with self-containment. of Roth'sartistry.However,thatJewish at the consistentmisunderstanding readersof differentstripeshavetakenumbrageat theirliteraryrepresentation in Roth's writing is not so difficultto understand,On some level, Roth's writingputs fortha critiqueof the worldof Jewishimmigrantsandthe next generation.No one likes to be exposedto the outsidewithouta mask. While one might say that BernardMalamuddealt with America by constructingan image of the Jew that AmericanJews felt comfortable displayingto the outside--a Jew who is as imbuedwith Christianmeaning as with Jewish tradition,a Jew whose reflectionboth secularand religious Jews would like to glimpse in the mirror-Roth's Jews are the vehicle by whichthe authorscrutinizesandmagnifiesfoiblesidentifiableas particularly Jewish.It is throughthis particularity thatRothaddressesmoregeneralissues of modernity,mortality,andmeaning.Thus,Rothdoes not preparea seemly faceto presentto Americaso thatthegentileswill liketheJewsor so thatJews will like themselves.Exposingthe extremitiesof JewishAmericanculture, oftenthroughgrotesqueexaggeration,Rothexaminesissueswhichtouchraw nerves-unexamined nostalgiafor old countriesand old neighborhoods,for example,or an AmericanZionismwhichdoes not involve leavinghome. Not surprisingly,then,the sensitivityof the issues thatRothtakeson discomfitshis readers.At the sametime,theJewishnessof thewriter,thefictional characters,and their settings attractto Roth's writinga Jewish readership with differentlevels of literarysophistication.Moreover,as Coopermakes clear,Roth has been criticizedsimultaneouslyfor being too "confessional" andtoo disguisedin his novels. Themultiplepositionsputforthin his fiction, the prevalenceof irony,have frequentlybeen overlookedby naive as well as informedreaderswho take a single character'spronouncementsout of contextand see themas the voice of the author.

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In Cooper'ssensitivereading,theoftenoutrageous maleprotagonists of of fiction revealed as dimensions the conflict are between Roth's wanting to be bothgoodandbad.Goodis safe,restrained, badis risky, repressed; to one'sappetites.First-andsecond-generation Jews Americans, pandering only recentlyacceptedinto the Americanvista,bringtheseconflictsinto andoneself; sharprelief,for one hadto satisfynot onlyone'scommunity onealsoimaginedoneselfunderthescrutinyof thedominant culture.More Roth'sworksgrapplewiththeopennessof a societywhichallows generally, oneto defineoneself,butprovidesnopersuasive groundsfordoingso. Thus, of the new Jew also becomesthe plightof the modem the self-invention man. Roth'srepeatedconcernin his fictionwith the writingof fiction, thana way of thinkingabout then,is less a narcissisticself-preoccupation the "fiction-making faculty"alwaysimplicatedin the way we construct, andreinventourselves. represent, of Rothandhis Jewishness is particularly Cooper'srecuperation timely becauseits subjectis comingto theattention of a newgeneration of Jewish American readersandcriticsin confrontation withthestuffof hisnovels.For thesereaders,Roth'swritingoffersa meansforthinking suchissues through as an unapologetically diasporicJewishidentity,Jewishnessin theabsence in an openandinvitingsociety,withoutthe markings, of antisemitism, or of the immigrant. even the remembrance, it is also Perhaps postmodemist sensibilitiesthathavebroughtRothout fromunderseeminglyunremitting criticism;perhaps,too, it is thatthe objectsof his scrutinyare members of an aginggeneration, andwhatscandalized themno longerscandalizes thesexualhijinksnorthepangsof Jewishidentity youngerreaders-neither northepasticheof thefirstpostimmigration mobileand generation, upwardly bound,opento butconflictedabouttheheadypromiseof secular outwardly America. PhilipRothand the Jews is thickwith Roth.Cooperis superlatively familiarwiththeterrain-withRoth'swritingandbiographical matter,with can overwhelmor supposetoo Roth'scritics.Sometimesthis familiarity muchon the partof the readerwhosereadingof Roth'slife andlifework has left lacunae.Sincethebookis writtenin a highlyaccessiblestyle,this limitsits readership It is perhapsinevitablein a booksuch unnecessarily. as this, whichengagesso closelywith the authorandhis oeuvre,but at timesthe recuperation of Rothdoes not maintainsufficientdistancefrom its objectof analysisanddefense.At moments,CoopervillainizesRoth's criticsas mean-spirited or dense.A moresympathetic readingof thecritics,

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particularlyof the popularwritersand rabbisand Jewishlay leaders,might bettercatchthe Zeitgeistof the time in whichRothwrotecertainworks,and why his writingelicited strongmisreadings may be useful in understanding (and not only misreadings)at particularmoments,on the part of readers generallyjudged to be astute, such as Ozick and Howe. Similarly,the biographicalsketches struckme as taking Roth'spart too uncritically;for example, in describingthe "soul-sappingdependence"of Roth's wife and mistress. In the finalanalysis,these do not detractfromthe book'spersuasiveness. PhilipRothand theJews offersa sustainedandnuancedreadingof the serious and importantplace of Jewishnessin Roth'svast andimpressiveoeuvre. SaraR. Horowitz of Delaware University Del. Newark, Reinier Munk. The Rationale of HalakhicMan: Joseph B. Soloveitchiks Conceptionof Jewish Thought.AmsterdamStudies in Jewish Thought3. Amsterdam:J. C. Gieben, 1996. ix, 144 pp. Several major Jewish thinkershave attractedconcentratedstudy and investigationby contemporarystudentsof Jewishthought.HermannCohen, FranzRosenzweig, MartinBuber,and, more recently,EmmanuelLevinas have eachhadseveralbooksandnumerousarticlesexploringthe significance of theirlife andworks.The OrthodoxJewishthinkerJosephB. Soloveitchik (1903-1993), however,while the subjectof essaysby writerssuchas Eugene Borowitz,Hillel Goldberg,DavidHartman,LawrenceKaplan,andEhudLuz, has not had a full-lengthmonographdevotedto his workuntilMunk'sbook. Soloveitchik'simportancelies in his being, in Hillel Goldberg'swords, a "Jewishtransitionfigure."He spannedseveral diverse and disconnected worlds. He was a talmudicscholarfrom the Volozhinschool of talmudic learning,andyet he was trainedat the Universityof Berlin,wherehe earned a Ph.D. for a dissertationon the Jewish philosopherHermannCohen. He traineda generationof talmudicscholars and influenceda generationof Jewishthinkers,two groupsthatgenerallytreadseparatepathways.Students rememberhis intellectualcalm or his warm piety. David Hartman,for example, describeshow Soloveitchiktried to temperthe enthusiasmwith which Hartmangreeted the Israeli victory in the Six-Day War.Hartman

Review: [untitled] Author(s): S. Daniel Breslauer Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 2 (1998), pp. 335-337 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486935 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:49 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

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BOOK REVIEWS

particularlyof the popularwritersand rabbisand Jewishlay leaders,might bettercatchthe Zeitgeistof the time in whichRothwrotecertainworks,and why his writingelicited strongmisreadings may be useful in understanding (and not only misreadings)at particularmoments,on the part of readers generallyjudged to be astute, such as Ozick and Howe. Similarly,the biographicalsketches struckme as taking Roth'spart too uncritically;for example, in describingthe "soul-sappingdependence"of Roth's wife and mistress. In the finalanalysis,these do not detractfromthe book'spersuasiveness. PhilipRothand theJews offersa sustainedandnuancedreadingof the serious and importantplace of Jewishnessin Roth'svast andimpressiveoeuvre. SaraR. Horowitz of Delaware University Del. Newark, Reinier Munk. The Rationale of HalakhicMan: Joseph B. Soloveitchiks Conceptionof Jewish Thought.AmsterdamStudies in Jewish Thought3. Amsterdam:J. C. Gieben, 1996. ix, 144 pp. Several major Jewish thinkershave attractedconcentratedstudy and investigationby contemporarystudentsof Jewishthought.HermannCohen, FranzRosenzweig, MartinBuber,and, more recently,EmmanuelLevinas have eachhadseveralbooksandnumerousarticlesexploringthe significance of theirlife andworks.The OrthodoxJewishthinkerJosephB. Soloveitchik (1903-1993), however,while the subjectof essaysby writerssuchas Eugene Borowitz,Hillel Goldberg,DavidHartman,LawrenceKaplan,andEhudLuz, has not had a full-lengthmonographdevotedto his workuntilMunk'sbook. Soloveitchik'simportancelies in his being, in Hillel Goldberg'swords, a "Jewishtransitionfigure."He spannedseveral diverse and disconnected worlds. He was a talmudicscholarfrom the Volozhinschool of talmudic learning,andyet he was trainedat the Universityof Berlin,wherehe earned a Ph.D. for a dissertationon the Jewish philosopherHermannCohen. He traineda generationof talmudicscholars and influenceda generationof Jewishthinkers,two groupsthatgenerallytreadseparatepathways.Students rememberhis intellectualcalm or his warm piety. David Hartman,for example, describeshow Soloveitchiktried to temperthe enthusiasmwith which Hartmangreeted the Israeli victory in the Six-Day War.Hartman

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pictures Soloveitchik as an intellectualmentorprovidingan example of how to combine traditionalJewish Orthodoxliving with an engagement with the entireWesternphilosophicaltradition.'In contrast,Hillel Goldberg emphasizesthe emotionalappealof Soloveitchik'sreligiouslife andremarks upon"thepietythatleavesone of his closestdisciplesless withthememoryof illuminatinglectures,morewith the imageof RabbiSoloveitchikbeatifically recitinghallel at the sedertable."2Soloveitchikthe rationalistcontrastswith SoloveitchikthepiousJew.Soloveitchikhimselfarguedthathis idealspanned bothpersonalitytypes. Not only did he describethe halakhicpersonalityas bringingthe cognitiveand the religioustogether,but he madethatunitythe basis for his ontologyof religiousexperience. In a footnoteto his "Ishha-Halakha,"Soloveitchiknotes thataccording to the midrashAbrahamdoes not immediatelybeginarguingwith Godabout the commandto sacrificehis son Isaac,even thoughit contradictsthepromise God has given him. He waits until the appearanceof an angel. The reason for this lies in the fact thatevery contradictionin the Torahis supplemented by a thirdverse that reconcilesthem. Abrahamhas two conflictingverses here,butnot the necessaryreconciliation.The angel'sinstructionto withhold his hand from slaughteringhis son gives Abrahamthe reconcilingverse. Then,andonly then,canthe argumentproceed.3Soloveitchik'sphilosophyof Judaismoffersthe halakhicpersonalityasjust thatreconcilingversebetween rationalismandmysticalreligion.Understanding his defenseof the realityof Judaismmeans comprehendingevery aspectof his synthesisand how each contributesto the completewhole.Thetemptationfora writeron Soloveitchik is to seek to do too much,to unraveleverytangledknotin the philosophical web thathe wove. ReinierMunktries to resist this temptationby self-consciouslylimiting his studyto Soloveitchik'sontologyof thereligiouspersonality.He focuseson threeessays by Soloveitchik--"Ishha-Halakha," mi-sham," "U-viqqashtem and "The HalakhicMind"--andon Soloveitchik'sdissertation,"Das reine Denken und die Senskonstitutierung bei HermannCohen"(p. 10). Munk 1. David Hartman, Conflicting Visions.-Spiritual Possibilities ofModern Israel (New York:

Schocken,1990),pp. 4-5. 2. Hillel Goldberg, Between Berlin and Slobodka: Jewish TransitionFigures from Eastern

Munk'swell-researched Europe(Hoboken,N.J.:Ktav,1989)p. 113.Surprisingly, bibliography on studiesof Soloveitchikdoes not mentionGoldberg. 3. JosephB. Soloveitchik,Ish ha-Halakha:Galuyve-nistar(Jerusalem: Histadruth,1979), p. 15.

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sets himself three tasks. First, he summarizesSoloveitchik's"expositions and critique"of Cohen. Second, he explains Soloveitchik'sargumentthat religion does indeedprovidepositive informationaboutreality.Finally,he describesandevaluatesSoloveitchik'slegitimationof halakhaas a religiously andphilosophicallyviableapproachto reality(pp. 16, 53, 124). In clarifying these ideas,Munkprovidesreaderswitha neededexpositionof Soloveitchik's argumentforthe realityof religiousknowledge,andof thephilosophicalprinciples underlyinghis contentionthatthe halakhicman synthesizescognitive manandreligiousman.He also helps sortout the oftendissimilartypologies thatSoloveitchikuses in his differentessays. At the same time, Munk cannot withstandthe temptationto fill in necessarygaps in his limited objectives.He cannotresist evaluatinghow well SoloveitchikunderstoodHermannCohen (and adds a tantalizingnote that because Soloveitchikdid not deal with Cohen'scentralconceptof the other,das Andere,he, Munk,must leave the idea aside! pp. 39-40). Munk suppliesan appendixon the thoughtof Maimonidesto show its relationship to Soloveitchik'sthought.He also offers a chapterfocusedon the Volozhin school of Talmudstudy.Throughouthe pausesto interjectan evaluationor a suggestionnot actuallyessentialto his exposition.While these interjections are often interesting,they detractfromthe focus in the monograph. Studentsof modem Jewish thoughtwill find Munk'swork useful and illuminating,even if at times it may be hardto follow. S. DanielBreslauer of Kansas University Kans. Lawrence, LennE. Goodman.GodofAbraham.Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress,1996. xvii, 364 pp. Eight chapterscompriseLenn E. Goodman'svirtuosoexercisein philosophicaltheology. The first two chaptersconstructmetaphysicalunderpinnings for Judaicmonotheism,lingeringover the ontologicalprooffor God's existencemademedievallyfamousby AvicennaandSt. Anselmandrecently challengedby Hume, Kant, and A. J. Ayer. The third chapterestablishes a systematiclink betweenmonotheismand ethics, wrestlingwith Kantand repudiatingthe principlesof culturaland moralrelativity.The fourth,fifth, sixth,andseventhchapterselaboratethenomocentricclaimsmadein thethird.

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Kalman P. Bland Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 2 (1998), pp. 337-340 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486936 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:49 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

BOOK REVIEWS

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sets himself three tasks. First, he summarizesSoloveitchik's"expositions and critique"of Cohen. Second, he explains Soloveitchik'sargumentthat religion does indeedprovidepositive informationaboutreality.Finally,he describesandevaluatesSoloveitchik'slegitimationof halakhaas a religiously andphilosophicallyviableapproachto reality(pp. 16, 53, 124). In clarifying these ideas,Munkprovidesreaderswitha neededexpositionof Soloveitchik's argumentforthe realityof religiousknowledge,andof thephilosophicalprinciples underlyinghis contentionthatthe halakhicman synthesizescognitive manandreligiousman.He also helps sortout the oftendissimilartypologies thatSoloveitchikuses in his differentessays. At the same time, Munk cannot withstandthe temptationto fill in necessarygaps in his limited objectives.He cannotresist evaluatinghow well SoloveitchikunderstoodHermannCohen (and adds a tantalizingnote that because Soloveitchikdid not deal with Cohen'scentralconceptof the other,das Andere,he, Munk,must leave the idea aside! pp. 39-40). Munk suppliesan appendixon the thoughtof Maimonidesto show its relationship to Soloveitchik'sthought.He also offers a chapterfocusedon the Volozhin school of Talmudstudy.Throughouthe pausesto interjectan evaluationor a suggestionnot actuallyessentialto his exposition.While these interjections are often interesting,they detractfromthe focus in the monograph. Studentsof modem Jewish thoughtwill find Munk'swork useful and illuminating,even if at times it may be hardto follow. S. DanielBreslauer of Kansas University Kans. Lawrence, LennE. Goodman.GodofAbraham.Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress,1996. xvii, 364 pp. Eight chapterscompriseLenn E. Goodman'svirtuosoexercisein philosophicaltheology. The first two chaptersconstructmetaphysicalunderpinnings for Judaicmonotheism,lingeringover the ontologicalprooffor God's existencemademedievallyfamousby AvicennaandSt. Anselmandrecently challengedby Hume, Kant, and A. J. Ayer. The third chapterestablishes a systematiclink betweenmonotheismand ethics, wrestlingwith Kantand repudiatingthe principlesof culturaland moralrelativity.The fourth,fifth, sixth,andseventhchapterselaboratethenomocentricclaimsmadein thethird.

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these Withsome help fromMaryDouglas,the Britishculturalanthropologist, the utilitarian and rationale anthropocentric chaptersrecapitulate emphatically forthe commandments developedby SaadiahandMaimonides.Chapter7, for example,defendsthe biblicallaws regulatingdiet and sex by stressingtheir anti-orgiastic,anti-violence,andpro-ethicizingtendencies."Time,Creation, and the Mirrorof Narcissus,"the eighthchapter,revertsto metaphysics.It weaves contemporarybiology and cosmology into an extendeddiscussion of Henri Bergson and CharlesHartshorne,seeking to renderplausiblethe venerablenotion of temporalcreatio ex nihilo by associatingit with more recentspeculationsregardinga "BigBang"originfor the universe.This final chaptercloses with a subtlerejectionof any attemptto harmonizescience and religion which presupposesthat mere humanintelligenceaccountsfor the intelligiblestructureof the universe.GoodmanprefersPlotinusto the ancientphysicistAristotleandthe modemphysicistFreemanDyson,because Plotinus,architectof a perenniallyfascinatingNeoplatonism,knew better than to believe that "mind is ... the very best of things" (p. 275, cf. p. 16).

Goodmanhimself, however, is neithera theosophicallyminded nor a theurgicallyinclined Neoplatonistwho subordinatesmoralityand rational deliberationto ecstatic or mystical union with the One. Defying Rudolf Otto and all the other Romanticswho disallow the bourgeoisreductionof holiness to ethical virtue, Goodmanindefatigablyequatesperfectionwith sacralityand moral goodness, both humanand divine. "Humanholiness," Goodmantypically teaches, "begins with human nature;and the call to emulateGod'sholiness,then, containsno paradox,so long as we recallthat what we seek is our [moral]perfection,not God's"(p. 88). Accordingto Goodman,"thefoundingaxiomof theMosaiclaw is therealityof Perfection"; absoluteperfectionis synonymouswith God;andperfectionitselfmeans"the strivingtoward[absolutemoral]goodness in all aspiringbeings"(p. 112). The theoreticalburdenof Goodman'sGod of Abraham"is to awakenour consciousnessto the indissolublelinkageof goodness to the idea of God" (p. 27). The historicalaffiliationof Goodman'sproject is staunchlyand oddly Hegelian in a postmodernage that denies linear moral progressin society and conceptualabsolutesin philosophy.Goodmanis drawnto those philosophers"who illustratephases in the resolutionof the idea of God"; he seeks membershipand invites others to join him in the "community of discourse"comprisedby the "philosopherswho have laboredtoward [ethicallyresponsible]refinementof the idea of divinity"(p. 34). As for his commitmentto rationaldeliberation,it reverberates throughout

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rhetoricanda constant the book. It surfacesin a meticulouslyargumentative admirationfor SaadiahandMaimonides.It surfacesmost dramaticallyin the exhaustive,lively, and persuasivepolemic againstMarvinFox's critiqueof Saadiah's"ideaof rationalcommandments" (pp. 175-184). Summingup his notionof reason'srightfulplace in religiouslife, Goodmansuggeststhatit is a handmaiden,"anally or a tool." Consequently,reasonis neitherthe equal of religion nor its enemy.In anotherpassagecomparingJudaicwith Greek culture,Goodmanclaimsthat"theTorah... is ... capableof synthesiswith the best the Greeks[e.g., Plato,Aristotle,andPlotinus]canoffer"(p. 123, cf. avatar,Goodmancan p. 140). As if he were Saadiah'slate-twentieth-century forge an alliancebetweenrationalityandbiblicallaw only becausehe limits "Tounderstand the Torahwe mustsee rationalityto pragmaticutilitarianism: that here divine authorityconnoteswhat modemsmean by rationality:that the laws serve effectivelyin pursuitof soundgoals"(p. 228). Goodmanhas thereforewrittena systematicphilosophyof liberal,rabbinicallyobservantJudaism.By philosophyhe meansa culturalsystemthat is intellectuallyplausible,conversantwith science,engagedwiththe tradition of "footnotes"to Plato, buttressedwith logical arguments,and--most of all--conducive to morality.By Judaismhe meansthe Mosaicor pentateuchal the "PropheticRecension,"and "TheWorkof the Rabbis,"in "Foundation," all of whichthe divinelysanctionedidealsof humanindividualityanddignity in communalstructures, arerefinedandprogressivelyinstitutionalized rituals, andlaws (pp. 117-140). Goodmandoes not say so explicitly,butit is apparent fromhis constantadmirationfor Saadiahand Maimonidesthathe considers them the legitimateheirs to normativebiblicalauthorsand talmudicsages. Goodman'spassingreferenceto the liturgyof KabbalatShabbatas "a way of reconcilingGod with his exiled Shekhinah,assuringthema conjugalvisit on the Sabbath"(p. 199), suggeststhathe is familiarwith Jewishmysticism, butnowherein his systematictheologydoes he integrateeitherthe Kabbalah or Hasidismin his renditionof Jewishbelief andpractice.For some readers, the exclusionwill be a welcome relief fromthe currentfashionin religious apologetics;for others,it will be an egregiousoversight,a fatalflaw in his project. Readerswho prefer JudahHalevi's God of Abraham,Isaac, and Jacob,and thereforedisdainthe purelyconceptualGod of the philosophers, may be scandalizedby the title, if not the content,of Goodman'stheology. Otherreadersmight wonderwhy Goodmandoes not debatethe issues with such modems as HermannCohen, MartinBuber,or EmmanuelLevinas, whose preoccupationwith Jewishethics equaledhis own.

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The eight chaptersof Goodman'sremarkablyeruditeand closely argued treatise are well served by the congenialpreface, the forty-onepages of accuratebibliographicreferencesandnotes,the carefullyeditedbibliography, the comprehensivegeneralindex, and the wide-rangingindex of citations. To read them all is to be charmedand stimulatedby an ethicallyinspired andan aviddisciple defenderof the faith,a latter-daymoderateMaimonidean, of Saadiah. KalmanP.Bland DukeUniversity N.C. Durham, Beth S. Wenger.New YorkJews and the GreatDepression: UncertainPromise.

New Haven:YaleUniversityPress, 1996. xiv, 269 pp. Ruth Gay. Unfinished People: Eastern European Jews Encounter America.

New York:Norton,1996. 310 pp. The 1930s were anxioustimes for New York'sJews. On averagethey weatheredthe effects of the DepressionbetterthanotherNew Yorkers,but theyneverthelessexperiencedthe crisisas a vitalthreatto theirstillprecarious positionin Americansociety.Then,too, anxietycameas a legacyof migration bequeathedby the older membersof the communityto theirchildren,who, in turn,incorporatedit permanentlyinto the institutionsof Jewishcommunal life. Anxiety,uncertainty,fear,doubt-these formthe themethatunitesBeth Wenger'shistoryof New YorkJewryduringthe GreatDepressionwith Ruth Gay'smemoirof growingup in the Bronxin the 1930s. New YorkJews and the Great Depression offers a well-researched and

cogentlywrittenargumentfor the centralityof the Depressionin American Jewish history. The downturnwas especiallyjarringbecause it came on the heels of a period in which Jews had begun to feel themselveswell on the way to economic and social success. Moreover,the crashcamejust as the American-borngenerationwas assumingleadershipof the community. The "economicsetbacks,stalledmobility,andfrustratedexpectations"of the 1930s,Wengerargues,"leftan indelibleimprinton the canvasof Jewishlife in America"(pp.2-3). Focusingon the city in whichnearlyhalfof America's Jews lived, Wengerexplorestheirresponsesto hardtimes as individuals,in

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Daniel Soyer Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 2 (1998), pp. 340-343 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486937 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:49 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

340

BOOKREVIEWS

The eight chaptersof Goodman'sremarkablyeruditeand closely argued treatise are well served by the congenialpreface, the forty-onepages of accuratebibliographicreferencesandnotes,the carefullyeditedbibliography, the comprehensivegeneralindex, and the wide-rangingindex of citations. To read them all is to be charmedand stimulatedby an ethicallyinspired andan aviddisciple defenderof the faith,a latter-daymoderateMaimonidean, of Saadiah. KalmanP.Bland DukeUniversity N.C. Durham, Beth S. Wenger.New YorkJews and the GreatDepression: UncertainPromise.

New Haven:YaleUniversityPress, 1996. xiv, 269 pp. Ruth Gay. Unfinished People: Eastern European Jews Encounter America.

New York:Norton,1996. 310 pp. The 1930s were anxioustimes for New York'sJews. On averagethey weatheredthe effects of the DepressionbetterthanotherNew Yorkers,but theyneverthelessexperiencedthe crisisas a vitalthreatto theirstillprecarious positionin Americansociety.Then,too, anxietycameas a legacyof migration bequeathedby the older membersof the communityto theirchildren,who, in turn,incorporatedit permanentlyinto the institutionsof Jewishcommunal life. Anxiety,uncertainty,fear,doubt-these formthe themethatunitesBeth Wenger'shistoryof New YorkJewryduringthe GreatDepressionwith Ruth Gay'smemoirof growingup in the Bronxin the 1930s. New YorkJews and the Great Depression offers a well-researched and

cogentlywrittenargumentfor the centralityof the Depressionin American Jewish history. The downturnwas especiallyjarringbecause it came on the heels of a period in which Jews had begun to feel themselveswell on the way to economic and social success. Moreover,the crashcamejust as the American-borngenerationwas assumingleadershipof the community. The "economicsetbacks,stalledmobility,andfrustratedexpectations"of the 1930s,Wengerargues,"leftan indelibleimprinton the canvasof Jewishlife in America"(pp.2-3). Focusingon the city in whichnearlyhalfof America's Jews lived, Wengerexplorestheirresponsesto hardtimes as individuals,in

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their families and neighborhoods,and in theirreligiousand social-welfare institutions. Wengergrappleswith a couple of conceptualdifficultiesin the historiographyof the Jews and the Depression.First, as she notes, American Jewish historyis usually relatedas a story of steadyupwardmobility.The Depression,in the commonview, was merelya briefpausein the inexorable rise of the Jews thatbeganin the immigrantperiodandresumedafterWorld WarII. Wengeracknowledgesthatthe Depressionrepresentedsomethingof fromthe overallpatternof twentieth-century an "aberration Jewishmobility" she that to the look at argues (p. 4). Nevertheless, Depressiononly as a temporarysetbackis an act of anachronistichindsightthatdistortsthe era's meaningfor those who lived throughit. The economiccrisis, togetherwith the attendantrise in antisemitism,left Jews with an abidingsense of the precariousnessof the Americandream. A seconddifficultyarisesfromthe factthatJewswereactuallyless likely thanothersto lackemploymentorto applyforrelief.Butin perhapsherbook's most importantcontributionto AmericanJewish historiography,Wenger reveals the diversityof experiencethat lay behindthis apparentstatistical reality.She showsthatsuchfactorsas gender,class, andage conditionedhow the Depressionaffectedthe lives of individualJews.Althoughthe majorityof the city's Jews wore white collarsto workby the 1930s (andwere thuswell positionedto survivethe crisis), New YorkJewrystill includeda relatively large numberof manualworkers,and these were hit especiallyhardby the economiccrisis.Thecity'sJewishgeographyreflectedtheseclassdifferences. A greatgap separatedthe poorestJewishneighborhoodson the LowerEast Side and in Brownsvillefrom the richeston the UpperWest Side. Within families, men sufferedmost from the emotionalstrainsof joblessness,but womenborethe extraburdensof contributing to familyincomeandmanaging householdson tighterbudgets.Youngpeople "alternatedbetweenidealism and despair"(p. 56), often remainingin school so as not to face the job market.When they did look for work, young Jews frequentlyhad to deal with discrimination. As Wengerdemonstrates,the Depressionmade its most lastingimpact on the shape of Jewish communalinstitutionsand on the psyches of the young people who lived throughit. Forcedto find a place for themselves in the New Deal order,Jewish social welfare agencies played down relief activities in favor of counseling. Synagoguescontinuedefforts, begun in the 1920s, to attractmembersby combiningreligiousand secularfunctions.

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Many young peoplejoined radicalor Zionist organizations,promptedby a sense of cynicism regardingAmericaas a land of opportunity.Ultimately, collectiveanxietyled AmericanJewsnot only to politicalliberalism,butalso to a searchfor stabilityand security. Severalof Wenger'sargumentsare borneout by RuthGay's interesting memoir/historyof New YorkJewishlife. The anxietyof immigrantparents andAmericanchildrenformsa centralmotifof Gay'sbook.Eachgeneration, Gay argues,founditself caughtbetweentwo worlds.Manyimmigrants,she writes, came to Americaas teenagers;not fully socializedinto theirnative culture,they were too old to adaptfully to Americansociety. Hence, they were "unfinishedpeople," never at home in either world, always fearful and uneasy.Likewise,the second generationfoundit impossibleto identify fully with theirparents'culture,but neithercould they feel comfortablein Anglo-America.Gayremembersscouringbooksin the libraryfor clues about the "realAmerica"outsideof her neighborhoodin the Bronx.She confesses thatshe alwaysfelt as thoughshe "spokea foreignlanguage"(p. 67). Gay also testifiesto the class-boundnatureof New York'sJewishgeographyin the Depressionera. She grew up mainlyin the working-classEast Bronx,butherfamilymovedaroundaccordingto its economicfortunes.The middle-classGrandConcourseseemeda worldaway.Seeinganadvertisement for sealskincoats, Gay mused,"Theirwearersmustbe happy.This perhaps was what ladies on the GrandConcoursewore"(p. 235). The Depression drove Gay's fatherout of small businessand througha successionof jobs. She notes the insecurityfelt by workersalways on the verge of destitution. ParentsandchildrennearlydeifiedFranklinDelanoRooseveltforthemeasure of social securityhe introduced.The second generationalso expressedits anxietyby turningto civil serviceandan abidingfaithin meritocracy. As history,UnfinishedPeople leavesmuchto be desired.EvenGay'sbasic historicalpremise-that massesof childrenandnear-children migratedalone, outside of kinship networksand migrationchains-is faulty.As memoir, though,Gay'sbook is engaging,evocative,andoftenmoving.Recollections of smallthingslike hats,beds,floors,andcorsetspromptdiscussionsof such largerissues as class divisions in the Jewish community,the aspirationsof the second generationto high culture,and the meaningof freedomto the immigrants.Gay helps to demystifythe role playedby immigrantmothers, often idealized in the memoirsof their sons. The women in Gay's book all have distinctpersonalities,and expressthese personalitiespartlythrough theircookingandhousekeeping.Not all of Gay'sfemalerelativeswere good

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cooks, a fact which only demonstratesthatcookinginvolvedless magicthan work and skill. In her chapterentitled"Papers,"Gay moves froma discussionof Jewish habitsto a meditationon the ways in whichJews shaped newspaper-reading New York,and were in turnshapedby it. The second generation'stireless pursuitof cultureand its creativeuse of the city's publicspaceswere among its most significantcontributionsto civic life. DanielSoyer Fordham University Bronx,N.Y. Sidney Goldstein and Alice Goldstein. Jews on the Move: Implications for

Jewish Identity.SUNY Series in AmericanJewish Society in the 1990s. Albany:StateUniversityof New YorkPress, 1996. xxviii, 398 pp. DemographersAlice and Sidney Goldsteinhave in this book minedthe 1990NationalJewishPopulationSurveyto studythe culturalimplicationsof Jewishgeographicmobility.Sponsoredby the Councilof JewishFederations, the 1990 surveyof the Jewishpeople in Americacollecteda massivebody of data on the religious,social, economic,and demographicexperiencesof AmericanJews, makingits statisticalfindingsavailableto researchers,and as suchto the largerpublic.NJPSwas not intended"just"to gatherempirical datain the abstractpursuitof knowledge;the plannersandscholarsinvolved with the projectexpectedthatthe materialwould directlybenefitthe Jewish community,particularlythe leadersof its institutions,bothprofessionaland lay, who determinethe shapeof communallife. The authorsof Jews on the Move describethemselvesas "committed Jews." They intendedthis book, and the others that will follow from the NJPS data, to enhancethe projectof strengtheningJewish life at the end of the twentiethcentury,"some one hundredyears since the massivewaves of Jewish immigrantsfrom EasternEuropebegan to change the size and characterof Jewryin the UnitedStates"(p. xxiii). The Goldsteinschose an appropriate topic with whichto launcha monographicseries.Jews on the Move, the firstbook-lengthpublicationspawned by NJPS, identifiesgeographicmobility as a characteristicof Jewish life essential to understandingJewish identity in the 1990s, as essential as it was one hundredyears earlier.The Jews who emergeon the pages of this

Review: [untitled] Author(s): Hasia R. Diner Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 2 (1998), pp. 343-346 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486938 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:50 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

BOOK REVIEWS

343

cooks, a fact which only demonstratesthatcookinginvolvedless magicthan work and skill. In her chapterentitled"Papers,"Gay moves froma discussionof Jewish habitsto a meditationon the ways in whichJews shaped newspaper-reading New York,and were in turnshapedby it. The second generation'stireless pursuitof cultureand its creativeuse of the city's publicspaceswere among its most significantcontributionsto civic life. DanielSoyer Fordham University Bronx,N.Y. Sidney Goldstein and Alice Goldstein. Jews on the Move: Implications for

Jewish Identity.SUNY Series in AmericanJewish Society in the 1990s. Albany:StateUniversityof New YorkPress, 1996. xxviii, 398 pp. DemographersAlice and Sidney Goldsteinhave in this book minedthe 1990NationalJewishPopulationSurveyto studythe culturalimplicationsof Jewishgeographicmobility.Sponsoredby the Councilof JewishFederations, the 1990 surveyof the Jewishpeople in Americacollecteda massivebody of data on the religious,social, economic,and demographicexperiencesof AmericanJews, makingits statisticalfindingsavailableto researchers,and as suchto the largerpublic.NJPSwas not intended"just"to gatherempirical datain the abstractpursuitof knowledge;the plannersandscholarsinvolved with the projectexpectedthatthe materialwould directlybenefitthe Jewish community,particularlythe leadersof its institutions,bothprofessionaland lay, who determinethe shapeof communallife. The authorsof Jews on the Move describethemselvesas "committed Jews." They intendedthis book, and the others that will follow from the NJPS data, to enhancethe projectof strengtheningJewish life at the end of the twentiethcentury,"some one hundredyears since the massivewaves of Jewish immigrantsfrom EasternEuropebegan to change the size and characterof Jewryin the UnitedStates"(p. xxiii). The Goldsteinschose an appropriate topic with whichto launcha monographicseries.Jews on the Move, the firstbook-lengthpublicationspawned by NJPS, identifiesgeographicmobility as a characteristicof Jewish life essential to understandingJewish identity in the 1990s, as essential as it was one hundredyears earlier.The Jews who emergeon the pages of this

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book foundthemselves,as the title implies,"onthe move,"a highlymobile the population.Thebook focuseson the causes,nature,andmost importantly as for for Jews individuals and Jewish communities as living implications, entities,of those migrations. Migrationobviously is not a new force in Jewish life, Americanor withanimpressivelist of global.TheGoldsteins,accomplisheddemographers and research to their Jewishandnon-Jewish, both credit, projects publications have sought to understand,as much as possible, the Jewish migrationsof the end of the centuryin relationshipto those in earlierdecades.Becauseof the randomspottinessof earlierstatisticalmaterialon Jewishmigrationsin America,they cannotoffer perfectlycomplementaryor equivalentportraits of earlier eras in this history.But despite this limitationthey do present a convincinghistoricaltrajectoryagainstwhich the readercan understand Jewishlife. contemporary Until the 1950s AmericanJews differeddramaticallyfromthe American populationas a whole in terms of both their residentialand migratory experiences.The familyandcommunitypatternsof AmericanJewsgrewout of theiroverwhelminglyurbanresidentialchoices.Most Jews lived in a few places,andthose few placestendedto haverelativelylargenumbersof Jews in them. WhenJews moved they tendedto move en masse,joining up with otherJews in newer sections of the cities in which they had long dwelled. Until the 1920s Jewish internalmigrationin the United States took place in the contextof a growingJewishpopulation,createdby both immigration fromabroadandrelativelyhigh levels of childbearing. Jews on theMovedefinesthe periodimmediatelyfollowingWorldWarII as the momentof change.Jews,youngpeoplein particular, choseto move out of the urbanneighborhoodsof dense Jewishlife to new places,eitherin the beckoned burgeoningsuburbsor "outof town,"whereeconomicopportunity and wherethey had access to bigger,betterhousing.Initiallythe movement seemedto be gradual,butthe 1990databoldlydemonstrated a dramaticshift. In their settlementpatterns,as revealed by the NJPS, Jews differed little fromeveryoneelse in America,holdingclass constant.Jews dispersed themselveswidely acrossthe Americanlandscapeandseemedto have made the choice of whereto live utterlyindependentof Jewishfactors. That dramaticshift serves as the analytic center of the Goldsteins' book. IncreasinglyJews have opted to move to places where they do not necessarily find a large, or indeed any, Jewish community.They spread out widely for reasons of economic opportunitiesor because of lifestyle

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choices, to places with little in the way of an establishedJewishcommunal Thesemigrationsinvolvemovementsto the ever outerfringes infrastructure. of the large metropolitanareas, often to the newest suburbsand to zones thatdemographersreferto eitheras exurbiaor as edged cities. Likewisethe new Jewishmigrantshave chosen smallercommunities,modest-sizedcities in the South,the Midwest,andthe FarWest,placeswhichin the pasthoused skeletalJewishcommunitiesor in manycases no Jewishcommunityat all. The data indicate as well that by the 1990s, because of this constant movement,Jews lived less often in proximityto family.This, the authors assume,particularlycomplicatesthe "traditional" processby which Jewish identityandvalues are disseminatedfromone generationto the next. Jews on the Move offers a clearly writtennarrative,a text that will be easily understoodeven by scholarsandcommunalleaderswho do not handle statisticaldatawith ease. It cogentlyarguesfor migrationas a key factorin Jewishbehavior,personalandcommunal.Moreover,the book understanding a provides good compendiumof dataon the Jews who moved:wherethey came from and where they went, what impelledtheirmigration,whatkinds of Jewishlives they constructedin theirnew homes. The findings in Jews on the Move do not go in a single direction, and the Goldsteinsdiscernedboth positive and negativeimplicationsin the Jewish mobility patternsthey studied,with positive late-twentieth-century that which would sustainJewish identityand life, and obviously meaning thatfostercontinuedassimilationintothe American factors negativemeaning mainstream.On the one hand, Jews who go to communitieswith few coreligioniststend to become more involvedin the Jewishcommunitythan they were in the more densely settled Jewish settingsthey left. Indeed,as Jews have optedfor a wide rangeof newer,smallercommunities,in the West andthe Southin particular,they haveplayeda transformative role in forming new institutionsandbreathinglife into relativelystagnantones. Yet the book also offers a negative view of these migrations,and by and large, the authorstend to see this as more salient. Institutionshave a hardertimeprovidingservicesto the geographicallymobile.ThefartherJews move from one other,Alice and Sidney Goldsteinconclude,the less they definethoseservices--communitycenters,schools,kosherbutchershops-as particularlyimportantin lived life. As social scientists with a communalagenda,the authorsof Jews on the Move follow the presentationof facts and the analysisof theirmeaning with prescriptionsfor the future.Since the movementof Jews beyond the

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geographiccores of Jewish settlementhas disruptedthe establishedlocal networksof Jewishassociationallife, Sidneyand Alice Goldsteincall upon communalleadersto think in nationalratherthan local terms. "Migration will continueto be a centralfeature"(p. 330) of Jewish life in America, theypredict.It behoovesorganizationsandinstitutionsto startthinkingabout linking communitiesand migrantsratherthan to continuethinkingabout "community"in termsof local placesboundedby geography. Jews on theMoveoffersa helpfulsynthesisof a largecorpusof statistical data. It will undoubtedlybe read by Jewish policy makerswho struggle with the conditionof AmericanJews in the postmodernworld. While the historicalmaterialis, of necessity,ratherthinandsketchy,it stillhasinteresting implicationsforhistorians,who generallyreadJewishmigrationonly in terms of a single move from one place to another,usually Europeto the United States.They rarelylook at migrationas a ongoing,multistagedprocessand do not examinethe multipleimplicationsof the centripetalpatternsof Jewish life. HasiaR. Diner NewYorkUniversity NewYork,N.Y.

Collected Studies Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 2 (1998), pp. 347-355 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486939 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:50 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

COLLECTEDSTUDIES MarcD. Angel,ed. Exploringthe Thought of RabbiJosephB. Soloveitchik. N.J.: Ktav 1997. House, xxvii,346pp. Hoboken, Publishing MarcD. Angel,"Introduction." Walter "Rabbi CONTENTS: Wurzburger, Joseph Marvin B. Soloveitchikas Posekof Post-Modern Fox, "The Orthodoxy." of RabbiJosephB. Soloveitchik's PinchasHaThought." UnityandStructure in "Hermeneutics the of Rabbi B. cohenPeli, Thought Joseph Soloveitchik." theIshHa-Halakhah." MosheSosevsky,"TheLonelyManof FaithConfronts ShalomCarmy,"OfEagle'sFlightandSnail'sPace."MosheSokol,"'Ger andTraditionalism in theLifeandThought ve-Toshav of Anokhi':Modernity Shubert "Rabbi RabbiJosephB. Soloveitchik." B. Soloveitchik Spero, Joseph WilliamKolbrener, andthe Philosophyof Halakhah." "Towards a Genuine Jonathan "Rabbi B. JewishPhilosophy." Sacks, Joseph Soloveitchik's Early PinchasHacohenPeli, "Repentant Man-A HighLevelin Epistemology." RabbiJosephB. Soloveitchik's Blau,"Creative Typologyof Man."Yitzchak OnRabbiJosephB. Soloveitchik's of Teshuvah." Walter Repentance: Concept "TheCentrality of Creativity in the Thoughtof RabbiJoseph Wurzburger, B. Soloveitchik." GeraldBlidstein,"OntheJewishPeoplein theWritings of RabbiJosephB. Soloveitchik." ShalomCarmy,"Pluralism andtheCategory of theEthical." MarkK. BaumanandBerkleyKalin,eds.TheQuietVoices: Southern Rabbis andBlackCivilRights,1880sto 1990s.Tuscaloosa: of Alabama University Press,1997.x, 444 pp. MarkK. Bauman,"Introduction." CONTENTS: Genesis.BobbieS. Mal"Rabbi Max and the Heller,Zionism, one, 'NegroQuestion':New Orleans,1891-1911."MarkCowett,"Morris Newfield,Alabama,andBlacks, inMemphis." Fineschriber 1895-1940." BerkelyKalin,"APleaforTolerance: Theheyday.MarcDollinger,"'Hamans'and'Torquemadas': Southern and NorthernJewishResponsesto the Civil RightsMovement,1945-1965." 347

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CarolynGrayLeMaster,"CivilandSocialRightsEffortsof ArkansasJewry." Hollace Ava Weiner,"RabbiSidney Wolf: Harmonizingin Texas."Karl Preuss,"RabbiDavid Jacobsonand the Integrationof San Antonio."Terry Barr,"RabbiGrafmanand Birmingham'sCivil Rights Era."LeonardRogoff, "Divided Together:Jews and African Americansin Durham,North Carolina."Clive Webb,"Big Strugglein a SmallTown:CharlesMantinband of Hattiesburg,Mississippi."GaryPhillip Zola, "WhatPrice Amos? Perry Nussbaum'sCareerin Jackson,Mississippi."Memoirs.Janice Rothschild Blumberg,"JacobM. Rothschild:His LegacyTwentyYearsAfter."Malcolm Stem, "The Year They Closed the Schools: The Norfolk Story."Myron Berman,"A PersonalMemoir."Afterword.MicahD. GreensteinandHoward Greenstein,"'Then andNow': SouthernRabbisandCivil Rights." Leslie Brody,ed. Daughtersof Kings: GrowingUp as a Jewish Womanin America.Boston:Faber& Faber,1997. xvii, 230 pp. FlorenceLadd,"Preface."LeslieBrody,"Introduction: CONTENTS: 'SheLooks Jewish:How Wonderful!'"RachelKadish,"Livingfor Export."PaulaGutlove, "GoingBack to Bochi."Nanci Kincaid,"Nota JewishWoman."Ann Olga Koloski-Ostrow,"Hannah'sTeshuva(Hannah'sTurning/Conversion)." TikkunOlam(Buildinga BetterWorld)." BarbaraW. Grossman,"Embracing of A. Jones. "Confessions a Shiksa."Helena Meyer-Knapp,"HalfNancy Breed or Hybrid?"KarenFraserWyche,"WhatKind of Name Is Wyche?" Lois Isenman,"TheOtherSide."DeirdreCherham,"LookingBack."RuthArleneW.Howe,"Reflections." DeniseFreed,"FromHorseCartsto Quantum Mechanics."Leslie Brody,"Finally,OurOwnMinyan:A ComingTogether." BryanCheyette,ed. Between "Race"and Culture:Representations of "the Jew" in EnglishandAmericanLiterature.StanfordStudiesin JewishHistory andCulture.Stanford,Calif.:StanfordUniversityPress, 1996. ix, 222 pp. CONTENTS: UnansweredQuestions."William BryanCheyette,"Introduction: "Romanticism and/or Antisemitism." SanderL. Gilman,"Mark Galerpin, Twainand the Diseases of the Jews."MurrayBaumgarten,"SeeingDouble: Jewsin the FictionofF. ScottFitzgerald,CharlesDickens,AnthonyTrollope, and GeorgeEliot."JonathanFriedman,"HenryJamesandthe Discoursesof Antisemitism."Maud Ellman, "The ImaginaryJew: T. S. Eliot and Ezra Pound."MarilynReizbaum,"A Nightmareof History:Ireland'sJews and

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Joyce'sUlysses."JacquelineRose,"DorothyRichardsonandtheJew."Phyllis Lassner," 'TheMilkof OurMother'sKindnessHasCeasedto Flow':Virginia Woolf, Stevie Smith, and the Representationof the Jew." AndreaFreud Lowenstein,"The Protectionof Masculinity:Jews as ProjectivePawns in the Textsof WilliamGerhardiand GeorgeOrwell."EricHomberger,"Some Uses for JewishAmbivalence:AbrahamCahanandMichaelGold." CraigA. Evans and PeterW. Flint, eds. Eschatology,Messianism,and the Dead Sea Scrolls. Cambridge,Eng.: WilliamB. EerdmansPublishingCo., 1997. xii, 176 pp. Paul E. CONTENTS: Craig A. Evans and Peter W. Flint, "Introduction." Hughes,"Moses'BirthStory:A BiblicalMatrixfor PropheticMessianiam." Craig C. Broyles, "The RedeemingKing: Psalm 72's Contributionto the MessianicIdeal."PeterW. Flint,"TheDanielTraditionat Qumran."Martin G. Abegg,Jr.,"WhoAscendedto Heaven?4Q491,4Q427,andthe Teacherof JohnJ. Collins,"TheExpectationof the Endin the DeadSea Righteousness." Scrolls."CraigA. Evans,"Jesusandthe DeadSea ScrollsfromQumranCave 4." James M. Scott, "Throne-Chariot Mysticismin Qumranand in Paul." DietmarNeufeld, "'And When That One Comes': Aspects of Johannine Messianism." EmanuelFeldmanand Joel B. Wolowelsky,eds. Jewish Law and the New ReproductiveTechnologies.Hoboken,N.J.: Ktav PublishingHouse, 1997. vii, 186 pp. EmanuelFeldmanand Joel B. Wolowelsky,"Introduction." EdCONTENTS: ward Reichman,"The RabbinicConceptionof Conception:An Exercise in Fertility."Azriel Rosenfeld, "Generation,Gestationand Judaism."J. David Bleich, "In Vitro Fertilization:Questionsof MaternalIdentityand Conversion."EzraBick, "OvumDonations:A RabbinicConceptualModelof J. David Bleich, "MaternalIdentityRevisited."Yoel Jakobovits, Maternity." "Male Infertility:Halakhic Issues in Investigationand Management."J. David Bleich, "SpermBankingand Anticipationof Infertility."YitzchokA. Breitowitz,"HalakhicApproachesto the Resolutionof DisputesConcerning the Dispositionof Preembryos." Irene Fine, ed. The Shabbat Series: Excellence in Educationfor Jewish

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Women.San Diego: Woman'sInstitutefor ContinuingJewish Education, 1997. xv, 200 pp. IreneFine, "Introduction." CONTENTS: Reclaimingtexts.CarolMeyers,"Can the Bible Be FeministFriendly?"TamaraCohnEskenazi,"TerrorandHope: ReadingBiblicalNarrativesToday."Ita Sheres,"WhyWasDinahSilenced?" TikvaFrymer-Kensky, "SanctifyingTorah."RachelBiale,"FeministReading Personalodysseys.MiriyamGlazer," 'WhatAreYouThinking of Halakhah." About Now, Miriyam?'" MiriamPeskowitz,"BeautyRoutines;or, Jewish Study as a FeministPractice."IrenaKlepfisz,"Di yerushe/TheLegacy:A ParableAboutHistoryandBobe-mayses,BarszczandBorshtandtheFutureof JewishPast."Historyandidentity.RuthAbrams,"JewishReligiousDiscourse and the Issue of WomanSuffrage."JudithR. Baskin,"Art,Aspiration,and Memoryin Bella Chagall'sBurningLights."Paula E. Hyman,"Women's Voices/Women'sLives." YitzharHirschfeld,ed. TheRomanBaths of HammatGader:Final Report. Jerusalem:IsraelExplorationSociety, 1997.xv, 488 pp., 8 plates. Giora Solar, "Architecture:Building Methodsand Materials." CONTENTS: YitzharHirschfeld,"WaterSupplySystems."YitzharHirschfeld,"Description of the ArchitecturalRemains."YitzharHirschfeld,"ProposedReconstruction of the Baths Complex and Its Functions."HannahHirschfeld,"The ColumnedPortal."Leah Di Segni, "The Greek Inscriptionsof Hammat Gader."Nitzan Amitai-Preiss,"ArabicInscriptions,Graffitiand Games." Rachel Barkay,"Romanand ByzantineCoins."Nitzan Amitai-Preissand ArielBerman,"MuslimCoins."TaniaCoenUzzielli, "TheOil Lamps."Roni Ben-Arieh,"TheRoman,ByzantineandUmayyadPottery."AdrianJ. Boas, "LateCeramicTypology."EinatCohen,"Roman,Byzantineand Umayyad Glass."Ayala Lester,"IslamicGlass Finds."TaniaCoen Uzzielli, "Marble Decorations,WallMosaicsand SmallFinds."Roni Ben-Arieh,"TheMarble Statuesfrom HammatGader."Estee Dvorjetski,"MedicinalHot Springsin the Greco-RomanWorld."YitzharHirschfeld,"SummaryandConclusions." NaomiPorat,"Appendix:Analysesof BuildingStones." StevenT. Katz,ed. AmericanRabbi:TheLifeand ThoughtofJacob B. Agus. New York:New YorkUniversityPress, 1997. x, 244 pp.

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351

Steven T. Katz, "Jacob B. Agus: An Introductory Overview." CONTENTS:

Norton D. Shargel,"JacobB. Agus: A PersonalPortrait."David Novak, "Jacob B. Agus as a Student of Modem Jewish Philosophy."David R. Blumenthal,"JacobB. Agus as a Studentof MedievalJewish Philosophy and Mysticism."Eugene J. Fisher, "JacobB. Agus and Jewish-Christian Dialogue:A View fromthe ChristianSide."MiltonR. Konvitz,"JacobAgus' Ideologyof AmericanJudaism:AmericanJews or JewishAmericans." HermannKurthen,WernerBergman,and RainerErb,eds. Antisemitismand XenophobiaAfterUnification.New York:OxfordUniversityPress,1997.xv, 318 pp. Hermann Kurthen, Werner Bergman, and Rainer Erb, "IntroducCONTENTS:

tion: PostunificationChallengesto GermanDemocracy."Facts andfindings about antisemitismand xenophobiain unitedGermany.WalterBergmann, "Antisemitismand Xenophobiain Germanysince Unification."Hermann Kurthen,"Antisemitismand Xenophobiain United Germany:How the Burden of the Past Affects the Present."ManfredBrusten,"Knowledge, Feelings,andAttitudesof GermanUniversityStudentstowardtheHolocaust." FrederickD. Weil, "EthnicTolerance,Extremism,andDemocraticAttitudes in GermanysinceUnification."Movements,groups,andorganizations propaantisemitism and in united Wilfried Schubarth, xenophobia gating Germany. "Xenophobiaamong East GermanYouth."JulianeWetzel, "Antisemitism andPartiesin PostuniamongRight-WingExtremistGroups,Organizations, ficationGermany."BrigitteBailer-Galanda, "'Revisionism'in Germanyand Austria:The Evolutionof a Doctrine."ElliotNeaman,"A New Conservative Revolution?Neo-Nationalism,Collective Memory,and the New Right in Germanysince Unification."American,Jewish and Germanperceptionsof andreactionsto antisemitismandxenophobia.RainerErb,"PublicResponses to AntisemitismandRight-WingExtremism."AnnaJ. MerrittandRichardL. Merritt,"Berlin'sJews afterUnification:Challengesto Community."Holli A. Semetko and WolfgangG. Gibowski,"The Image of Germanyin the News andU.S. PublicOpinionafterUnification."HermannKurthen,Werner Bergman,and Rainer Erb, "ConcludingRemarks:Questions for Further Researchin ComparativePerspective." LarryMay and Jerome Kohn, eds. HannahArendt:TwentyYearsLater. Cambridge,Mass.:MITPress, 1996. viii, 384 pp.

352

COLLECTEDSTUDIES

Political action and judgement. Margaret Canovan, "Hannah CONTENTS:

Arendtas a ConservativeThinker."AlbrechtWellner,"HannahArendton Judgement:TheUnwrittenDoctrineof Reason."JamesBohman,"TheMoral Costs of Political Pluralism:The Dilemmas of Difference and Equality in Arendt's 'Reflections on Little Rock'." Ethics and the nature of evil.

LarryMay,"SocializationandInstitutionalEvil."ElizabethM. Meade,"The Commodificationof Values."RichardJ. Bernstein,"Did HannahArendt Change Her Mind? From Radical Evil to the Banality of Evil." Jerome Kohn, "Evil and Plurality:HannahArendt'sWayto the Life of the Mind, I." Dana R. Villa, "The Banalityof Philosophy:Arendton Heideggerand Eichmann."Self and world. SuzanneDuvallJacobitti,"ThinkingAboutthe Self."DavidIngram,"NovusOrdoSeclorum:TheTrialof (Post)Modernity; or, the Tale of Two Revolutions."Jeffrey AndrewBarash,"The Political of Martin Dimensionof the PublicWorld:OnHannahArendt'sInterpretation HannahArendt'sReading Heidegger."RonaldBeiner,"LoveandWorldliness: of SaintAugustine."Genderand Jewishness.Bat-AmiBar On, "Womenin DarkTimes:RahelVarnhagen,Rosa Luxemburg,HannahArendt,and Me." ElisabethYoung-Bruehl,"HannahArendt among Feminists."Annette C. Baier, "Ethicsin Many DifferentVoices."JohannA. Klaasenand Angela Klaasen,"Appendix:A Bibliographyof Writingsin EnglishaboutHannah Arendt." Ezra Mendelsohn, ed. Essential Papers on Jews and the Left. New York:

New YorkUniversityPress, 1997. vii, 552 pp. Ezra Mendelsohn, "Introduction."The Jewish left. Isaiah Berlin, CONTENTS:

"TheLife and Opinionsof Moses Hess."JonathanFrankel,"TheRoots of 'Jewish Socialism' (1881-1892): From 'Populism'to 'Cosmopolitanism'?" MosheMishkinsky,"RegionalFactorsin the Formationof the JewishLabor Movement in Czarist Russia."Henry Tobias, "The Reassessmentof the National Question."MatityahuMintz, "Ber Borokhov."ElkanaMargalit, "Social and IntellectualOrigins of the HashomerHatzairYouth Movement, 1913-1920." Antony Polonsky,"The Bund in Polish Political Life, 1935-1939." Dan Horowitzand Moshe Lissak,"PoliticalMobilizationand InstitutionBuilding in the Yishuv."Anita Shapira,"'Black Night-White Snow': Attitudesof the PalestinianLaborMovementto the RussianRevolution, 1917-1929." Jews in the left. Israel Getzler,"A Grandsonof the

STUDIES COLLECTED

353

Haskalah."LeonardSchapiro,"The Role of the Jews in the RussianRevolutionaryMovement."ArthurLieberman,"The Ties That Bind: Jewish Supportfor the Left in the United States."The left and the Jews. Edmund Silbemer,"WasMarxan Anti-Semite?"ShlomoAvineri,"Marxand Jewish MosheMishkinsky,"'BlackRepartition'andthe Pogromsof Emancipation." 1881-1882." JonathanFrankel,"The Soviet Regime and Anti-Zionism:An Analysis."JackJacobs,"KarlKautsky:BetweenBadenandLuxemberg." Marc Lee Raphael, ed. WhatIs Modern About the ModernJewish Experience?

Williamsburg,Va.: Departmentof Religion, College of Williamand Mary, 1997. 87 pp. Alan T. Levenson, "What Is Modem About the Modem Jewish CONTENTS:

Experience?IntroductoryEssay." David Biale, "Messianismand Modernity in Modem Jewish HistoricalThought."Todd D. Endelman,"Making in the Age Jews Modem: Some Jewish and Gentile Misunderstandings of Emancipation."Alan T. Levenson, "RadicalAssimilationand Radical MarshaL. Rosenblit,"Werethe Jews Assimilationistsin ImperialGermany." Modem?"David Sorkin,"Mendelssohnand Modernity: of Austria-Hungary Was Mendelssohnthe FirstModem or the Last MedievalJewishThinker?" David Ellenson,"MaxWeberon Judaismand the Jews:A Reflectionof the Positionof Jews in the ModemWorld." Alvin H. Rosenfeld, ed. ThinkingAbout the Holocaust: After Half a Century.

Bloomington:IndianaUniversityPress, 1997. xiv, 329 pp. The Holocaust in historical writings, literature, and cinema. Saul CONTENTS:

Friedlander,"The Exterminationof the EuropeanJews in Historiography: Identities:The FiftyYearsLater."MichaelAndreBernstein,"Unrepresentable IlanAvisar,"HolocaustMoviesandthe Jew in PostwarEuropeanLiterature." Politics of Collective Memory." TheHolocaust, the Zionist movement,and the

Stateof srael. Anita Shapira,"TheHolocaustandWorldWarII as Elements of the YishuvPsycheuntil 1948."JehudaReinharzandEvyatarFriesel,"The Zionist LeadershipBetween the Holocaustand the Creationof the Stateof Israel." The Impact of the Holocaust on American Jewish life and thought.

Alvin H. Rosenfeld, "The Americanizationof the Holocaust."MichaelL. Morgan,"To Seize Memory:Historyand Identityin Post-HolocaustJewish Thought."Gulie Ne'eman Arad, "Rereadingan UnsettlingPast:American

354

COLLECTEDSTUDIES

Jews Duringthe Nazi Era."EuropeanJewry in the postwarperiod. Frank Stem, "Breakingthe 'CordonSanitaire'of Memory:The JewishEncounter with GermanSociety."ElisabethDomansky,"A Lost War:WorldWarII in PostwarGermanMemory."AnnetteWieviorka,"Deportationand Memory: OfficialHistoryand the Rewritingof WorldWarII."ShmuelTrigano,"The Jews andthe Spiritof Europe:A MorphologicalApproach." MaurieSacks,ed.ActiveVoices:WomeninJewishCulture.Urbana:University of IllinoisPress, 1995. viii, 235 pp. Male voices. JudithR. Baskin, Maurie Sacks, "Introduction." CONTENTS: Public voices. "Silent Partners:Womenas Wives in RabbinicLiterature." Michael Berkowitz,"Transcending'Tzimmesand Sweetness':Recovering the Historyof ZionistWomenin Centraland WesternEurope,1897-1933." PamelaS. NadellandRitaJ. Simon,"Ladiesof the Sisterhood:Womenin the AmericanReformSynagogue,1900-1930."Literaryvoices. DianneAshton, Themein JewishWomen'sSpirituality." "GraceAguilarandthe Matriarchal MymaGoldenberg,"Testimony,Narrative,andNightmare:The Experiences of Jewish Women in the Holocaust."Ritual voices. Penina Adelman,"A Drinkfrom Miriam'sCup: Inventionof TraditionamongJewish Women." JudithDavis, "TheBar MitzvahBalabusta:Mother'sRole in the Family's Rite of Passage."DebraRenee Kaufman,"ExperiencingHasidism:Newly OrthodoxWomen'sPerspectiveson SexualityandDomesticity."Folk voices. EstherSchely-Newman,"RoleChangesof TunisianWomenin Israel."Sally Charnow,"Seasons of the Soul: Context and Meaning in an Orthodox Girls High School." JudithR. Cohen, "Women'sRoles in Judeo-Spanish Song Traditions."An anthropologicalvoice. SusanStarrSered,"Towardan Anthropologyof Jewish Women:SacredTexts and the ReligiousWorldof Womenin Jerusalem." Elderly,Middle-Eastern JudithT. ShuvalandJudithH. Bernstein,eds. ImmigrantPhysicians:Former Soviet Doctors in Israel, Canada,and the UnitedStates. Westport,Conn.: Praeger,1997. ix, 197 pp. CONTENTS: Settingthe scene. JudithT. Shuval,"MigrantPhysiciansin PostIndustrialSocieties."JudithH. Bernstein,"TheEmigrationof Jews fromthe FormerSoviet Union."Kate Schecter,"Physiciansand HealthCare in the FormerSoviet Union."Destination:Israel. JudithH. Bernsteinand Judith

COLLECTEDSTUDIES

355

Shuval,"Israel'sOpenDoor Policy:Implicationsfor ImmigrantPhysicians." PaulaFeder-Bubis,"Patternsof ProfessionalCommitmentin the Storiesof ImmigrantPhysicians from the FormerSoviet Union in Israel."Destination: Canada. TanyaBasok, "The Admissionand Licensingof Immigrant Physiciansin Canada."TanyaBasok, "OccupationalExperiencesof Soviet ImmigrantPhysiciansin Canada."Destination:The UnitedStates.Marilynn M. Rosenthal,Rosalie F. Young,and Kate Schecter,"Immigrant Physicians in a SaturatedMarket."Rosalie F. Young, Kate Schecter,and Marilynn M. Rosenthal, "A Study of Soviet ImmigrantPhysicians in the United States."Physiciansin new worlds.JudithT. ShuvalandJudithH. Bernstein, "ImmigrantPhysiciansin ThreeSocieties:A ComparativeAnalysis."

Books Received Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 2 (1998), pp. 357-362 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486940 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:50 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

BOOKSRECEIVED Angel, Marc D., ed. Exploring the Thoughtof Rabbi Joseph B. Soloveitchik.

New York:Ktav,1997. xxvii, 346 pp. Assis, Yom Tov. The Golden Age of Aragonese Jewry: Community and Society in the Crown of Aragon, 1213-1327. Littman Library of Jewish

Civilization.London:VallentineMitchell,1997. xvi, 380 pp. Assmann, Jan. Moses the Egyptian: The Memory of Egypt in Western Monotheism. Cambridge,Mass.: HarvardUniversity Press, 1997. x,

276 pp. Attias, Jean-Christophe,and EstherBenbassa.Dictionnairede civilisation juive. Paris:Larousse,1997. 345 pp. Avigad, Nahman. Corpus of West Semitic Stamp Seals. Revised and com-

pleted by BenjaminSass. Jerusalem:Israel Academyof Sciences and Humanities,1997. 640 pp. Bahloul, Jodlle. TheArchitectureofMemory: A Jewish-Muslim Household in Colonial Algeria, 193 7-1962. Cambridge Studies in Social and Cultural

Anthropology.Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress, 1996. xiv, 158 pp. Baigell, Matthew. Jewish-American Artists and the Holocaust. New

Brunswick,N.J.: RutgersUniversityPress, 1997. xi, 138 pp. Bak, Samuel. Landscapes of Jewish Experience. Essay and Commentaryby

LawrenceL. Langer.TauberInstitutefor the Studyof EuropeanJewry Series,vol. 25. Boston:PuckerGallery,1997. 125 pp.

Barkow, Ben. Alfred Wiener and the Making of the Holocaust Library.

Parkes-WienerSeries on Jewish Studies.London:VallentineMitchell, 1997. xx, 211 pp.

Bauman, Mark, and Berkley Kalin, eds. The Quiet Voices: Southern Rabbis and Black Civil Rights, 1880s to 1990s. Judaic Studies Series. Tuscaloosa:

Universityof AlabamaPress, 1997. x, 444 pp. Baumgarten, Albert I. TheFlourishing ofJewish Sects in the Maccabean Era: 357

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An Interpretation.Supplementsto the Journalfor the Studyof Judaism, vol. 55. Leiden:Brill, 1997. xii, 240 pp. Benbassa, Esther, ed. Transmissionet passages en mondejuif GENESES/Socites et culturesjuives. Paris:Publisud,1997. 605 pp. Bodner,Allen. WhenBoxing Wasa JewishSport.Westport,Conn.:Praeger, 1997. xv, 207 pp. Brenner,Michael.Afterthe Holocaust:RebuildingJewishLives in Postwar Germany.Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress, 1997.x, 196 pp. Brenner,Rachel. Writingas Resistance:Four WomenConfrontingthe Holocaust. UniversityPark:PennsylvaniaStateUniversityPress, 1997. vii, 216 pp. Brody,Leslie, ed. Daughtersof Kings: GrowingUp as a Jewish Womanin America.Boston:Faber& Faber,1997. xvii, 230 pp. Cassedy,Steven. Tothe OtherShore:TheRussianJewishIntellectualsWho Cameto America.Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress,1997.xxiii, 197 pp. Cheyette,Bryan,ed. Between "Race"and Culture.Representations of "the Jew" in English and AmericanLiterature.StanfordStudiesin Jewish Historyand Culture.Stanford,Calif.: StanfordUniversityPress, 1996. ix, 222 pp. Cohen,Jonathan.Reasonand Change:AspectsofResearchin JewishPhilosophyandIts History.Jerusalem:BialikInstitute,1997.328 pp. (Hebrew). Cohen, StuartA. The Scroll or the Sword? Dilemmas of Religion and Harwood MilitaryServicein Israel.ShermanLectureSeries.Amsterdam: AcademicPublishers,1997. xx, 148 pp. Cooper,John.TheChildin JewishHistory.Northvale,N.J.:JasonAronson, 1996. xv, 450 pp. de Vaux, Roland.AncientIsrael. Biblical ResourceSeries. GrandRapids, Mich.:WilliamB. Eerdmans,1997. xxiii, 592 pp. Doorly,WilliamJ. TheReligionof srael:A ShortHistory.New York:Paulist Press, 1997. 206 pp. Eisen,Robert.Gersonideson Providence,Covenant,and the ChosenPeople. A Studyin MedievalJewishPhilosophyandBiblicalCommentary. SUNY Seriesin JewishPhilosophy.Albany:StateUniversityof New YorkPress. 1995. xiv, 257 pp. Elazar,Daniel, ed. Kinshipand Consent:TheJewishPolitical Traditionand

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Its ContemporaryUses. 2nd ed., rev.andenlarged.New Brunswick,N.J.: TransactionPublishers,1997. xxxvii, 592 pp. Epstein, Eric Joseph, and Philip Rosen. Dictionary of the Holocaust: Biography, Geography, and Terminology.Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press,

1997. xvi, 416 pp. Evans, Craig, and Peter Flint, eds. Eschatology, Messianism, and the Dead

Sea Scrolls. Studies in the Dead Sea Scrolls and Related Literature. Cambridge,Eng.:WilliamB. Eerdmans,1997. xii, 176 pp. Feldman,Emanuel,and Joel B. Wolowelsky,eds. JewishLaw and the New Reproductive Technologies. Hoboken, N. J.: Ktav, 1997. vii, 186 pp. Fest, Joachim. Plotting Hitler 'sDeath: The Story of the German Resistance.

New York:HenryHolt, 1997. ix, 420 pp. Fisch, Menachem. Rational Rabbis: Science and Talmudic Culture. Jewish

Literatureand Culture.Bloomington:IndianaUniversityPress, 1997. xxii, 263 pp. Fishman, Talya. Shaking the Pillars of Exile: "Voice of a Fool, " an Early Modern Jewish Critique ofRabbinic Culture. Stanford Studies in Jewish

Historyand Culture.Stanford,Calif.: StanfordUniversityPress, 1997. xviii, 362 pp. Gilbert, Martin. Holocaust Journey: Travelling in Search of the Past. New

York:ColumbiaUniversityPress, 1997. xvi, 480 pp. Gilman, Sander, and Jack Zipes, eds. Yale Companion to Jewish Writingand Thought in German Culture, 1096-1996. New Haven: Yale University

Press. 1997. xxxiv, 864 pp. Hatav, Galia. The Semantics of Aspect and Modality: Evidence from English

and Biblical Hebrew.Studiesin LanguageCompanionSeries, vol. 34. Philadelphia:JohnBenjamins,1997. x, 224 pp. Heller, Joseph. The Stern Gang: Ideology, Politics and Terror,1940-1949.

London:FrankCass, 1995. x, 358 pp. Herf, Jeffrey. Divided Memory: The Nazi Past in the Two Germanys. Cam-

bridge,Mass.:HarvardUniversityPress, 1997. 527 pp.

Hirschfeld, Yizhar. The Roman Baths of Hammat Gader: Final Report.

Jerusalem:IsraelExplorationSociety, 1997. xv, 488 pp., 8 plates.

Jelinek, Yeshayahu A., ed. Zwischen Moral und Realpolitik: Deutschisraelische Beziehungen 1945-1965. Eine Dokumentensammlung.

Schriftenreihedes Institutsfar Deutsche Geschichte,UniversitaitTel Aviv. Gerlingen:BleicherVerlag,1997. 687 pp.

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Katz, Steven, ed. American Rabbi: The Life and Thought of Jacob B. Agus.

New York:New YorkUniversityPress, 1997. x, 244 pp. ed. The Essential Agus: The WritingsofJacob B. Agus. New York:

New YorkUniversityPress, 1997. xii, 573 pp. Kochan, Lionel. Beyond the Graven Image: A Jewish View.New York: New

YorkUniversityPress, 1997. vi, 223 pp. and Kurthen,Hermann,WernerBergmann,andRainerErb,eds.Antisemitism Xenophobia in Germany after Unification. Oxford: Oxford University

Press, 1997. xv, 318 pp. Lahav, Pnina, Judgment in Jerusalem: Chief Justice Simon Agranat and the

ZionistCentury.Berkeley:Universityof CaliforniaPress,1997.xvii, 331 PP. Malino, Frances. A Jew in the French Revolution: The Life of Zalkind

Hourwitz.Oxford:BlackwellPublishers,1997. xix, 281 pp. Malone, Bobbie. Rabbi Max Heller: Reformer; Zionist, Southerner

1860-1929. JudaicStudies Series. Tuscaloosa:Universityof Alabama Press, 1997. xvii, 275 pp. Mamet,David. TheOldReligion.New York:FreePress, 1997. 194 pp. Marcus, David. From Balaam to Jonah: Anti-Prophetic Satire in the Hebrew

Bible. BrownJudaicStudies301. Atlanta:ScholarsPress, 1995.xii, 214 PP. Marino, Andy. Herschel: The Boy WhoStarted WorldWarII. Boston: Faber

& Faber,1995. 226 pp. May, Larry, and Jerome Kohn. Hannah Arendt: Twenty Years Later. Cam-

bridge,Mass.:MITPress. 1996. viii, 384 pp. Medoff, Rafael. Zionism and the Arabs: An American Jewish Dilemma,

1898-1948. Westport,Conn.:Praeger,1997. viii, 188 pp. Melnick, Ralph. The Stolen Legacy of Anne Frank. Meyer Levin, Lillian Hellman, and the Staging of the Diary. New Haven: Yale University

Press, 1997. xxii, 268 pp. Melzer, Emanuel. No Way Out: The Politics of Polish Jewry, 1935-1939.

Cincinnati:HebrewUnion College Press, 1997. xii, 235 pp. Mendels, Doron. The Rise and Fall of Jewish Nationalism: Jewish and Christian Ethnicity in Ancient Palestine. 2nd ed. Grand Rapids, Mich.:

WilliamB. Eerdmans,1997. Mendelsohn, Ezra, ed. Essential Papers on Jews and the Left. New York:

New YorkUniversityPress, 1997. vii, 552 pp.

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Meyer,MichaelA., ed., andMichaelBrenner,assistanted. Emancipationand Acculturation,1780-1871. Vol. 2 of German-Jewish Historyin Modern Times.New York:ColumbiaUniversityPress, 1997. 421 pp. Munk, Reinier. The Rationale of HalakhicMan: Joseph B. Soloveitchiks Conceptionof Jewish Thought.AmsterdamStudiesin JewishThought 3. Amsterdam:J. C. Gieben, 1996. ix, 144 pp. Nadav,Mordechai(MarkielKatzykovich).TheMinutesBook of the Jewish CommunityCouncilof Tykocin,1621-1806. Vol. 1: TheMinutesBook. SourcesforJewishHistory:CommunalMinutesBooks.Jerusalem:Israel Academyof SciencesandHumanities,1996.xxx, 684 pp. (Hebrew). Novac, Ana. TheBeautifulDays of My Youth:My Six Monthsin Auschwitz and Plaszow.New York:HenryHolt, 1997.xix, 214 pp. Pomerantz,Jack, and Lyric WallworkWinik. Run East: Flight from the Holocaust.Urbana:Universityof IllinoisPress, 1997. xii, 210 pp. Raphael,MarcLee, ed. WhatIs ModernAboutthe ModernJewishExperience? Williamsburg,Va.:College of Williamand Mary,Departmentof Religion, 1997. 88 pp. Ravitzky,Aviezer.HistoryandFaith: Studiesin JewishPhilosophy.Amsterdam:J. C. Gieben, 1996. ix, 325 pp. Variationin Isaiah 40-55: A Functional Rosenbaum,Michael. Word-Order Perspective. Studia SemiticaNeerlandica.Assen: Van Gorcum, 1997. xii, 259 pp. Rosenfeld,Alvin, ed. ThinkingAboutthe Holocaust:AfterHalf a Century. Jewish Literatureand CultureSeries. Bloomington:IndianaUniversity Press, 1997. xiv, 329 pp. Sacks,Maurie,ed. Active Voices:Womenin JewishCulture.Urbana:University of IllinoisPress, 1995. viii, 235 pp. Santaniello,Weaver.Nietzsche,God, and the Jews: His Critiqueof JudeoChristianityin Relation to the Nazi Myth.Albany:State Universityof New YorkPress, 1994. xvi, 232 pp. Schwartz,Dov.MessianisminMedievalJewishThought.RamatGan:Bar-Ilan UniversityPress, 1997. 292 pp. (Hebrew). TheShabbatSeries:Excellencein Educationfor Jewish Women.Introduction by Irene Fine. San Diego: Women's Institutefor ContinuingJewish Education,1997. xv, 200 pp. Shargel, Baila Round. Lost Love: The Untold Story of HenriettaSzold. Philadelphia:JewishPublicationSociety, 1997. xii, 382 pp.

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Shatzky, Joel, and Michael Taub, eds. ContemporaryJewish-American Novelists.: A Bio-Critical Sourcebook. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1997. xxxi, 506 pp. Shavit, Yaakov. Athens in Jerusalem: Classical Antiquity and Hellenism in the Making of the Modern Secular Jew. London: Littman Library of

JewishCivilization,1997. xv, 560 pp. Sherman, A. J. Mandate Days: British Lives in Palestine, 1918-1948. New

York:Thames& Hudson,1997. 264 pp. Shuval,JudithT.,andJudithH. Bernstein,eds.Immigrant Physicians:Former Soviet Doctors in Israel, Canada, and the United States. Westport,Conn.:

Praeger,1997. ix, 197 pp. Strenski, Ivan. Durkheim and the Jews of France. Chicago Studies in the

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& Hudson,1997. 216 pp. Weitzman, Steven. Song and Story in Biblical Narrative: The History of a Literary Convention in Ancient Israel. Indiana Studies in Biblical

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311. Atlanta:ScholarsPress, 1997. vi, 116pp. Wiederkehr-Pollack, Gloria. The Jewish Festivals in Ancient, Medieval and

ModernSources.Brooklyn,N.Y.:Sepher-Hermon Press, 1997.220 pp. Yahalom, Joseph. Palestinian VocalisedPiyyut Manuscripts in the Cambridge

GenizahCollections.CambridgeUniversityLibraryGenizahSeries 7. Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress, 1997. vii, 87 pp., 16 plates. Zakhor.:Rivista di storia degli ebrei d'Italia 1 (1997): Mercanti e bancheri ebrei.

‫ ראש קהל‬,‫מנהיג שנוי במחלוקת עלי בן עמרם‬:‫״החבר המעולה״ או ״הבוגד המעולה״‬ ‫הירושלמיים בפסטאט במחצית השנייה של המאה האחת־עשרה‬ Author(s): ‫אלינוער ברקת‬ Source: AJS Review, Vol. 23, No. 2 (1998), pp. 1-27 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486941 . Accessed: 15/07/2011 10:50 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

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