Secondary Education at the Crossroads: International Perspectives Relevant to the Asia-Pacific Region (Education in the Asia-Pacific Region: Issues, Concerns and Prospects)

SECONDARY EDUCATION AT THE CROSSROADS

EDUCATION IN THE ASIA-PACIFIC REGION: ISSUES, CONCERNS AND PROSPECTS Volume 9 Series Editors-in-Chief: Dr. Rupert Maclean, UNESCO-UNEVOC International Centre for Education, Bonn; and Ryo Watanabe, National Institute for Educational Policy Research (NIER) of Japan, Tokyo

Editorial Board Dr. Robyn Baker, New Zealand Council for Educational Research, Wellington, New Zealand Dr. Boediono, National Office for Research and Development, Ministry of National Education, Indonesia Professor Yin Cheong Cheng, The Hong Kong Institute of Education, China Dr. Wendy Duncan, Asian Development Bank, Manila, Philippines Professor John Keeves, Flinders University of South Australia, Adelaide, Australia Dr. Zhou Mansheng, National Centre for Educational Development Research, Ministry of Education, Beijing, China Professor Colin Power, Graduate School of Education, University of Queensland, Brisbane, Australia Professor J. S. Rajput, National Council of Educational Research and Training, New Delhi, India Professor Konai Helu Thaman, University of the South Pacific, Suva, Fiji

Advisory Board Dr Mark Bray, International Institute for Educational Planning, Paris; Dr Agnes Chang, National Institute of Education, Singapore; Dr Nguyen Huu Chau, National Institute for Educational Sciences, Vietnam; Professor John Fien, RMIT University, Melbourne, Australia; Professor Leticia Ho, University of the Philippines, Manila, Philippines; Dr Inoira Lilamaniu Ginige, National Institute of Education, Sri Lanka; Professor Phillip Hughes, ANU Centre for UNESCO, Canberra, Australia; Dr Inayatullah, Pakistan Association for Continuing and Adult Education, Karachi, Pakistan; Dr Rung Kaewdang, Office of the National Education Commission, Bangkok, Thailand; Dr Chong-Jae Lee, Korean Educational Development Institute, Seoul, Korea; Dr Molly Lee, UNESCO Bangkok, Thailand; Naing Yee Mar, Glocorp, The Netherlands; Mausooma Jaleel, Maldives College of Higher Education, Male, Maldives; Professor Geoff Masters, Australian Council for Educational Research, Melbourne, Australia; Dr Victor Ordonez, Senior Education Fellow, East-West Center, University of Hawaii, Honolulu, USA; Dr Khamphay Sisavanh, National Research Institute of Educational Sciences, Ministry of Education, Lao PDR; Dr Max Walsh, Secondary Education Project, Manila, Philippines.

Secondary Education at the Crossroads International Perspectives Relevant to the Asia-Pacific Region

Edited by

PHILLIP HUGHES Australian National University, Canberra, Australia

A C.I.P. Catalogue record for this book is available from the Library of Congress.

ISBN-10 1-4020-4667-7 (HB) ISBN-13 978-1-4020-4667-4 (HB) ISBN-10 1-4020-4668-5 (ebook) ISBN-13 978-1-4020-4668-1 (ebook)

Published by Springer, P.O. Box 17, 3300 AA Dordrecht, The Netherlands. www.springer.com

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All Rights Reserved © 2006 Springer No part of this work may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, microfilming, recordingor otherwise, without written permission from the Publisher, with the exceptionof any material supplied specifically for the purpose of being entered and executed on a computer system, for exclusive use by the purchaser of the work.

SERIES SCOPE The purpose of this Series is to meet the needs of those interested in an in-depth analysis of current developments in education and schooling in the vast and diverse Asia-Pacific Region. The Series will be invaluable for educational researchers, policy makers and practitioners, who want to better understand the major issues, concerns and prospects regarding educational developments in the Asia-Pacific region. The Series complements the Handbook of Educational Research in the Asia-Pacific Region, with the elaboration of specific topics, themes and case studies in greater breadth and depth than is possible in the Handbook. Topics to be covered in the Series include: secondary education reform; reorientation of primary education to achieve education for all; re-engineering education for change; the arts in education; evaluation and assessment; the moral curriculum and values education; technical and vocational education for the world of work; teachers and teaching in society; organisation and management of education; education in rural and remote areas; and, education of the disadvantaged. Although specifically focusing on major educational innovations for development in the Asia-Pacific region, the Series is directed at an international audience. The Series Education in the Asia-Pacific Region: Issues, Concerns and Prospects, and the Handbook of Educational Research in the Asia-Pacific Region, are both publications of the Asia-Pacific Educational Research Association. Those interested in obtaining more information about the Monograph Series, or who wish to explore the possibility of contributing a manuscript, should (in the first instance) contact the publishers. Books published to date in the series: 1. Young People and the Environment: An Asia-Pacific Perspective Editors: John Fien, David Yenken and Helen Sykes 2. Asian Migrants and Education: The Tensions of Education in Immigrant Societies and among Migrant Groups Editors: Michael W. Charney, Brenda S.A. Yeoh and Tong Chee Kiong 3. Reform of Teacher Education in the Asia-Pacific in the New Millennium: Trends and Challenges Editors: Yin C. Cheng, King W. Chow and Magdalena M. Mok 4. Rasch Measurement: A Book of Exemplars Papers in Honour of John P. Keeves Editors: Sivakumar Alagumalai, David D. Curtis, Njora Hungi

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SERIES SCOPE 5. Reforming Learning: Issues, Concepts and Practices in the Asian-Pacific Region Editors: Chi-Hung Ng and Peter Renshaw, in press 6. New Paradigm for Re-engineering Education: Globalization, Localization and Individualization Yin Cheong Cheng 7. Towards a Global Community: Educating for Tomorrow’s World Editors: Jack Campbell, Nick Baikaloff and Colin Power 8. Educational Decentralization: Asian Experiences and Conceptual Contributions Christopher Bjork

CONTENTS

List of Figures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ix Introduction by the Series Editors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xi Chapter 1. What Can We Learn from Educational Reform? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Phillip Hughes Chapter 2. International Baccalaureate Programmes and Educational Reform . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 Ian Hill Chapter 3.

Education Reforms in England and Wales . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69 Denis Lawton

Chapter 4.

A Global Endeavour: Education for All . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97 Malcolm Skilbeck

Chapter 5.

What We’ve Learned in the Small School Movement. . . . . . . . . . . 145 Deborah W. Meier

Chapter 6. A Journey into High School Reform: Re-inventing Senior Year in the United States . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149 Nancy Faust Sizer Chapter 7.

Education Reform in Europe . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 169 Joanna Le Metais

Chapter 8. Improving the Effectiveness, Efficiency and Equity of Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 223 Barry McGaw Chapter 9. Lessons to be Learned from World-wide Education Reform . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 245 Phillip Hughes Author Biographies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 263 Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 269

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LIST OF FIGURES

2.1. 2.2. 2.3. 7.1. 7.2.

The Diploma Programme Hexagon The Middle Years Programme Octagon The Primary Years Programme Structure of education Start and duration of compulsory first foreign language learning 1974, 1984, 1994, 2003 7.3. Percentage distribution of students according to number of languages studied, general secondary education (ISCED 2 and ISCED 3) 2001/02 8.1. Mean performances of OECD countries on PISA 2003 mathematics test 8.2. Student performance by expenditure per student 8.3. Sources of variance in PISA 2003 mathematics performances 8.4. Regressions of reading literacy on social background 8.5. Relationship between mean PISA 2000 reading and influence of social background 8.6. Relationship between mean PISA 2003 mathematics and influence of social background 8.7. Overall, within and between-school regression of PISA 2003 mathematics on social background—Japan 8.8. Overall, within and between-school regression of PISA 2003 mathematics on social background—Canada 8.9. Relationship between school stratification and system equity

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17 20 22 171 216

216 224 225 226 230 231 232 233 233 236

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INTRODUCTION BY THE SERIES EDITORS As part of the world-wide movement to achieve education for all (EFA), developing countries have been stressing the universalisation of primary education, through both formal and non-formal means. At the same time most countries have also continued action to strengthen and upgrading their systems of higher education. Unfortunately, in many countries secondary education has not attracted the same level of attention, so that it has become the weakest link in the education chain. Primary education has expanded significantly in many developing countries since the 1950 s, which has resulted in a significant increase in gross enrolment in secondary education. However, although access to secondary education has expanded, its overall quality has often been in decline as resources have been stretched thin and systems have become inefficient. There is widespread agreement as to the need for a fundamental re-thinking of the role and place of secondary education as part of the re-engineering of education systems, since most countries recognise the priority of secondary education, not only as an indispensable link in the whole education system but also as an area of particular importance to youth. The matter of the education of adolescents is one which is of considerable concern to developed and developing countries alike. For instance, the OECD puts the proportion of 16 to 19 year olds not attending school and not employed at 19% in the United Kingdom, 14% in Italy and 13% in Spain. The situation is believed to be considerably worse in developing countries, although there is a paucity of reliable statistical evidence to accurately quantify the extent of the problem in these countries. Major regional and international conference have repeatedly stressed the urgent need to upgrade, diversity and expand education at the secondary level in order to respond to the consequences of the expansion of basic education and to challenges posed by rapid changes in society and the world of work. In addition to these quantitative concerns about there being inadequate access to a high quality secondary education for all, there are also important qualitative considerations that need to be addressed. For instance, many countries have mainly viewed secondary education as not being for all, but for a relatively small proportion of students who have plans to go onto higher education. As a result, in many countries the emphasis in secondary education has been upon the provision of an academic education, in preparation for entrance to universities. However, there is increasing evidence that secondary education should be viewed as having a value in its own right, not just for university entrance, and so there is, for example, a move to achieve the increasing vocationalization of secondary education. This timely book deals with a number of key issues and concerns that are emerging regarding the renewal and diversification of secondary education and the education of youth, which many countries are now seeking to address. These include: the matter xi

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of secondary education for all; expanding access; reducing drop-out and repeater rates; approaches to achieving equity; quality assurance; the central importance of good teachers; utilizing most effective modalities for delivery; effectively harnessing existing and new ICTs; and, financial considerations. A matter of special concern relates to improving the relevance and effectiveness of the content of secondary education. Many believe there is a need to improve the relevance of the content of secondary education with regard to curriculum and teaching methods to accommodate the changing needs of society, individuals and groups to meet the challenges of the twenty-first century. The curriculum should be enriched and brought up to date so as to reflect the increasing globalisation of phenomena, the need for intercultural understanding and the use of science to foster sustainable human development. This book seeks to provide guidance for countries in the Asia-Pacific region concerning how best to strengthen and upgrade, and even re-engineer their systems of secondary education, based up lessons learned and best practices adopted by countries in other parts of the world. Rupert Maclean, Director of the UNESCO-UNEVOC International Centre, Bonn, Germany and Ryo Watanabe, Director, Department for International Research and Cooperation, National Institute for Educational Policy Research (NIER) of Tokyo, Japan

PHILLIP HUGHES

WHAT CAN WE LEARN FROM EDUCATIONAL REFORM?

This book is a complementary volume to Vocalisation of Secondary Education Revisited, (Lauglo MacLean, 2005). That book looks particularly at the progressive interaction between Secondary and Vocational Education. This book is of particular relevance to the Asia-Pacific Region and also to Africa since it is in these regions where the major reforms in education are occurring simultaneously with major population growth. There is therefore an opportunity to avoid the situation which exists in the developed countries where inequalities have become an established part of their societies. In Asia and in the Pacific countries it is urgent to consider now the issues of educational reform, which appear in one form or another in all countries, and to assess the nature of lessons from reform from which they can learn. 1.

EDUCATION REFORM AS A RESPONSE TO CHANGE 1.1.

Curriculum and Community as Central Concerns

Change in key aspects of living is a central concern for every country and its pace and variety affects almost every aspect of living. Developing the economy; building and maintaining peace and security; preserving the environment; easing ethnic and religious tensions; using and adjusting to the growth of technology: these are some of the common concerns. Those concerns have been made more complex for individual societies because they have occurred in a time of continuing global disruption. The period since 1945, when people hoped the last war had been fought, has been one of unending conflict. Since that time more than 150 conflicts have erupted throughout the five continents, resulting in more than 20 million deaths and 60 million casualties, of whom over 80% were civilians. There are now more than 20 million refugees and another 30 million displaced persons. Natural disasters such as earthquakes, floods and cyclones have added their disruptive impact, aided by man-made disasters such as floods and desertification brought about by abuse of our natural resources. In facing such a catalogue of problems the role of education may not appear as crucial, given such immediate short-term needs as security and food. Yet the nations facing these urgent issues have identified education as a key means of resolving or of coping with them. Their resolve has been translated into policies by the United Nations, particularly through its own organizations such as the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation, UNESCO, and related bodies such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, IMF. In the efforts of the individual countries and the policies of the international organizations to cope with urgent issues education plays an important role. Yet, even as its 1 C. Hughes (ed.), Secondary Education at the Crossroads, 1–14. © 2006 Springer.

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role is recognised in preparing people to face urgent changes, its shortcomings are also very apparent, both in what education can achieve for those who attend and who make good use of their opportunities and for its failure to reach large groups of people. Given the challenges from these varied sources most countries are working to reform their education systems as a means of adjusting to changes and helping their people to do so. Central to this book is the examination of the movements occurring in these reforms in many parts of the world. The book will give particular attention to curriculum reform. Education reform is a wide topic but one special emphasis here is that at the heart of all such processes is the reform of the curriculum, the process whereby intentions are translated into reality. It is central to this area of curriculum that the values behind change are made explicit. There are many aspects of reform in education: organization and administration; teacher education and supply; finance; school buildings and facilities; the place of technology; school-size and class-size; the list can expand indefinitely. Given all this range of areas of concern it is in the curriculum that the purposes of reform are most strongly featured, whether explicit or implicit. The sense in which the term curriculum is used here includes the plan for the teaching program, its stated and its implicit values, its content, its pedagogy, its processes for assessment of students and its means of evaluation and further development. The curriculum is the statement of intent, the proclamation of purpose, together with the means of achievement. The other aspects of reform are essentially means towards achievement of curriculum reform. This emphasis in reform on the curriculum arises because it provides the most direct area in which education can respond to change. The field of our concern is world-wide and thus this book includes the contributions of educators who have been involved in education in every continent and whose ideas have been formed from experience. 1.2.

The Community as a Major Influence

The curriculum, however, does not occur in a vacuum but in distinct and powerful social settings. Thus, in dealing with curriculum attention must also be directed towards the community in which schools operate. A further major theme for this book is the interaction between the school and its supporting community, an interaction which ensures that joint attention must be given to these two aspects. Community, not curriculum, is where many of our improvement efforts now need to be focused. One of the most common causes of secondary school dropout is pupils’ feelings that there is not one adult who really knows or cares for them (Hargreaves, Earl, & Ryan, 1996). England is trying to solve a massive block in performance as children move from primary school to secondary school, by making improvements to the curriculum (DfES, 2001). But the curriculum is not the main problem. Kathryn Riley and her colleagues’ research shows that pupils who do badly in the early years of secondary school experience incredible fragmentation in their lives—between different parents and families, and

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constantly changing homes (Riley & Rustique-Forrester, in press). They are denied what is called social capital (Fukuyama, 2000; Coleman, 1988). Hargreaves, 2005. The concept of community impacts on the school in two separate senses. One is the concept of the school itself as a community, an idea explored by both Nancy Sizer and Deborah Meier in Chapters 5 and 6 respectively. The other is the realisation from much recent research that the broader community is important to the nature of the school and to the power of the school to effect change. This will be dealt with in later chapters and particularly in the final chapter with reference to the work of Robert Putnam (Putnam, 2000). The search for a sense of community is in contrast to and sometimes in conflict with the general move to globalisation. This search is sometimes based on religion as with the Arabic world or Ireland, sometimes on ethnic identity, as in Rwanda and Kosovo, sometimes on a reaction to global influences as in the protests on free trade, sometimes in reaction to impersonal urbanization. The wish for a group identity, for a sense of belonging, grows more powerful, and sometimes more violent, as the pressures on individuals grow for global uniformity. This search for group identity provides a pressure towards local uniqueness in education reform which is in contrast to the other universal factors identified. This search for community can be positive or negative. If we build communities which are based on hostility to others we increase the risk of hostility and violence to ourselves. As Hargreaves points out, the concept of community is particularly important in the early secondary years. The educational answer to the angst of early adolescence is mainly to be found not in more curriculum, but in stronger community. Especially at this point in young people’s education, improving achievement, especially among those most at risk, is not secured by concentrating on achievement alone. At a time when adolescents are assailed by so many other influences in their life, focusing their minds exclusively on achievement is futile. Achieving at learning also demands intellectual and emotional engagement with schooling and all the relationships it contains. Our secondary schools are undermining our capacity to hold the knowledge society together—and the excessive and exclusive emphasis on achievement alone is largely responsible. Hargreaves, 2005. This concept is explored in many ways in this book. Malcolm Skilbeck deals with the large-scale aspects of reform, particularly through major bodies such as UNESCO whose work covers all five continents. Ian Hill emphasises a wide dimension, also, through the International Baccalaureate Organisation (IBO) which works deliberately on the development of community as an important task for schools. IBO involves over 1300 schools in more than 100 countries in an agreed program, including curriculum and assessment development, teacher training and other services. The

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purposes include not only intellectual rigour and high academic standards but also strong emphasis on international understanding and responsible citizenship. Nancy Sizer and Deborah Meier speak of a particular setting, the USA, and focus on the aspect of reform in individual schools. Denis Lawton is concerned also with a particular setting in the United Kingdom and its long battle to establish a national curriculum. Joanna Le Metais returns to a wide canvas in her treatment of education reform in Europe. Barry McGaw deals with the contributions to be made to policy development in education by the use of recent programs for student assessment which apply internationally. 1.3.

The Pressures of Change

One major concern about preparing for change is the feeling that we do not know where it will lead us, that its many forms are still taking shape and are building quite new realities. The Czech President and playwright Vaclav Havel expressed this feeling. Today, many things suggest we are going through a transitional period when it seems that something is on the way out and something else is painfully being born. It is as if something were crumbling, decaying and exhausting itself, while something else, still indistinct, were arising from the rubble. Havel, 1994. This feeling of uncertainty is strong but our societies do not have the luxury of waiting for certainty. The people who face these changing realities can not defer their present or the need to prepare for their future. In addition to unpredictability, other noticeable factors about the changes which preoccupy many countries are their breadth of occurrence and their rapidity. Most obvious among the changes are the technological and socio-political advances which have altered the world in an unprecedented way in the past 50 years. No individual country and so far no combination of countries can control those changes. The unpredictability of social and political changes has sometimes been very dramatic. Even more unpredictable are the technological changes, many of which are unforeseen even by the specialists in the field. This unpredictability means that many responses can only be made after the event. Education, by its very nature, must prepare its clients to cope with current realities but it must also be able to deal with unforeseen changes to those realities. Striking as is the impact of these individual changes, schools are increasingly expected to prepare students to deal with them even though they includes such a wide range: our vocations, our role as citizens of a country and, increasingly citizens of the world, our growth as individuals when we are required to make decisions in so many different areas. Gene Carter, reporting to the American Society for Curriculum Development, pointed out the growing consensus on the need for change. “We are at a critical juncture in education. Our youth are growing up in a world where globalization, technological innovation, economic

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competition, racial and ethnic diversification, and political change are transforming societies and creating vast challenges and opportunities. To meet these challenges, today’s students need an education that will help them succeed in a rapidly changing world. Recent polls indicate that more and more U.S. citizens want their children to be well versed in civic responsibility as well as in academics. The national media echo the public’s concern with student achievement, character building, and school safety. By engaging in meaningful community-based work, students can strengthen their academic skills, build their confidence, prepare themselves for the workforce, and forge a commitment to civic participation.” Carter, 2002. Given this breadth of demands on schools, to what extent is it reasonable to think of reform as a common process, similar in a range of countries? All countries have their own unique characteristics. Some reforms would be expected to reflect that uniqueness, being idiosyncratic to the particular setting. Other reforms will be responses to factors which are universal in nature, even though the nature of the responses may differ according to the setting. The concern of this book is to determine to what extent both aspects of reform provide lessons for those who are open to learn from the experiences of others. The study by Rupert Maclean, Setting the Context: An Overview of Secondary Education Reform with Particular Reference to the Asia-Pacific Region shows clearly that these very diverse countries, spread over a vast region, demonstrate the impact of a core of common factors in addition to their specific needs (Lauglo and Maclean, 2005). It is to these commonalities that our attention will be directed. 2.

REFORM AS AN IDIOSYNCRATIC EVENT

Reform is occurring everywhere because the factors mentioned above affect all societies. Yet, at the most obvious level, many reforms are idiosyncratic, tailored to the needs of individual countries. Uniqueness seems to predominate. ● In Oman the primary schools are introducing co-education as from Grade 4. This may not seem like a startling innovation except that it occurs in a Muslim society where male and female students have traditionally been educated separately. Neighbouring Arab countries have expressed their concern at the move. ● China with its vast population of over 1 billion has succeeded in the massive task of introducing universal primary education, UPE, for the first 6 years of schooling. It is now moving to implement 9 years of compulsory education, bringing a massive increase of 33 millions of students and an additional 1
million teachers into the schools. ● In England, as the chapter by Denis Lawton indicates, the education system is reconsidering the long-established pattern for the last years of secondary education, moving from the specialisation which has been a feature of English education,

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PHILLIP HUGHES possibly to a four-year diploma which is more comprehensive. During 2005 English schools have also been considering radical changes to the way that science is organised and presented in the senior secondary years. In Africa Ian Hill points out the problems set for education both by the shortage of teachers and the lack of proper training in many instances. In some instances teachers are not paid for several months at a time and have no alternative but to take time off from teaching to undertake jobs elsewhere; the children either go home or remain in the school yard for those lessons for which there is no teacher. AIDS has also caused heavy loss of life, including within the teaching profession, in a number of African countries. A UNICEF program in Liberia indicates the problems met as countries try to recover from the losses and bitter divisions caused by civil war. Since the launch of UNICEF’s Back to School program in November 2004, 600,000 students have returned to school, 591,000 pupils in eight counties of Liberia have benefited from educational supplies and 8,000 teachers have been re-trained. UNICEF is now supplying exercise books, reading material, mathematics equipment and pencils. However, resources remain in desperately short supply, with the education system virtually destroyed by 14 years of civil war. Liberia is one of the few countries in Africa where parents are more likely to know how to read and write than their children. Schools lack benches, chairs, chalk and blackboards, and teachers frequently work without pay (UN IRIN, 2004). In the countries of Eastern Europe, fifteen of which have recently been admitted to the European Union, the collapse of communism has left an ideological vacuum and preparation for living in a democracy takes on new meaning. The schools which had a highly prescriptive and politically controlled curriculum are now seeking new methods to match their new purposes. Saudi Arabia is seeking to implement universal primary and secondary education, recognising that the wealth from oil is not everlasting. They recognise the impact of science and technology and that these areas must play a major role in the curriculum but have to reconcile this need with their strong intent to emphasise the features of an Islamic culture which currently takes up to 55% of the curriculum. In countries as separate as Kosovo and Ruanda, people who recently were on opposing sides in a conflict, often intent on killing one another, have to find ways of learning together and living together. In Australia, the Business Council of Australia has expressed concern that up to 35,000 students leave education every year without completing any qualification. This group is massively disadvantaged in finding employment. They lose opportunities themselves and become a substantial cost to the community (BCA, 2003). In Cambodia, recovering from massive social disruptions and bitter internal violence, and endeavouring to achieve Education for All, one of the major projects under way is to improve the quality of the public examination system. Weaknesses in the administration and management of the examinations have brought them into disrepute so that the results are no longer trusted. The project seeks to establish publicly accountable methods of examining and administration (Va Vuthy, 2005).

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In Japan, a concern for the social and moral behaviour of young people has caused a new emphasis on moral education that aims to impart values which will contribute to social harmony. An emphasis on increased individualism has been only too successful in the judgement of many Japanese (NIER, 1999). ● The South and East Asia Regions, with their 22 countries, are in the midst of a major effort to increase school attendance. This has succeeded to such an extent that more children than ever before are in school but there are still more than 46 million children outside school with large numbers dropping out before the completion of the primary phase (UNESCO, 2004a). All these places are involved in developing new approaches in their education systems. They are responding to the needs experienced in their own environment. Yet they are also responding to factors which are common to all. Their responses may be unique to their settings but many of them are to factors which all countries experience. To what extent can we learn from their successes (and their failures), even though they occur in specific settings? The international agencies, with their commitment to assist reform processes everywhere clearly have lessons to learn. So, too, does each individual setting engaged in reform. All need to look carefully at the differing solutions which are used and at the results of their use. There are enough difficult problems for us to resolve in education reform without repeating the errors of others or failing to take note of their successes. ●

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REFORM AS A RESPONSE TO COMMON FACTORS

While unique and local factors are often the trigger for reform, increasingly it is to common factors that we must all respond. The nature of those factors determines to a considerable degree the ways for responses. The following chapters identify many common factors, including the importance of knowledge as a key resource in the modern world; globalization and its converse, the search for community. A further powerful common factor is the commitment of all nations, confirmed by the UN Millennium Goals and UNESCO as outlined by Malcolm Skilbeck, to provide an effective basic education to every person. This goal is an expression of the value of every individual but its achievement has still to be effective in any society, including the most advanced. The final chapter summarises the common issues for reform. The moves towards reform must be viewed in the context of the fundamental changes brought about by technological advances and the consequent impact on the nature of work, the ecology and the building of peace and security. Technology and communication are only just beginning to make the mark on education appropriate to their power. Schools have been slow in using the major resources now available. In the past 50 years we have moved from a handful of computers, world-wide, to a stage where there are millions of computers with much greater power and widely available for individual access. This growth opens up links across continents and seas enabling information to pass and interactions to occur between formerly inaccessible points. Our location no longer limits our influence or our sources of information. Now an

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increasing pattern of usage of technology in schools is beginning to make major contributions. Schools are also still adjusting to changes in the nature of work. 150 years ago industrialisation brought mass production. Our ongoing information revolution has changed production to a skilled process, requiring not only knowledge but the capacity to continue to learn. Areas such as vocational education are changing to meet these new possibilities but the field of general education is still to make appropriate adjustments. At the secondary level in particular current adjustments are slow and inadequate since the growing phenomenon of universal secondary education has brought challenges that remain unanswered. The environment is a further common issue for reform to take into account. The massive scale of development and the correspondingly heavy use of resources endangers the health of our planet. None of the countries can separate themselves from others. What happens in the rain forests of one country or the industrial processes of another increasingly affects the climate in others. A similar effect from globalisation applies to the issues of peace and security. The interactive and interdependent world society and the nature of weapons of mass destruction make it necessary to develop harmonious patterns of living together, within countries and between them. This is true at the national level. It is equally true at the personal level. The development of the power to make good choices is important in many spheres: to develop as a person, to be healthy, to be a constructive citizen, to be creative and innovative, to make spiritual choices. The Report of the International Commission on Education for the 21st century emphasised these aspects in its definition of the “four pillars” on which education should be built: Learning to know, Learning to do, Learning to live together, and, Learning to be. “Education throughout life is based on four pillars: learning to know, learning to do, learning to live together and learning to be.” Delors, 1996, p. 96. Learning to Know is a restatement of the aim adopted earlier, of “basic education for all”, a “passport to lifelong education”, as the report describes it. Essentially it is a generalisation of the concept of literacy. Just as literacy is the key to language, so there is a literacy for productive living, a way of access to employment, and equally to better health, to more informed decisions, to further personal development, and, crucially, to continued learning. Learning to know lays the foundations for choices for living. The second is Learning to Do, an essential complement to learning to know. This is the competence which comes from applying knowledge in a variety of situations, expected and unexpected. It includes the capacity to work effectively with others, teamwork. This implies the need to learn in a variety of settings, in work and in the community. These two pillars embrace much of what we hold to be a traditional education, adding perhaps an additional practical emphasis. Stopping there would be understandable, for with these demands we already have a tough agenda, one which no country is currently meeting for all its young people. But, the report adds two others.

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The third pillar is Learning to Live Together. Not difficult to understand, living in understanding and harmony, resolving conflicts peacefully. Is this an unreal hope? “Utopia—but—a necessary Utopia, indeed a vital one if we are to escape from a dangerous cycle sustained by cynicism, or by resignation.” Delors, 1996. It is hard to disagree. Indeed success in the other two pillars only adds to the importance of the third. As Schumacher said: “At the moment there can be little doubt that the whole of mankind is in mortal danger, not because we are short of scientific and technological know-how, but because we tend to use it destructively, without wisdom.” Schumacher, 1974. The fourth pillar, Learning to Be, is equally a mixture of idealism and practicality. In one sense this is the essence of the Delors Report for UNESCO, the “treasure within”, that buried treasure which consists of the undeveloped talents in every person. The report describes the richness of human personality, memory, reasoning, imagination, physical ability, the aesthetic sense, the moral and spiritual senses. It emphasises again the importance of considering the whole person in education, not only the worker or consumer. 4.

REFORM AS AN INTERNATIONAL CONCERN

As mentioned earlier, it has become an article of faith that education can be a major weapon in the fight to free the world of poverty, violence, hunger and discrimination. For these reasons, governments have made it a major priority to increase participation in education. A significant influence was the UN’s Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948 in which education is included as a basic human right. This has been a major basis for UNESCO in its education programs particularly Education for All, EFA, which has been in operation for over 50 years and the organization is still actively seeking the achievement of that goal. The chapter by Malcolm Skilbeck describes the most recent occasion at Dakar where the international organizations came together in 2000 to set a new date of 2015 for that achievement (Dakar 1, 2000). Universal primary education, UPE, as the foundation for participation in society did not become a common goal until the beginning of the 20th century when it had been achieved in only a few countries. By the mid-point of the century UPE became an international as well as a national goal. International bodies such as UNESCO, the United Nations International Childrens’ Education Fund, UNICEF, and the United Nations Development Project, UNDP, took this aim as central to their charters. At Jomtien in 1990 the recognition of the remoteness of that target brought a new commitment from the 200 nations and the international bodies for achievement of the EFA goal by 2000. The countries meeting at Dakar identified issues which would need to be addressed if the target of EFA by 2015 is to be met: access and equity; quality,

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relevance and effectiveness; sharing responsibility; mobilising resources; movement towards a new knowledge base. Given the problems to be overcome within the time period, it will be a massive task to achieve real progress, even with the will to succeed. They are not just issues for developing countries. All countries face the same issues to a greater or lesser extent and we can all learn from these experiences. However, it is the less developed countries which have the most difficult task. Almost all the world population growth is in those countries and the proportion of school aged children in those countries is high. Malcolm Skilbeck outlines the Framework for Action decided at Dakar in his chapter (Dakar 2, 2000). Also in a paper presented at Dakar, Malcolm Skilbeck identified five issues which have to be faced and resolved in moving ahead. ● ● ● ● ●

Access and equity. Quality, relevance and effectiveness. Sharing responsibility. Mobilising resources. Towards a new knowledge base. Skilbeck, 2000.

There is a growing acknowledgment by international bodies that education is an essential element for the achievement of their aims, even where education was not one of the initial priorities. One index of the growing importance of education internationally is in the changes to the Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development, OECD. As the name indicates the original concern of OECD was entirely to coordinate economic development in the partner states, originally Western Europe, the United States, Canada and Australia. In the early period the organization noted the importance of preparation for work in developing the economy and set up a small section to deal with vocational education. It soon became apparent that primary, secondary and higher education were also key elements in development and OECD gradually extended its work in these areas. It was not until 2001, however, that OECD established a full division on education. The chapter by Barry McGaw, first Director of the Education Division of OECD, deals with the work that OECD is directing in the use of international student assessment data by international bodies and individual countries to establish ”evidencebased policy in education” as a means of avoiding the many failures of innovation in education. The chapter outlines the types of decisions which may be influenced in this manner. OECD is just one of the organizations to amend its priorities in this way seeing its relevance not just to economic development but to a wide range of social and political concerns. The World Bank, the Asian Development Bank, the International Monetary Fund, UNICEF and the European Union are just some of the bodies which play an international role in education and particularly in reform. UNESCO organised a series of meetings, commencing in 1998, to seek to develop a common set of goals for reform for these bodies, each of which has major programs affecting education in developing countries (UNESCO, 2004b).

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COMMON EMPHASES OF REFORM

In spite of many differences in the patterns of reform between countries there are common emphases which are relevant to all. It is a major argument of this book that these aspects must be taken into account in all reforms. These will be dealt with in the final chapter, as well as through the contributions in the intermediate chapters. They include: the need for and the commitment to a universal basic education; the diminution in the power of national boundaries; the changed role of knowledge; the key roles of assessment and evaluation; the necessity of values formation; the powerful interaction of the roles of teachers and parents/carers; and the significant interaction between the school and the community. 6.

REFORM AS A PROCESS FROM WHICH WE CAN LEARN 6.1.

Case Studies of Reform

This book considers case studies of reform in various individual countries and through international bodies such as the International Baccalaureate Organisation, IBO, UNESCO and OECD. In the case of individual countries the emphasis is to provide information on relevant innovations, with their reasons for success and failure. Given that we can rarely take a pattern directly from one setting to another, we can still learn greatly from detailed studies of what is happening and how and why the results emerge as they do in the particular circumstances. Often accounts of reform deal exclusively with their perceived successes. These are helpful but equally useful are the accounts of failures, especially where they are analysed with care and in sufficient detail to give some ideas as to the causes of failure. IBO is a unique organization in that it has carefully devised programmes and these operate in schools in a variety of countries and thus the accounts of the results in the chapter by Ian Hill are of particular interest, dealing as they do with both success and failure. 6.2.

Information from International Sources

As emphasised by Barry McGaw in his chapter the contribution to the understanding of reform from OECD is of a different kind. OECD does not operate schools or systems or even develop educational programmes but provides quantitative data to countries and systems to assist in the formation of education policy. OECD produces information from international assessments such as the Program for International Student Achievement, PISA, which gives data on mathematical, scientific and reading literacy to provide evidence for countries to make their own assessments on progress. Education policy can be influenced by a variety of factors and it is very important that those factors are balanced by soundly based evidence. UNESCO, with its world-wide contacts is in a unique position to supply information and provide opportunities for connections and visits between centres with mutual interests. The chapter by Malcolm Skilbeck shows the magnitude of the efforts through UNESCO. From the reports made to UNESCO a variety of examples can be

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drawn such as in Eastern Europe and also in Asia, where there is already a reservoir of experience which can be drawn upon. Countries such as China, Singapore, Malaysia, Thailand and the Special Administrative Region of Hong Kong all offer examples whose study is illuminating. There is much discussion as to which factors are universal in application and which are culturally bound. Without genuine exchange, such views are untested and of limited value. The number and variety of international agencies which are involved in education reform in different countries has already been mentioned, emphasising that many of them have met to attempt to ensure that their efforts are at least compatible and, hopefully, mutually reinforcing. The need for such cooperation is only emphasised by the additional number of individual countries which have agencies involved in aid programs in developing countries: the US Agency for International Development, USAID, the British Council, the Canada Council, the Australian Agency for International Development, AusAID and Norwegian Aid, NORAID, are examples of the national bodies involved in this effort. 6.3.

Research on Reform

A third source of information and possible approaches is in the research relevant to the process of reform. Such sources include bodies such as, the UNESCO AsiaPacific Centre of Educational Innovation for Development, ACEID, a network of 200 major institutions in 60 countries throughout the Asia-Pacific region and one which can harness substantial resources. In this task UNESCO also works in co-operation with major international bodies which have parallel interests and have built up their own knowledge and networks. These include the World Bank, UNICEF, UNDP and OECD (UNESCO, 2004b). Taken together, even in terms only of what already exists, these constitute an enormous resource. Given what continued effort can provide and the power of information technology to make interconnections, this resource can be even further enhanced. Research and the exchange of information on experiences has never been more important. There are many patterns of change being adopted in the search for reform. These include such concepts as: ● decentralisation of decision-making; ● community participation in the operation and/or policy of schools; ● re-engineering, that is, reconsidering the whole process of schooling; ● the implications of different organisational patterns; ● the learning characteristics of groups of different sizes and compositions; ● implications of school size; ● the effects of different patterns of school-community interaction; ● the evaluation-curriculum interaction; ● school quality. These and other patterns for school improvement have persuasive arguments to back them but they lack a strong research validation. It is essential in the reform of secondary education to broaden the emphasis on increasing enrolments to offset the pressures from primary schools at one end and those unable to obtain employment at the other end. The need is to ensure the qualitative value of the reformed secondary education.

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REFERENCES BCA (2003). Business Council of Australia. The Cost of Dropping out. Sydney. Carter, Gene R. (2002). Is it Good for the Kids? Infobrief, Student Engagement: Motivating Students to Learn. Education News, ASCD, 18 March, 2002. Dakar 1 (2000). World Education Forum, Final Report. UNESCO: Paris. Dakar 2 (2000). The Dakar Framework for Action. UNESCO: Paris. Dakar 3 (2000). Statistical Document. UNESCO: Paris. Delors, Jacques (1996). The Treasure Within. Report of the International Commission on Education for the Twenty-First Century. UNESCO: Paris. DfEE (2001). News Centre Release. 26 January, 2001. Department for Education and Employment. Hargreaves, A (2005). Teaching in the Knowledge Society. Buckingham: Open University Press and New York: Teachers College Press. Havel, Vaclav. (1994). Post-Modernism: The Search for Universal Laws. Liberty Medal Speech, Philadelphia. Lauglo and MacLean (2005). Vocationalisation of Secondary Education Revisited Springer: Dordrecht. NIER (1991). Education for Humanistic, Ethical/Moral and Cultural Values, NIER: Tokyo. NIER (1999). Education for Humanistic, Ethical/Moral and Cultural Values, National Institute for Educational Research Newsletter, September, 1999. Tokyo. Putnam (2000). Bowling Alone. Simon & Schuster: New York. Schumacher, E (1974). Small is Beautiful. Sphere Books: London. Skilbeck, M (2000). Main Results of the Global EFA assessment. Paper presented at Dakar, UNESCO: Paris. UN IRIN (2004). UN Integrated Regional Information Network, June, 2004. UN: New York UNESCO (2004a). Education for all by 2015. http://portal.unesco.org/education/ev.php. UNESCO, (2004b). Interagency Consultative Group on Secondary Education Reform and Youth Affairs. Final report. UNESCO: Paris. Va Vuthy (2005). The Reform of Education in Cambodia. Unpublished thesis. Wer (2000). World education report, 2000. The Right to Education: Towards Education for all Throughout Life. UNESCO: Paris.

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IAN HILL

INTERNATIONAL BACCALAUREATE PROGRAMMES AND EDUCATIONAL REFORM

1.

THE INTERNATIONAL BACCALAUREATE ORGANIZATION AND ITS PROGRAMMES

The International Baccalaureate Organization (IBO), a non-profit educational foundation established in Geneva in 1968, is not well known as a catalyst for educational reform. Rather, its diploma programme has the reputation of a highly academic course for a small, elite group of university-bound global nomads in expensive, private international schools. It has even been confused with Swiss finishing schools! The reality is quite different. By May 2006, 52% of the 1,779 IB schools in 122 countries are state schools with no tuition fees. Of the 63,851 students who presented themselves for IB diploma examinations (this includes those sitting for certificates and retaking an examination from a previous session) in May 2005, students from state schools represented 68.5%. These percentages have increased steadily over the years and should continue to do so. While the largest number of public schools is in North America, quite a number of them are also to be found in the Nordic countries, the UK, Spain, the Netherlands, and Australia. Most of the central/eastern European countries have one or two state IB diploma schools as an alternative education model with an international perspective. Many of these countries explored the IB diploma system during their educational reforms after emerging from communism in the late 1980s and early 1990s. The IB diploma is not restricted to an academic elite; there is an intellectual level below which it would be difficult to obtain the full diploma, but determined, average students with perseverance and good organizational skills can succeed. The IB diploma programme, covering the last two years of secondary education, dawned at the International School of Geneva in 1962 for three main reasons—one pedagogical, one idealistic, and the other pragmatic: 1. to provide an education which placed an emphasis on critical thinking skills 2. to promote intercultural understanding and provide students with an international perspective 3. to provide a diploma which would be recognised for entry to higher education around the world. Teachers in the International School of Geneva were confronted with articulate, welltravelled young men and women with a natural curiosity which led to questioning established beliefs and points of view. The teachers were attracted to the school for this reason and practised a teaching methodology which promoted critical inquiry, 15 C. Hughes (ed.), Secondary Education at the Crossroads, 15–68. © 2006 Springer.

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dialogue in the classroom and a creative approach to learning. Leach (1969, p. 208), in charge of the history department at the school, put it this way: “Students must think everything through [and realize] that they will not be given conventional reassurance for closed opinions, however respectable they may appear at first . . . Humour, unexpected withdrawal from advanced positions and genuine humility before more complex issues will win respect.” The emerging IB diploma programme espoused this pedagogical approach which was also reflected in the student assessment procedures where reproduction of standard facts and opinions without supporting argument and consideration of alternative methods or views would relegate the student to a low grade. However, a “conservative” answer well done always scores higher than a ”liberal” answer poorly done—the rigour of the argument plays an important role. The IB project attracted reformers of national education systems who could see beyond memorisation and encyclopaedic knowledge—the mass educational approach of the day—and despaired at the lack of dialogue, questioning and real understanding on the part of students. Howard Gardner (1991 and 2004, p. 246) identifies lack of understanding when children learn as a major weakness of schooling. He notes that students who do not understand cannot apply and adapt what they have learnt to new contexts. The board members of the International School of Geneva were almost all parents who were working with the UN or its agencies in Geneva. They wanted an education which reflected the ideals of their employer—an education which would give the child, in the words of a former director, Madame Maurette: a complete and rounded view of the world which was the workshop of his parents; not only the view, but the knowledge and understanding; not only knowledge, but the love and the desire for peace, the feeling of the brotherhood of man (Maurette 1948, p. 3). So, intercultural understanding, a knowledge of global issues, learning at least one other language, a knowledge of the human condition on a world scale were important ingredients of the IB diploma programme. This knowledge would lead to the formation of attitudes to promote sustainable development—a concept born out of the 1990s to embrace not only ecological issues and problems of scarcity of natural resources, but also the human dimension.1 This is the idealistic raison d’être of the IBO which finds expression in the organization’s mission statement (2002): The International Baccalaureate Organization aims to develop inquiring, knowledgeable and caring young people who help to create a better and more peaceful world through intercultural understanding and respect. To this end the IBO works with schools, governments and international organizations to develop challenging programmes of international education and rigorous assessment. These programmes encourage students across the world to become active, compassionate and lifelong learners who understand that other people, with their differences, can also be right.

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Internationally mobile students returning to their home or other countries with foreign diplomas often had difficulty being accepted into universities. There was, then, pressure on schools to deliver national qualifications which led to a pragmatic need for an international passport to higher education. This idea had first been mooted in 1925 by the board of the International School of Geneva,2 then by the minister for education in France in 1946,3 by the newly-formed Conference of Internationally-Minded Schools in 1951 (under the aegis of UNESCO),4 and by the International Schools Association (ISA) founded in 1951 in Geneva. Only the last of these came to fruition in the early 1960s when the ISA encouraged and supported the development of the IB diploma as an international credential for university entry. The IBO now offers a continuum of three programmes of international education for children from 3 to 19 years of age or more. The programmes share a common philosophy and pedagogical approach. They develop the whole student—intellectually, socially, ethically, aesthetically, physically and culturally. A brief description of each programme follows. More detailed information is available on www.ibo.org 1.1.

The Diploma Programme

The IB diploma programme has been in existence for more than 35 years and by May 2006 was offered in more than 1,387 schools in 121 countries. The profile of the diploma is depicted in Figure 2.1. Students must study six subjects, one chosen from each of the following groups: a literary appreciation course at native speaker level, a second language, one of the humanities (from the group called “individuals and group 1 language A1

group 2 second language

group 3 individuals and societies extended essay theory of knowledge creativity, action, service

group 4 experimental sciences

group 5 mathematics and computer science

group 6 the arts Figure 2.1.

The Diploma Programme Hexagon

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societies,”) an experimental science, maths or computer science, the arts or a second subject from one of the preceding groups. Three of these subjects must be studied at higher level (a minimum of 240 hours of tuition over two years) and three at standard level (a minimum of 150 hours over two years). In addition all students must do an extended essay of 4,000 words (to develop research skills), the theory of knowledge course (of 100 hours) and creativity, action, service, called CAS, (of 150 hours). These last three components deserve special mention. The compulsory extended essay provides students with the opportunity to explore a topic of interest in one of the subjects being studied for the diploma. It develops independent research and writing skills so necessary for success at university. A teacher supervises the research and the paper is externally examined, slightly more than half the marks being allocated for research design. Examples of topics (the subject in which the essay was written is indicated in parentheses) are: ● The effects of acid rain on the environment, with a focus on plant life (biology) ● An examination of existing solutions to Latin America’s debt crisis in relation to Mexico (economics) ● The contribution of international organizations to the economic development of Geneva (economics) ● Why are the Australian and Singapore stock exchanges more volatile than the major international stock markets? (economics) ● Springtime is silent: the poetry of the Vietnam war (English literature) ● Lillie A. James: opportunity and equal rights through education (history) ● The mathematics of nature: the relationship between fractals, chaos and iteration (maths) ● Euthanasia: the morality of killing and letting die (philosophy) ● A study of feminist issues on the Arab Woman (social anthropology) ● Is albinism more prevalent in the African and African American racial groups than in Caucasian and Asian individuals? (biology). Theory of knowledge has no exact equivalent in national systems. It is interdisciplinary and challenges students to question the bases of knowledge, to be aware of subjective and ideological biases, to think critically, and to appreciate cultural differences. It is assessed through a major essay externally examined and an oral presentation. Topic questions from the theory of knowledge (IBO 2001) curriculum guide include: ● “Do knowledge claims transcend different communities or cultures?” (p. 9) ● “Is it correct to think that what constitutes a good reason varies from discipline to discipline and from culture to culture?” (p. 14). ● “Is the scientific method a product unique to western culture, or is it universal?” (p. 19) Creativity, action, service (CAS) is the only part of the diploma which is not graded but if students do not complete it satisfactorily the diploma is not awarded. CAS encourages students to participate in artistic pursuits, physical exertion and community service on a regular basis. In this way young people share their energies and talents while developing awareness, concern and the capacity to work cooperatively with others. It owes its origins to Kurt Hahn and the “outward bound” movement

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which he founded. “The IB goal of educating the whole person and fostering a more compassionate citizenry comes alive in an immediate way when students reach beyond themselves and their books” (Creativity, Action, Service IBO 2001, p. 3). CAS addresses consideration of the human condition. It is experiential learning followed by reflection. Many CAS projects in schools around the world also promote intercultural understanding and attention to global issues. Students work with refugee families to reinforce the language of the host country and to provide moral support; IBO schools in the developing world (or visiting from abroad) assist local schools and villages with books, materials, taking lessons, and inviting local students and teachers into the IBO school to integrate with the students who may be expatriates. In a number of schools IB students provide weekly survival (literacy and numeracy) and recreational programmes for street children in both developed and developing countries. Students in an IBO school in Uganda, in collaboration with UNICEF, address the global issue of AIDS through local action. They give weekly moral support to families with HIV positive parents, building up memory banks of the family history and values told by the parents and recorded on tape by the IB students; this will then be available to the children after the parents have died. Students are assessed on five performance criteria: personal achievement—meeting challenges, participating regularly personal skills—creativity, planning, resource management personal qualities—perseverance, responsibility, self-confidence interpersonal qualities—adaptability, collaboration, empathy, sense of justice awareness of global issues—ethical appreciation of humanitarian and environmental issues (Creativity, Action Service 2001, p. 29). The content of the IB diploma programme has a deliberate international perspective: for example, a world literature component in the first language course, world interdependence in economics, different cultural accounts of the same events in history, the cultural origins of mathematics and science. Literature courses in more than 70 languages at native speaker level are offered and all of the subjects can be taken in English, French or Spanish. The skill of critical analysis (the backbone of the theory of knowledge course) underlies the pedagogical approach of the IB diploma programme, and values for a sustainable, peaceful future with respect for human dignity are prevalent. For example, ethical use of scientific and technological advances is part of the syllabus for experimental sciences. External examinations for the IB diploma, at the conclusion of the two years of study, take place in May (for the northern hemisphere) and November (for the southern hemisphere). Internal assessment or course work (which is externally moderated) counts between 25–30% in most subjects. The IB diploma is accepted for entry into the best universities around the world. 1.2.

Middle Years Programme (MYP)

This is a five-year course for students aged 11 to 16 which has been available since 1994. Students study eight subjects as shown at the points of the octagon in Figure 2.2.

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language A

language B

humanities and social educat ion alth e h unity and servi ce mm co a o c r hes app

physical education

personal project to l

technology

on

m

fa

v ir

be

r

en

earning

en

ho

t

mo

mathematics

sciences

arts Figure 2.2.

The Middle Years Programme Octagon

The concentric circles in Figure 2.2 contain five areas of interaction which traverse each of the subject domains. These are not additional subjects; they represent five perspectives which are addressed in the subject disciplines: approaches to learning, health and social education, community service, environment, homo faber (“man the maker”). Holistic learning, intercultural awareness, good communication and critical thinking skills underpin the whole programme. By May 2006 this transdisciplinary approach was being practised in 493 schools in 64 countries. The whole programme can be taught in Chinese as well as in English, French or Spanish. Other languages are accepted if the IBO can provide quality control in that language; thus there are a small number of schools teaching a bilingual MYP with subjects in English and Turkish, and English and Russian. The content is not strictly prescribed as it is in the diploma programme although sample syllabi are published; there is much more flexibility for accommodating local education requirements provided that an international focus is also present. On the other hand, the skills and attitudes to be developed are clearly indicated, along with a teaching approach which encourages curiosity, creativity, analysis and critical thinking. This can be illustrated through homo faber which is not typically found in national curricula. Homo faber explores the human instinct to create, initiate, develop or transform our lives and our world. It is at the heart of enquiry and active learning. Throughout

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the programme students ● discuss why humans create or change products, examine developments and predict possible future orientations ● are involved as innovators and developers ● celebrate human endeavour, and critically evaluate the impact of inventions on society and the world (IBO 2002, p. 31). Many facets of human activity are explored through this area of interaction; for example, systems, communication, technology, thought, art, culture, science. Assessment practices must also reflect the pedagogy and international perspective. There is, for example, a personal project which all students complete in their fifth year of the programme; it involves planning, research techniques and personal reflection. If the project is in the form of an invention, artistic works or organised activities the student produces a log book which describes the inspiration, research and influences guiding the work, and analyses the process of completion and the significance of the findings. At least two areas of interaction must be explicitly developed within the analysis. There are no external examinations but there is an external moderation process of standards if the school wishes to award an MYP certificate to its students who complete the course. The majority of schools take up this option. The MYP is a methodological framework which lends itself to educational reform because it is not prescriptive about content and can therefore more easily accommodate national requirements. 1.3.

Primary Years Programme (PYP)

This programme has been available to schools since 1997 and is for students from 3 to 11 or 12 years of age. By May 2006 there were 260 schools offering the PYP in 62 countries. The programme is offered in English, French and Spanish. Structured inquiry is the central vehicle for learning. The PYP seeks to develop skills in communication, critical thinking, respect and understanding of other cultures, taking calculated risks, and responsible citizenship. These form part of the concepts, action, skills and attitudes which lead us from the centre of the shape in Figure 2.3, via the subject areas, out towards the six themes which are to be found at each point of the hexagon: ● who we are ● where we are in place and time ● how we express ourselves ● how the world works ● how we organizes ourselves ● sharing the planet. The themes are treated in a holistic way through “units of inquiry” which draw on more than one of the subject areas and which pose questions to guide the work: ● form: what does it look like? ● function: how does it work?

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causation: why is it the way it is? change: how does it change over time? ● connection: how is it connected to other things? ● perspective: what are the points of view? ● responsibility: what is our responsibility? ● reflection: how do we know? Assessment includes the “PYP exhibition” which is presented in the final year. It requires students to analyse a real issue (preferably a global issue) and propose solutions. The exhibition must include written work, oral presentations, the use of technology and performances in one or more of the arts. It is often a collaborative effort by groups of students or the whole class, but it can also be an individual effort. There is no external assessment or moderation for the PYP, but a detailed handbook on desirable student assessment techniques and teacher training workshops are available. Like the MYP, the PYP provides a pedagogical structure and educational philosophy within which specific content can be treated. Scope and sequence documents are available for all subjects but they are not prescriptive; this allows mandatory national requirements to be included. ● ●

sharing the planet

who we are

language personal, social and physical education how we organize ourselves

social studies

concepts

skills

action

science and technology

attitudes

mathematics

arts

how the world works Figure 2.3.

how we express ourselves The Primary Years Programme

where we are in place and time

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Authorization to offer an IB programme

A school cannot simply pay and sign up to do an IB programme. There is a lead time of about two to three years during which a school must undertake a feasibility study, consider carefully IB programme documentation, send teachers and administrators to workshops, invite IB staff or practising teachers recommended by the IBO on a consultation visit to the school, complete a detailed questionnaire, and undergo (at a later stage) an on-site inspection by an IBO team. A report is then sent to the school with commendations and recommendations and advice as to whether ● the school has been authorized to offer an IB programme ● the school needs to address a number of matters before authorization can be considered; or ● the school should not contact the IBO again unless quite radical changes have taken place. Each year a number of schools are not accepted because they do not match up to the criteria for acceptance in terms of the school philosophy, pedagogy, teacher training, physical plant and facilities (which can be modest as long as they are functional and correct), understanding of the IB programme(s) to be implemented, the need for an IB programme coordinator with reduced teaching time, acceptance by the staff, school board and parent body, an appropriate consultative management style, the promotion and understanding of international-mindedness in the school, the school being legally recognised by an appropriate authority (usually the state), proposing an acceptable, on- going teacher training budget, and so on. The considerable investment of time both by the school and IBO staff during the authorization process is well spent if it leads to good implementation and maintenance. The authorization process itself can be transformational: involving the staff in questioning current practices and confirming, adapting or rejecting them. Even schools which have not been accepted have said that the process helped them re-orient their educational philosophy and pedagogy. Quality control is assured in a number of ways; it is essentially a collaborative process between the schools and the IBO. Compulsory IBO evaluations occur at regular intervals for each of the programmes and the number and frequency of teachers attending workshops each year is monitored. Impromptu, annual on-site diploma examination inspections occur together with external monitoring of samples of student CAS dossiers. School assessment procedures leading to the award of MYP certificates are externally moderated by the IBO. The annual school results in the IB diploma and the MYP also serve to indicate whether the programmes are being appropriately taught or to indicate that there are problems such as poor student selection for the courses or that some teachers lack IBO training. 2.

QUALITY EDUCATION: WHAT IS IT AND HOW CAN IT BE ACHIEVED?

Education reform comes about principally as a reaction to new demands from society. Students will need new knowledge, skills and attitudes to function in the society of the future.

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IAN HILL Technological and organizational changes at the work place and the strengthening of political democracy call for civic behaviour based on the development of certain abilities which traditional education systems do not normally cultivate: mastery of the codes in which information circulates, ability to process information, to solve problems, to work in a team, to express claims (Tedesco 1998, p. 82).

Pigozzi (2003, p. 7), director, division for the promotion of quality education, UNESCO, Paris provides a helpful summary of the nature of quality education: A quality education understands the past, is relevant to the present, and has a view to the future. Quality education relates to knowledge building and the skilful application of all forms of knowledge by unique individuals that function both independently and in relation to others. A quality education reflects the dynamic nature of culture and languages, the value of the individual in relation to the larger context, and the importance of living in a way that promotes equality in the present and fosters a sustainable future. Her paper stresses the importance of teachers trained to effectively use child-centred approaches and to develop life-long learning skills in a world which is becoming increasingly inter-dependent. The factors which contribute to quality education are usually inter-dependent but their “individual importance may vary substantially from place to place and from time to time” (Gannicott & Throsby 1998, p. 217). These factors appear in much of the research on effective schools and concern teachers and their conditions of service, school management, the curriculum, and pedagogy. The professional training, status and conditions of service of teachers is paramount and no educational reform can do without it. Unfortunately many, but by no means all, teachers in the developing world have not had the benefit of appropriate training. I have visited a number of African countries where the teachers are not paid for several months at a time because the government has no money. These teachers have no alternative but to take time off from teaching to undertake jobs elsewhere; the children either go home or remain in the school yard for those lessons for which there is no teacher. AIDS has also decimated the teaching population in a number of African countries. The developed world has more problems related to the status of teachers in the eyes of the community and students than the developing world, but fewer problems of appropriate training. In industrialised countries teachers are sometimes seen as part of the problem rather than the solution; the actions of teacher unions can contribute to this perception at times but there are also occasions when teachers are not consulted about government educational changes with which they may have legitimate logistical or pedagogical concerns. Teachers need to be valued and motivated; their successes should be recognised. An educated nation is a productive nation. Qualified teachers who are respected by their students can produce results and lift the economy of a country over time if the government does not squander funds. Increased spending on teacher training and salaries will have an effect on educational outcomes in the developed world but this will not

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make as much difference as it will in those countries where the level of education is low, due principally to the structural and social context. In developing countries it requires massive expenditure, carefully managed, to improve conditions of service for teaching personnel and to bring about other structural changes (such as reducing class sizes) in addition to pedagogical and curriculum improvement via teacher training. School management must display strong leadership, high aspirations for students and staff, regular celebrations of good performance, transparency, and effective communication throughout the school community. Class size is also a management factor, although it finally depends on what the government is prepared to spend on education. We should avoid the extremes. A class of two or three students will lack the dynamic interplay which can motivate a class of 20 or 30. On the other hand classes of 60 to 90, which are unfortunately common in most developing countries, presuppose a didactic style of teaching, note-taking and memorisation in order for the class to function and for the teacher to survive. Even some degree of individual attention to children is virtually impossible; the teacher cannot regularly correct the work of the students, particularly if he/she has three or four classes of similar size. Combinations of class size can work in different situations. For example, a lecture to 100 students at the same time for one or two lessons a week, followed by three or four lessons per week in smaller groups of 20 for discussion and more student-centred learning, including practical work, might be quite a good way (both economically and educationally) of dealing with an experimental science subject at the high school level. Such compromises may assist financially but there is no doubt that the overall class size in the developing world needs to be much less. Reducing inappropriately large classes is an economic game which governments play and many formulae are created for inspectors and superintendents to apply to school districts. For example, it was common in some Australian states for ministers of education to quote the official ratio of students to school personnel as if this represented the average number of students in all classes, which it did not. The official figure included non-teaching staff, teachers absent on leave, and so on. The third industrial revolution in the West began in the 1990s (Thurow 2003, p. 30) and it is not about steam engines or electrification or systematic science; it is a revolution in biotechnology, telecommunications, micro-electronics, computers and robotics which has led us to a knowledge-based economy. The richest are now those who own knowledge, not those who own land or manufacturing plants. Education for the future is providing the skills to be productive in the knowledge society. This requires materials and equipment for teachers to use with students. Good management will budget for these resources which contribute substantially, along with class size, to supportive conditions of work for teachers. While state-of-the art technology is not necessary, equipment to teach reasonable computer and internet skills is important. But where it is impossible to have computers in the developing world, at least some text books and writing paper must be provided—there are still far too many schools where this is very inadequate. Materials are also needed to assist students whose language of instruction is not their mother tongue. In most countries the language used in schools is a political decision (rather than a pedagogical one.) It affects ethnic minorities and immigrants or a whole population (in the case of Russian imposed in a number of Central/Eastern European countries during communism for example) who are at a disadvantage unless they adapt quickly.

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How will we know when a school system has attained sufficient quality? Student performance can be measured via standardised tests at different levels of schooling, but less cognitive educational improvements are more difficult to quantify although they may have the most impact on students’ lives. Easily quantifiable outcomes can be misleading. UNESCO’s Education for All (EFA) initiative has some quantifiable goals such as having all primary age children in school by 2015, but, as other EFA goals acknowledge, there is no point in just having more children in school if the quality is poor. Curriculum and pedagogy are at the core of educational quality; reforms in these areas will not all be easy to measure during a student’s school days. The relevance of curriculum content and teaching methods, the importance of including an international perspective, and deciding which knowledge, skills and attitudes should be developed will be considered in the remainder of this section. 2.1.

Relevance

Educational programmes must be relevant and realistic. Braslavsky (2001, p. 4) points out that many national systems are still based on a 12th century model of acquiring knowledge by rote learning, and rigid, overloaded timetables where all students move in lock step. Atal (2001, p. 16) sees good education as one that ● does not uproot people nor insulate them from change ● emphasises process of learning rather than collecting knowledge itself ● is generic, not overly specific (which can shelter obsolescence) ● trains the mind in a holistic, interdisciplinary framework. Most educators would not quarrel with Atal’s statement. While the importance of knowledge which leads to a culture générale—still a valued acquisition in French education—should not be denied, schools can no longer, if they ever could, impart a body of concepts, details and facts, and leave it at that. Knowledge is now everywhere; it is literally in the air. Students need skills which will enable them to process this knowledge: to know what they need, where to find it most readily, how to judge its validity, where the reliable sources are, what to discard, what to spend time reading or viewing, how to synthesize, analyze, prioritize, to identify connections with other knowledge and other disciplines, not to get lost in the detail, to see the holistic picture, how to use knowledge most effectively, avoiding closure without considering all the options . . . and not just at school but for life long learning. Lewin & Caillods (2001, p. 62) identify where the emphasis in education should be in this regard: With its greater focus on formal reasoning, abstract problem solving skills and critical thinking as well as its occupationally relevant content, secondary education promotes the development of a skilled and knowledgeable citizenry with access not only to the national but also to the global economy. Even where the reality of the class room instruction is entirely teacher-centred, emphasises memorisation, and discourages dialogue and questioning, the official, printed national curriculum may attest to an admirable acquisition of knowledge, skills and values which is almost impossible to achieve under the prevailing conditions (classes

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of up to 80 or 90 students with one teacher in the developing world, for example). This leads us to an important consideration. Unrealistic expectations and irrelevant knowledge and skills will not promote the attitudes necessary to “live out” the Delors principles of education. Although there is consensus about student needs for the future, the educational starting point is not the same in all countries or in all parts of the same country, and it is this educational starting point which will determine what is relevant and realistic in particular situations. Maslow’s hierarchy of needs provides an appropriate indicator of what is possible and desirable in educational reform. He postulated that humans have a number of wants which start with basic physiological needs like food and water. When these are satisfied, humans then seek the next level of safety and security needs which might include a job and regular income, savings, insurance, and a home in a safe neighbourhood. One continues to move up the pyramid through needs of belonging and esteem to arrive at the pinnacle which is self-actualization. Maslow defined this term by describing the type of people who were “self-actualisers”: they prize justice and equity, environmental preservation, democratic values, responsible citizenship, creativity, respect for others, truth, goodness. These are the attitudes that educators seek for students today. It is clear that children living in abject poverty and ill-health have not attained the first level of basic physiological needs and therefore are unable to aspire to further layers of the hierarchy. Any educational plan must take into account the provision of fundamental survival needs before students can be expected to feel secure enough to develop higher order skills and attitudes. This is why the eradication of poverty is a necessary but not sufficient condition for quality education. It is only when the lower order needs have been satisfied that the knowledge, skills and attitudes for quality education described above start to become realistic and relevant. The Delors’ (1996) report identified four pillars of learning which should underpin curriculum development. Many national education systems have embraced this educational vision: learning to know, learning to do, learning to live together, and learning to be. The four “learnings” operate at the individual, local, national and international levels. Schools have to translate the vision into practice. IB programmes are one example of the translation of these pillars into relevant knowledge, skills and attitudes operating across the whole school age range in many different cultural contexts and in different languages. 2.2.

An International Perspective

National systems of education are turning increasingly towards the inclusion of knowledge, skills and attitudes which develop an international (and intercultural) perspective. World events between nations, between enemy groups (often ethnic) within nations, and between terrorist groups and their targets demonstrate that xenophobic attitudes are easily aroused. Furthermore it requires little persuasion to convert people to a cause if they are poor, starving and unschooled. Education has a major role to play in supporting the concept of living together harmoniously at both a national and international level. This has become an aspect of quality education in national systems.

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Mutually supportive co-existence at the local, national and international levels has become a priority in education to combat problems of aggression but also of survival. As the preamble to the Earth Charter (2000) poignantly states, cooperation at all levels is vital if we are to assure the future of life on earth: “The choice is ours: form a global partnership to care for Earth and one another or risk the destruction of ourselves and the diversity of life . . . We must realize that when basic needs have been met, human development is primarily about being more, not having more.” Growing socially, ethically, intellectually, and compassionately is more important than accumulating objects. The Earth Charter Commission, established by the UN in 1997, makes a plea via the charter for international solidarity towards sustainable development on a world scale. UNESCO has been advocating the internationalization of state education programmes since its statement on international education for peace, human rights and democracy in 1974. This was reconfirmed at the International Conference of Education, Geneva, in 1994 (UNESCO 1995). The following elements of an international education were identified: ● values education for peace ● conflict resolution skills ● respect for cultural heritage and the environment ● intercultural understanding (within and between nations) ● global issues and attitudes of solidarity at national and international levels. It asked teachers to tap the creative imagination of children, to develop their skills of critical analysis, and to teach foreign languages and civilisations “as a means of promoting international and intercultural understanding.” The document also recommended, where appropriate, “an interdisciplinary, problem-oriented content adapted to the complexity of the issues involved in the application of human rights and in international cooperation, and in itself illustrating the ideas of reciprocal influence, mutual support and solidarity” (UNESCO 1974). On a more pragmatic level a quality education cannot close its eyes to the transnational nature of information technology, commerce, transport, telecommunications, protecting intellectual property, labour laws, health regulation, agriculture, scientific advances, and so on. It has been argued that two major forces are shaping the future and changing the world: demographic explosion and a new world economy. Both have repercussions across national boundaries. A surge in one place will affect other places as the laws of equilibrium bring about adjustments. The new world economy moves with velocity around the globe; it is highly knowledge-intensive and very competitive (Rischard 2002, p. 30). No education system can ignore this trend and the skills that it implies for the future: these are discussed below. 2.3.

Which Knowledge, Skills and Attitudes?

Educational programmes address the knowledge (or concepts) which students should acquire, the skills they should master, and the attitudes (or values) that should be shaped. Students should gain knowledge about a range of traditional disciplines which fall within the arts, the sciences (including information technology), and the humanities.

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An international education as espoused by IB programmes also mandates knowledge about global issues, languages, the existence of a range of perspectives, and mutual effects which result from the inter-dependence between nations and the people of a nation. What are the implications in terms of skills for students? Rischard’s (2002, p. 30) analysis of the four major features of the new world economy provides some answers. People will need to be nimble and agile to keep up with its speed. Secondly, the new world economy flows easily across national boundaries so people must be good at international networking and collaboration. Thirdly, as we have already seen, we are in the midst of the third industrial revolution where the economy is knowledge-based; those who are not life-long learners will fall back. Eric Hoffer, quoted in Bennis (1992, p. 189), put it nicely when he said: “It is the learners who inherit the future. The learned find themselves equipped to live in a world that no longer exists.” Finally, the new world economy is hyper-competitive; so people have to be 100% reliable and efficient or the business will rapidly shift elsewhere—there is the whole world to choose from. Supranational inter-dependency is a key concept of international education. “Processes of globalization and increased interdependence mean that no one, wherever they live in the world, can remain completely isolated within a single nation” (Osler & Starkey 2003, pp. 245–6). There are some stunning examples reaching right into villages in the developing world as Rischard (2002, p. 29), the World Bank’s vice-president for Europe, has noted. Côte d’Ivoire farmers check cocoa prices directly on the Chicago commodities exchange through village cell phones. A farmer in Ethiopia sells goats via the Internet to Ethiopian taxi drivers in New York wishing to give a present to their families back home for celebrations. Some non-governmental organizations help village women in Latin America and Asia post their handicraft products directly into a web catalogue. Inter-dependence entails reciprocal influences and collaboration in many spheres. Not only are there advantages in having many different minds reflect on solutions to problems, there are often economies of scale, improved communication links and heightened understanding across borders. The Asian Highway Plan is another economic example: it is creating a network of highways from East Asia across the Eurasian continent from Tokyo to Istanbul. The 31 participating countries upgrade existing roads or construct new ones with signs to conform to international standards. Of the total 140,000 km envisaged, 94,000 km are now in service (Asia— Pacific Perspectives 2004, p. 32). Together, skills and knowledge interact and support each other to shape attitudes of respect for cultural diversity, commitment to peace and justice, compassion, responsible citizenship (family, local, national, international), commitment to lifelong learning, respect for others, respect for sustainable development of natural and human resources. Above all, quality education should enable students to develop a personal value system to guide their own lives and respect the dignity of others. Such an education requires a corresponding teaching methodology to facilitate the acquisition of knowledge, skills and attitudes. There is a need to move away from

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the teacher-directed, encyclopaedic, rote-learning approach to a child-centred pedagogy which promotes dialogue, critical questioning, lateral thinking, interdisciplinary awareness and independent learning. The teacher should provide the “tools for seeking and processing knowledge, rather than . . . the actual knowledge itself ” (Maclean 2001, p. 42). The role of community service activities in shaping attitudes should not be underestimated. Working together on rewarding projects, out of the usual routine, breaks down class and cultural barriers. “Formal education must provide enough opportunity in its programmes to introduce the young to co-operative undertakings through participation in sport or in cultural activities and also through participation in social activities such as neighbourhood renovation, helping the underprivileged, humanitarian work, inter-generational assistance, etc.” (Delors 1996, pp. 93–94). There are many children who commence their schooling without sufficient language skills or without a supportive home environment. Education systems are providing assistance with language and with social support groups for parents, but there remains much to be done. For too many children the only appropriate role models they encounter are the teachers at school. So, while the eradication of poverty will greatly assist education, the problem is not just economic. As Hughes (1998, p. 56) has pointed out, many young people fail to find meaning or a framework of values to guide their lives. A quality education must concentrate first on building up a sense of security, then self-esteem and purpose in life so that Maslow’s stage of “self-actualization” can be reached. 2.4.

Summary

Quality education needs support structures for the training and appropriate remuneration of teachers and school administrators, efficient school management, and a teaching methodology which actively involves the learners as the curriculum is delivered. The curriculum must be relevant and must include a perspective which extends beyond national frontiers; growing inter-dependence on a global scale cannot be ignored. Knowledge that multiple views exist is important and can be brought home to students in discussions about objectivity in history, for example. The following skills should be developed: critical analysis, problem-solving, dealing with information overload, working cooperatively, thinking creatively, learning how to learn, resolving conflict, and clear oral and written communication (in different languages). The over-riding attitude which quality education promotes is collaboration and inter-cultural understanding with a view to solving global issues and arriving at a peaceful sharing of resources between and within nations. Being able to hold views free from prejudice and misinformation is very important; it depends on the skill to critically analyse the knowledge available in any given situation. Quality in education also requires political will, resources and knowing where the starting point is for the children.

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HOW THE IBO HAS CONTRIBUTED TO EDUCATIONAL REFORM

There are a number of ways in which an independent organization like the IBO can interact with national systems. This section provides examples of IBO contributions to curriculum development, student assessment techniques, international benchmarking, and teacher training in national systems to support student needs as identified in the preceding section. This is not a one-way process. The IBO learns as much from national systems as it is able to give. The MYP and PYP are for all ability ranges but they will not suit all schools in all cultural settings (although they do effectively operate in many). On the other hand, there may be valuable lessons to be learnt by the IBO and by national governments in exploring what is and is not transferable from the MYP and PYP to a national education system. Government officials can adapt what is appropriate to their local needs. The DP is not for all ability ranges as it is a preparation for higher education, but, as for the MYP and PYP, the DP experience in schools across the world offers an interesting educational laboratory for national systems undertaking educational reform. Here are ways in which IB programmes have influenced, sometimes unwittingly, the educational thinking of governments. 3.1.

Full IBO Programmes in Some Government Schools

IBO programmes are offered in independent international and national schools, and in state government schools (representing 45% of all IB schools) which offer free tuition. Why have a number of governments or local state education authorities decided to offer IBO programmes alongside their own national curricula? Some governments see IB programmes as interesting alternatives because they represent high academic standards and provide an international benchmark through centralised curriculum and examinations (for the DP) and moderation (for the MYP). In certain countries the DP provides an easier international passport to higher education than other national examinations. A number of governments see the DP as a challenge to good academic students which their own system is not, and therefore only offer the programme in highly selective schools—a number of Central/Eastern European countries for example. Yet, other state education authorities see IB programmes as a way of raising standards and aspirations in schools of mediocre academic achievement; this is particularly true of a number of US and UK schools in inner city, low socio-economic areas. There is another important factor. During recent times the need to educate for international understanding has become even more critical. The increasing interdependence of the world is impinging on nations in many spheres such as trade and economics, national security, environmental protection, information technology. National education programmes need to reflect this trend or they will become parochial and insular; hence the move by quite a number of governments to internationalise their education systems. The separation between national and international

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education was quite marked 20 years ago and more, but the distinction has become much more blurred today. When IB programmes are taught in state schools there is an interaction of essentially international and national mentalities from which new educational ideas can emerge. The Quebec ministry of education, for example, showed interest in the MYP when it was being developed in the late 1980s and trialled it in a number of state schools in French. Suggestions arose from this test run of several years and they were incorporated into the MYP framework. In particular the Quebec schools created an impressive “tool kit” for use in addressing “approaches to learning” which has left its mark on that part of the MYP and on state secondary schools. In May 2006 there were 94 schools (the majority being state institutions) in the province of Quebec teaching this programme. This offers a good example of the IBO benefiting from working with a government system. 3.2.

IB Programmes Taught in Different Languages

Providing IB programmes in different languages is expensive but the more it occurs, the more it may stimulate an educational exchange between the IBO and a country which is denied access for linguistic reasons. As previously mentioned, there is the possibility of introducing vehicular languages other than English, French, Spanish and Chinese in the MYP and PYP. This occurs and is gradually increasing. The IBO will not, however, authorize such linguistic adaptations unless it can be sure that there are competent staff (either in-house or external) who can check on quality and provide teacher training in other languages. The presence of some highly bilingual teachers with one of the IBO official languages is a necessary pre-requisite for authorising a school with a non-IBO language of instruction. Through a partnership with the German government the IBO now offers three subjects of the DP in German so that a bilingual IB diploma—English/German, Spanish/German or French/German—can be offered in a number of Germany’s overseas schools. Thirteen schools in various parts of the world commenced teaching the DP in this way in 2003; the project continues for five years with on-going evaluation. The German government is financing the costs of the project such as translation of subject guides, examination papers, and teacher training seminars. Jordan and Dubai have shown interest in a similar linguistic adaptation to provide a bilingual IB diploma with Arabic as one of the languages of instruction. This is being explored. 3.3.

An IB Programme Component as Part of a National Qualification

At the instigation of the Netherlands government, a project within the ambit of the European Platform commenced in 1998. Thirteen state schools teach the IB DP English A2 and /or English B syllabus and the students sit the corresponding IB examinations as part of their national school leaving qualification. This is in addition to some state schools in that country which offer the full IB DP. The ministry of education liked the syllabus, the language levels and the style of examination. The pilot phase of this project was evaluated with a positive result, so this collaboration is now on-going.

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In the DP a school may propose a syllabus which is not already offered by the IBO. If it satisfies certain criteria concerned principally with academic rigour, international perspective and relevance, it may become an official “school based syllabus” of the IBO. A small number of these currently exist. An example is “Social Studies” in Turkish which was proposed by a group of schools teaching the IB DP in Turkey. It was accepted by the ministry of education as also satisfying national examination requirements so it counts towards both awards. It was implemented in 2001. 3.4.

National Curriculum Changes Inspired by IB Programmes

The subject “Systems of Knowledge,” inspired by the IBO’s Theory of Knowledge, was introduced into the Maltese national curriculum in 1989. Of reciprocal interest to the IBO is the content and approach of this subject in Malta which, while resembling the DP subject, has built on the IB model to produce a course designed for the needs of that country’s students with some features which the IBO might like to integrate into its Theory of Knowledge subject. The reform of the maturité in Switzerland which took place in 1998–99 had two major impacts which are being progressively realised: reducing the number of subjects for study in the last years from 12 to 9 and adding the “Travail de Maturité”. The Vice-President of the National Commission for Reform was, and still is, involved in committees of the IBO. He confirmed that the IB DP was one of the models which partly influenced this reform process. The “Travail de Maturité” is based on the IB DP extended essay but with other innovative features which the IBO might wish to emulate. For instance the Swiss version requires about 6,500 words (4,000 for the IB DP) and students may choose amongst three types: a research project, an artistic presentation, or an extra-curricula activity which can all be unrelated to the formal subjects of the national qualification. (The IB extended essay requires research on a topic which relates to one of the IB DP subject areas). The last two types must be accompanied by a written document describing the inspiration, the process, and the realization – situating it all in a theoretical context. A Swiss student, for example, could choose to research a transdisciplinary global issue or initiate an activity in the community to raise awareness of environmental protection. The IB extended essay places an emphasis on deepening knowledge in a subject area of the IB curriculum through research. Since 2002 a new elective called “knowledge and inquiry” (inspired by the IB Theory of Knowledge course) has been offered as a ministry of education course in Singapore. 3.5.

Education Through Information Technology

Another example of educational reform through IBO collaboration with governments is a project using information technology to overcome distance and geographical isolation. In cooperation with the Finnish ministry of education and the University of Oulu a pilot project for the IB diploma programme took place between two state IB schools: the Oulun Lyseon Lukio in Oulu and a partner school, Lyseon

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Puiston Lukio, in Rovaniemi, Lapland some 250 km apart. The project commenced in 2001 and reached the end of the pilot phase in 2005. Video-conferencing and e-mail are the main means of teaching. Advances in information technology provide alternative methods of curriculum delivery as a means of restructuring educational reform. This project offers equality of educational opportunity to a small, isolated school by providing a wide range of subjects which the small school could not offer because of financially unviable class sizes or lack of trained teachers in that subject area. These techniques might also be used to educate ● students with special needs which prevent them from leaving their homes to attend school ● students undertaking home education because there is no school for them to attend ● students in the developing world in selected schools which are equipped with the appropriate technology. Evaluations so far have shown the experience to be positive, and therefore transferable elsewhere. 3.6.

Providing an International Benchmark

Quite a number of national systems have used the following tests as a reference point in order to compare national student performance with other countries: ● PISA (Programme of international student assessment) created by the OECD ● TIMSS (Third International Mathematics and Science Study) from the National Centre for Education statistics in the USA. These are tests used for ascertaining standards in certain skills. They do not claim to be predictors of success in higher education. Like the IB DP they are based on the same examination in different countries and a highly centralised grading system. But there is a major difference: the IBO offers an international benchmark based on a common curriculum together with skills assessment as identified in the assessment criteria and their descriptors for some 54,000 students in 2005 in 119 countries. That is, there is a balance between content and skills. Cox (2002, p. 4) draws attention to a statement from the US College Board of June 2002: research shows that tests which measure curriculum content, as opposed to tests of skills only, are better predictors of university success. In its communiqué the College Board announced proposed changes to the SAT I (skills based) reasoning test, the most widely used for admission to US colleges and universities, to align it more with the SAT II subject tests which are only required by some universities. The new SAT I tests would ensure a link with the curriculum content of secondary education. Assuming the research is correct,5 it would seem that the IB DP examinations, based as they are on clearly identified assessment criteria which give equal status to skills and defined syllabi, provide a high degree of reliability of university success. Independent research on the performance of IB students in higher education supports this claim (see for example Flodman et al. 2002; Duevel 1999; Thomas 1988). In 2004 the Matriculation Board of South Africa expressed interest in having South African school qualifications externally benchmarked by the IBO. Exchanges

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of information on the IB Diploma Programme and Matriculation Board syllabi, past examination papers, mark schemes, subject assessment criteria and grade descriptors took place. During the latter part of 2005 the Education and Manpower Bureau of the Hong Kong government contracted the IBO to benchmark their new senior secondary curriculum against corresponding IB curriculum. 3.7.

IBO Accreditation of National Curricula and Examinations

The Lithuanian minister for education approached the IBO in 2001 seeking assistance with the creation of a national baccalaureate based on the IB DP. Collaborative meetings have taken place to establish the profile of a national baccalaureate which would use only the science syllabi and examinations of the IBO. New syllabi and examinations would be developed for the other subjects in collaboration with the IBO whose curriculum and examination committees would approve the standard of the new subjects as equivalent in academic rigour to the IB DP syllabi themselves. The IBO and the Lithuanian government would jointly guarantee the quality of this new national diploma. The Lithuanian ministerial working group indicated the motivation for this project in the following terms. A national baccalaureate would ● provide a quality education up to European standards with international recognition for university entry ● assist national educational reforms ● introduce a teaching methodology, curriculum content and assessment techniques based on the need for life-long learning, intercultural understanding, the development of critical thinking and research skills ● improve facility in English and other languages ● enhance community service by students ● provide for the retraining of teachers in methodology, curriculum awareness and student assessment as indicated above ● allow the IBO to learn from the good practices which exist in the education system of Lithuania ● provide an opportunity for the Lithuanian education system to contribute to and benefit from a world curriculum and assessment network. This is a five year project which awaits donor funding. 3.8.

Laboratory Schools

In consultation with the Nigerian government and as the result of a feasibility study by IBO and national experts, the IBO has drafted a five year project of curriculum development and teacher training at lower secondary level. This project is to implement the MYP in 4 strategically placed state schools over five years. In collaboration with local teacher training institutions linked to a counterpart in the UK and with ministry of education experts, the IBO would undertake action research to see which pedagogical and curriculum initiatives are transferable on a large scale to the national system to enhance the quality of teaching and learning. The project has not yet been funded.

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A laboratory school project occurring in Morocco is described in some detail in the next section. 4.

CASE STUDIES

These case studies comprise five projects undertaken by the IBO to improve the quality of education or to provide access to quality education for students in underprivileged circumstances. The discussion attempts to indicate which factors hampered or facilitated each initiative with a view to arriving at some general principles for successful educational reform, drawn from these experiences. For each case study the following information is provided: the objective and nature of the activity (including the language in which it took place and the educational difference it made or could make), its duration, location and evaluation, and who were the deliverers and recipients. The origins of each project, often through serendipity (such as a chance meeting with someone interested in educational reform or unexpectedly coming across information which ignites enthusiasm), are identified; they provide an important clue to the potential for success. The way a project is initiated may determine to what extent it is supported (institutionally, morally, financially), and this can have an important effect on its management, planning, and sustainability. 4.1. The SOS-Hermann Gmeiner International College, Ghana This was the first secondary school created by SOS Kinderdorf International to prepare talented students from SOS villages, selected via admission tests and interviews throughout Africa, for entry to universities around the world. These villages provide orphaned, abandoned and destitute children with a permanent home until the age of 13 or 14 years. The college opened in 1990 with some junior classes and a boarding section in the form of African huts next to an SOS village in Tema. In the centre of the huts was a covered place for students to meet and resolve any problems, just as in an African village. Almost immediately after the opening, the school director and representatives from SOS Kinderdorf International, Innsbruck, Austria contacted the IBO with a view to implementing the IB diploma programme for the final two years of the school. This was a deliberate action, as a result of looking at educational alternatives. They were attracted by the programme’s educational philosophy, pedagogy and international recognition. Teachers were trained at IBO workshops, pedagogical books and materials were obtained, and, finally, after a site inspection by IBO officials, the school was authorized to offer the diploma programme from 1993, financed by SOS Kinderdorf International, Austria. In addition to the SOS students, whose fees are paid by the Austrian organization, the school is open to a restricted number of students who must also pass the entrance tests and whose parents can afford to pay tuition fees. In 2005–06, 54% (the majority of them local) of the 272 students are non-SOS. This juxtaposition of students from an orphan background with students from well-to-do Ghanaian families

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provides a rich exchange of experiences and develops mutual intercultural and intersocial understanding. It has not created problems. The school engages in a variety of community service activities such as purchasing and laying pipes in collaboration with locals to bring fresh water to villages; constructing village schools, raising funds to pay for teachers in the schools, providing pedagogical materials, assisting on a regular basis with instruction in the primary grades of village schools, assisting in hospitals. I have had the pleasure of visiting the IB school on several occasions and staying in the boarding section. One is struck by the sense of purpose and humanity of the students and their teachers who are all galvanized into positive action by their director Mrs Nkrumah. On one occasion the students were presenting community service activities before a group of teachers from Europe. An elderly, local man rose to his feet to speak. He had not had the opportunity to go to school, he said, and he had found it difficult to obtain paid work. The IB students had bought for him a horse and cart with which he now collected rubbish in a well-to-do neighbourhood and the residents paid him for this service. The streets were cleaner and he felt his life had regained a purpose. It was a humbling experience. The school has attracted, trained and maintained excellent local teachers who make up 95% of the staff; the students from SOS villages who achieve the IB diploma enrol, with financial assistance, at universities around the world. Students can study Swahili as an IB subject along with other languages. The implementation of a quality educational programme succeeded because there was a financial and educational commitment from the authority in Austria responsible for the school. But finances alone are not sufficient if there is not educational competence and commitment at the school level. The highly motivated and capable director was able to recruit appropriately qualified local staff who were trained by the IBO. It takes perseverance in the developing world where infrastructures are not always functional. The sheer determination of the director and her connections at government level facilitated setting up the school with excellent physical facilities and with full government recognition. The school director’s annual report to SOS Kinderdorf International provided evaluation of the effect of the IB diploma programme on the students in terms of externally examined academic achievement, university acceptance, and, above all, attitudes – often expressed through the students’ commitment to community service, far beyond the required amount of minimum time. The result was positive and the programme continues. The director of the school hoped that the IB diploma programme would serve as a catalyst for pedagogical ideas for a reform of the local education system. Ghana has a small number of prestigious state schools (with free tuition) which have continued in the English tradition, including the secondary school which Kofi Anan, Secretary General of the United nations, attended – Mfantsipim. They provide a fine standard of traditional education but perhaps less of the knowledge, skills and attitudes which have been proposed in this chapter as constituting a quality education for the future. Other state and local private schools have less educational merit as they struggle with over-sized classes, lack of materials and under-trained teachers.

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In the mid 1990s the IB school director and I met with the vice-minister for education and several key people from his department to discuss the implementation of the IB diploma programme in one or two of the prestigious state schools. The idea was to make them into educational “laboratories” where both university and education department curriculum and professional development experts could undertake research in order to distil from the IB diploma programme that which would be realistically transferable to local conditions on a large scale. The existing IB school would have served as the first such “laboratory” and was willing to assist in teacher training during implementation elsewhere. We took care to indicate in our discussion that we saw the IB programme as having a different pedagogical orientation to the local programme, but this did not mean it was superior. We had as much to learn from setting up a laboratory school in the state system as the local experts did; it would facilitate educational exchanges between us and the education department and hopefully be of mutual benefit. There was, however, a certain amount of reticence in accepting a foreign diploma in any state school. It might be seen as undermining the standards of the local education system and also providing an elitist education for very few at considerable cost (although our intention was to find donors for a pilot project over five years). In addition, local educators had invested much time in creating their own Ghanaian system so that they no longer offered the “A” levels and “O” levels of the previous colonial power. In a charmingly indirect way we were told that it might be politically difficult to proceed as we had suggested, regardless of the merits of the IB diploma programme and its non-alignment with any particular country. We understood. While the potential use of an IB programme for system-wide educational reform was not possible in Ghana, some of the most underprivileged students in Africa were being given access to quality education thanks to the SOS-Hermann Gmeiner International College and SOS Kinderdorf International. A similar SOS college was founded in Costa Rica in 2000, funded from Innsbruck. It has 80 students enrolled for the 2005–06 school year; all are from SOS villages in Latin America. It started teaching the IB diploma programme for the first time (in Spanish) in 2003. From 2006 the school will become a United World College with some 300 students: about 70 of these places will continue to be reserved for SOS children from Latin America and the remaining places will be for students from all over the world who gain UWC scholarships. So, the Ghana educational opportunity for some of the world’s most deprived children has been replicated in another school across the world. The educational difference between what these children would have had (no secondary education and no diploma with international currency) is huge. The chances of this project being taken to scale in a national system are almost non-existent because of the cost in terms of finance, teacher training and support, providing the equivalent material conditions and creating similar staff to student ratios of 1 to 25 throughout a developing country. But incremental system-wide improvements could stem from these lighthouse schools by training local teachers in some selected pedagogical techniques which can be accomplished with large classes and minimum resources.

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Lessons from the Ghanaian experience were that local teachers can rise to the challenge of a demanding programme and this contributes towards capacity building and long-term sustainability. The almost antithetical student mix proved to have positive effects in terms of intercultural and inter-social understanding, and it all succeeded because of a firm financial and moral commitment from the headquarters in Austria and determination from the local head of school. We also learnt that national pride by governments is a legitimate stance and must be appreciated by “outsiders” wishing to assist. 4.2.

Primary Education Training in Cambodia

The national education system of Cambodia was decimated by the Pol Pot regime. The Cambodian government has been taking great strides to re-establish a good education for their children. The magnitude of the task is forbidding but the country’s educational leaders are courageous, competent, determined and open to ideas. In September 2002 training workshops for a total of 100 lecturers (out of the 350 in Cambodia) in primary teacher education took place for five days at Phnom Penh Teacher Training College and another five days at Takeo Teacher Training College; Takeo is the capital of a poor province some 100 km to the southwest of Phnom Penh. UNESCO Bangkok and the IBO office for the Asia-Pacific region based in Singapore jointly sponsored these workshops. The focus of the IBO workshops was on introducing the participants to the pedagogy of interactive teaching and learning with low cost resources in the primary years. The training team comprised four educators highly experienced in the pedagogical techniques of the IB Primary Years Programme (PYP) and in conducting workshops in this field—three practising teachers and the main PYP expert from the IBO regional office who acted as project coordinator. The decision to conduct teacher-training workshops in Cambodia was linked directly to one of the aims of the IBO’s strategic plan: that each of the regional offices should endeavour to undertake an initiative that was not designed specifically to promote the IB programmes but rather to contribute in some way to the education system of a developing world country. An education conference in 2001 in Beijing provided the catalyst; the IBO director for the region and the director of education for Cambodia were both in attendance. During the conference discussions, the need for training in interactive teaching strategies with minimal resources was identified by a number of participants including the director from Cambodia. The IBO regional director saw an opportunity and the seeds of an agreement to train lecturers in primary education in September 2002 were sown. The project report (Auckland 2002) indicates a preliminary planning meeting in June 2002 between the director of education, youth and sport for Cambodia and the project coordinator. It was mutually agreed that offering classroom teachers an interactive, child-centred training would be beneficial but teaching conditions at the time were not very conducive to such a pedagogy. The average pupil-teacher ratio in primary classes was 50 students to one teacher. Classrooms were cramped for space, with minimal resources. Teachers earned US$15–$25 per month.

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The director of education was hopeful that salaries and teaching conditions in Cambodia would gradually improve. He acknowledged that new pedagogical approaches would be necessary to upgrade the standard of education in his country. Future graduates must learn to compete with the foreigners who were getting the better jobs in Cambodia because of their broader knowledge, English language, and computer skills. It was decided that the proposed initial workshops would be most beneficial at the teacher trainer level as a capacity building exercise with high leverage. New teaching techniques and approaches would then transfer to the demonstration schools and then on to the young teachers of the future. The educational improvements would thus be taken more quickly to a national scale. The director wanted to integrate new pedagogy into the system, and to start breaking away from the emphasis on the “chalk and talk” style of teaching. While drawing widely on IB PYP pedagogy, the workshops would need to be tailored to the needs of the teacher trainers and the conditions in schools. A meeting of the four workshop leaders, including the coordinator, took place in Melbourne, Australia in July to prepare the workshop. An unexpected bonus occurred when the project coordinator, through colleagues at the International School of Phnom Penh (an IB school), was able to meet a VSA (Volunteer Service Abroad) resource teacher from New Zealand who had been working at the Takeo Teachers College for two years. This person secured two excellent Khmer translators who became vital members of the leadership teams in both locations; she also provided further background on teacher training needs in the country from her perspective. Each of four days focused on one of the core subjects – mathematics, science, social studies – plus language arts demonstrated as an integrated and essential component across the curriculum. UNESCO assumed responsibility for a computer skills training day within each week’s program, utilizing local NGO facilities and Phnom Penh UNESCO staff. The initial reception by the workshop participants in both Phnom Penh and Takeo was formal and serious. The largely male (more than 70%) classes of educators had pens poised to record every word pronounced and translated to them. Within the first half hour and during each following session, notebooks were put aside and used for later reflections. Rather than taking notes, the participants were involved in hands-on learning of the type their student teachers should be engaged in with their classes. Through the theme of Water, for example, maths experiences included measurement activities for volume and mass and graphing data based on surveys of local water usage. Numeration games and geometry puzzles were tried and enjoyed along with challenges for problem solving using simple manipulations like stones and toothpicks. Feedback was enthusiastic but “the smiles on the faces of the hard working Cambodian educators as they brainstormed, discussed and played together, were the most rewarding indicators of all” (Auckland 2002, p. 2). The educational difference being achieved with these teacher trainers was significant because they were starting with a handicap of many years of deprivation from formal education. The importance of asking good questions so children could become

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inquirers was illustrated through games and discussions. Participants were given practice with a variety of planning models to help organize thinking through webs and diagrams; these and their teacher-made materials were left at both teacher colleges to inspire others in the months ahead. They developed theme units for use in Cambodian primary classrooms; their topics included trees, rice, country living and natural disasters. These were very much a part of their world. It is important to sustain and expand good practices. As a result of the success of the first workshops, it was collaboratively decided to undertake a second phase which would concentrate on one teacher training college and its demonstration and cluster schools to develop a model that could be replicated around Cambodia. After researching successful teacher training practices in a number of countries, the IBO proposed a two-year partnership-based teacher training programme based on working groups or cohorts which stay together for the duration of the training. This was implemented in October 2003 by creating cohorts of 10 staff and 40 student teachers from the Kandal Teacher Training College (representing all subject areas), and 40 field-based mentor teachers from the demonstration and cluster schools. These cohorts would remain together over a two year training period. After initial training, IBO staff provide on-site support at six monthly intervals. This allows time for trying out new pedagogical techniques before discussing problems and successes. Local Cambodian educators assume interim leadership to monitor the teacher training model between visits by IBO personnel. In October 2003 an agreement was signed between the IBO and the Cambodian Ministry of Education to continue with this project until 2006, replicating it at other teacher training colleges with the following objectives: (a) to strengthen the links between the teacher training colleges, their demonstration and cluster schools and the student teachers (b) to provide teacher training in specific curriculum or theory areas as required (c) to demonstrate “child centered” and “child friendly” primary school learning as expressed in Cambodian government policy (d) to offer hands-on teaching strategies linked to Cambodian curriculum documents (e) to identify and train Cambodian educators to assume leadership roles in teacher training. Formative and summative evaluation by the ministry of education and the IBO is built into the agreement. What has worked well is the political drive from the minister and the director of education, stemming from that serendipitous meeting with the latter in Beijing in 2001. The project is a national priority. The local teacher college lecturers and staff in schools feel supported “from on high”. Adaptation of the PYP pedagogy to local conditions proved more exacting than at first anticipated, but excellent collaboration and discussion between the providers and the recipients facilitated the task. Translation between English and Khmer at training sessions has not proved to be a problem, and as more local lecturers increase their competence in this style of teaching, the need for translation will diminish. This project is beginning to impact significantly on the quality of primary education in Cambodia through its focus on local capacity building and a multiplier effect. It is

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extremely cost-effective at an annual amount of approximately US$45,000 jointly provided by UNESCO, a private donor from Hong Kong, IBO staff time and some expenses, and the Cambodian ministry of education. This project addresses the heart of the problem for all curriculum reform: training, motivating and supporting the teachers. 4.3.

Primary Education in Morocco

The “Association Partenariat Ecole-Entreprise Al Jisr” (Al Jisr Association of School-Business Partnerships) was created in 1999 with King Mohammed VI as president. (“Al jisr’ means “the bridge” in English.) The ministries of education and higher education, and the Wafa bank are members of this association which has targeted a state bilingual (Arabic/French) primary school, Lalla Aicha, in a working class suburb of Casablanca, for assistance in modernizing its pedagogical methods and improving its physical facilities. In March 2002 this association sought the assistance of the IBO for the training of teachers at the school in modern pedagogy. In July 2003 the first workshop took place with the staff of 27 plus four teachers from a neighbouring state school. The Wafa Bank and the IBO have provided joint funding; the Al Jisr association and the IBO regional office in Geneva are coordinating the project. Specifically this project seeks to train teachers of mathematics and languages at the school in pedagogical techniques of the IB Primary Years Programme (PYP) which are applicable in the local context. This is taking place regularly both within the school and by sending the teachers to workshops organized by the IBO outside Morocco over the five years of the project. At the same time, in collaboration with experts in teacher education from the ministry of education and the university system, the project is concerned with curriculum development work and the identification of teaching methods which can be applied to the conditions prevailing in state primary schools in the country. This takes the form of action research at the Lalla Aicha school with a view to integrating new ideas into curriculum reform and pedagogy in the teacher training institutions and in seminars for practicing teachers. French is one of the official languages of the IBO so workshop leaders were available to deliver seminars in that language. We were also able to find an experienced PYP speaker of Arabic, so simultaneous interpretation has not been required. Discussions have taken place with UNESCO’s International Bureau of Education in Geneva with a view to evaluating the project. The project came about through a series of coincidences. The IBO regional office asked its IB schools for suggestions to fill a vacant seat on an advisory committee to the regional director. A senior official of the Wafa bank in Morocco was suggested because of his interest in education. He joined the committee in 2001. The regional director spoke to him of her interest in undertaking a project to improve the quality of education in the primary or secondary area in a country such as Morocco. This immediately aroused his interest since his bank, which was involved with the Al Jisr association, had already undertaken to improve the quality of education in schools situated in low socio-economic areas of Casablanca. A visit to the Lalla Aicha school followed. There the Wafa bank had already improved the physical conditions immensely

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and wanted to now tackle the curriculum and teaching methodology. The pieces fitted together and the project was born. Three teacher training sessions had taken place in the school up to the end of 2003. Some recommendations by the IBO workshop leaders from the second of these sessions were: ● more practice needed in identifying objectives for each lesson and preparing stimulating lessons rather than working methodically through the school text books ● more practice with students working in groups ● the following materials are lacking: white paste, white and coloured paper, scissors, rulers, set squares, cuisinaire rods, calculators ● the photocopier was in the director’s office; it needs to be more accessible with another means of controlling use ● there is a need for the ministry of education to assign a person who would visit the school regularly, preferably once a week; this sort of follow-up after the workshops is very important for the morale of the teachers. The high level government support and its link with local private business has provided the impetus and is a feature of this project. The continuing availability of trainers in French is a problem (and more so in Arabic) since there are few of them and they are practicing teachers or administrators with commitments in their own schools; this means that there is no expert presence at the school on a regular basis, between training sessions. It is important to build up local expertise of some teacher trainers to undertake this role; the intermittent visits from IBO trainers from abroad is insufficient. Only concentrating on mathematics and languages means that some of the school staff are moving ahead in teaching techniques while the rest are left behind. It was thought that the two subject areas would be a sufficient challenge, but it may have been more sound to include all staff in general pedagogical techniques which give some emphasis to inquiry-based and child-centered learning. The project may change in this direction. An independent, interim evaluation in 2005 indicated very significant progress in interactive teaching styles and satisfaction by teachers and students. The continued involvement of local experts will increase their capacity to gradually transfer the best practices in the teaching of mathematics and languages at Lalla Aicha to other state primary schools in Morocco. This will be a long process involving not only developing the pedagogical expertise of many teachers, but supplying a minimum of teaching materials and considerable financial investment by the government or donors. Compared with Cambodia, the general enthusiasm of the teachers and teacher trainers is less. This may be explained by the fact that Morocco has not experienced the devastation of its educational system as Cambodia did in relatively recent times. The need in Cambodia is to rebuild a system while in Morocco it is to adjust a system which has been functioning for a long time. 4.4.

Middle and High School Partnerships in the USA

The IBO New York office targeted a number of schools with a high concentration of low-income students and made a proposal to the Federal Department of Education to increase access to IB programmes for these students from grades 6 to 12. This

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involves a partnership between middle and high schools in the US and it responds to the No Child Left Behind (NCLB) act. This NCLB legislation, which came into effect in 2002, is a major step towards educational reform: it demands more accountability from schools and promotes proven educational methods so that all students will have the opportunity to achieve their potential. The federal US Department of Education in Washington granted US$1.17 million from its Advanced Placement Incentive Programme for the project from January 2004 until September 2006. As a result, six state middle and high school partnerships in low socio-economic areas are implementing the IB Middle Years Programme (MYP) in Massachusetts, New York, and New Jersey. Since the five year MYP spans the last years of the middle school and the first two years of junior or high school, these partnerships provide articulation between the two educational levels which are usually two quite different schools. Vertical teaming of staff between the middle and high schools has also taken place to facilitate an educational continuum and to provide familiar faces of teachers for students as they move to the high school. The project seeks to provide low-income students with the educational foundation to participate in the IB diploma programme, or another rigorous programme, during the last two years of high school. More precisely, the pedagogical objective is to provide students with an opportunity to see relationships between subject areas, to arrive at a depth of content knowledge not found in traditional programmes, and to develop skills of analysis, synthesis and creative and critical thinking which will prepare them for further learning. A number of studies have indicated that IB programmes improve academic performance (Remington 1990), develop a higher level of international understanding (Hinrichs 2001), and can promote greater district-wide access to a variety of accelerated academic programmes such as APs, when a magnet school takes on IB programmes and nearby schools improve their course offerings in order to retain talented students. That is, the presence of an IB programme acts as a catalyst for other schools to improve their level of education (Massel 1992). Students will need good preparation and positive motivation at the MYP level in order to succeed at the IB Diploma Programme. As part of the project, on-line MYP teacher training workshop modules have been developed to cover key areas of implementation with the intention of decreasing training costs to schools and generally widening access to IB programmes. These modules have been made available as a pilot to more than 300 teachers in low-income schools (in addition to those involved in the partnerships) in the USA. The IBNA (IB North America) office worked with Virtual High School in Massachusetts in the development and hosting of the modules. Teachers College, Columbia University is undertaking evaluation of both the programme implementation and the online training modules. Programme evaluation focuses on the implementation at the various sites and changes to teaching practices and teacher attitudes as a result of the implementation. It also takes into account the effectiveness of the IB MYP on the performance and social attitudes of students from underprivileged areas. The two subdivisions from Columbia University which are involved in the evaluation are

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the Institute on Education and The Economy, and the Institute for Learning Technologies. Establishing the MYP in low-income schools represents an important opportunity for educational reform, raising academic standards, and providing access to educational opportunity for disadvantaged youth. The MYP implementation process has two main parts: teacher training and curriculum development (since the content is not rigorously prescribed). The action research on curriculum development focuses on processes more than outcomes. Some key evaluation questions include: ● in what way have teachers altered their curricula and their instructional practices to reflect IB? ● are changes in curriculum occurring evenly across all subjects? ● do teachers with varied levels of experience differ in the way they are developing curricula? ● do teachers feel sufficiently supported in developing curricula? Data collection includes instructional technique survey (pre and post), teacher perceived efficacy survey, teacher interviews, analysis of written classroom-level materials, classroom observations, student data (characteristics, discipline measures, academic performance, attitudes.) Professional development of teachers is at the core of educational reform and it is a prime requisite for schools wishing to adopt IB programmes. This project has the financial and moral backing of the US Department of Education because it seeks to improve the quality of education for low-income students in full support of the federal No Child Left Behind act. The MYP is a flexible programme in terms of content (although sample syllabi are available for all subjects and the areas of interaction), but maintains a central pedagogical framework within which schools must operate. The skills and attitudes to be developed are defined by the framework and they concur with those of the NCLB act. The project therefore caters for local educational needs in different parts of the US. The twelve schools (six partnerships) were selected because they have significant hurdles to overcome—a large percentage of their students perform below the level expected for their age—and they have demonstrated a desire to change their school cultures. This augurs well for the success of the project but the challenge is not to be underestimated. The planning included the appointment of a project director who chairs a steering committee comprising IBO senior staff from the New York office, IB coordinators from the partnership schools, and professional colleagues from Teachers College, Columbia University. Collaboration at other levels occurs. For example, the IBO staff work with local educational authorities, community and school boards, explaining the nature of the changes that IB programmes bring to the schools and mobilizing support for the project. The twelve schools will have access to all the services that IB schools receive: pre and post implementation counseling, curriculum and assessment development, reliable student evaluation via external examinations and/or external monitoring, up-to-date publications, teacher training and information seminars, and electronic networking

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which includes an online curriculum center for teachers where they can exchange ideas or seek advice. It may be decided to take this project to scale in some states of the US; this will depend on the results of the evaluation. Let us assume for the moment that educational authorities want to provide the same opportunity for many other disadvantaged youth. How could this be done? Would it be necessary to implement the MYP in many other similar partnerships—that is, replicating the initiative? Could the same conditions which gave birth to a successful (our assumption for the moment) experience be replicated elsewhere? Might this be too expensive or time-consuming? Or it might be decided to distill from the project essential pedagogical techniques, curriculum development and assessment ideas and present these in teacher training workshops throughout a region as well as introducing them into pre-service teacher training courses. This would be cost effective. Will it have the same effect? Will a handful of teachers from each school be involved (rather than all teachers in each school in the pilot project) and left to convince the majority who did not attend workshops (always a difficult task)? Can information technology be used to spread this initiative in a cost-effective way? Will teacher associations support it? These are some of the matters to consider before a successful project can become a full scale reform. At the time of writing, this project was at about the half-way stage where an evaluation of the lessons learnt thus far was about to be undertaken. The origins of this project are similar to that of the next case study in Liverpool except that the IBO took the initiative in the US whereas a local IB school did so in the UK. In both instances, a project was submitted which fitted the criteria for funding under a new national education reform initiative (NCLB in the US). This is an important avenue for bringing about educational change. 4.5.

Lifting Educational Aspirations in Liverpool, UK

The Merseyside project commenced in 2004. It seeks to improve access to quality education for students in one of the UK’s lowest socio-economic areas through the IB Diploma Programme. Broadgreen High School (HS) started to offer the IB diploma in 1992 and ceased to offer the national A level qualification in 1997; from that date it offered only the IB Diploma Programme and UK vocational qualifications. Broadgreen HS is classified by the education department as a school “in challenging circumstances.” Five percent of its students have special educational needs and 54% are entitled to a free school meal. There are two specialist units on site: a deaf resource base (for both profoundly deaf and hearing-impaired students) and an access resource base (for disabled students). In recent years some 35 students were sitting for the full IB diploma and another 25 were taking one or more single IB subjects. The number of students who succeed in gaining the IB diploma was small, but those who did not pass still felt a sense of satisfaction and achievement. Almost all of these students enter higher education in the UK, even without the full IB diploma, through arrangements with local institutions. The school gave a high priority to marketing the IB Diploma Programme and the skills it seeks to develop. Local businesses were

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interested and funded teacher training at IB workshops outside the UK. From a small beginning, interest grew and aspirations rose. The head of the school, referring to the way students’ aspirations had been lifted, said: “not every student [has] the capacity to fulfill the demands of this programme but every student can benefit from it” (Andain 2004, p. 12). In 2003 the Education, Library and Sports Services of the Liverpool City Council (LCC) produced a document, 14–19 Education in Liverpool: towards a new entitlement, as a response to the UK government’s 14–19 education white paper. A post-16 education entitlement was already in existence in Liverpool with the aim of a) putting students at the centre and b) improving retention rate post-16. With the underlying principle of enabling any student to follow any course, the LCC was inviting bids from schools within reasonable geographical proximity of each other to deliver 14–19 education, preferably on a collaborative basis. This was a challenge to local schools to ensure that students had access to a structured, broad and balanced curriculum throughout their secondary education which would provide pathways into training, further and higher education. In addition the LCC document stated that students should have access to diversified teaching and learning styles to enable them to maximise their individual potential. IB programmes were mentioned in the document amongst other possible alternatives. Community citizenship was a key skill to be developed. Broadgreen HS saw that, for their students, the IB Diploma Programme, along with local vocational courses, was fulfilling to a large degree the education entitlement that the LCC wanted for all students in Liverpool. The school drew up a bid to extend this provision in a cluster arrangement with two other state secondary institutions in the Merseyside part of Liverpool (“on Merseyside” as the locals say) and this was accepted by the LEA. Broadgreen HS is the mentor school which oversees programme implementation and maintenance. Here is an example of IB programmes fitting in to a national reform agenda via a school astute enough to see the potential to make a significant educational difference for others. The UK education authorities also deserve credit for their openness to education alternatives beyond the national curriculum. Non-national qualifications in government schools are not so readily supported in all countries. Joint discussions were held between the Liverpool City Council, Broadgreen HS and the IBO to draw up an agreement for the operation of a five year pilot project in a cluster arrangement. The LCC provided the funding. The tripartite group also agreed on a new set of “collaborative competencies” that the mentor school should demonstrate to undertake this role with two other institutions. These competencies could be applied to any future similar projects. The LCC has a clear monitoring and evaluation role under its education entitlement document and it is itself subject to area-wide inspection. During preliminary discussions it became clear that LCC was rich with value-added quantitative and qualitative data on pupils from age 5 to the end of secondary schooling which could be useful for educational research. Liverpool was building an international dimension (“the world in one city” was the Liverpool motto) with recent delegations visiting from

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China and Japan, links with Brisbane, Shanghai and Darwin and teacher visits to the USA. Education would play an important part in this internationalization of the city. This project includes a research component jointly undertaken by the IBO’s research unit at Bath University and the LCC. Two main foci for research were identified. The first was the development of a vocational element or courses for a wider range of students in the IB diploma programme. Given Broadgreen HS’s experience of successfully combining vocational education and the IB Diploma Programme the new pilot project would have insights to offer in this regard. The second was the use of e-learning to maximise student opportunities. Two or three courses would be taught by teachers from the mentor institution who would visit the other schools once a week, but use video-conferencing and e-learning for the rest of the time. So two research projects would be undertaken: one on curriculum development at senior secondary level and the other on student learning resulting from combined ICT and on-site teaching. The project has been undertaken in a way which will allow general IBO policy to be established concerning future mentor initiatives with state or private school partners in other countries. This is not an initiative that the IBO would want to see on a national scale, but it may be usefully replicated in other places and, through action research, give important information to assist national curriculum reform while at the same time enhancing the curriculum of IB programmes. What is the contribution of this project to educational reform? It provides a degree of academic challenge to students in a low socio-economic area who are traditionally catalogued for a different type of education where critical thinking skills, creativity and attitudes of respect for others are less prominent. Above all it seeks to explore further to what extent less privileged students can and will respond to a challenging programme. 5.

KEY FACTORS OF SUCCESSFUL REFORM

Educational reform may focus on system or institutional structures, centralisation or decentralisation, articulation between the various education sectors, quality control mechanisms, teacher training and teachers’ status and conditions, legal reforms concerning compulsory schooling ages, equipment and pedagogical resources, building programmes and building maintenance, or curriculum reform related to content, pedagogy and assessment. In a collection of reports of educational reforms in a number of countries produced by the Council of Europe (2000), the primary focus of most reforms was on the curriculum—this is where IBO reforms are aimed because this is where IBO expertise lies: producing programmes of international education and providing support for their implementation. The assumption in this chapter is that curriculum reform should be directed towards developing in young people the knowledge, skills and attitudes which have been identified in the earlier section on quality education. Some curriculum reforms may entail local or central structural adjustments to education systems (such as the creation of posts to oversee the reform or the inclusion of new administrative procedures.) But educating young people is about interactions

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between teachers and students; initiatives will succeed or fail in terms of the quality of those interactions. Even where online learning occurs this is a daunting task at school level without the guidance of a qualified teacher. Curriculum reform seeks to develop the knowledge, skills and attitudes needed for today and tomorrow, particularly tomorrow. Preparing students for tomorrow means knowing what their future needs are, and these will not be the same for all students. Lessons learnt through IBO projects and interactions with government education departments in a number of countries lead us to the conclusion that productive reform depends on a number of factors. Small pilot projects (like Dewey’s laboratory school—see taking reform initiatives to scale later in this section) may not eventually have a significant impact on large numbers of students in a national system. However, some pilot projects can, over time, chip away at encrusted practices by nagging at the conscience of committed public educators. At least they produce worthwhile initiatives which might be replicated on a small scale. Factors favourable to large-scale education reform: 1. strong leadership: political will and motivated actors 2. competent management 3. cultural and socio-economic sensitivity 4. reproducing the conditions of the pilot rather than its specific elements 5. effective systemic communication 6. teacher training, pedagogical support and evaluation. These factors overlap and are largely inter-dependent. The ensuing discussion draws on the experience of other projects in addition to the case studies. Each of the above factors is explored and this section concludes with comments on taking reform initiatives to scale. 5.1.

Strong Leadership

The combination of factors augurs well for a reform, but without the political will to relentlessly direct financial and human resources into setting up the initiative and managing it, other factors become redundant or simply cannot operate. The educational leaders must subscribe both officially and personally to the project and be determined to see it through. This will motivate local actors and beneficiaries, who should be represented as soon as possible in the planning. Ownership breeds enthusiasm and commitment. A general spirit that encourages, mobilizes and excites will create a favourable environment for success. This needs to come from the top. The founding body in Austria and the school head of the SOS-Hermann Gmeiner International College, Ghana were committed; this enthused teachers who gave up personal time for training and this momentum has been sustained since the beginning. Competent and credible leadership is very important. Similarly, the head of the education department and his minister in Cambodia were determined to improve primary education. The teacher trainers were delighted to see such an initiative being resourced. The small pilot project in Morocco fitted into the activities of an established association of school-business partnerships presided over by the king of that country. The commitment from a senior bank official and the ministry of education was therefore

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part of a royal thrust to improve the lot of schools in underprivileged places. The projects in the USA and Liverpool were responses to the government’s formal promotion and funding of educational reform initiatives. A government can reduce class sizes, provide appropriate pedagogical materials, train and adequately remunerate teachers if the government decides that this is a priority. But there may be legitimate political constraints to do with equality of opportunity and the possible undermining of a national system by outside educational interventions. In these situations (as with the ministry of education in Ghana) it is necessary to find a face-saving way for a government to embrace reforms which involve trying ideas from outside the country. Having a pilot programme with rigorous evaluation by local and outside experts usually provides the necessary safe-guard for the government because there is no guarantee that the trial will be adopted. But this does not convince all governments. An unsuccessful attempt to introduce the IB diploma programme into the Reasoma High School in Soweto, South Africa is an example. In the mid-1990s the Reasoma High School was amongst the top performing black schools in the country in relation to the local matriculation examinations, thanks to dynamic headship and dedicated teachers. The head told me that at the beginning of each school year hundreds of parents stood in line for days to ask her to admit their children because the parents knew that here was a school which worked. With the assistance of an IB school in Johannesburg, ten of the teachers were funded to attend IB workshops in Europe and various student and teacher exchanges occurred between the schools. The provincial education authority agreed to admit the IB diploma programme into the school provided it was externally funded and provided the students completed the national matriculation requirement at the same time. But at the more political level, the ministry of education in Pretoria stalled the process over three or four years of meetings. There was real interest in using the diploma programme as a model for educational reform, but it was felt that this positive discrimination for a small group of students (whose parents had been amongst the most educationally deprived during apartheid) would not sit well politically in the new South Africa. There was also a feeling that accepting a programme like the IB might appear that the ministry was critical of its own “Curriculum 2005” reform for the country (which had just been launched). Interestingly the reform documents promulgated an educational philosophy and a pedagogy not dissimilar to that of the IBO with less emphasis (understandably) on an international perspective. Putting this into practice would be quite a challenge. 5.2.

Competent Management

The determination of the educational leaders will only succeed if the initiative is properly managed in all of its detail, and this includes establishing a realistic time frame not necessarily tied to political terms of office. This means that those who are to implement the project must have bought into it and must understand it. When a pilot goes to scale or a ministry of education decides to innovate right across the country without first running a pilot, very careful planning must take place to ensure

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that the budget and staff to oversee the implementation is adequate. This assumes that funding has been obtained. The IBO had a written agreement from the Minister for Education in Senegal some years ago for the implementation of the IB Diploma Programme in a state school in Dakar as a model for action research in teacher training and curriculum development. Funding was to be sought from the European Union’s Lomé Convention (as it then was) and the minister’s office was to prepare that funding request for the minister’s signature. In spite of this top level enthusiasm and that of the parents at the school, the project languished on the desk of a technical advisor in the ministry for almost three years. Every few months I enquired but no-one in the ministry was convinced that this was a priority, and the minister was too busy to follow it up. Eventually the request was finalised one afternoon with me present, at the minister’s request and sent to the EU office in Dakar. By this time the funding criteria had changed and the project did not qualify. For a project to advance within reasonable time limits there must be a person “on the ground” who has authority and credibility to manage each step. Planning for the Cambodia workshop included a search for several delivery models of teacher training and the development of a model which would work best in the country: training cohorts. Delegation of responsibility to regional centres might be necessary while still retaining well-coordinated management from the centre. In one particular country in East Africa which I visited regularly, the text books were supposed to be provided free of charge by the government to all of its schools, but they always arrived months after the start of the school year, if they arrived at all. Part of the problem was financial, but part of it was also a lack of professionally trained logistics experts who could implement inventory control and stock management for national text book distribution (a common method of providing teaching material in Africa.) The training model in Cambodia shared its activity around teacher training institutions in different parts of the country. Lester Thurow, professor of management and economics, and formerly dean of the Sloan School of Management at MIT, said that the World Bank should not provide money for schools unless countries can demonstrate they have the social organization to run them and get all children to those schools. “No outside agency can force Africa or India to make the social changes necessary to make universal education a reality. . . . Only local political regimes can make such changes (Thurow 2003 p236).” Political determination must include adequate resources and sensitive handling of those local traditions particularly where the children work at home rather than attending school. Good reform management does not rush. The case studies range from three to five years with one project continuing indefinitely (the IB diploma programme at the school in Ghana.) A politically motivated change will usually entail a timetable for completion which is within the life of the current government. Technical experts in the department of education will be told to start as quickly as possible so that media reports can go out from the minister that something is being done. Governments want quick answers to the carping electorate and opposition (where there is one). If the

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reform strikes trouble and does not progress there will be no more mention of it; most people will conveniently forget and move their minds on to the next national crisis. Education will become an issue again in a few years time. Educational reform at the class room level (which is where it finally counts) is a long process. Teacher training on a massive scale is at the centre. Motivating teachers to become active, positive participants in the reform is essential. Change agent literature is replete with the problems of implementing new initiatives which threaten established practices. A majority of participants need to be convinced that the reform is worthwhile. This is a management challenge which takes time. Contrary to the assertion above about governments preferring short time spans, the interim 14–19 Curriculum and Qualifications Reform (Tomlinson 2004, p. 3) for the UK proposed a period of “up to ten years” of phased progress towards a new diploma structure for students from 14–19 years of age. Perhaps this is why the report was virtually “shelved”! Mamadou Ndoye (2001, p. 2) notes that a reform initiative once launched can take unforeseeable directions. Those who are implementing it do so in accordance with their own propensity for innovation and autonomy. It is therefore important to set up networks for exchanging and sharing experience as the innovation is being developed. This development is also a learning process which adapts and changes the innovation itself. 5.3.

Cultural and Socio-economic Sensitivity

There is a danger when innovations which have succeeded in Western, developed countries are transplanted into a developing nation. The needs and prevailing conditions of the target country should be taken into account. The application of Western education models to other cultures, and vice-versa, must be treated with caution as Hasbi (2003, p. 381) notes: We must find a way of avoiding wholesale curriculum transfer and be wary of the prescriptions of international experts whose approach may be influenced by ethnocentrism. The not-so-happy precedent of solutions handed down by the international financial institutions to the countries of the South should be a lesson. Education can never be reduced to wholesale transposition from one country or civilisation to another. Education thus carries with it the seeds of ambivalence. It is this ambivalent nature of education which needs careful attention when seeking to transfer an idea into a different context. We in the West must be aware that, even with the best will in the world, others might assign an arrogance to well-meaning interventions because we may be coming from a privileged economic position which seems to carry with it a sense of superiority in terms of knowledge, skills and a long tradition of learning. It has been pointed out that some intellectual centres corresponding to universities appeared first in the Arab world before those in Europe: the college/mosque of Al-Qarawiyyin in Fez (Morocco) was founded in 859 and that of Al-Azhar in Cairo in 972 before the universities of Bologna and Paris (Akkari 2003, pp. 399–400).

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Moreover “efforts . . . to give the West credit for a unique and absolute rationality and a creativity, which are seen as consubstantial with it, simply demonstrate amnesia and ethnocentricity.” (Hasbi 2003, p. 378). In 1983 Nigeria expelled two million Ghanaians. The international Red Cross set up refugee camps in Ghana to receive them. The camps remained empty. The refugees were welcomed and supported by their extended families. It was unthinkable that it should be otherwise. Developed nations have lessons to learn from the developing world. Large scale reforms brought in at ministerial level on the back of laudable educational philosophies and an alien logic will come up against local traditions which should have been considered and harnessed into the process from the beginning. In most Mediterranean and African cultures, for example, time is not linear but rather cyclical. There is also a view of the world which sees it ruled by a complex system of symbolic and spiritual exchanges where Western logic and materialism would have difficulty finding a niche. These are valid alternative views which govern the lives of millions of people. Spirituality is not necessarily the converse of development. Sensitivity to such views will enhance educational reforms; disregarding them could bring a reform to its knees. It is a question of identifying the point of departure and the provenance of the local knowledge and customs—these will determine what is important for students to learn in that context and about other contexts. Three of the five case studies occur in non-Western civilisations and two of them are in languages other than English (in Cambodia and Morocco). Care was taken to understand and adapt the project to the local situations and mentalities, but one wonders to what extent a latent feeling of Western imposition of culture remains in the minds of participants, particularly where local people are not involved in the delivery to those being trained. Aspirations and capacities differ. Educational reforms must respond to the needs of the students and provide them with a basis for life-long learning. Schools such as the SOS Herman Gmeiner School in Ghana attempt to bring students from very different socio-economic differences together on a human level. The case studies in the USA and the UK involve sensitivity to the culture of the less privileged in socioeconomic terms. Sensitivity is not a euphemism for adopting a patronising attitude; it means understanding the needs of the students, their home circumstances and where they are in Maslow’s hierarchy. Attention to cultural and socio-economic aspects is at the heart of an excellent initiative by the DeKalb County Board of Education and Georgia State Board of Education which approved funding for a state IB school (K-6) for refugee children in DeKalb County, Georgia, USA. The eight largest refugee communities in this county are from Bosnia, Somalia, Kosovo, Vietnam, Ethiopia, Former USSR, Sudan, and Iraq, and there are other refugees from Afghanistan, Sierre Leone, and the Congo; they total approximately 2,500 individuals. The International Community School (ICS) opened in August 2002 and uses the IB Primary Years Programme (PYP). Like the SOS Herman Gmeiner School, half of the students are mainstream Americans. A circular letter from the executive director of

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A Sudanese child in kindergarten learns to count by two’s, using chalk numbers drawn on the sidewalk. A first grader from Bosnia weaves a table mat, practising math skills by measuring and creating a pattern. A second grader from the Congo reads with an American child about the friendship between native Americans and pilgrims. The miracle of the International Community School begins anew each day. Across the lines of class and culture, 125 children from thirty countries join hands to learn, work and play (Thompson 2002). It would be interesting to evaluate the progress of these children in the context of the school and its educational programme in terms of knowledge, skills and attitudes. This could inform similar initiatives elsewhere. The refugee children are at a common starting point affectively but with different degrees of schooling, depending on how long schools were closed in their countries. For almost all of the refugee children, English is a new language which they will soon master since the instruction is in English and half the students are American. Students who are not at survival level (the first step of Maslow’s pyramid)—and there are millions of children and adults in this situation—will need social, economic, entrepreneurial and educational assistance to improve their prospects and their self-esteem before they are at ease with themselves and can gradually aspire to the acquisition of critical thinking skills, analysis, and international understanding which are at the level of “self-actualisation.” However, let us make no mistake about the advanced nature of attitudes of sharing and skills of collaboration amongst many of the world’s people who live in abject poverty and often without the benefit of schooling. Complex networking enables them to retain their dignity. For example, the notion of an “open house” to all members of extended families in Africa means that those with little to eat, will go with even less to share with visitors. Intricate networks, that a Westerner would have difficulty in comprehending, offer solidarity, friendship and economic support (however meagre). In the West we institutionalise “soup kitchens” and shelters for the destitute. In Africa, on the other hand, the poor have quite a sophisticated notion of social capital: they have very established social networks which produce gains and economies of scale from working together. This goes largely unnoticed because the economic gains are insignificant in a Western economy, but vital for those in Africa. In Senegal, for example, the notion of “teranga” is important. It means “generosity” and “hospitality” in Wolof and is part of the culture—“the secret conditioning of their origins” as Gordimer (2001, p. 38) nicely puts it—of all Senegalese people. The poorest of the poor would go without in order to give something to a stranger. (This also applies in many other developing countries.) Many families in the developing world need their children to work on the land or in other ways to make ends meet financially. Sending them to school is not seen as a priority, particularly for girls. Education personnel need to patiently explain to parents the advantages of learning, and to explore alternative methods of survival without the

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children working at home all day. Small government subsidies to compensate while children are at school might be one way. There is also the question of national pride and political survival. Senior education administrators in Ghana saw the IB diploma programme as elitist, with the potential to undermine the standard of the local system, and possibly also as a foreign diploma linked to neo-colonialism. In South Africa, the new Mandela government had invested much time in developing a fresh curriculum and probably regarded the IB diploma programme as another “white man’s” imposition (although they were too polite to say so), given the appalling period of apartheid from which they had just emerged. The lesson is not to agitate for an external programme in its entirety in even one or two pilot schools if it is seen as a threat to the credibility of the national system or if it might recall political regimes which the nation would prefer to forget. In retrospect, we should have gone back with a proposition about teacher training in IBO pedagogical techniques applied to the national educational programmes in Ghana and in South Africa. 5.4.

Reproducing the Conditions of the Reform

Just as biological transplants run the risk of rejection by the new body, exporting successful ideas from one country to another or between different contexts within the same country might be dysfunctional in the new setting. “It is imperative to recreate those conditions that allowed an initiative to bloom,” says Ndoye (2001, p. 5). It is the factors which contribute to the nurturing of the successful experiment that are important. Corporate or national reforms are often applied to local conditions which will never be exactly the same, so effort must be made to induce an environment propitious to accepting the innovation. Tedesco (1998, p. 85) gives the same message, stated in a slightly different way: “It seems more important to generalize the ability to innovate than the innovations themselves.” A few years ago an IB school in South Africa bought an old bus, renovated it into a library with desks and placed it at a major entrance to the sprawling Alexandria township of around one million people living in the poorest of conditions in Johannesburg. A few students from the township who had managed to lift their eyes above the squalor of their daily existence used the bus as a quiet place to study in the hope of achieving something in life. The IB students undertook regular weekly attendance at the bus as part of their CAS to bring books to the library, help the Alexandria students and boost their morale. Would this have worked if a similar bus had been parked in front of a township in Cape Town, for example? If the government built a study centre on the outskirts of Alexandria with up-to-date Internet access, a library and personnel, would students still come? When I visited the bus outside Alexandria there were about 15 students in it studying and the IB students were helping them. The Alexandria students felt at ease with the others. Someone was taking interest in them. This peer group human dimension of the project might be important to include if a similar initiative were to be done at several townships. The conditions conducive to reform include the technical expertise and materials, but building up a strong social network of people attracted by the vision of the reform

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is an equally important factor and will contribute to its sustainability. The elements of the supportive environment are more important than the elements of the innovation itself. The supportive environment has social, motivational, financial, and material components. Once some key staff (who are not necessarily the official people in authority) have been caught up in a new idea they will bring the others along with them. Grand-Bassam, the former capital of the Côte d’Ivoire, is about 30 km south of Abidjan on the coast. It is known for its lovely beaches and extensive markets of craftwork. Several years ago a national, private, all-African day and boarding secondary school there contacted our Geneva office with a wish to do the IB diploma programme (in French). The school’s tuition fees for the year were US$400 and US$900 including boarding. The president of the school board, a native of the country (with university degrees from Geneva and Belgium), had a successful engineering consultancy in Abidjan and had read about the IB diploma programme in an Air Afrique (the company no longer exists) magazine while on a flight. He told me he had been attracted by the international perspective, the academic rigour and the international recognition. The establishment of the IB diploma programme in the school constituted an educational reform of some magnitude: changing from a didactic, teacher dominated approach to challenging students in critical thinking and analysis, embracing a more pragmatic teaching of maths and sciences rather than a theoretical emphasis, introducing an international dimension, understanding and implementing internal assessment (or course) work, training students to complete an extended essay, coming to grips with the teaching of the theory of knowledge course, understanding the role and administrative complexities of an IB Coordinator, integrating CAS into the formal curriculum. The physical plant was adequate if somewhat Spartan; there was virtually no library (and no Internet access at that time) and very little science equipment for the two laboratories. Classrooms were equipped with desks, chairs and blackboards, and there was an extensive sports field. Total secondary enrolment was about 300 students and there were 25–30 students per class. The IB diploma programme has been successfully implemented in many different types of schools around the world. This is because a set number of similar conditions are always present. The elements of the programme and its administration do not change, but the supporting human and physical environment may and where that occurs to a marked degree, the IBO prefers not to accept a school; the risk of failure is too great. I was directly involved in counselling the Grand-Bassam school into preparing for and implementing the IB diploma programme. I realised the change was significant and that the school would require much support. Over a period of three years and five personal visits to the school it became clear that this exciting project could not succeed. Teachers had been trained both on-site by IBO personnel and by sending some teachers to workshops in Europe (through external funding). The IB and CAS coordinators (who both spoke English) also visited the SOS Herman Gmeiner International College in Ghana to see their counterparts in operation over several days. I personally spent much time explaining and demonstrating the roles of IB and CAS coordinator to the incumbents and to the head of school. In the classrooms the teachers were effective and lively, and were gradually involving the students in

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discussion and questioning rather than having them take down notes lesson after lesson and learning them by heart. But three major problems became evident. The first was the lack of determination from the head of school who seemed to be engrossed in day-to-day issues. The president of the school board had imposed this new programme without consulting the head or the teachers. So when discussions about the IB diploma programme occurred the head gave that smiling attention which politeness decreed and paid occasional lip-service to the idea. He did not, however, become engaged. This had important repercussions on the ability of the IB Coordinator to manage the teachers (the second problem) in terms of deadlines, following the syllabi, collecting the required amount of internal assessment work for each subject, and so on. The IB Coordinator was a young, intelligent, dynamic man who had graduated from the government teacher training institution in Abidjan five years previously. He understood what had to be done, but he had never done it and had no authority over the teachers and no support from the head. The third problem was that most of the teachers understood the requirements of their subjects, but had no experience in teaching this way. (The school board had provided a small amount of material for the biology and physics teachers to use in the laboratories; this was exciting for them but new.) This lack of IB experience was not unusual in other IB schools: teachers and coordinators without IB experience have succeeded if trained in the short but intensive IB workshops. Schools without any experienced IB staff have managed. But the essential condition lacking in this Côte d’Ivoire context was having ready access to experienced people on a daily basis. Telecommunications were not reliable to the nearest IB school in Ghana, and visits by road (by air was too expensive) took almost a day each way. Internet was not readily available in the country at the time, so any communication with Geneva or other countries was very expensive for the small institutional budget. The school was isolated and the educational and administrative leap was too great for them to manage alone. The goodwill and interest on the part of most of the staff, in spite of the IB having been imposed, were not enough. They needed moral and technical support on a daily basis. In retrospect there should have been at least one very experienced IB teacher or administrator brought in to the school full time for a year to fulfil this function. The school also needed a head with the will to make the new programme succeed. It was not possible to reproduce sufficient conditions for successful implementation so the IB diploma programme, after a faltering start, was abandoned at the request of the IBO. In the school in Ghana, on the other hand, the conditions for success were present: strong leadership and support by the head and teachers, careful planning, and effective, continuing teacher training. While in Cambodia, experience has shown that the conditions of strong political will, good management, high teacher and lecturer motivation, and adapting the reform to the national culture have been successfully reproduced in different teacher training centres throughout the country. 5.5.

Effective Systemic Communication

The formal and informal opportunities for capturing, interpreting and forwarding information about an innovation throughout a system are important for the success of

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a full-scale operation at a national or regional level. Even more important than the information itself is the approval of official and unofficial leaders; the communications network will convey enthusiasm or concerns and this will determine the ready acceptance or otherwise of the educational project. Management must see to it that well-developed networks for spreading ideas and experiences are available at a local, national and international level. At the local level non-formal communication will probably be the most effective, but formal publicity in the press or in professional publications is also necessary to add credibility and to move the reform forward nationally or overseas. State or regional education departments should have fluid, uncomplicated communication systems for sending and receiving messages; a bureaucracy too zealously administered can stop good ideas dead in their tracks. Reforms need the mantel of officialdom and the non-formal supporting networks which have a powerful influence on teachers accepting or rejecting an idea. Extrapolation from an isolated pilot project needs careful handling if the message and the practice are to remain undistorted as it spreads. An effective communicative process will act like tendrils fastening clear information to the central fibre of the network; the message adheres, does not come unstuck or sag, does not lose its essence nor its moral support as it moves throughout the system. However, ambiguous or unclear messages, particularly from different sources, will not stick to the central communication channel; they will be diverted and altered by various groups so that the final incumbents receive a distorted signal which hardly resembles that emitted by the original source. This is not to say that adaptation is not necessary. It is. What is important is that the original message arrives unclouded to various strategic points of the system where decisions can be made about modifying it to suit local circumstances, but the principles of the reform remain intact. Relevant communication strategies will involve having one single, reliable source for transmitting project information. This can be facilitated by teleconferencing or videoconferencing to other parts of the system by the innovators themselves so that the integrity of the message does not suffer as it would if it were passed along the line like “Chinese whispers.” A number of key people from different geographical locations and different levels of the system should visit the innovation for a period of time and become involved in discussions of its advantages and disadvantages. Only when the innovators are satisfied that the visitors have understood the nature of and conditions conducive to the success of the pilot project should these people become proponents of the innovation and pass it on to others. This does not mean that the innovation will be identical elsewhere—it will need to adapt—but its essence will not have changed and will not have been erroneously explained. Capacity-building is a form of communication by relay. Leaders demonstrate a practice which they have learnt from someone else. The innovators must have confidence in those who will pass on the theory and practice. Generalising an educational initiative to all government schools in a country is a form of franchising without the risk of economic loss. (Financial gains or losses do, however, apply to independent schools whose major income is from tuition fees.)

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The big difference between state education and a commercial enterprise is that there are captive consumers in the former: the schools and their students. We know almost exactly how many people are going to “buy” the product and the quantity of materials needed. The problem with all franchising is to maintain quality whether we are talking about Kentucky fried chicken, Coca Cola or educational programmes distributed around the world or throughout a country. The further from the source, the greater is the chance of straying from the original concept. This is particularly true with an educational initiative where we cannot simply rebottle it in the original form, hand it out anywhere and expect it to work. Other factors enter the equation: teacher competence and motivation, cultural and socio-economic context, the teacher-student relationship, the readiness of the learners. Communication and training are necessary conditions for the interpretation and reproduction of the original product in many new locations (in all state schools in a nation for example). In market terms an innovation has “positioning” and “personality.” Positioning defines its competitive context; in education this could be contrasting the reform idea with what already exists within that country or in other nations. The personality of the innovation refers to the “unique combination of the functional attributes and symbolic values associated with [the idea]” (Cambridge 2002, p. 241). The communication system must not distort the instructions pertaining to the essential operative components nor the values that are associated with the reform. There may be specific techniques which have to be used and the educational programme may be, for example, providing much-needed assistance to students who are marginalized or have learning difficulties—hence there are symbolic (and real) values which might persuade a nation to embrace the new idea. The Cambodia case study is a good example of effective systemic communication where the integrity of the PYP pedagogy, adapted to the local conditions, has not been lost in transmitting it to different teacher training centres and demonstration schools because the same workshop leaders have been used to establish the reform in each place. Moreover this reform has “personality” (in Cambridge’s terms) because symbolically a new education is promoting independent thinking and child-centred learning in direct contrast to the mind control tactics of the horrific Pol Pot regime. IB programmes are an example of franchising education on a global scale but in an infinitely small number of schools compared with the total in the world. This requires international communication within the IBO system. The message about the original idea passes through the following levels: corporate (centralised) to regional to subregional to school. At each stage someone or some document from the previous stage is present to ensure that the integrity of the programme is being respected. The message is communicated through ● written curriculum documents ● workshop training packages produced centrally for all three programmes to which workshop leaders can add their own material and adjust for context ● training of the workshop leaders by corporate and regional experts ● constant updating through electronic communication ● feedback from monitoring the work of the school.

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Once a school is authorized, teachers are required to continue attending workshops for face-to-face communication, to use the IBO’s On-line Curriculum Centre which communicates the latest knowledge about each of the programmes and provides for comment and mutual assistance by IB teachers around the globe. Education reforms are also taking place at an individual level all over the world, unrelated to any national system. The Open University in the UK and the Monterrey Technical University in Mexico are among the world’s foremost distance learning institutions for tertiary education students. Virtual schools have appeared with courses and credentials available on-line in traditional school subjects at a number of levels. “In many developing countries, teacher networking over the Internet is leading to better curriculum development and rapid exchanges of best practices” (Rischard 2002, p. 29). So, in spite of the inertia of many national systems, pockets of teachers here and there are improving the quality of their teaching via electronic means. 5.6.

Teacher Training, Pedagogical Support and Evaluation

Pre-project and on-going teacher training is the sine qua non of curriculum educational reform. At the national level this depends on each of the other factors outlined in this section: political will to motivate teachers, a large investment of funds, good planning, sensitivity towards the socio-economic and cultural milieux in which the new idea will be established, and reproducing the teacher knowledge and skills which ensured the success of the pilot. Pedagogical support in terms of syllabus documents, sample student assessments, teaching aids, and where possible ICT and internet, go hand-in-hand with teacher training. In some countries structural adjustments may be necessary to accommodate the desired teaching methodology—such as reducing the size of classes and the number of lessons a full-time teacher should cover. Such adjustments are political decisions to increase financial investment in education; this depends on the president or prime minister and the extent to which other ministers are willing to relinquish part of the finite government budget. Most large scale educational reforms fail through lack of effective teacher training and support. The magnitude of the task is not to be underestimated. The “explosion” model (see next section) of scaling up innovations places peak demand on teacher training and provision of materials throughout a country within a very short space of time. This is virtually impossible to attain. It requires having at one’s disposal an army of educators, highly practised in the new techniques, who can be dispersed to educational districts throughout a country where they train very large numbers of teachers and administrators at the same time. Replication and capacity-building (see next section) are the more usual models for taking curriculum reform to scale. They place much less peak demand on teacher training because the progression is gradual, reaching out from one or more pilot projects. There is time to prepare for the mass production of materials and to establish quality assurance mechanisms for the transmission of the teaching methodology and curriculum development via training of the trainers. However, the danger is that it can

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take years—many years in largely populated countries—to penetrate a whole education system unless there is efficient devolution to a number of regions, a large number of trainers, and a good communication infrastructure to keep up the momentum and motivation. This time delay is exacerbated in the developing world by structural problems to do with the status and payment of teachers, quality control, lack of incentives for teachers, size of classes, centralization, planning, stock control, and so on. The success of IB programmes depends directly on the adequacy of the support materials and the teacher training which is obligatory for all IB schools both before and after authorization to offer the programmes. The role of teacher training, pedagogical support and evaluation may be illustrated in the planning of a health education project in Bangalore for which funding is being sought at the time of writing. The IBO prepared the initiative in collaboration with the Commonwealth Association for Mental Handicap and Development Disabilities (CAMHADD), the World Health Organization (WHO), and the City Corporation of Bangalore. It is a project to train secondary teachers in state schools to impart good health practices and raise the level of health awareness. As potential workshop leaders are identified locally and trained in subsequent workshops, this will become a capacity building exercise which will spread to more schools. The project targets 32 secondary schools under the responsibility of the Bangalore Mahanagara Palike (City Corporation). The children attending these schools, many of which lack basic amenities and educational materials, are from the most disadvantaged families among the urban poor. Local teachers receive minimal training for their profession. The need for health education was identified as a priority by the city corporation authorities. The first two workshop events were planned to train (in groups of 16) 32 teachers of English and 32 teachers of science, that is, one English and one science teacher from each school. The workshop leaders chosen were experts in the “health and social education” area of interaction of the IBO Middle Years Programme (MYP). One of them is teaching in an IB school in the city and is a native of the country. Wherever possible, it is good strategy to have some local workshop leaders involved as soon as possible; it enhances capacity building and avoids the charge, in this cultural context, that “the West is again telling us what to do.” Their task was not to implement the MYP but to concentrate on demonstrating classroom activities from this part of the MYP, adapted to local conditions. Not just demonstrating, but practical application by having the workshop participants involved in teaching the rest of their group and then discussing what went well and what could be improved. This required careful preparation on the part of the workshop leaders. Before any teacher training exercise the leaders must know ● the level of the teachers’ training and experience in the area to be addressed ● the language in which the teachers will feel most comfortable; will simultaneous interpretation be required? ● the main issues to be addressed (for this project: the health problems for children and their families in the target schools) ● the extent of the students’ prior learning and knowledge in the area (for example, are there relevant parts of text books which they have covered?)

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the physical facilities of the schools; (for example, are there science laboratories, a library, text books?) ● the average size of classes—this will determine teaching strategies ● whether the teachers have access to an overhead projector, photocopying machine, or computer ● where the workshop will take place and what equipment is available to the leaders. This knowledge enables the leaders to determine the amount and type of pedagogical support material needed at the time of the workshops. But this particular project also has a continuing, on-site mechanism as another support arm. It involves the twinning of some of the City Corporation schools with IB schools in close proximity. This provides regular (usually weekly) support from the more privileged IB schools, although it was not possible to extend this at once to all of the 32 schools involved in the project. The IB schools seek to empower the teachers in the local schools through assistance with teaching methodology and pedagogical materials, allowing the local schools to share some of the IB school facilities such as science laboratories and sports fields, improving conversational and written English in the local schools, and through collaborative cultural events in art, theatre, music and dance. In other words, after the workshops, there is on-going support to motivate the local teachers and maintain the momentum of the new approach. In addition the IB schools, as part of compulsory community service, expose their students to the village panchayats (councils) to undertake projects involving various social, political and economic issues with a view to assisting in solving problems. This community service provides another valuable link, in a different context, with the children who attend the City Corporation schools and it is already operating independently of the training component which requires funding. Regular evaluation and monitoring by educators outside the reform, regular support and presence of advisors, and follow-up and fine tuning as the programme evolves— learning from mistakes—are important features of educational reform. CAMHADD and the City Corporation, neither of whom are involved in the delivery will jointly evaluate the Bangalore project. The aim is to improve the quality of education in the city secondary schools by ● improving the teaching techniques of teachers of English and science ● bolstering the morale and motivation of teachers through an innovative, child-centred approach to teaching ● providing information, support materials and training to teach healthy practices via the English and science curriculum. After the first workshops of two days, the teachers will apply the techniques in their classes and come back to a second workshop about two months later to discuss progress and reception by the students. During the second workshop, potential leaders will be identified for further training thus enabling the techniques to spread to other schools. If funding continues, workshops will be organised for health education via other school subjects. The evaluation will determine to what degree the objectives have been met from the perspectives of the two parties involved in the evaluation. This will inform future workshops and assistance to these schools. ●

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The long-term aim of this partnership programme is to gradually improve the quality of education (with an emphasis on health) in the 32 schools through regular training of potential workshop leaders as well as teachers, and through the provision of pedagogical support in terms of materials and mutually (particularly in terms of cultural exchange) beneficial links with IB schools. So, teacher training, pedagogical support and project evaluation are key components of educational reform; this is also evident in each of the case studies which have been discussed. 5.7.

Taking Reform Initiatives to Scale

Scaling up may occur through replication, explosion, unplanned association or capacitybuilding. Replication is the gradual expansion of an innovation in different places by accommodating it to local circumstances each time it is repeated (like the case studies in Ghana and the UK). Explosion means that an entire country adopts a reform without a pilot phase (like the Cambodia project). Adjustments to local conditions occur after systemic implementation. Explosion requires large resource mobilization, excellent coordination and a good communications network. A national literacy campaign is an example of scaling up by explosion. Unplanned association takes place when several similar but distinct, uncoordinated efforts emerge in response to the needs of different groups throughout a country. Since it is unplanned there is lack of coverage but it may lead over time to some uniformity and fairly wide generalization. Capacity-building seeks to use the leverage of the multiplier effect by training locals who in turn can train others. Most donor grants to the developing world now insist that a major part of any project should include capacity-building. The Morocco and USA case studies have this as an ultimate goal once the pilot phase has been completed and evaluated; during the life of the projects local people are gradually trained so as to increase local capacity. Taking an innovation to scale can occur at a local, national or international level. Most governments aim at generalizing an educational practice within a region or a nation, depending on whether there is a federation of states or a highly centralized system. The programmes of the IBO are taken to scale by increasing replication in various schools scattered around the globe. In all nations they represent only a very small percentage of the total number of schools, and world wide hardly a fraction of the total number of students of school age. The influence of IB programmes is, however, much larger than the number of schools teaching them. (See the section “How IB programmes have contributed to educational reform.”) Small scale educational experiments have the potential to go beyond the initial context and be implemented in a national education system. A small pilot project can be tested, evaluated and discarded or fine-tuned. The risks are limited and there is the opportunity to develop a model for reproduction on a large scale. This is the theory. In fact, in Africa, few education reforms have travelled beyond their modest origins (Ndoye 2001, p. 3). Why? The context and actors will change as the project is scaled up. This increases the risk that it will not be possible to reproduce the supportive conditions of the pilot because essential factors were under-estimated: ● escalating costs ● administration on a large scale was not well handled

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resistance of stakeholders (threats to self-interest, conservatism, bureaucracy) lack of trained teachers and of experienced people to do the training ● linguistic problems which impinge on cultural perceptions and the possible cost of interpretation and translation. The reality is that taking pilot projects focused on one or two schools to a larger scale is complex. “Success is rare, and the obstacles numerous, including cost constraints, differing contexts, lack of local demand, inadequate capacity to manage and carry out the innovation, and trade union or social resistance and opposition” (Ndoye 2001, p. 3). The success of some initiatives may depend on their small scale nature and the particular conditions present; in such cases amplification across a system is not an option. Replication may be possible in a few places over time with some mutual support binding these isolated instances together. Highly successful experiments in specially founded schools with hand-picked teachers of excellence, and well motivated students are unlikely to be replicable, let alone be conducive to taking to scale in the mass of public schools. For example, John Dewey and his wife started the Laboratory School at the University of Chicago in 1896, promoting the natural learning ideas of Rousseau (Ravitch 2000, pp. 171–3). Pupils initiated and directed much of their own work. There was one teacher for every six students. The 140 children were all from white, affluent, professional families, hardly representative of the population to be found in Chicago public schools. Dewey commented, rather naïvely, that this type of education should be feasible for any state school system. He later realised that such ideal conditions made whole scale adoption of this successful experiment unrealistic. Nevertheless some state superintendents in the US imposed a type of progressive education where the teacher’s role became subservient to the natural evolution of the students. Many teachers continued to teach as they had before and “put on a show” when inspectors arrived in the schools. National educational reform must be flexible and realistic enough to be transferable to all schools. Effective networking, clear communication and nonformal approaches are important actions which will assist taking a programme to scale. Clearly, trained and motivated teachers are essential; without them national education reforms remain at the level of political rhetoric and cannot be generalised. The Cambodia case study is an excellent example of taking a project to scale by building up the capacity of the teacher training institutions. The potential problems of language, resistance by stake-holders, lack of strong leadership and lack of appropriate trainers were addressed. Moreover, this project was conceived on a national scale from the beginning to influence teaching and learning in primary schools. Tedesco (1998, p. 86) remarks that educational reform in developing countries depends very much on international cooperation since there is little scope for investment by the governments of those countries in teacher training, equipment and materials to take a project to scale. Funds invested must be carefully controlled by one or more people representing the donors sur place, and they should not be approved unless the country has a good track record for effecting reforms. ● ●

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CONCLUSION

This chapter commenced with a brief overview of the IBO and its programmes followed by an attempt to define quality education in terms of relevance, an international perspective, and the development of certain knowledge, skills and attitudes to support sustainable development. The ways in which the IBO has contributed to educational reform, with examples, were outlined and five case studies were described in some detail. Desirable educational reform is that which leads to a quality education as outlined in the second part of this chapter. The final section proposed six key factors of successful reform, plus a discussion about scaling up projects, drawn from the experiences of the IBO. The IBO continues to collaborate with governments and other partners – UN agencies, universities, private institutions, non-government organizations – to exchange educational ideas which will be of mutual benefit for improving the quality of what is offered to students in schools around the world. NOTES 1

2

3

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UNESCO (2002, p. 4) includes the following aspects in the human dimension of sustainable development: “promoting civil democracy, reinforcing the philosophy of lifelong learning, developing responsible, caring and contributing citizens, and investing in human and social capital.” In 1925 Adolphe Ferrière, a member of the school board, sent a letter to seventeen European leaders in educational reform, seeking their comments on a proposed maturité internationale. (In Switzerland the secondary leaving certificate is called the maturité). A socialist and educationist, Ferrière was a member of the Rousseau Institute (founded in 1912) which became the International Bureau of Education in 1925 with Piaget as its first director and Ferrière as assistant director (Avanzini et al 1979, p. 44). The November 1946 Handbook of the Collège Cévénol, France contains the following statement by the then Minister for Education, André Philip: “The necessity for secondary teaching to align itself with international schools is felt more and more. These schools should be able to deliver an international diploma authorised by UNESCO and having equivalent status with the corresponding diplomas of each nation.” One of the three aims of the Conference of Internationally-Minded Schools was “to work towards recognition of the equivalence of university entrance diplomas in all countries and the development of international diplomas for university acceptance everywhere.” A comparative study of SAT I and SAT II tests as predictors of university success was undertaken by Geiser and Studley (2001) of the University of California. They analyzed the records of almost 78,000 freshmen entering the university over a four year period and concluded that tests which emphasize curriculum based achievement (like the SAT II tests) are better predictors of higher education success than tests of skills in maths and verbal reasoning (the SAT I test). The fact that the College Board has proceeded with changes (which become fully operational in 2005) to the SAT I test to relate it more to the curriculum content of schooling indicates that the Board was influenced by the research.

REFERENCES Akkari, A. (2003). The Euro-Arab dialogue: an educational bridge—what is education’s role? Prospects, XXXIII (4), December, 397–403. Andain, I. (2004). Broadgreen High School, Liverpool, UK. IB Research Notes, 4 (1) January. 12–13. Available on line at www.ibo.org under “research”. Asia-Pacific Perspectives (2004). Japan to join Asian highway plan, 1 (11), March.

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Atal, Y. (2001). Education in the changing context: new social functions. Prospects, XXXI (1) March, 7–19. Auckland, R. (2002). IBO Primary Years Programme—Cambodia workshops September 2002. Internal IBO report, Geneva. Avanzini, G. et al. (1979). The International Bureau of Education in the Service of Educational Development. Paris: UNESCO. Bennis, W. (1992). On becoming a leader. London. Century Business. Braslavsky, C. (2001). Basic education in the twenty-first century and the challenges for secondary education. Prospects, XXXI (1) March, 3–6. Cambridge, J. (2002). Global product branding. Journal of Research in International Education, 1 (2), December, 227–244. Cox, C. (2002). Cambios de las pruebas de selección e impactos sobre la educacion media: elementos para el debate en curso. [Changes to the selection tests and impact on secondary school education: elements for the current debate]. Chile: Ministry of Education. Unpublished paper. 15 July. Delors, J. (1996). Learning: the treasure within. Report to UNESCO of the International Commission on Education for the Twenty-First Century. Paris: UNESCO. Duevel, L. (1999). The International Baccalaureate experience: university perseverance, attainment, and perspectives on the process. PhD thesis Purdue University, USA. Earth Charter (2000). See www.earthcharter.org. Flodman, M., Malmström, H. & Thelin, A. (2002). Swedish IB diploma holders research study 1971–1993. IB Research Notes, 2 (2), April [IBO research pages http://www.ibo.org]. Gannicott, K. & Throsby, D. (1998). Educational quality and effective schooling. In Education for the twenty-first century: issues and prospects. Paris; UNESCO, pp. 215–230. Gardner, H. (1991). The unschooled mind: how children think and how schools should Teach. New York: Basic Books. Gardner, H. (2004). How education changes: considerations of history, science and values. In SuárezOrozco & Qin-Hilliard (eds) Globalization: culture and education in the new millennium. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Geiser, S. & Studley, R. (2001). UC and the SAT: predicitive validity and differential impact of the SAT I and SAT II at the University of California. Office of the President, University of California. October 29. Available on the following web site: http://www.ucop.edu/sas/research/researchandplanning/pdf/ sat_study.pdf. Gordimer, N. (2001). The Pickup. New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux. Hasbi, A. (2003). The Euro-Arab dialogue: an educational bridge—Introduction to the open file Prospects XXXIII (4), December, 375–384. Hinrichs, J. (2001). Effects of the international baccalaureate program on international understanding. Thesis in partial fulfilment of a PhD, Bern University: Switzerland. Hughes, P. (1998). Goals, expectations and realities for young people: issues for education in the twentyfirst century. In Education for the twenty-first century: issues and prospects. Paris: UNESCO, pp. 47–60. International Baccalaureate Organization (IBO) (2001). IB Diploma Programme guide: Theory of Knowledge. Geneva, Switzerland: IBO. International Baccalaureate Organization (2001). Creativity, Action, Service. Geneva: IBO. International Baccalaureate Organization (IBO) (2002). Middle Years Programme: Areas of Interaction. Geneva: IBO. Leach, R (1969). International schools and their role in the field of international education. Oxford: Pergamon. Lewin, K. & Caillods, F. (2001). Financing the development of secondary education in developing countries. Prospects, XXXI (1), March, 61–72. Liverpool City Council, Education, Library and Sports Services (2003). 14–19 Education in Liverpool: towards a new entitlement. Maclean, R. (2001). Overview: secondary education at the crossroads. Prospects, XXXI (1), March, 39–45.

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Maslow, A. (1908–70). http://www.ship.edu/~cgboeree/maslow.html. Massel, L. (1992). Advanced Placement calculus in British Columbia. Unpublished MSc thesis, Simon Fraser University, Canada. Ndoye, M. (2001a). The virtues of policy dialogue. ADEA (Association for the development of education in Africa) Newsletter, 13 (4), October–December, 1–2. Ndoye, M. (2001b). Reaching out, reaching all: sustaining effective policies and practices. ADEA (Association for the development of education in Africa) Newsletter, 13 (4), October–December, 3–5. Osler, A. & Starkey, H. (2003). Learning for cosmopolitan citizenship: theoretical debates and young people’s experiences. Educational Review, 55 (3), 243–54. Pigozzi, M. (2003) What is quality education? ADEA (Association for the development of education in Africa) Newsletter, 15 (4), October–December. Ravitch, D. (2000). Left back: a century of battles over school reform. Simon & Schuster. (Touchstone paperback). New York. Remington, C.H. (1990). A comparison of student achievement in two thoughtfully designed middle level programs, the IB Middle Years Program (MYP) and the American Middle School. Unpublished PhD, Puquesne University, USA. Rischard, J. (2002). High noon: twenty global issues, twenty years to solve them. New York: Basic Books. Tedesco, J. (1998). Current trends in educational reform. In Education for the twenty- first century: issues and prospects. Paris: UNESCO, pp. 79–87. Thompson, B. (2002). Circular letter from the Executive Director, Friends of the International Community School, Georgia, USA. December. Thomas, P. (1988). University destinations and performance of IB diploma holders. Journal of College Admissions, 121, Fall, 11–14. Thurow, L. (2003). Fortune favors the bold. Harper Collins. New York Tomlinson, M (2004). 14–19 curriculm and qualifications reform: interim report of the working group Department for Education and Skills, UK Downloaded on 18–02–04 from www.14–19reform. gov.uk. UNESCO (1974). Recommendation concerning education for international understanding. Cooperation and peace and education relating to human rights and fundamental freedoms. UNESCO General Conference: Paris. UNESCO (1995). Final Report of International Conference on Education 44th Session, Geneva 3–8 October 1994. UNESCO International Bureau of Education: Geneva. UNESCO (2002). Enhancing global sustainability. (Position paper and proposals by UNESCO, Preparatory Committee for the world Summit on Sustainable Development 3rd Session New York.) Paris: UNESCO.

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DENIS LAWTON

EDUCATION REFORMS IN ENGLAND AND WALES

1.

INTRODUCTION

In this brief account of educational change in England and Wales, I want to make an assumption that education always involves the transmission of culture from one generation to another. That is a constant. What changes from time to time and from place to place is who is educated and exactly what is transmitted to whom. In England over the last two centuries there has been a dramatic change to the question “Who shall be educated?” That change has involved a complete shift away from the education of an elite to—in theory—education for all. Changes in curriculum and pedagogy have been equally important but perhaps less dramatic. Clearly, both changes have been evolutionary rather than revolutionary. One complaint about England has been both the slowness of reform and the incompleteness of implementation. Lloyd George once joked that whereas the Welsh were passionate about education, the English had no particular objection to it. Generalisations are always dangerous but there is enough truth in that contrast to bear it in mind when discussing education reforms in England and Wales. For most of the period under discussion, England and Wales shared a common education system, at least officially, although in many respects local cultural differences made their mark. Towards the end of the twentieth century, however, the Welsh were allowed to go their own way within a common framework, and this freedom was increased especially after the 1988 Education Reform Act, and even more so after the devolution legislation in 1998. This Chapter is, however, not about the differences between the two nations, but is essentially concerned with English attitudes to education and education reform. We shall return to the interesting question of Welsh differences towards the end of the Chapter in order to emphasise what might have happened in England. Two cultural features have dominated the development of public education in England. First, the importance of social class in the structure of society and thus in education; second, the suspicion, in the nineteenth century that education should not be entrusted to the government. Those two features lasted throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries and can still be seen as an influence on education policy today. One result in the nineteenth century was that England lagged behind other advanced industrial nations in setting up a state education system. I shall briefly review that situation before moving on to twentieth and twenty-first century reforms. 69 C. Hughes (ed.), Secondary Education at the Crossroads, 69–96. © 2006 Springer.

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THE NINETEENTH CENTURY BACKGROUND: FROM THE EDUCATION OF AN ELITE TO MINIMALIST SCHOOLING FOR ALL

The origins of public elementary education lie not with the state but with voluntary religious organisations at the beginning of the nineteenth century. In addition to a wide variety of local developments, there were two national societies, one Church of England, the other Non-Conformist, that built and ran education for the children of the poor. The larger organisation was the one associated with the Church of England which would have liked to have had a school in every parish, but fell far short of that ambition due to lack of funds and sometimes lack of local support. At the same time, various attempts were being made to initiate a state system of elementary schools but opposition in Parliament succeeded in preventing any such move. Some felt that this would be an intrusion into a private area of responsibility; others objected to the potential cost to the taxpayer. Lord Melbourne, Prime Minister to the young Queen Victoria, advised her against getting involved in any move to develop a state system on the grounds that it would be intolerable to prevent parents sending their children out to work at age six or seven. The first involvement by Parliament came with a compromise move in 1833 when it was voted to give the two societies an annual grant to help them build more schools and run them more effectively. State funding was regarded as preferable to owning and running schools and, to this day, the government does not own any schools although it provides the majority of funding for them—schools are owned by Local Education Authorities or by religious organisations or other kinds of charitable trusts (as well as by public proprietors in it for the money). The annual grants from 1833 onwards tended to increase in quantity, and in 1839 the state made another move in the direction of control by appointing two Inspectors (one for each society) to ensure that public money was being spent according to the regulations, or the Codes as they were then known. So it continued until 1870 when it was decided that the public provision was still inadequate for a rapidly developing industrial society and there was a need to tidy everything up. The result was the Education Act (1870) which authorised local School Boards to be elected to build elementary schools and to control the education within them. The intention was still to retain existing “voluntary” schools but to fill the gaps in national provision. This was undoubtedly a step forward although much criticised at the time, not least because Non-Conformist rate-payers objected to their money being spent on schools run by the Church of England. Others would have preferred a fully-planned national system of secular elementary schools, superseding the existing religious schools. Some complained also that the Act failed to take national responsibility for what was a national need. H.G. Wells1 said that the Act was intended to provide an inferior kind of education for the lower orders with “specially trained inferior teachers” (H.G. Wells, (1934). The Act did not make education compulsory although it enabled the School Boards to do so locally if they wanted to; elementary schools were not free although School Boards could make that provision. The lack of uniformity remained for years to come.

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There were, of course, other kinds of schools in addition to the elementary schools designed for the poor. For the upper classes there were Public Schools (really private schools) charging quite high fees but often with a small number of scholarships, since some of these schools had been founded by benefactors for “poor” scholars. Public Schools tended to be boarding schools, and throughout the nineteenth century this system expanded to cater for increasing demand. There were also many, but not enough, local grammar schools scattered unevenly throughout the country, offering a form of education mainly to middle class boys on a fee-paying basis although, once again, a few scholarships were sometimes available. In the 16th century, Shakespeare, for example, had probably attended his local grammar school at Stratford-upon-Avon. There were thus, by the second half of the 19th century, there were three distinct and segregated systems for the upper, middle and working classes. 3.

1900–1944: TOWARDS SECONDARY EDUCATION FOR ALL

The new century began with an important educational reform in the shape of the Education Act 1902. As well as further reorganisation of elementary education on a national basis, the Act recognised the need for more secondary school places and authorised the new Local Education Authorities (which replaced the old School Boards) to raise money locally to provide for new secondary schools. Most of the pupils were middle class and fee-paying, but there was provision for a minority of free places or scholarships for poor children who could show an ability to profit from secondary education. The period before the First World War (1914–1918) did not see much further progress towards improved education. After the war there were hopes that the “land fit for heroes” would have schools fit for their children. But the Education Act of 1918 was modest in its ambitions and was never properly implemented. Reformers, including some in the new Labour Party, wanted more free places as well as maintenance grants, but they were slow to come. By 1926 an official report on The Education of the Adolescent (The Hadow Report) was more ambitious. It recommended that elementary schools should eventually be abolished, being replaced by primary schools 5–11 and secondary schools for all children 11–14. The nature of secondary education was not very clear, and it was not assumed at this stage that all children should have the same kind or quality of secondary schooling. The motivation behind this proposed reform was partly social justice but more strongly, economic efficiency. It was thought that a modern industrial nation needed better educated manpower. There was also a suspicion lingering on after the war that German soldiers were in some respects superior to the British because they were better educated and trained. In 1938 another official report—the Spens Report on Secondary Schooling—was, unfortunately, led in an unfortunate direction by extremely dubious psychological evidence included in the report. Some psychologists were claiming that there were three kinds of mind which should be catered for by three kinds of schools (grammar schools for a small percentage of academic children, technical schools for an equally

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small percentage and secondary modern schools providing a more practical education for the majority). During the Second World War (1939–1945) there were important discussions about education after the war. The dominant assumption was that the Hadow recommendation of secondary education for all should be implemented, and there was a clear preference in the minds of Conservative politicians and Department of Education civil servants for a tripartite structure. Before the end of the war the 1944 Education Act was passed which was intended for rapid implementation after the war. Its major provision was that all children 11–15 should receive compulsory free secondary education. The Act itself did not specify a tripartite solution, but pamphlets from the post-war Ministry of Education strongly encouraged Local Education Authorities to move in that direction. Some LEAs preferred a comprehensive solution, that is, the same school for all secondary pupils, but they were to be hampered in many cases by the official preference for retaining grammar schools. 3.1.

A Note on Social Class and the Politics of Educational Reform

At this stage it may be useful to stress two important features of education in England. First, that education is not only highly political but is often party-political: the Conservatives have tended to be more reluctant to spend money on education, and, more importantly, have tended to be unwilling to disturb the existing social structure. Second, a point not unconnected with the first, throughout the twentieth century education was closely related to the social class structure. Many educationists had hoped that both the above features might have diminished after World War II. They were disappointed. The authors of the 1944 Act deliberately ignored the existence of Public Schools which made a mockery of any claim about equality of opportunity. And although access to secondary education was improved for all children, there still existed a strong association between Independent Schools and upper class children, as well as grammar schools and middle class children. The vast majority of 11 year-old boys and girls were allocated to secondary modern schools which were inferior in many respects. Social reforms were needed as a prerequisite for meaningful educational change. It has been argued that the English disease was to continue to see education in social class terms. Those with access to privileges were reluctant to give them up. The lesson of the French Revolution had not been learned: in England the result was not revolution but many social, economic and educational failures.

4.

1945–1951 EDUCATION REFORMS UNDER THE LABOUR GOVERNMENT

The 1944 Education Act was a real reform, but it was also a missed opportunity. The Labour Government under Clement Attlee was handicapped by shortage of money after the war, but, more importantly, they failed to develop a clear policy on the

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purpose and structure of secondary education for all. The result was that while many rank and file members of the Labour Party pressed for comprehensive schools, the two Ministers of Education under Attlee, steered in the opposite direction and encouraged LEAs to retain grammar schools and convert the old elementary schools into primary or secondary modern schools. Another aspect of the missed opportunity was that very few LEAs took the idea of secondary technical education seriously. The choice at 11 was, therefore, between passing the 11
examination and going to a grammar school or failing the test and going to a secondary modern school. The two Ministers of Education, Ellen Wilkinson and George Tomlinson, persisted with the doctrine of “parity of esteem” of secondary schools, claiming the grammar schools were not superior but simply different; parents thought otherwise and so did teachers. An important failure of Labour at this stage was to accept the continued existence of Public Schools and other private schools, which although concerned with only 7% of the school age group, were to be a dominating factor in restricting or resisting some kinds of education reform. I shall refer to this point later in this chapter. 5.

CONSERVATIVE GOVERNMENTS 1951–1964

In 1951 Attlee’s Government was defeated and gave way to a Conservative administration initially headed by Winston Churchill. The Conservatives remained in government for thirteen years. The tripartite structure of secondary education was strengthened by the Conservative Party who saw secondary education for all in terms of different schools for different kinds of pupils, with less emphasis on parity of esteem. Throughout the 1950s and 1960s a series of official reports pointed out the relationship between social class and educational opportunity. It was no longer merely a question of access to secondary education, but of retention and differential performance and achievement. In 1954 the Early Leaving Report complained about the wastage of so many able pupils who, having been selected for an academic grammar school at age 11, dropped out or failed to achieve well in the school leaving examinations. Later reports, such as the Crowther Report 15–18 (1959) focused on the economic wastage of so much loss of talent caused by the under-performance of working class pupils. This problem remained unsolved at the end of the twentieth century: although performance overall improved, the gap between the social classes remained as wide as ever, but by the 1990s the problem was seen as a question of differential access to higher education. In reality the problem began much lower down the school system. In general, Conservatives wanted to improve the quality of education for economic reasons. Many wanted to retain grammar schools, but the 11
examination was increasingly unpopular with parents who regarded a place in a secondary modern school as a badge of failure. More and more LEAs, including those controlled by Conservatives, introduced comprehensive schemes and abolished the 11
selection procedure. By the 1960s many Conservatives appeared to be reconciled to abandoning grammar schools in favour of all-ability comprehensive schemes locally. Sometimes

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comprehensive schemes were introduced but in an impure form: comprehensive schools and a grammar school continued to exist in the same area, despite the fact that the existence of a grammar school negated the idea of comprehensive education. This problem was also to remain into the twenty-first century. 6.

THE SCHOOLS COUNCIL FOR CURRICULUM AND EXAMINATIONS 1964

One major omission in the 1944 Education Act was the curriculum which was hardly referred to at all except to specify that religious education was a requirement for all schools (but parents could withdraw their children from lessons if they wished). A Conservative Minister of Education in 1960 pointed out this omission and expressed a desire to look into “the secret garden of the curriculum”. He set up a small Curriculum Study Group within the Ministry to give advice on curriculum reform. Teacher unions and Local Education authorities saw this as a move towards central control of the curriculum and opposed the CSG initiative. Eventually, a compromise was found by having a much larger curriculum advisory body on which teachers would have a majority on all main committees except finance. The Schools Council came into existence in 1964. It was funded reasonably generously and set up a number of enquiries and curriculum development projects, but the idea of a national curriculum was carefully avoided. One of the first projects was to attempt to tackle the problem of the sixth-form curriculum (16–18) which was increasingly criticised for being too narrow and encouraging early specialisation: a typical curriculum consisted of two or three Advanced Level subjects, probably in either arts or science. A number of studies were conducted and suggestions made about broadening the sixthform curriculum, but none of them were implemented, largely because of opposition from Public Schools and universities. The whole question of “A” Level reform will be dealt with later in this chapter. The Schools Council produced a number of very sensible Working Papers and curriculum development projects, some of which had considerable impact on schools and teachers. But the whole emphasis was on allowing schools and teachers to choose from a variety of curricular solutions. The doctrine of teacher control of the curriculum was not seriously challenged until after the Schools Council had been abolished in the 1980s. 6.1.

A Note on the Shape of Education Reform

It is often assumed that education reform proceeds in a linear way, step by step, perhaps slowly but always in the desired direction. England has provided an example illustrating a different pattern: education reform usually has to overcome hostile attitudes, for example, elitist hostility to comprehensive schools in the 1950s and 60s. However, when some progress takes place, it is a mistake to believe that reactionary attitudes have gone forever. It is more likely that the opposition goes underground and becomes submerged in a deep structure of beliefs ready to re-emerge at the opportune moment. In England reforms such as progressive teaching in primary

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schools and mixed ability teaching in secondary schools seemed to have been accepted in the 1960s but in reality the hostility existed below the surface. Chris Knight2 (1990) documented the continued existence of antagonism towards education reforms much earlier than the notorious Black Papers which began in 1969 (see below). 7.

EDUCATION REFORMS 1964–1970

The major reform of the 1960s was to move towards a considered national plan for secondary education. The amount of diversity throughout the country was little short of chaotic. Grammar schools had served many young people well, including Labour politicians such as Ellen Wilkinson (Minister of Education, 1945–1949) but by the 1960s they were in need of reform for a variety of reasons. One major problem was that they recruited anything from 5–30% locally, according to the number of places available, rather than the need. The figure nationally was about 15% and by 1960 this was clearly far too low. A second criticism was that the grammar school curriculum, modelled initially on the nineteenth-century Public School, was narrow, overspecialised and out-of-date. Given the lack of technical schools in most areas, grammar schools were failing to prepare young people for employment in the more technical spheres. The secondary school curriculum was badly in need of some kind of national planning, which did not begin until the establishment of the Schools Council in 1964. The first Labour Government after thirteen years of Conservative rule was headed by Harold Wilson who claimed to represent the interests of a new technological society. In the event, he did little to move education towards that new society and continued the strange paradox of supporting the extension of comprehensive education whilst promising to retain grammar schools. Some progress towards comprehensive planning took place, however, especially in the Circular 10/65 which “requested LEAs to submit comprehensive plans for secondary schools to the Ministry of Education”. The word “request” did not have the force of law behind it and, inevitably, some local authorities chose to ignore it. Progress towards this fundamental reform was therefore slow and far from complete by 1970. Wilson’s major contribution to education reform was to establish the Open University. This innovation which allowed mature adults a chance to have genuine higher education on a part-time basis was an undoubted success, despite the fact that it was originally opposed by civil servants at the Education Department and by Ministers of Education. The Open University was to show conclusively that many people, quite capable of benefiting from higher education, had not been catered for by the conventional system. The OU methods of programme design and use of radio and television have been copied throughout the world. In 1969 Conservative opposition to recent reforms in primary education and comprehensive schools began to be criticised in a series of “Black Papers” which objected to the threat to close more grammar schools and particularly objected to the student activities in universities in 1968 which caused much consternation and called

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into question traditional curricula and teaching methods. Black Paper writers condemned “progressive education” and blamed it for lowering of standards, disruptive behaviour and poor teaching quality. It was a clear manifestation of the deep structure of hostility which existed to innovation and reform which were seen as threats to both academic “standards” and good social order. 8.

EDUCATION UNDER THE CONSERVATIVES 1970–1974

In 1970 the Labour Government suffered a surprise defeat and was replaced by a Conservative regime under Edward Heath who appointed a relatively unknown politician (Margaret Thatcher) to be Education Secretary. Not much educational reform took place during these four years, except that it has been frequently pointed out that Thatcher approved more LEA requests to abolish grammar schools and set up comprehensive schemes, than any other Minister to date. This was not because she was converted to the idea of comprehensive education but simply because LEAs, including many Conservative LEAs, put up plans which could not legally be rejected, despite the fact that the Labour Party’s Circular 10/65 had been withdrawn in 1970 by the Conservatives. The progress towards complete comprehensivisation was, however, delayed by the fact that the general question of selection at 11
had become a party political conflict. 9.

EDUCATION REFORMS UNDER LABOUR 1974–1979

There was a good deal of educational activity during this period but not much reform. The move towards comprehensive secondary education continued but without a clarification of the purpose of schooling and in particular the curriculum. James Callaghan, who replaced Harold Wilson as Prime Minister in 1976, was very interested in education but was essentially a traditionalist who saw education in terms of preparation for employment. He was accused of “stealing the Tory clothes” by seeming to accept the media’s critical attitudes to schools and teachers. At one stage he appeared to be attracted by the idea of a national curriculum, but his Education Secretary, Shirley Williams, settled instead for a survey of Local Education Authorities to find out what they knew about the curriculum plans in their schools. There was also a “Great Debate” on education which focused on curriculum and examinations as well as standards and the efficiency of schools, but not much that could be described as educational reform—some described it as a public relations exercise. Callaghan also wanted better “value for money” in education. As an ex-Chancellor of the Exchequer he tended to see education as a drain on resources rather than a means to a better society. His critics complained that his attack on schools and teachers left the way open for the Thatcherite counter-reformation that followed after 1979. 10.

THE EDUCATION COUNTER-REFORMATION 1979–1997

It is impossible to understand education in the years following 1979 without a brief analysis of the general political situation. Margaret Thatcher, who became Prime

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Minister in 1979, was determined to break with the “consensus politics” of post-1945 England. She wanted to get away from “tax and spend” and a mixed economy in which Welfare was a high priority. She disliked “big government” and the “nanny state”. She was determined to “roll back the State”. These neo-liberal beliefs had been reinforced by her four years at the Department of Education and Science (1970–74). She saw the DES as producer-oriented rather than being consumerfriendly. Choice began to be a key word in education. It was too late to reverse the move towards comprehensive education, but she was determined to retain the remaining grammar schools and encourage parental choice. She wanted to introduce market ideas into education, perhaps even vouchers, and to encourage access to Independent Schools for “bright” pupils from maintained schools. One of the first Education Acts (1980) was concerned with the “Assisted Places Scheme”, designed to select some able pupils to have their fees fully or partially paid for in participating Independent Schools. This was criticised because it appeared to signal a belief that maintained schools were not suitable for bright pupils. Mark Carlisle, her Education Secretary from 1979–1981 was dismissed for his moderation and replaced by, the arch-monetarist, Keith Joseph who year after year cut spending on education until he was replaced by Kenneth Baker, a modernising Tory, in 1986. Baker’s “chef d’oeuvre” was the Education Reform Act (ERA), 1988. This Act was an interesting example of following two ideologies at the same time: market choice and the apparently contradictory policy of central control. Market choice was partly accomplished by taking money away from LEAs and giving it direct to schools on a per capita basis, thus encouraging schools to compete for “customers”. The market theory was that unpopular schools would be driven out of the market by the magic process of supply and demand. In reality this rarely happened. This local management was, however, in constant tension with stronger direction from the centre. For the first time since 1944, all maintained schools (but not Independent Schools) were legally obliged to follow the centrally determined national curriculum. By this time the idea of a national curriculum was more acceptable to the teaching profession, but not in the form that Kenneth Baker, the Education Secretary, introduced. The national curriculum will be considered in a later section; at this stage, it is sufficient to say that if it had been fully implemented, the Baker national curriculum would have been too detailed and prescriptive. In its complete form it would have made England’s curriculum 5–16 with detailed assessment of each of the ten subjects, the most centrally controlled in the world. However, the next few years were notable for teachers’ protests and revisions and re-revisions of the curriculum. In 1990 Margaret Thatcher was replaced by John Major who continued to pursue the two contradictory ideologies discussed above. 10.1.

Tony Blair and New Labour: Modernisation or Bastard Thatcherism?

Although the Conservatives remained in government for eighteen years, their popularity was not always high. The Tories were not defeated earlier, partly because the Labour Party in opposition was split and apparently “unelectable”. The process of modernising the Labour Party began when Neil Kinnock replaced Michael Foot as

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Leader in 1983 Labour was expected to win the election in 1992 but was narrowly defeated; Kinnock was replaced by John Smith who continued the process of modernisation and policy clarification, not least in education. However, John Smith died in 1992 and was succeeded by Tony Blair who was not only a moderniser but in education and other areas, seemed prepared to carry on some of the Thatcher/Major policies of choice and privatisation. During his first period of office 1997–2001, Blair was restricted by his promise not to increase public spending above the Conservative forecasts; even so Labour found additional money for education, especially for nursery and primary education. In his second term of office, starting in 2001, the spending limits were removed and more money was spent on secondary education in various ways which will be considered later. A general criticism by educationists has been Blair’s apparent liking for the private sector in education, and opponents within the Party claim that much money has been wasted in that way. Since 1997 the Labour Party slogan “education, education, education” was justified in some respects but as we shall see, in the second half of this chapter, many desirable reforms remained incomplete. New Labour appeared to be addicted to a policy of targets and testing in education rather than focusing on the purpose of education and how professionals might be encouraged to improve the system. The education system inherited by Blair had been improving in some respects, although teachers were demoralised. On the whole the implementation of the national curriculum, despite its faults, had made it necessary to pay more attention to curriculum planning within each school. But the pressure on schools was unrelenting—especially after the nature of school inspection had changed in 1992 with the establishment of OfSTED (the Office for Standards in Education under the direction of the Senior Inspector). In 1992 the system of school inspection had been radically changed and partly privatised, with a very unpopular right-wing Chief Inspector, Chris Woodhead from 1994 onwards. Woodhead represented a much more punitive style of inspection than was professionally acceptable. This was a considerable contrast to the gentler style of inspection that had developed under Her Majesty’s Inspectorate (HMI). Blair missed the opportunity of replacing Woodhead in 1997, perhaps wanting to retain a publicly “tough” stance on teachers and “standards”.

11. 11.1.

CURRENT REFORMS

Five Major Reforms Not Yet Fully Implemented

11.1.1. The Reform of School Structure and Organisation. There were a number of problems concerning the history and culture of secondary schools in the second half of the twentieth century. The reform of secondary education has been difficult because the problem is multi-faceted—not simply a question of improving the status quo and keeping up with social and economic change. The first problem is that secondary schools were partly based on the tradition of Independent Schools and grammar schools with an elitist curriculum, and partly on

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elementary schools. Both traditions were essentially nineteenth century in outlook, although very different. The Independent/grammar school tradition was based on the idea of educating an elite; the elementary school was part of the nineteenth century solution to social and economic problems of industrialisation and urbanisation which produced factories, work-houses, prisons—and schools for the poor. The elementary tradition was surprisingly difficult to shed. It was also in conflict with the elitist tradition of grammar schools. The new comprehensive schools had to cope with that cultural and historical problem. The failure to have a national policy on secondary education contributed to the difficulties of many new comprehensive schools, especially those in inner-cities where there were additional economic and social problems. A further problem was the attempt by many Local Education Authorities to develop so-called comprehensive systems whilst retaining some grammar schools. Many politicians, national and local, failed to see that this was a contradiction in terms, probably completely unworkable. Yet another problem was that advice from the Ministry of Education in the 1940s and 50s encouraged LEAs to think in terms of large comprehensive schools (1500–2000 students) when the tradition of schools in England was to think of the school as a community of fewer than 1000 students. Those LEAs such as Hertfordshire that eventually ignored official advice about size, developed very successful smaller comprehensive schools in rural and urban areas. It was mentioned earlier in this chapter that much of the post-1945 educational research was concerned with the relationships between social class and education. The focus gradually shifted from differential access to schools to questions of retention, performance and achievement. The problem has not yet been completely solved. So great was the evidence on social class differences that there was a temptation in the 1960s and early 70s to suggest that schools made little or no difference, since the determining factor in school achievement seemed to be social class. That pessimistic generalisation was challenged by the work of Rutter3 (1979) and others in England and the effective schools movement. This kind of effective schools research produced evidence showing that schools in very similar social areas had very different levels of achievement. The research examined a number of factors that were associated with “success”, including, for example, good leadership, staff stability, clear academic goals, a sense of common purpose etc. Various lists of factors were used but it was usually stressed that elements of good practice in isolation were unlikely to produce success—what mattered was “the culture of the school”. But changing the culture of a school was not likely to be easy. A related kind of research was sometimes referred to as the “improving schools” movement which has continued to influence a number of schools in England. Some projects of this kind have concentrated on schools’ selfevaluation and self-improvement. This bottom-up approach has come to be regarded as preferable to the top-down imposition of focusing on isolated factors or targets. In 1997 many educationists expected Blair to honour the promise given by David Blunkett, when Shadow Education Secretary, that under Labour there would be “no selection”. Once in office, however, Blair and Blunkett changed the formula to “no further selection”, which amounted to a preservation of the status quo and no action

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to incorporate the 143 remaining grammar schools into comprehensive structures. One excuse for this manoeuvre was that what mattered was “standards not structures”. Many educationists pointed out that this was an anti-educational distinction, but it was retained. In practice, the possibility of minimising selection into and during secondary education was lost by another two policies which Blair regarded as reforms but which others regarded as a continuation of the “counter-reformation” in education. The first example of this process was the continuation of the Conservative concept of “specialist” comprehensive schools which would be allowed to select for aptitude (but not ability!) according to the kind of specialism the school was embracing—technology, sports, mathematics etc. When attacked on this, Blair and successive Education Secretaries claimed that “eventually” all comprehensive schools would be encouraged to be “specialist”. Meanwhile, it appeared to be the case that what had originally been promised as a comprehensive system was being converted into a multi-tiered hierarchical structure reflecting differential quality ranging from Independent Schools, to grammar schools, to “beacon” schools, to specialist schools and, at the bottom of the pile, what some of Blair’s team referred to as “bog standard” comprehensives. This process was further encouraged by the deliberate support of another category of secondary school: Faith Schools. It was suggested earlier in this chapter that one feature of the English system was the historic presence of many schools owned and run by religious (“voluntary”) organisations, especially the Church of England, but later, also by Roman Catholic and Jewish schools. Towards the end of the twentieth century there was some pressure from other faiths to have equal privileges and some encouragement was given to Islamic, Hindu and Sikh schools in some areas. All of this tended to make the development of a fully comprehensive system more difficult. There is evidence that generally standards in secondary schools have improved but the system as a whole has been distracted rather than assisted by some of the initiatives under New Labour since 1997. In 2002, Charles Clarke who had recently taken over as Education Secretary promised to look again at the question of grammar schools which some research suggested impeded the raising of standards both in grammar schools themselves and in the other secondary schools in the same area. The County of Kent was singled out for scrutiny in this respect. But at the time of writing no clear policy had emerged either nationally or locally concerning the integration of grammar schools into comprehensive school structures. Meanwhile, a serious gap in performance continued to exist, nationally and locally, between middle class and working class pupils. 11.1.2. The Inspection of Schools. Most education systems find it necessary to have some kind of central inspection service to make sure that standards of various kinds are being maintained throughout the country. The situation in England was complicated by the importance of Local Education Authorities, most of whom employed their own body of inspectors locally. The national body in England began in 1839 simply to ensure that government grants for education were being spent according to the regulations. This financial control was closely connected with educational criteria and by the twentieth century Her Majesty’s Inspectorate (HMI) had

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the general responsibility of being “the eyes and ears of the Education Secretary”. There were sometimes clashes of interest between HMI and their usually less-prestigious local colleagues, sometimes called inspectors and sometimes advisors. There was a case for some rationalisation of the overall system, but in 1992 a very radical solution was enforced by the Conservative Government. Although HMI had been reviewed several times and pronounced efficient, what the Conservatives wanted was much more frequent inspection of schools; some complained that HMI engaged in all sorts of activities such as running courses, writing policy papers, and making recommendations for improving the curriculum, but spent too little time in direct contact with schools in order to ensure high standards. The 1992 solution was not to follow the obvious route of appointing more HMI but to reduce the number of HMI who would become a central body—the Office for Standards in Education supervising private teams of inspectors who would tender for school inspection tasks when they were advertised. At the same time, LEAs were faced with declining sums of money and many LEAs adopted the policy of allowing their inspectors either to bid for inspections and “earn their own keep” in that way, or to retire and form themselves into private companies which would undertake inspections under the general supervision of HMI/OfSTED. In general, this partial privatisation of the inspection process was greatly criticised, partly because it was much more expensive and partly because it was, or appeared to be, more punitive than the old regime. In order to achieve national consistency, detailed regulations and procedures had to be produced centrally and the new inspectors trained to operate systems which were inevitably somewhat bureaucratic. In addition, schools about to be inspected, were faced with expensive and time-consuming tasks of providing masses of information for the team of inspectors. This process became even less popular when Chris Woodhead took over as Chief Inspector in 1994 because he was very critical of teachers, schools and LEAs, and seemed to believe that the most urgent need was for most teachers to work much harder and for some teachers to be dismissed. That was the position when Blair took over in 1997, having said that he intended to retain Woodhead as his Chief Inspector. When Woodhead resigned from that position in November, 2000, it seemed to most educationists that the most urgent reform needed for the inspection system was a less aggressive attitude towards teachers, minimising the paperwork demanded for inspections and a more professional relationship between inspectors and teachers. Whilst one feature of the new system was generally welcomed, that is, the publication of reports on schools as well as the Annual Report of the Chief Inspector, the price paid for this “openness” was the strange doctrine that inspectors should point out weaknesses, even failures, but were not permitted to offer any advice on improvement. Giving advice was regarded as a task for either independent consultants (usually very expensive for schools with tight budgets) or for LEA advisors who were busy trying to earn money “privately” by acting as inspectors in other LEAs. Opponents of the OfSTED system of inspection also pointed out that there was no research evidence to show that this expensive and stress-inducing system actually improved the performance in schools. Some researchers claimed to show that this

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kind of inspection was inimical to genuine education improvement. Since the resignation of Woodhead, successive Chief Inspectors have endeavoured to make the system more workable. Regulations have been changed and the frequency of inspection reduced—especially for schools working well. Despite the fact that the OfSTED system has been “exported” to various parts of the globe, in England it is still not seen as a good model. The essential feature to be encouraged is that schools should be more responsible for their own self-evaluation. This has been accepted by recent Chief Inspectors, but the perfect formula has not yet been devised. As long as HMI/OfSTED have to operate the 1992 structure, even in a modified form, it is difficult to see how the ideal of self-evaluation can make much more headway. 11.1.3. Reform of Curriculum and Assessment Since 1988. One of the omissions of the 1944 Education Act was any mention of curriculum planning or even responsibility for curriculum planning. This reflected the conventional educational wisdom of the time in assuming that curriculum was an entirely professional matter to be entrusted to individual schools and their teachers. There were two disadvantages in this assumption: one was that the pattern throughout the country was potentially vary varied; second, where differences amounted to variations in quality, it contradicted the basic principle of equality of opportunity. For secondary schools, of course, the examination structure imposed certain limits, but after 1951, the School Certificate (a group examination) was replaced by the General Certificate of Education Ordinary Level (GCE “O” Level) which was a single subject examination taken at about age 16 with no requirements for balance or breadth. And this examination was taken only by about 15% of the age group who were thought to be sufficiently academic. In the early post-war years, secondary modern pupils and those of similar ability in comprehensive schools were deliberately left without the supposed restriction of a School Leaving Examination. It was not until the 1960s that a lower level examination at 16 was introduced, the Certificate of Secondary Education (CSE), and it was not until 1986 that the two School Leaving Examinations were combined to form the GCSE which has been in operation ever since. By happy coincidence the first examinations for the GCSE took place in 1988, the year of the Education Reform Act and the proposals for a national curriculum. Unfortunately, the Kenneth Baker proposals for a national curriculum were not in a form that met with professional approval, although by 1988 the idea of some kind of common curriculum was much more acceptable than it had been in 1944. There had been a good deal of discussion about curriculum in the fifteen years or so before 1988 and several models of a national curriculum or a common curriculum were available. The best known was that produced by HMI after many years discussion and it was based not on a simple list of subjects but on “areas of knowledge and experience”. (DES, 1988 Curriculum 11–16: Towards a Statement of Entitlement). This model had been used on a voluntary basis by schools in a number of LEAs throughout the country. The results were extremely promising. In addition, many individual comprehensive schools had seen the necessity of a different kind of curriculum for comprehensive education and some of these were operating with considerable

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success. For example, Sheredes School in Hertfordshire had developed a version of a cultural analysis model (Lawton,4 1975). But Kenneth Baker’s national curriculum was bureaucratic rather than professional; he had been advised by civil servants rather than HMI (more accurately by civil servants and the wrong kind of HMI). The Baker national curriculum was flawed in a number of ways: it was a backward-looking plan based essentially on a list of grammar school subjects (almost identical with the 1904 Regulations for Secondary schools following the 1902 Act). The problems included the following: ● A comprehensive curriculum required more than a list of grammar school subjects; even an extended list including, for example, politics and economics, would not do because, as HMI had observed, some essential curriculum content was crosscurricular in subject matter—health education and sex education, for example, were not simply restricted to biology. ● The Baker curriculum as it emerged from Subject Working Groups was far too detailed and would inevitably over-load the timetable. ● Most curriculum theorists agreed that it was important to have a close relation between curriculum and assessment; what emerged in the early 90s was far too much emphasis on detailed, bureaucratic assessment. ● It was important to give teachers some shared ownership of the curriculum and its assessment; the national curriculum was simply an imposition from above. ● The general impression of the national curriculum, as perceived by teachers and headteachers, was that it represented a bureaucratic requirement associated with the need for league tables which would identify “good” and “under-performing” schools. Since implementation of the national curriculum in the 1990s, its reform has attempted to put right some of the “flaws” listed above. This has been difficult because they are part of a concept of curriculum planning which was fundamentally inappropriate. 12.

WHAT KIND OF PROGRESS HAS BEEN MADE TO REFORM SOME OF THE PROBLEMS OUTLINED ABOVE?

One group of problems has existed since 1902 when for the first time, LEAs had been allowed to spend money on secondary schools which generally became known as grammar schools. The curriculum for those schools was regulated along the lines of the curriculum in operation in most of the pre-1902 (private) grammar schools. This curriculum was itself largely copied from the prestigious Public Schools. For example, the 1904 Regulations demanded that Latin should be included in the curriculum unless good reasons could be shown to omit this requirement. In 1988 instead of adopting the HMI model of curriculum, the Baker national curriculum reverted to a close copy of the 1904 list, the only new subject being technology. The 1988 list consisted of ten subjects, three of which were prioritised by being called core subjects. The core subjects were English, mathematics and science; the other seven subjects were a modern foreign language (after age 11), history, geography, music, art, technology, physical education. In addition, religious education remained

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a requirement but its curriculum was agreed locally rather than nationally. Each of the ten subjects was handed over to a Working Party of specialists to draw up detailed “programmes of study” in four key stages: Key Stage 1 age 5–7; Key Stage 2 age 7–11; Key Stage 3 age 11–14; Key Stage 4 age 14–16 (the end of compulsory schooling). The result was each subject team over-prescribed in terms of content and time for their own specialism. As feared, the result was a curriculum that was over-loaded, too detailed and too prescriptive. Although over-crowded, the curriculum was regarded by most educationists as incomplete. The ten subjects omitted many areas essential for preparation for living in modern society. To overcome this problem, the National Curriculum Council (NCC) soon began work on a number of cross-curricular themes and activities, including health education, preparation for adult life, and citizenship. Unfortunately, because the ten subjects were compulsory, whereas the cross-curriculum work was non-mandatory, most schools gave very little priority to the cross-curricular materials, however good they might be. Research, including OfSTED Reports, showed that most schools paid very little attention to the cross-curricular suggestions. In one area which David Blunkett regarded as a high priority, it was necessary for him to legislate for a new subject—citizenship—which would also be compulsory. This will be discussed in a later section. Meanwhile, the ten subjects were more than enough for most schools and almost immediately work had to be started on re-writing the detailed prescriptions, especially in maths and science. Assessment was introduced gradually in the early 1990s and it was soon clear that the task given to teachers for assessing science, maths, English and technology were impossibly detailed and time-consuming. Early promising work on more enlightened forms of national testing were abandoned in 1993, but teachers found the paper and pencil tests that replaced them unsatisfactory and a national boycott of the tests was called and supported by all six of the teacher and headteacher professional organisations. As a result, the government called on a non-educationist, Ron Dearing, an exhead of the Post Office and skilled at negotiating with trade unions, to achieve some kind of compromise. It was decided to slim down the subject requirements and to limit formal testing to the three core subjects. This was tolerable but by no means a perfect solution. In 1997 some dramatic changes might have been expected from New Labour but the only major change was the addition of a new subject, citizenship, which will be discussed later. Priority was at first given to literacy and numeracy in primary schools and after 2000 in secondary schools. National and local targets were established to “drive up standards” in both those areas. The evaluation of the literacy and numeracy strategies is not yet complete but it would seem that performance nationally has improved in both areas but studies, including those by OfSTED, have indicated a neglect of other areas, particularly art and music. Unfortunately, New Labour appeared to be content to retain the flawed ten subject national curriculum and to concentrate on improving literacy and numeracy. The major problem that New Labour inherited was that teachers were bewildered by the 1988 national curriculum for which they felt little ownership since it had been

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imposed upon them after inadequate consultation. This initial lack of enthusiasm was aggravated by changes and then further changes, not only in curriculum content but also in assessment methods. The Dearing Report (1995) promised stability for five years, but even that was not entirely adhered to. A more fundamental problem was that the curriculum was dominated by assessment requirements because the Conservative government had wanted greater parental choice which depended upon some kind of “evidence” being available to distinguish schools of different levels of quality. This meant that testing had to be in the form of results—league tables— which would enable parents to make rational choices. The fact that league tables provided very incomplete and imperfect data was glossed over. The strange mixture of local market choice and tougher central control proved difficult for teachers and schools to reconcile with professional standards. New Labour in 1997 failed to grasp that essential flaw in the curriculum structure and concentrated instead on “tests and standards”. By 2004, however, there were some signs that the error of too much emphasis on targets in education was being recognised. Together with a gentler approach to inspection and an emphasis on school self-evaluation, the way was open for further reforms, but what was really required was a review of the whole curriculum, in fact, such a review should have been part of a holistic approach to secondary schooling. This was not politically possible in 2004 despite the fact that it was overdue. 12.1. The Reform of Curriculum 14–19, including GCSE and “A” Levels A major problem of secondary schooling in England has been its elitist origins. Today’s secondary schools, including comprehensive schools, are descended from nineteenth century Public Schools and twentieth century grammar schools. Public Schools were intended for a social elite—the future leaders at home and in various parts of the Empire; grammar schools since the 1902 Education Act were planned to provide for a more educated clerical workforce by selecting an intellectual elite, about 15% or so from elementary schools. The vast majority of elementary school pupils were destined to have a much more basic education without examinations or qualifications during the compulsory period of schooling which ended at age 14. The 1944 Education Act nominally made secondary education available to all boys and girls, but the selective, elitist tradition remained in the form of both Public Schools (for the upper and upper middle classes) and grammar schools for those regarded as academically superior. After 1944, even within a policy of secondary education for all, the majority of young people left school at age 15, later 16, without any School Leaving Certificate or qualifications. In 1951, the old examinations, the School Certificate at age 16 and the Higher School Certificate at age 18, had been replaced by the General Certificate of Education (GCE) at Ordinary Level at age 16 and Advanced Level at age 18. The major purpose of this reform was to replace what had been “group” examinations by “single subject” Certificates. One problem with the old system was that pupils could study for five years and still receive no Certificate at age 16; similarly, they could study for a further two years and receive no credit at age 18. This was the justification

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for providing Certificates showing what subjects had been passed and ignoring failures. The disadvantage was that, unlike the French Baccalaureat, for example, the examination did not guarantee a broad and balanced curriculum at age 16 or 18. Nevertheless, the new GCE “A” Level came to be regarded as the “gold standard” for academic achievement at age 18, giving access not only to various careers but also to places at university. There was no examination at age 16 for the 80% or so of boys and girls who were not regarded as sufficiently academic to take GCE “O” Levels either at grammar school or in the academic streams of comprehensive schools. An examination-free curriculum was regarded as an advantage for “less academic” pupils and the prevailing wisdom was that the majority of children were “unexaminable”, at least using traditional forms of assessment. Parents and employers, however, began to demand qualifications of some kind for school leavers and in the 1960s a new examination was developed—the Certificate of Secondary Education (CSE)—not for the whole school population but for the 40% below the 20% taking GCE “O” Level. This remained the situation until a further step towards democratisation took place in 1986 when GCE “O” Level was combined with CSE examinations (after much heart searching) to form the new General Certificate of Secondary Education (GCSE) which was first examined in 1988. The elitist origins of the new examination still showed through by regarding passes at A, B and C grades as equivalent to the old GCE “O” Level standards. Passes at grades D to G were of not much value for progression to other forms of education. That still remained the case in 2005. Meanwhile, there had been many attempts to broaden the curriculum 16–19 by reforming the “A” Level structure but none had been acceptable. Very often the Public Schools and universities had objected to any reform which would have involved a broader curriculum 16–19 because it carried the danger of lowering standards in the less specialised examination. Failure to reform the structure of secondary education was reflected by the failure to reform the examination system at 16 and even more so at “A” Level. Educationists criticised the 14–19 structure because it produced a failure system rather than a success system for the majority of the population. A further problem was that the whole emphasis 14–19 had been on academic qualifications rather than vocational courses. It was argued that there was no reason why more technical subjects could not be taught in a “liberal” way but the barrier between academic and so-called vocational courses remained high until the 1990s when steps towards reform and some integration took place. It was proving to be very difficult to shake off the elitist origins of secondary education and to construct systems and qualifications more appropriate for a democratic society. One problem of the old grammar school system was that it excluded too high a percentage of young people even according to purely economic criteria. Grammar schools focused on education and examinations for only about 20% of the ability range. Even those Local Authorities who stubbornly refused to develop comprehensive secondary schools have only adjusted the percentage upwards to include about one third of the age group in grammar schools. But by the 1990s it was clear that a much higher percentage of the population needed better skills, and after 1997, Blair

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began to talk of higher education for 50% of pupils. At the same time, he was reluctant to reform “A” Levels in a really meaningful way. He did not seem to ask the crucial question about whether it was possible to retain the “A” Level “gold standard” whilst aiming at 50% of pupils going on to some kind of genuine higher education, bearing in mind that “A” Level was designed to exclude all except about 10%. In the later years of Conservative governments, especially those when John Major was Prime Minister 1990–97, some progress had been made on two fronts: first, attempting to close the gap between academic and vocational courses 16–19. Major even went so far as to combine the Departments of Education and Employment into a single organisation and, to bring together the government advisory committee on curriculum and assessment for schools with the National Council for Vocational Qualifications. Second, the Conservative government encouraged the modification of the “A” Level system, intending to broaden the curriculum by encouraging students to take more than the usual three subjects. This was to be attempted by dividing the twoyear “A” Level course into two halves: the first year would be spent on Advanced Supplementary (AS) courses in four or five subjects, leaving a more specialist concentration on three subjects in the final year (this qualification to be known as A2). This experiment, known as Curriculum 2000, was a development of a previous concept of AS which had not been successful. Unfortunately, the AS/A2 experiment was not popular with schools or pupils and the problem was compounded in 2001 and 2002 when the Examining Boards made some unfortunate errors in calculating grades under the new experimental system. This resulted in the Blair government calling on a recently retired Chief Inspector, Mike Tomlinson, to undertake a complete review of qualifications 14–19 with particular reference to the “A” Level problem. From the beginning the Tomlinson review expressed interest in a solution involving an overarching Diploma. In the 1980s, the Institute for Public Policy Research (IPPR) a left-leaning “think tank” then Chaired by Baroness Tessa Blackstone, had produced a study on “A British Baccalaureat” which had proposed the abolition of “A” Levels and the removal of barriers between academic and vocational qualifications. After 1997, however, New Labour had apparently rejected such radical reforms and preferred to go along with minor tinkering of “A” Levels, initiated by the Conservative government. Once the Curriculum 2000 project ran into difficulties, however, it seemed likely that the Tomlinson approach of a Diploma might meet with general approval. In February 2004, the Interim Report of the Tomlinson review was published and widely discussed. As expected, the Report recommended a four-level Diploma for school leavers. The four levels were Entry Level (very basic achievements normally expected of 14 year olds but still presenting a challenge to some 16 year old leavers); Foundation Level (representing moderate achievement at 16—including passes at Grades D–G of the GCSE); Intermediate Level (passes at higher grades of GCSE and equivalent qualifications: Advanced Level (incorporating existing “A” Level courses and vocational equivalents). At all four levels qualifications would also be required to show achievement in numeracy, communications skills and computor technology. The Diploma would also require evidence of other activities such as community service, work experience, sporting achievements and, up to Intermediate Level, citizenship education.

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The advantage of this structure is that existing courses and examinations such as GCSE, “A” Level and vocational examinations, would not be abolished but would be integrated into the Diploma structure at each of the four levels. A further advantage was that Tomlinson recommended that the existing heavy load of course work at Intermediate and Advanced level would be reduced, but that students would be required to show their competence on a sustained project of their own choice but going beyond the requirements of a single subject examination. It was also recommended that the present rigid link between age and examinations would be reduced by allowing students to progress at their own pace and take examinations whenever they were ready. The final Tomlinson Report did not appear until towards the end of 2004 and it would not be expected that the whole reform would be completed for several years—perhaps not until 2014. The Tomlinson reform was intended not only to improve the curriculum 14–19 and to streamline assessment procedures, but also to make advances in two other ways. First, by broadening the educational experiences of young people 14–19, including breaking down the barrier between academic and vocational; second, the intention was to improve on the existing low rate of staying on in education beyond the compulsory period which ended at 16—England has a much lower participation rate at 17 than many other advanced industrial societies. 12.2.

Citizenship Education

Some educational theorists would suggest that the main purpose of education is not preparation for work but initiation into the culture of society with a special focus on the individual in society. That aspect of culture should be at the heart of the curriculum in a democratic society. In 1998 soon after the election of the Labour government, the Qualifications and Curriculum Authority (QCA) produced a Report Education for Citizenship and the Teaching of Democracy in Schools which made the bold assertion: We aim at no less a change in the political culture of this country both nationally and locally: for people to think of themselves as active citizens, willing, able and equipped to have an influence in public life and with the critical capacities to weigh evidence before speaking and acting; to build on and to extend radically to young people the best in existing traditions of community involvement and public service; and to make them individually confident in finding new forms of involvement and acting among themselves. Although citizenship education was a Labour Party initiative in 1997–8 it had been anticipated by a Report under the previous Conservative government. The Report of the Speaker’s Commission in 1988, with all-party support, had recommended the introduction of citizenship education in schools, but despite the national curriculum in 1988 no positive move had been made to implement the rather general recommendations. There had also been a number of initiatives before 1988 and it may be useful to review them briefly and to try to account for their failure. In the nineteenth century

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citizenship education was often identified with a narrow version of moral training, and the extension of the franchise in 1867 and 1884 provided some politicians with the notion that they should “educate our masters”. At the time, the intention was to educate for citizenship indirectly, by such subjects as history and geography. The result was not always welcomed by democrats. By the beginning of the twentieth century there was an organisation—The Moral Instruction League—one of whose aims was to influence the school curriculum. After the First World War, the League was reformed and renamed the Civics and Moral Education League. By the early 1930s, the League had virtually ceased to exist but the fear of Fascism, and other totalitarian doctrines prompted a group of progressive educators to form, in 1934, the Association for Education in Citizenship that was supported by well-known figures such as Sir Ernest Simon and William Beveridge. They advocated direct training for citizenship rather than the indirect method of general education working through existing subjects. The time was not, however, ripe for a new subject. In 1945 the direct training point of view was revived by another short-lived organisation—the Council for Curriculum Reform—which produced a remarkable report, The Content of Education (1945), advocating social studies as a compulsory subject in the core curriculum with politics and economics as important elements of that subject. This report did not receive the attention it deserved: in this post-war period of extreme shortages, the curriculum was a lower priority than improving school buildings and providing sufficient teachers. In 1947 the Central Advisory Council for Education produced School and Life (1947), which expressed concern about the danger of a moral vacuum and the need for schools to provide some kind of moral code for a modern secular society. Two years later the Ministry of Education in Pamphlet No. 16 Citizens Growing up (1949), went a little further and suggested that more than an extra lesson a week on civics would be needed to produce good citizens. They recommended the “permeation” approach. Unfortunately, these suggestions were only taken up by a fairly small number of secondary modern schools. In 1959 the Crowther Report showed an awareness of the problem; the Newsom Report (1963) was also concerned, but neither report produced a satisfactory curricular solution. By 1964 the trend was towards social studies based on the social sciences, and the Association for the Teaching of Social Science was established. The Politics Association was also active at this time, but it tended to confine its work to more senior pupils, and especially to the teaching of “A” Level Government and Political Studies. A few social scientists, such as Bernard Crick, advocated teaching of politics in primary as well as secondary schools. Crick later became active in a curriculum project financed by the Hansard Society called the Programme for Political Literacy that produced a report Political Education and Political Literacy (Hansard, 1978). Unfortunately, the change of government in 1979 prevented any immediate action: most Conservatives were then suspicious of political education—“citizenship education” might have been more acceptable. The Conservative 1988 Education Reform Act included a National Curriculum. This might have been an opportunity for citizenship education, but the Baker

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National Curriculum was based on a list of traditional subjects which was already very crowded with detail. In the early 1990s the National Curriculum Council (NCC) made provision for cross-curricular themes, one of which was citizenship. But this proposed remedy only gave citizenship the status of non-statutory advice—that is, it was a voluntary extra option which schools could ignore. Many did so because the mandatory, compulsory national curriculum took priority over any optional extras, however desirable they might be seen by educationists. There were several reasons for all these failures to establish citizenship education. First, citizenship education was a classic case of “high risk, low pay-off ”. Citizenship education was a low status subject in schools but was dangerous: teachers could be accused of bias or even indoctrination. Second, there was a shortage of good resources and of teachers who were competent to deal with difficult and complex issues. Third, there was a lack of a clear definition of what political education or citizenship education was and what teachers could legitimately do. These problems were taken into account as part of the New Labour proposals. There was also another problem: the definition of citizenship education. There were at least two views: the passive citizen view—training for conformity and obedience; and educating the future citizen for active participation in a democratic society. The passive view would encourage the teaching of facts about government and the (non-existent) British constitution as well as the duties and responsibilities of a good citizen. Advocates of the active citizen view would want to include an understanding of political ideas and conflicts; and developing democratic attitudes and values— including a willingness to be critical of that status quo. The Report of the Advisory Group on Citizenship (QCA, 1998), chaired by Professor Bernard Crick, steered a very careful path between the two views. The Report was succeeded by the Secretary of State’s Proposals (DfEE, 1999) which was a general set of recommendations for an improved National Curriculum. Citizenship Education was clearly defined to include: social and moral responsibility; community involvement; and political literacy. The Working Group at first expressed their curriculum intentions in terms of outcomes, which may have been too close to a behavioural objectives model to be acceptable to those who favoured less prescriptive instructions to teachers and a more humanistic attitude to the teachinglearning process. After consultation the outcomes approach was somewhat toned down in the Proposals which emphasised teacher autonomy to a far greater extent. There were to be four essential elements: concepts; values and dispositions; skills and aptitudes; and knowledge and understanding. These four elements were welded into a learning programme for each Key Stage of the National Curriculum. The two primary school Key Stages were integrated with Personal, Social and Health Education (PSHE) as non-statutory guidance. But for secondary school Key Stages, the teaching of citizenship education became a statutory requirement—a new compulsory subject. It was clear that for the new curriculum to be effective, the ethos of many schools would have to change. The development of moral and social responsibility within the school is not possible where the ethos is highly authoritarian. It is possible that the most important development will be the knock-on effect of such

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changes on the structure and social climate of the school as an organisation. The citizenship education programme is the most significant educational reform introduced by the New Labour government since 1997. The programme itself is certainly worthy of study by other countries. But the real test will be the extent to which the reform works in practice and improves the quality of democratic participation in schools and in the wider society. It is much too soon to expect any kind of final judgement on those results, but already there have been interesting attempts to evaluate the implementation of the reforms and to look for early signs of success. I will conclude this section with a brief review of the relevant evaluation documents. The task of implementation was partly entrusted to the Qualifications and Curriculum Authority (QCA). Having produced in 2000 Citizenship at Key Stages 3 and 4: Initial Guidance for Schools, QCA followed this up in 2001 with Schemes of Work in Citizenship Education for both the 11–14 and the 14–16 age-groups. These were an important contribution not least because one of the problems of implementing the programme was the lack of teachers who had been specifically prepared for the new curriculum. The schemes of work were generally regarded as helpful without being over-prescriptive. Some commentators went further and praised QCA for the fact that it was attempting to enable schools to convert the general guidelines into curriculum reform unique to each school. (See P. Walsh, 2004). Crick had always promised a “light touch” approach to curriculum reform and this had been reinforced by David Blunkett, Secretary of State for Education. The QCA Schemes of Work managed to combine the light touch approach with helpful suggestions, including examples of existing good practice that had worked in other schools. The QCA gentle approach managed to combine the idea of “inclusiveness” with the fact that a “whole school” approach was essential. This emphasised the need for citizenship education to be not just an extra subject but a way of enabling existing subjects to make contributions to the citizenshship programme. The whole school approach also emphasised the notion that citizenship education is not just academic learning but involvement and participation in a variety of activities inside and outside the school. The concept of community was central. QCA specified pupil research, group work/discussion, simulation activities and action. QCA also offered for consideration by schools three interrelated strategies: a concepts approach (e.g. democracy and autocracy; cooperation and conflict; equality, freedom and order). Second, a skills approach (e.g. enquiry, communication, participation). Third, enquiry (e.g. building on the interests and curiosity of the student). Paddy Walsh (2004) has evaluated the citizenship Schemes of work in the context of the English school system which has no national text books and is suspicious of that notion. He approves of the flexibility and adaptability of Schemes of Work which enable individual schools or teachers to download selectively from a wide array of resources. Starting on one Scheme of Work and a few lesson plans does not commit the teacher to any more than the teacher feels is compatible with his or her unique school and classroom. The idea of a compulsory Scheme of Work within a compulsory national curriculum would simply be too much. It remains to be seen how far really good practice can be disseminated by this light touch approach. In total teachers have

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33 “units” of work to choose from for the 11–16 age group. Each unit would, if followed in its entirety, take 9–10 class periods. Units are broken down into sections. Schemes of Work are accompanied by “Teachers” Guides’ that support the idea of a “tool-box” from which teachers choose. Advice is also given about how schools should plan their citizenship curriculum within a whole school approach, linking up with other subjects such as history and geography. The “tool-box” also offers ideas about school audit—self-evaluation—and the assessment of pupil achievement. The QCA Scheme of Work approach is closely related to ideas of school-based curriculum development and self-evaluation. Student involvement in the evaluation process is seen as important for two reasons: first, because shared ownership is necessary, and second, because assessment participation of the right kind, involving feed-back from teacher to learner is a most effective pedagogical technique, especially in this subject. It is also imperative that the idea of students “failing at citizenship” should be avoided. It is, however, accepted that at this stage ideas on assessment techniques need further development. At the time of writing three early evaluations had taken place: the NFER study, an OfSTED Report based on school inspections, and finally, a study by Community Service Volunteers (CSV), an organisation that had for some time been involved in a particular kind of active citizenship education. 1. NFER Report.5 Kerr and his colleagues were commissioned by the Education Department to undertake a study of the extent to which schools were ready for the new compulsory curriculum in the period approaching the deadline (2002). As some had expected, the survey confirmed the view that young people did not trust politicians, experienced little discussion of politics and citizenship at school and were not particularly interested in the area. The Education Department would, however, have been disappointed by the relative lack of preparation undertaken by schools for the new compulsory subject. Too many schools were satisfied with what they had been doing before and simply added a little to existing provision in Personal, Social and Health Education (PSHE), for example. They seemed not to recognise that the reason for introducing a new subject was the unsatisfactory nature of existing arrangements. Student participation in citizenship-type activities, and in the schools’ planning of citizenship education was generally low. Most schools had appointed citizenship coordinators but the status of these teachers and the support they received from colleagues was mixed. Although the emphasis on citizenship education was the whole school approach, this was rarely the case in practice, and many teachers were not well informed about the new statutory requirements. Many schools listed four outstanding problems: teacher-training, finding room on the timetable, maintaining student interest, and assessment. The crucial question of student involvement was often ignored. The NFER Report could not have been seen as entirely positive: the two-year period of preparation had not been used efficiently. 2. The Inspectors’ (OfSTED) Report.6 This report rested on the evidence of 25 inspections of the first six months of the implementation of citizenship education. The Inspectors did not claim that their sample of schools was representative, and

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admitted that the inspections took place at a very early stage of a difficult initiative. They found some examples of good practice but were generally disappointed at the patchiness of implementation. Management of the initiative had been “unsatisfactory” in over half of the schools inspected, with only one fifth of schools reaching the standard of the HMI category “well-developed”. Most schools were putting too much faith in “ethos”, or in their existing PSHE programmes. Schools tended to be complacent about teaching citizenship through other subjects, ignoring the fact that such methods had generally been found wanting in the past. Written work was criticised by HMI, as generally being below the standard of work in other subjects. Few schools had got to grips with the difficult question of assessment of a subject that involved work in the community and activities rather than abstract knowledge. HMI complained about the general lack of appreciation of what was required by the new subject in the context of specific schools. The report was, however, more positive in its publicising examples of good practice in some schools. In making their criticisms, however, the Inspectors wondered whether the “light-touch” approach that had been officially advocated was being interpreted as “low-priority”. It would be a pity if the report were correct about this misinterpretation. Once again it should be emphasised that the criticisms were made at an early stage and at a time when schools were heavily involved in other initiatives. 3. The Community Service Volunteers Report.7 This report was the work of a non-governmental organisation hoping to find signs of success in the field of citizenship education which they had promoted for many years. The method employed was mainly a questionnaire returned by 60 schools. It is worth quoting because it dealt with a time slightly later than either the NFER or the OfSTED documents. Nevertheless, the findings were very similar. One encouraging difference was that 58% of the teachers responding said that they enjoyed teaching citizenship “a lot”: and only 8% did not enjoy teaching the subject. This report focuses on the special interest of the organisation in “community service”. Two thirds of its respondents thought citizenship teaching had helped to develop links with their local community, and when asked what one thing would most benefit the teaching of citizenship in their school, more than half selected “linking with the community”. On the whole, the CSV Report was optimistic about future possibilities. Despite some of the above criticisms and disappointments, those who advocated the need for citizenship education remain optimistic about the future of the subject, provided that governments continue to provide support. OfSTED will also have an important part to play in setting standards and helping to clarify such areas as assessment. I remain convinced that the citizenship education initiative was the most important educational reform since 1997 and that the problems identified by the evaluation reports, such as the need for more teacher training, could be overcome given the political will. 13.

GENERAL CONCLUSION

The period covered by this chapter—1945–2004—includes four meaningful but overlapping stages of education reform.

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Stage 1: Optimism Without Planning 1945 to the Late 1960s. Following the 1944 Education Act, the major reform of which was free compulsory secondary schooling, was a time when schools were largely left to themselves to define the meaning of secondary education and to work out some kind of curriculum. This stage was optimistic but difficult, partly because the post-war years were marked by shortages—buildings, teachers and money—and partly because the government failed to reach a decision about whether they wanted a comprehensive system or separate schools for different levels of ability. This stage of optimistic uncertainty lasted about twenty years, by which time there was a reactionary backlash against “progressive” ideas and practices. The clearest manifestation of this backlash came with the “Black Papers” of 1969. Stage 2: Towards Comprehensive Planning—the 1970s. From the late 1960s into the 1970s, can be seen as a period when it was recognised that more central planning was needed. More Local Education Authorities were turning to comprehensive secondary schools and attempts were made to develop some kind of national view of the curriculum, but there was no political will to have a centralised educational system, and teachers as well as Local Education Authorities, resisted any proposal for national curriculum planning. The year 1976 is often regarded as a turning point: the civil servants at the DES were prompted to take a more active role in policy and planning, and the Prime Minister, James Callaghan, criticised the education service for failing to deliver value for money and skilled workers for industry. Stage 3: Educational Counter-Reformation, 1979–1997. The third phase began with the gradual development of Thatcherism in 1979: in education, as elsewhere, planning gave way to ideas about markets and choice, with a rejection of a uniform secondary system. Planning was in theory replaced by “choice”, “diversity”, “differentiation” and “individualism”. Many of the initiatives 1979–1997 failed—for example, voucher schemes, City Technology Colleges and other attempts to get “private” money invested in mainstream schools. Unfortunately, many “reforms” were accompanied by unfair criticisms of maintained schools and their teachers. The Thatcherite myth developed that the problems of secondary schools could be solved by copying the private sector. Paradoxically however, the major lasting reform of this period was the National Curriculum in the Education Reform Act 1988 which was a major step into central control. Since 1988 one strand of reform has been to get the national curriculum right. This is by no means complete. Stage 4: New Labour Achievements Plus Bastard Thatcherism.8 A final stage of post-war reform came in 1997. The New Labour government has been responsible for spending more money on many of the reforms outlined in this chapter, and has also embarked on the worthwhile initiative of Citizenship Education. These are considerable achievements. Unfortunately, those reforms have been accompanied by many initiatives which have been greatly criticised by educationists, partly for the managerialist concentration on targets, testing and bureaucratic control; and, perhaps even worse, for “bastard Thatcherism” in education which has wasted money and energy by continuing many of the “dead-end” proposals, especially privatisation initiated in the years 1979–1997. It remains to be seen whether New Labour will abandon

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bastard Thatcherism and return to traditional educational values adapted for 21st century democracy. 13.1.

End Note on Education in Wales

I was tempted to devote this chapter entirely to education in England, but that would have meant missing the opportunity to point out the differences between two systems, England and Wales, which had begun almost identical but diverged in recent years. In many respects the difference has been that since devolution, Wales has followed the main principles of the English educational reforms since 1945, but without yielding to the temptations of “bastard Thatcherism”. Thus those from overseas looking for a purer example of educational reform would do well to study in some detail the differences between England and Wales that have developed, especially in the last ten years. These differences include the fact that comprehensive secondary education has been adopted in Wales without any problems of retaining grammar schools: they were incorporated successfully into comprehensive structures, even in those urban areas such as Swansea and Cardiff, which some might have expected to have caused difficulties. Other differences include the fact that there is far less emphasis on choice of schools in Wales, and thus league tables have been avoided. There is also much less emphasis on targets and testing in Wales in both primary and secondary schools. Finally, although school inspection arrangements were changed following the 1992 Education Act in England, the inspection process has followed a more professional and less punitive route than the OfSTED story in England. Schools in Wales tend to achieve as well as those in England but with less stress and better cooperation between parents, teachers and politicians. NOTES AND REFERENCES 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

H.G. Wells (1934). Experiment in Autobiography. London: Gollancz. Knight, C. (1990). The Making of Tory Education Policy in Post-War Britain 1950–1986. Falmer Press. Rutter, M. (1979). Fifteen Thousand Hours. The Rutter Report. London. Lawton, D. (1975). Class, Culture and the Curriculum. Routledge. Kerr, D. NFER Report. OfSTED Report. CSV Report. The term “bastard Thatcherism” was first used by McKibben, R. (2003) in a brilliant article “How to put the Politics back into Labour” in the London Review of Books, 2003. The analogy was, presumably, with “bastard feudalism”. I have used “bastard Thatcherism” to indicate continuing some of the policies of “Thatcherism”, especially privatisation, unsupported by any coherent ideology.

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MALCOLM SKILBECK

A GLOBAL ENDEAVOUR: EDUCATION FOR ALL

1.

FOREWORD

The story of the global endeavour Education for All (EFA) is, first and foremost, that of the continuing struggle to universalise basic education and eradicate illiteracy. Difficult as this is still proving to be for many of the world’s most populous countries, universal basic education and literacy are but the foundation. Social, cultural and economic development, and personal fulfilment, increasingly depend upon advanced as well as basic levels of knowledge and capability. Moreover, the foundations of basic education and literacy must be constantly reinforced, in the most developed as well as in the least developed countries. The movement of Education for All, often thought of as an action plan for poorer countries, is in reality a challenge to all countries, regardless of their wealth and power, to provide, strengthen and improve education for all people. Launched at a global conference in Jomtien, Thailand in 1990, EFA is sustained by a coalition of all governments and numerous organisations, governmental and non-governmental, and spanning several UN agencies and other international organisations sharing a common purpose. A High Level Group and an EFA Working Group have been charged to oversee and assist in coordinating work, identify priorities, spur action, help mobilise resources, monitor progress and report outcomes. Within the lead agency, UNESCO, an international expert team has operational responsibility for monitoring and reporting on progress. Despite depressing, at times paralysing, constraints and barriers, Education for All has maintained a powerful momentum throughout the 90s and into the present century. It is helping to shape the international agenda for economic and social as well as educational development. This chapter analyses the achievements, the constraints and the setbacks. Principal sources are the national reports and regional analyses reviewing progress in the first decade, for the Dakar World Education Forum in 2000, and the global synthesis (prepared by the author).1 The chapter is informed by the continued monitoring of EFA since 2000, using the UNESCO reports prepared by the international monitoring team.2 Drawing upon a wider tradition of research on educational reform and on the author’s own international experience, the chapter frankly addresses key issues in order to provide a critique, together with challenges to government and non-government organisations. Lessons from EFA on educational reform bring the chapter to a conclusion.

97 C. Hughes (ed.), Secondary Education at the Crossroads, 97–144. © 2006 Springer.

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98 Box 4.1:

The World Declaration on Education for All Jomtien, Thailand 1990

“At Jomtien, Thailand in March 1990 representatives of the global education community met in the World Conference on Education for All and embraced a new vision . . . The World Declaration on Education for All . . . went far beyond a renewed commitment to earlier targets set for basic education and adult literacy. It spoke of universal access to education as a fundamental right of all people, for fair and equitable treatment of all learners—infants, children, youth and adults. It underlined the need for better learning environments, for new partnerships, for improved quality in educational procedures and results—and for both more resources and improvements in resource utilisation . . . For the first time, there was a framework which, however ambitious, set clear directions for purposive worldwide action.”3

2.

ADDRESSING A GLOBAL CHALLENGE

Established in 1990 in Jomtien, Thailand, EFA is the optimistic designation of a global coalition of governments and non-governmental organisations aimed at eradicating illiteracy and raising educational standards worldwide (Box 4.1). It is optimistic in its aims because despite decades of sustained campaigns by government and intergovernmental organisations, illiteracy in several parts of the world and many countries is still of critical proportions; moreover, much of the education that is available is of variable quality, participation rates are uneven and attrition and non-completion rates are high. A global coalition is required since overcoming illiteracy and achieving a good quality of education for all are beyond the capacity of many countries to attain unaided or in isolation. It is only through transnational cooperation and sharing of experience that there is any realistic prospect of making real headway where the problems are greatest. The challenges remain enormous. Nevertheless, hopes and expectations underpinning EFA are not misplaced. In many countries which have experienced acute difficulties in the past the problems are being most vigorously addressed with successful results. There are lessons to be taken from their experience of success, and benefits from the systematic, worldwide monitoring and evaluation of performance, even when that performance has fallen far short of what is needed. Education for All has many facets: it is a vision, a multidimensional campaign, a set of targets and a framework for action strategies covering large areas of schooling and adult education. Following the year 2000 appraisal of progress—and setbacks— over the decade of the 90s an international observatory has been established to monitor progress and evaluate performance (see ref. no. 2). By recording and assessing progress toward agreed targets—or lack thereof—individual countries, intergovernmental organisations and non-governmental organisations are developing a much more systematic knowledge base than was possible in the first, Jomtien decade. Over time, this will improve the prospects for success even if in the meanwhile some

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governments feel challenged by unfavourable messages that rigorous monitoring may yield. What is perhaps most distinctive of EFA by comparison with earlier efforts is the determination to monitor progress and assess results against a clear set of internationally agreed goals and in accordance with procedural principles and strategies which have been hammered out in a global partnership. Although in the past there have been many endeavours to mobilise the international education community, EFA embodies new determinations: unprecedented inclusivity through partnerships; firm global commitments; and a readiness to adopt transparent performance measures or indicators against which governments and educational communities are submitting themselves to peer appraisal of a quite public kind. From one perspective, EFA is a continuation of earlier international campaigns— for example for basic education and literacy. However, it is more than a renewal or an extension of long standing international undertakings. It asserts that more of the same is not enough. New strategies are needed, within a broader, more comprehensive framework, to meet the challenges to education resulting from poverty, disease, violent warfare, corruption, enfeebled political will, and ineptitude. Of particular concern is that, notwithstanding the progress that is being made, at the same time the gap is widening between on the one hand leading edge countries and those making rapid progress and, on the other, countries where progress is stalled. EFA has therefore set itself the task of reducing the gap, not by vain attempts to slow the pace of change in the faster moving countries, but by pinpointing strategies that seem to offer the best prospect of kick starting those countries and regions which display the greatest concentration of education shortcomings. A visible demonstration of this strategy is being provided by the international monitoring team in charting progress towards the goals. 3.

THE JOMTIEN DECLARATION: IMPLEMENTING THE UNIVERSAL RIGHT TO EDUCATION

Although in some respects defining a single starting point for EFA programmes is artificial, as a formal campaign it originated at a large international conference in Jomtien, Thailand in 1990. Representatives of the global educational community, both government and non-government, adopted at Jomtien a document, the World Declaration on Education for All. This document—the foundation or more aptly the platform from which innumerable projects and activities have proceeded—affirmed what have become the fundamental principles, guiding ideas and goals, and broad strategies of EFA. 3.1.

The Right to Education

If there is a single idea or principle which underpins the whole EFA enterprise, it is the determination to implement worldwide a basic, universal right to education. In the modern world, this right has been articulated in Article 26 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948). Article 26 accepts that people everywhere have

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The Universal Declaration of Human Rights: Article 26 4

In 1948 the General Assembly of the United Nations adopted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. UN Declarations state a goal or intent; they have no legal force. Hence the importance of international monitoring and programmes to implement Declarations. Article 26 states: 1. Everyone has the right to education. Education shall be free, at least in the elementary and fundamental stages. Elementary education shall be compulsory. Technical and professional education shall be made generally available and higher education shall be equally accessible to all on the basis of merit. 2. Education shall be directed to the full development of the human personality and to the strengthening of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. It shall promote understanding, tolerance and friendship among all nations, racial or religious group and shall further the activities of the United Nations for the maintenance of peace. 3. Parents have a prior right to choose the kind of education that shall be given to their children.” United National General Assembly (1948) Declaration of Human Rights Adopted and Proclaimed by the General Assembly of the United Nations on the Tenth Day of December 1948 (Final Authorized Text. New York. United Nations 1950). The 1948 Declaration was followed by other undertakings on rights to education, e.g. the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (1966) and the legally binding Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989). These rights documents constitute one of the major bases of the EFA movement.

basic aspirations and needs—for nurture, health and personal fulfilment—and that their realisation depends upon education. (Box 4.2) It is significant that in both UNESCO’s World Education Report 2000 and in the post-2000 EFA monitoring report, the right to education has been re-affirmed with strong links drawn between the exercise of rights and personal, social and cultural development. The notion of a “right” does not depend upon a specific, extrinsic function of education—civic, social, economic etc—but takes education to be constitutive of a worthwhile human life. In this sense education is intrinsic or of value in itself. From this perspective, education is a right because it is a condition of being human. To deny people the right to be educated is to deny them their humanity, or their potential for growth and fulfilment as free persons in a free society. Such denial is immoral— and in terms of the “right”—unjust and inhuman. The “right” to education is also a foundation for the exercise of other rights, such as economic, social, cultural and political rights, security and liberty. To the extent that the right to education is given legal recognition, as it commonly is within countries through constitutions and laws, it is also illegal or unconstitutional to deny the right to education, a circumstance that appears not to have troubled some regimes, where education of even the most basic kind is denied or unavailable. The right to education is an affirmation or a declaration in abstract terms, which, for practical purposes, must be not only translated into legislation and a regulatory

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framework, but also given a substantive character. The imperative takes two main forms in the field of social action: legally binding covenants and conventions, such as the Convention on the Rights of the Child which have formal reporting requirements; and political commitments which, while not formally binding, may have a powerful moral and practical impetus. Regardless of their form, general principles and policy undertakings must be transformed into programmes and activities for which teachers and schools are the typical agencies. Hence the right to education is expressed through qualified and responsible teachers and curricula, school organisation, classroom practice, resources and equipment and so on. It is one thing to state principles and purposes by reference to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Article 26. It is quite another to determine appropriate practical arrangements and procedures, to implement them, and to indicate the extent to which the “right” has been adequately expressed, provided for and indeed achieved. This is more than an educational programme of action, conceived as the provision of schooling since personal, family, community and society-wide conditions must be conducive to learning. Education for All is about socio-economic and political context, expressed cultural values and situational variables as much as it is about schools and schooling. 3.2.

The Jomtien Principles and Values

EFA, in taking as its foundation principle the Declaration of Human Rights, elaborated Article 26 by drawing out relationships among people and within communities, responsibilities of governments, educators and learners, and the bonds that hold societies together. In thus broadening the base, EFA treats education as not only an intrinsic right, but as a staple of the good life for everyone—a quality of life grounded in civilised values, and the exercise of responsibility including responsibility by people for one another. Mutual obligations and responsibilities bind people and communities together through social virtues which combine goodness with efficiency. These virtues include equity and justice, fairness, empathy and considerateness, peace, the valuing of diversity and active, democratic citizenship.5 Although EFA adopted the terminology of “basic education” and stated six goals in the form of target dimensions which are to a degree measurable, the dimensions themselves are grounded in the broader values and considerations outlined above. These are susceptible to a great variety of interpretations and some are resistant to precise specification and appraisal. They can all too easily be discounted in a quest for measurable outcomes, such as rates of increase of literacy levels, fundamentally important as these are. Indeed, an unresolved issue in Education for All is the nature of education required to meet the high aspirations associated with the elaboration of Article 26—the right, in effect to the good life. As pointed out by the authors of the first of the new series of monitoring reports published in 2002: To redress the narrow focus on growth in per capita incomes as the central indicator of successful development policies, a new framework has emerged, which emphasises the extent to which people’s capabilities

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have been enhanced and their choices widened in order to enjoy the freedom that make life meaningful or worthwhile. These freedoms encompass the rights of access to resources that allow people to avoid illness, have self-respect, be well nourished, sustain livelihoods and enjoy peaceful relationships.6 The links between particular kinds and levels of education, the stated targets of EFA, and the values of choice, freedom, etc. vary in their meaning and significance across different cultures, regions and nations. Hence there is an inevitable tension between the oneness of the universal principles and the multiple forms taken by their expression in specific settings. The key point, whatever the analytic framework that is adopted, is that without adequate opportunities for education, individual and social development in any part of the modern world will be inhibited. Education has become a principal means by which different forms of development occur. Education is valuable in itself but its benefits extend across many areas of life and in all societies and, potentially, for all people. The Jomtien Declaration was intended not simply as an affirmation, but as a manifesto for action, a set of firm commitments and undertakings, and agreed directions for achieving universal basic education. But it was well understood that both the meaning of basic education and the challenges it poses vary widely by country and region. For example, in a very poor country with a limited stock of educational facilities and equipment and too few teachers, the challenge might be to ensure that all children regularly attend school up to the completion of primary grades, accepting that for many students learning outcomes may be quite modest, and will certainly be varied. In a richer country with a long tradition of formal schooling, the challenge is much more one of the inclusiveness of curriculum and pedagogy and a high quality of both primary and secondary education for all. 4.

THE JOMTIEN TARGETS: SIX DIMENSIONS OF ACTION

At Jomtien, countries agreed to set specific national targets for the decade of the 1990s for achieving the six broad targets or dimensions. While it was not expected that all countries would in fact meet the agreed numerical targets within the decade, all agreed to determine a course definitely leading toward their achievement. The six dimensions of the overall EFA drive for better education as agreed in 1990 are a mixture of broad, general directions for policy and a quest for more specific targets (Box 4.3). Countries were invited to set their own targets using the dimensions as a framework. As indicated below, however, this approach has proved problematic, with particular difficulties arising in those target dimensions where appropriate action had no clear structural or institutional links. 4.1.

Breadth and Flexibility

The scope of the Jomtien target dimensions was broad. There was a clear recognition that action must extend from early childhood to adulthood, from formal schooling to

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The Six Dimensions of the EFA Targets for the Decade of the 1990s7

Expansion of early childhood care and developmental activities, including family and community interventions, especially for poor, disadvantaged and disabled children; ● Universal access to, and completion of, primary (or whatever higher level of education is considered as “basic”) by the year 2000; ● Improvement of learning achievement such that an agreed percentage of an age cohort (e.g. 80 per cent of 14 year olds) attains or surpasses a defined level of necessary learning achievement; ● Reduction of the adult illiteracy rate (the appropriate age-group to be determined in each country) to, say, one half its 1990 level by the year 2000, with sufficient emphasis on female literacy to significantly reduce the current disparity between male and female illiteracy rates; ● Expansion of provision of basic education and training in other essential skills required by youth and adults, with programme effectiveness assessed in terms of behavioural change and impact on health, employment and productivity; ● Increased acquisition by individuals and families of the knowledge, skills and values required for better living and sound and sustainable development, made available through all education channels including the mass media, other forms of modern and traditional communication, and social action, with effectiveness assessed in terms of behavioural change. (Note: The Jomtien Framework for Action invited countries to set their own targets with reference to these dimensions; it was not assumed that all the numerical targets could be met within a decade.) ●

diverse forms of community education, the mass media and social action. A connection was affirmed between formal education attainment, quality of life and socioeconomic development. Despite a continuing tendency in the attitude of many governments of economically and socially advanced countries to treat EFA as a “developing world” issue, the dimensions as framed (and agreed) at Jomtien in 1990 were expected to have no less relevance to rich than to poor countries. The six dimensions of the (Jomtien) EFA targets in practice proved to be a formidable challenge, if not always acknowledged, even for countries where education was by the beginning of the 90s already highly developed with universal access, relatively low levels of illiteracy and a substantial infrastructure of services. In those countries more advanced educational targets have been set, whether or not explicitly under the Jomtien banner, which are not always attained—for example completion of a full secondary education to a high standard, skills for worthwhile employment and active citizenship. It is not only “developing” countries that have not met appropriate targets. Both quantitative and qualitative aspects of education were addressed in the Jomtien targets, an approach that broadened and extended long-established concepts of “basic”, in recognition both of the diversity of national systems and higher expectations globally of the role of education in human, social and economic development. It was accepted that there was a minimum for all countries but higher expectations for some. Much, however, was left unsaid at Jomtien, partly because of the difficulty

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of reaching common understandings let alone agreements on matters such as “better living” and “sound development”. It was accepted that the targets set directions to be interpreted and pursued in widely different ways. Indeed, innovation, including new forms of delivery of education, was actively promoted in discussions of ways and means. Much was achieved at the Jomtien meeting, but EFA was still an incomplete design, so structures and mechanisms were established which were not only intended to monitor and evaluate progress but also to continue the construction of EFA itself. A major issue arising from the multidimensional approach adopted at Jomtien is that of policy coherence. The different ministries and agencies among whom responsibilities for both policy and operations are distributed often operate to a considerable degree independently of one another, with differing priorities, timetables, capabilities, operational procedures, and so forth. Synergies and mutual reinforcement are needed, but not grand strategies in which the distinctiveness of sectors is dissolved. 4.2.

Expectations and Limiting Considerations

In spite of their breadth, taken by themselves the six dimensions of the EFA targets agreed in 1990 represent a great reduction of the scope and purposes of education in the modern world, even in the least developed countries. They are a selection of what were perceived at the time to be the major challenges and they reflect what could be agreed or accepted by the diverse and numerous stakeholders. The six Jomtien dimensions or goals are open to the criticism that adoption of very broad, mostly open targets over a ten year time line with no assured commitment of resources or careful appraisal of capacity did little to focus countries’ efforts on collaborative procedures and strategies where difficult decisions and tradeoffs are required. In this respect, many relevant issues were raised at Jomtien but did not feature in the target dimensions themselves. For example, professional competence and terms and conditions of service of teachers, ways to improve efficiency, devolution and sharing of decision making through partnerships, and practical ways to achieve greater policy coherence and effective collaboration among different ministries and agencies. These considerations might be regarded as strategies or contextual items rather than targets, and reaching cross-national agreement might have seemed too difficult. Nevertheless, in a strategic approach, targets and ways of reaching them are closely intertwined. Especially for those countries which in the course of the 90s did not achieve the targets, it would have been helpful to adopt a more operational approach from the outset, challenging as this may have been on the global scale of the EFA. The way targets are formulated has a major influence on monitoring and evaluating performance. For example, whereas enrolment rates are (reasonably) susceptible to precise measurement, behavioural change, values for better living and sound and sustainable development are not. It was nevertheless an achievement at Jomtien to bring together within the single framework of the six dimensions specific quantifiable targets and broad development goals and values. An overriding consideration is the extent to which “education” is conceived as formal teaching and structured learning in institutions (schools, colleges, universities,

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etc) or as a quality of life, experience and learning regardless of setting. The Jomtien targets are a mixture of assumptions about the formality of schooling and the openness not to say ambiguity of lifelong learning in the home, workplace and community. They are in that sense fertile ground for debate about the merits of different strategies and structures to enhance learning. Given the very wide range of interest groups and the diversity of governments, participating in the Jomtien meeting, it was inevitable that agreement over targets would entail compromises and result in a mix of precisions and vagueness. In any event, monitoring and evaluating progress in reaching several of the targets was to prove beyond the capability or even, it seems, the interest of many countries, leading to a very uneven performance profile for EFA at the end of the first decade. One consequence of this was realisation over the decade of the 90s that there is a great need for all countries to improve their reach for building better knowledge bases for policy making. The necessary data for effective monitoring and appraisal of rates of change proved to be beyond the capacity of many countries and of the existing international systems for data collation and analysis. Inevitably, reporting on some dimensions and from some countries was less than satisfactory. A further consequence of the ways in which the EFA targets were formulated in 1990 is that they served to create expectations, about what may be required to meet them. For example, the targets generated expectations of appropriate legislative and regulatory frameworks, a well qualified teaching profession, competent administration and management, sound leadership, transparent and accountable use of resources, and the exercise of a considerable range of community and family responsibilities. Although for some countries or parts of countries such expectations in the circumstances of the time were unrealistic, they anticipated and helped to forge a changing, globalised context for educational policy making and action. Educational reform and development are increasingly being placed within wider frameworks of sociocultural and economic development. These include, in the UN, big set piece conferences, for example, on Women and Social Development, precursors of the Millennium Development Goals. In such ways, some at least of the Jomtien targets have gained wider recognition and understanding. The decade from the mid 1980s and into the 1990s was a major turning point for the world in political, social, economic and cultural affairs. With the ending of the Cold War, expectations were high for a peaceful entente and a period of greatly improved relations among nations. Economic growth expectations were high, due in part to reduced barriers to world trade and liberalisation of financial markets and new regional groupings of countries, but also to rapid progress in the take-up of new technologies, increased productivity and the development of what appeared to be a greater ability to sustain economic growth while reducing harmful effects. However, while there were many reasons at the time of Jomtien and into the 90s to believe that the global environment was increasingly positive for educational development, there were at the same time conditions and forces which could jeopardise future progress, if not for all countries, then for significant numbers. Identified at the time and, notably for poorer countries, were: a mounting debt burden; unfavourable

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trends in agricultural and other commodity markets; rapid population growth; chronic high unemployment or under-employment; conditions adversely affecting health; continuing civil strife and open warfare; enforced migration; environmental degradation; and endemic poverty. On the one hand, there were many positive indicators of conditions that would be conducive to global educational development. But, on the other hand, in many places, conditions were highly unfavourable and it would fall to educators to join the struggle to ameliorate basic conditions of life. In the balance among positive and unfavourable conditions the advanced economies of the western world and some parts of Asia were in a relatively strong position, whereas the unfavourable conditions at the beginning of the 90s were most in evidence in countries that had already experienced severe deprivation. As a result, existing educational disparities between the poorest and the richest countries, so far from being reduced, were set to become greater. With hindsight, it can seem that to the extent the Jomtien goals presupposed an existing capability, resource base and infrastructure, they were likely to accentuate differences rather than reduce them. Only by a very substantial shift in resources and an all out assault on the negative conditions could this be averted. While pledges were made, Jomtien itself did not and could not provide guarantees that they would be met. The international record on fulfilling pledges, for example on debt reduction and market protection was disappointingly slow and inadequate, throughout the 90s. The new international context at the beginning of the 90s changed dramatically in the course of the ensuing decade, often in quite unanticipated ways. Already apparent were an emerging new socio-political-economic order in Central and Eastern Europe, the rapid albeit uneven development of the new communication and information technologies and critical problems affecting the lives of millions in Africa and parts of South and Central America. Some other developments, not so obvious at first, have important implications for education, with a definite bearing on the Jomtien targets. In the emerging new economy, for example, there has been a major shift towards intangible human capital and an increasing role for financial capital, hence a heightened international demand for skilled people. Together with lowering of financial and trade barriers and the rapid expansion in the use of the Internet and of high speed computing, these trends have led toward much greater mobility of highly trained personnel and the movement of enterprises across national boundaries. Demand for skilled, mobile labour has greatly increased while demand for low order skills and minimal levels of education has declined. In its longer term consequences, what are predictably even more dramatic developments have begun to occur in the life and medical sciences. The effects here are being felt not only in the sciences and the economy, with the emergence of whole new industries, but also in personal and cultural values and relations among people. Although changes in the wider environment in the course of the 90s had their roots in earlier periods, the pace of change quickened—or was perceived to quicken—and demands on and expectations for education increased correspondingly. Important publications by UNESCO on the one hand, and OECD on the other emphasised the

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need for greater depth, higher participation levels and diversity in learning at school, and the necessity of lifelong learning for the whole community.8 These publications and others pointed to the need for appropriate policies and structures to support and recognise many different kinds of learning, starting at birth and extending into old age. Yet the continued dominance of the schooling model has meant that funding, ways of acknowledging competence and achievement in learning, recognition of credentials and signals to the employment market have all been geared towards the established idea of the school as the key agency of education and learning. The insufficiency of this approach was reflected in the fifth and sixth dimensions of the EFA targets, but precisely because these were not core elements of the schooling model, until recent years they have not been as well researched or brought to the fore in implementing educational policy. While the achievement of lifelong learning and the broader cultural and personal values inferred by the sixth EFA target are still not sufficiently captured in national and international monitoring of educational progress, their place among the EFA target dimensions reflected growing awareness of their importance.

5.

IMPLEMENTATION AND ACHIEVEMENT. TO WHAT EXTENT DID EFA SUCCEED BY 2000 IN REACHING THE 1990 JOMTIEN TARGETS? 5.1.

Conceptual and Operational Challenges

Global changes occurring at the time of Jomtien and accelerating since, starkly underlined the importance of exceeding, not merely attaining the Jomtien goals. But, ironically, they highlighted what proved to be a widening gap between the educationally most advanced and least advanced countries. This became evident in the course of the nineties, as the goals were variously implemented or brushed aside by forces—and actions—inimical to education in any form. Since there was a great deal of latitude within the targets themselves, and countries were invited to make their own definitions of key concepts, such as “basic education”, “essential skills”, “better living”, “sound and sustainable development”, there is scarcely a common basis either for assessing global progress or for comparing countries and regions. Lack of reliable data compounded the difficulty, so conclusions that were drawn in preparation for the year 2000 Dakar conference when progress over the Jomtien decade was to be reviewed were necessarily tentative in many instances. This circumstance provided opportunities for disingenuity in addressing what appeared to be definite policy commitments. As indicated above, for some of the target dimensions, it was not possible to draw firm, overall conclusions in reviewing progress over the decade, since most countries either did not report on them at all, or provided insufficient data. This must be regarded as a serious weakness in the overall EFA design and strategy as developed at Jomtien and during the 1990s. Recognition of this has resulted in the establishment of a much more powerful international monitoring apparatus for the decade following

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Social Norms and Beliefs That Restrict Girls’ Education

In a wide-ranging analysis of factors that hold girls’ education back, the EFA Monitoring Report Team identified numerous constraints on their right to education: social, cultural and economic; barriers to access; inequities within schooling; and denial of opportunities for women in the adult world. Social norms and beliefs are in many countries a significant barrier to educational opportunity for girls.10 ● The critically important locus for decision-making as regards participation in schooling is the family ● Gender inequalities tend to be most marked in societies where women are confined to the home ● Many societies continue to give sons preference and to discriminate against girls from the early years of life ● When child labour is required by households, access to education (for boys as well as girls) is limited and for girls household and domestic work have a significant impact on school attendance ● Social norms of female dependence on males are often reflected in lack of support for girls’ education; girls may lack opportunities for marriage and employment ● Cultural practices and adolescent rites of passage commonly reflect gendered norms and beliefs about appropriate roles for adulthood ● The proportion of girls and women affected by HIV/AIDS tends to be higher (than for males) in lessdeveloped regions (e.g. sub-Saharan Africa); girls and women are continually threatened by rape and sexual exploitation during armed conflict (e.g. Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1995) ● Where there is a high proportion of a country’s population in rural areas, the gender gap disadvantaging girls is much larger than in urban areas; where distance is a factor affecting attendance, girls tend to lose out.

Dakar, together with continuing improvements in educational statistics including cooperation between UNESCO and the more rigorous OECD International Education Indicators programme.9 Data collection, monitoring, definitional and conceptual issues have not been the only difficulties experienced in an international education development programme that brings together diverse cultures, traditions and values. Major substantive concerns have emerged. The most conspicuous illustrations of these difficulties are in the education of girls and women, and early childhood care and education. The injunction to set realistic national and local targets within the EFA framework appears to have been a sensible and sensitive response to different cultural traditions and diverse circumstances. However, there is no escaping an underlying imperative in the whole EFA movement, and reflected most recently in the post Dakar monitoring reports, to cultural traditions and attitudes and to insist on universal rights and values (Box 4.4). At Jomtien, at the same time that realism was enjoined, countries were also encouraged to aspire to meeting the full range of targets, not just those that suited their convenience or immediate circumstances. Jomtien was intended to launch innovation in education, on a global scale. The challenge of long established cultural mores that were inimical, for example, to girls’ and women’s education and to the educational enrichment of young children’s lives was, however, severely underestimated.

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Questioning Social Norms and Cultural Conventions

Nevertheless, in at least two crucial areas EFA has been ready to question deeply held beliefs and cultural conventions. EFA has not simply accepted that the formal education of girls should receive less family and societal support, but has confronted this tradition by promoting universal values and a scientific model of human growth and development. In calling for campaigns directed at illiterate women, EFA has also rejected the view that illiteracy for women should remain part of a culturally acceptable pattern of social relationships between the sexes and sex roles. By arguing for a much greater provision of institutional care and early education for very young children and for women’s education, EFA has challenged localistic beliefs that the community and family setting is of itself sufficient as the base for the exercise of human rights to education and social development. The institutions of the school and the processes of schooling were to be firmly implanted where they had never previously existed. EFA, accordingly, from its inception has been essentially universalist, not only as a broad if loose coalition of all countries, governments, NGOs, international organisations and others—a thoroughly modernist project—but in its underlying values, aspirations and procedures. Particularity of culture, tradition, belief, value is acceptable, indeed strongly encouraged, but not when it clashes with the universalist values espoused by EFA. It may be expected, then, that in implementing the target dimensions, countries would experience from some quarters resistance or indifference. It is regrettable that this has not been systematically analysed and reported and that much of the evidence about it is anecdotal or incidental to mainline reporting. There is need for greater openness, on the issue of cultural norms and their interface with EFA principles. At the same time as adopting universal principles and a modernist, rational framework of international action, EFA has declared support for cultural diversity. This is not simply a matter of different and varied pathways to a common goal: at issue is how the international community is best able to meet the culturally legitimate values and expectations of diverse traditions and ways of life while ensuring that through agreed educational purposes and procedures there are shared understandings and common values. More careful, searching analysis will be required if EFA is to address this issue and thereby to penetrate beneath the surface of stated goals and measured outcomes. 5.3.

Multiple Perspectives on Data

Problems of quite different orders arise in assessing the extent to which the Jomtien targets were both common and agreed in reality, and actually achieved in the course of the first decade of EFA. To add to the conceptual complexity, a procedure was adopted to mediate between individual country and local action on the one hand, and the global process of accounting for progress against the six target dimensions. In this mediation, throughout the decade of the 90s, sub-national, national, sub-regional

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and regional reports were prepared, by different groups and on somewhat different assumptions. Specialist studies were undertaken on cross-cutting themes and issues, for example on the impact of emergencies and crises, inclusive education, and community partnerships. These, too, reflected a variety of cultural values and intellectual assumptions. Such trend data as are available are not always consistent and do not permit reliable comparisons over time or across countries and regions. The statistical reporting although much improved, was still at the end of the 90s insufficient as a quantitative basis for reliable judgements. EFA in the course of its first decade proved to be challenging to international comparative analysis, as well as to the capacity of countries to clearly define and vigorously pursue operational targets. The global synthesis report and other overviews prepared for the Dakar conference had to address the complexity, diversity and variable quality of very large numbers of data sources and follow trajectories from single countries to vast, populous regions of the world. The synthesis report had to traverse territory ranging from the perspectives of individual researchers and policy analysts to the resolution of international fora, from patchy and presumably unreliable data to firm statements of precise quantities, from fairly inclusive bodies of knowledge relating to some dimensions, to fragmentary information and contestable claims relating to others.11 Many reports and studies including UNESCO statistics needed for a thorough review and evaluation were still incomplete or in draft form at the time of the Dakar Conference. The first of the new series of monitoring reports in 2002 was able to incorporate more complete and reliable data sources and reports from the 1990s than were available for the Dakar conference. Serious as the above shortcomings and limitations are, they must be seen in perspective. Many countries lacked—and still lack—the basic infrastructure, resources and capability needed to reach the Dakar targets and to report reliably and accurately on progress. EFA set new standards of international collaboration in policy planning and cooperative programme implementation. Never before had there been such a united, comprehensive endeavour to overcome weaknesses in education across the world. Although there were many setbacks in the 90s, there was also considerable progress. This is evident from the more detailed consideration of the six dimensions of the Jomtien goals that follows. 6. IMPLEMENTATION AND ACHIEVEMENT 2: IN PURSUIT OF THE SIX JOMTIEN TARGET DIMENSIONS 6.1.

Expansion of Early Childhood Care and Development

Early childhood care and development in the EFA context has two interrelated facets: first, increased awareness and understanding of the importance of the early years for subsequent development and learning; second, introduction and extension of structures and programmes to foster and support childhood development and learning. Awareness and understanding were themselves advanced simply through their prominence in the Jomtien Declaration and Framework. On the evidence of an

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international survey undertaken for the Dakar conference, awareness and understanding continued to advance during the 90s.12 But a distinction must be drawn between, on the one hand, specialist, expert understanding through advances in research knowledge of early childhood development and needs, and, on the other, greater public awareness through media reporting, legislation, regulations, the provision of institutions and programmes, the actions of parents and interest groups, NGOs and international organisations and the debates in the wider community. Research often both precedes and is further supported as a result of legislation and public interest. In those countries where traditional practices prevail, there is commonly a weak infrastructure of research and policy making and of legislation, campaigns and provision. Much of the reported progress on the early childhood dimension, in public awareness and understanding, research and action, has been in the technically and economically most advanced countries. In the poorest countries, while the need may be understood, at least by some policy makers and academics, there was throughout the 1990s a limited capacity or readiness to act on that understanding. However, in some countries, significant advances during the 90s were reported. These included: new or amended legislation and regulatory frameworks; community-wide health and welfare provision; provision of buildings, facilities, equipment; more trained personnel; regular, inclusive programmes; structured curricula and purpose designed learning resources; and new procedures for monitoring and evaluation. Countries with such comprehensive programmes included Belgium, France, Iceland, New Zealand and Sweden. Other countries, including Ireland and the United Kingdom, were moving in these directions. Many countries had a mix of private and public providers, but often with a scarcity of places in child care facilities and requiring costly parental outlays. Enrolments, generally, in programmes of early childhood care and education increased during the decade, but most of these increases were small or marginal. Expectation and demand greatly exceeded supply of facilities. Huge variations were evident across countries, urban areas were more favoured even in the most highly advanced countries and children from better-off families commonly fared best. Many difficulties emerged in the appraisal of provision for early childhood care and development in the run-up to Dakar: variability of definitions, inadequate reporting of private provision, conflicting views about quality and appropriateness. A particularly contentious area has been the role of the State whether as policy leader, regulator, provider—or all of these. In some countries State intervention is negligible while in others, France and Sweden for example, the State legislates, initiates policies, provides facilities, trains and registers teachers and carers, supports curriculum development, subsidises parents and regulates provision. Even where the State is active, degrees of involvement and control vary widely. There is no common agreement about policy or practice concerning formal provision of structured learning, hence a multiplicity of objectives, conceptual and operational maps and sought-for learning outcomes. “Expansion” is therefore an invitation to pursue many different, even contradictory, directions. A line, if somewhat permeable, must be drawn between “care” and “education”. Care can extend from primary health measures, where there have been important and

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relatively uncontestable gains in some of the most disease prone areas of the world, to activities in the home and community directed at children’s social, emotional and intellectual development which are no less the province of formal early childhood education programmes. “Education” is commonly taken to mean formal provision, through early childhood centres, pre-schools, kindergartens and so on, with trained personnel and professionally prepared learning programmes and activities. Fewer of the poorer and developing countries had, during the nineties, made much progress in extending such educational opportunities to very young children, with Brazil, China and Mexico as exceptions, among the countries with very large populations. Overall, although relatively modest, outcomes for early childhood education and care were positive over the decade of the 90s and can be regarded as evidence of successful achievement. But these modest gains, overall, mask the failure to achieve any discernible progress in very poor countries and countries experiencing the ravages of war and economic collapse. Where progress was occurring in poorer countries it was not generally a result of government leadership but was often through the action of NGOs and the more intensive use of existing community resources and traditional frameworks including religious schools and the family circle. Where population growth was rapid, economic conditions difficult and there was a high degree of civil disorder, the challenge by the end of the 90s remained formidable and in some countries had increased, not diminished. 6.2.

Universal Access to and Completion of Primary or Basic Education

Since there are very big differences among countries in student participation rates and levels, the second dimension of EFA was defined as access to and completion of primary education—or whatever higher level is considered basic. “Higher” is certainly relevant, as many countries having long since achieved universal primary education already by 1990 had clear targets for universal completion of secondary education or its equivalent. That is, twelve or more years of some form of schooling or schooling plus training has been determined as “basic”, in the sense of a necessary foundation or basis for an independent, responsible life. This determination arises partly from a view about the value of broad, general education extending well into adolescence, but more particularly from a view of what counts as a worthwhile qualification for entry to the labour market or into tertiary level studies (Box 4.5). Thus, for these, mostly the industrially advanced countries, there was in the course of the 1990s a challenge to achieve 100 per cent completion rates at a good standard. Despite differences in resources this was in some respects comparable to the challenge for developing countries whose target was universal access to and completion of up to six years of primary schooling. The importance of the wording of this dimension, from a global perspective, is that it had direct relevance for all countries whereas, in the traditional UNESCO lexicon, “basic” has commonly been taken to mean introducing universal schooling to primary level in those

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‘Basic Education’: An Evolving Concept

‘The commitment of EFA is to basic education. But this is not a fixed or clearcut concept and countries were advised at Jomtien to determine their own definition. Most but by no means all have chosen to restrict ‘basic’ to primary schooling, meaning the first stage of formal schooling—which so many have yet to attain. ‘Basic’, in an increasing number of countries, however, now connotes not only early childhood care and education and primary schooling. In some it now encompasses junior secondary schooling and in others it extends to a full secondary education. China, for example, is shifting the focus for much of the country from the primary school to the nine year compulsory school, preceded by a variety of early childhood care and education programmes. The National Education Guidelines and Framework Law in Brazil in 1996 defined the whole system from day care provision to the end of secondary schooling as ‘basic’. In Nigeria, ‘basic’ education refers to early childhood care and preprimary education, primary schooling and the first three years of secondary. Throughout Europe, North America and Australasia, Japan and parts of South East Asia, ‘basic’ includes both primary and secondary levels. ‘In a small but growing number of countries, some kind of post secondary or tertiary education is almost becoming ‘basic’ in that it is seen as a foundation for working life or further studies for all youth. There are moves to incorporate all levels and forms of education within a framework of ‘lifelong learning for all. These require a reconsideration of just what is best taught and learned in childhood and youth, as a foundation for continuing learning.’13

countries which lacked it, together with adult literacy programmes, also for developing countries. Reporting progress on this dimension raises a number of issues, such as variations in enrolments over time, over-age enrolments, sex and regional differences and how “free” is interpreted. Thus achievement of the goal requires a variety of strategies, and attention to retention and quality as much as to enrolments. Universal participation in primary schooling of several years’ duration and of good quality was proclaimed in all of the assessments undertaken worldwide for the EFA 2000 Assessments as a necessary achievement to work for, in respect of both universal rights of people and of conditions required for social and economic progress of communities and countries. Quite spectacular progress towards achieving the multi-faceted goal over the 90s was in fact reported in several countries, China for example, but in others there was either little or no progress or actual decline. There were major deficiencies in SubSaharan Africa, parts of South Asia and of South America (Box 4.4). Everywhere there were continuing inequalities, if not of access, then of opportunity to benefit fully from what was provided in primary or secondary education. In industrially advanced countries, student (and teacher) retention, and quality learning and teaching throughout the years of secondary education of learning remained major concerns, of comparable importance to basic provision of primary schooling in other countries. Such issues as non-attendance, behavioural problems, school violence, bullying, poor motivation and conditions in home and community that inhibit school learning were reported by countries that have long established systems of universal schooling.

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How ‘Universal’ is Universal Primary Education?

‘In the half-century that has passed since the Universal Declaration of Human Rights established education as a fundamental right for all, many countries have achieved the goal of universal primary education (UPE) or have made substantial progress towards doing so. Some countries have proven this is possible despite difficult economic circumstances, natural disaster or a history of conflict. Yet more than 100 million children in the world are still deprived of access to primary education, while a number of countries are clearly not on track to achieve its universal provision. Some have actually been moving away from it. Nearly all out-of-school children live in developing countries, and a majority of them are girls.’14

Thus, variability and comparisons among countries on single scales like provision and enrolments is not the only consideration. The real issue is the extent to which countries are able to meet the targets they set themselves, with the proviso that in an increasingly globalised world, there must be a steady convergence of targets—unless major cross national inequalities are to continue unchecked, or to grow. Universal completion of “basic education” (as variously defined) was not achieved during the Jomtien decade and this is acknowledged in the numerous policies and programmes most countries still have in place or continue to establish to address major weaknesses. Not surprisingly, however, attention of the international community has been most sharply focused on those countries where there has been little if any progress in meeting the minimal target of universal primary schooling. Poverty has been identified as a major barrier not only to access and enrolment but also to retention and completion of school. However, a variety of conditions serve to explain lack of progress in meeting targets or actual regression. These are usually situation specific contingencies, including worsening overall economic conditions, violence and warfare, mismanagement and corruption. To account for structural factors affecting enrolment, participation and retention, the concepts of “excludedincluded” have been used: cultural, social, locational and structural economic factors (e.g. endemic poverty) militate against the most vulnerable, the most impoverished, girls, children in rural and remote areas, children with disabilities, working children, children suffering the impact of HIV/AIDS.15 Inclusive policies are designed to identify and target these excluded groups and to mobilise resources to bring them within the ambit of schooling. Whether through such policies or in other ways, it was possible, in Dakar in 2000, to report overall progress in the course of the 1990s on the dimension of extending basic education. Trends in net enrolment ratios showed good gains in most regions of the world and slight gains in others. It must, however, be borne in mind that enrolment is not the same as regular attendance and completion. Without indicators of attendance and completion, enrolment data are insufficient. Moreover, large population increases can cancel out enrolment gains. On the one hand, universal primary education appeared—in 2000—to be within reach in several of the world’s most populous countries by the year 2010. But, on the

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other hand, many countries still faced the challenge of achieving universal enrolment and completion of as much as three to four years of primary schooling. Economic, social and political conditions and cultural attitudes in several countries and some regions appeared to make it impossible to achieve the goal of universal basic education. Population growth, violence, malnutrition and HIV/AIDS especially in Sub-Saharan Africa are often presented as explanation for failure to achieve the goal of basic education for all. Yet it is also evident that countries can succeed in the face of adversity: through the highest levels of political and community commitment, strategic planning and resource allocation with firm leadership, sound management, competent personnel and integrity in government. “Debt” and poverty are often adduced as the major constraint on progress in many of the least developed groups; certainly they are major contributing factors to low levels of school participation. Yet the level of a country’s wealth is not always the determinant of school performance. Debt and poverty alone may not be a sufficient explanation but in combination with a range of the adverse conditions mentioned above, can paralyse action. Conversely, sound financial management alone does not ensure achievement of the education goals but helps to create the kind of positive climate in which investment in education is seen as worthwhile if not indeed necessary. Poverty alone does not explain failure to achieve basic education for all. A major issue in the drive to achieve universal basic education is the rate of population growth and its interaction with attitudes toward the education of girls and women: the “population-gender syndrome”.15 Increasing enrolments may be a function of population increase. Gross enrolment figures can be misleading since they can increase while ratios of enrolments to number of school age children may be declining: gross enrolment figures may reflect over-age participation or repeating the grade; intake and retention rates have to be reviewed, as do gender trends. The enrolment data must be disaggregated to account for such factors but the data collection and analytic capacity of some ministries and national statistical offices does not always match this requirement (Box 4.7). The importance of concentrating on the education of girls and women is underlined by population trends. Educated women tend to have fewer children; when fertility rates fall and social, economic and political conditions are relatively stable, facilities for child care, early education and mothers’ education can be improved. Educated parents tend to make better use of health facilities and to plan for their children’s continuing education. Thus it is not only for reasons of equity and social justice that EFA has continued to place great emphasis on better opportunities for the education of girls and women, especially in poorer countries. By contrast, in the richer countries during the 1990s significant imbalances occurred in the other direction, calling for closer attention to the appropriateness of the structure and content of basic schooling for boys and adolescent males. In both poorer and richer countries, trends in participation and performance in basic schooling have given rise to some questioning of the relevance of the schooling model. The primary school has become over several centuries an enormously powerful instrument of mass education, both the chief means of attaining universal literacy

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Enrolment: Gross, Net, Intake and Gender

Understanding trends in enrolments, hence predicting likely achievement of targets, such as ‘completing basic education’ by year X requires use of a range of statistics. For purposes of EFA, the key ones include: ● Gross enrolment rates (GER). Numbers of pupils enrolled in a given level of education, regardless of age, expressed as a percentage of the population in the relevant official age group . . . GER can be higher than 100% as a result of grade repetition and entry at younger and older ages than the typical grade level age. ● Net enrolment ratio (NER). Number of pupils in the official age group for a given level of education enrolled in that level expressed as a percentage of the total population in that age group. ● Net intake rate in primary education (NIR). Number of pupils at the official school entrance age who are new entrants into the first grade of primary education, expressed as a percentage of the population of official admission age to primary education. ● Gender parity index (GPI). Ratio of female-to-male value of a given indicator. A GPI of 1 indicates parity between sexes; a GPI that varies between 0 and 1 means a disparity in favour of boys; a GPI greater than 1 indicates a disparity in favour of girls.16 Data on attendance and completion rates are required to complete the picture of who is in school and for how long.

and the foundation of continuing general and vocational education for the whole society. At least this has been true of western societies, but not those alone. This success and the absence of serious alternatives explain continued acceptance of the supremacy of the schooling model. Nevertheless, it is expensive, is not uniformly successful, and has proved—thus far—to be only partially within the means or capability of many of the world’s poorest countries. Those children belonging to the most marginal groups in society are often the most difficult to reach through the formal apparatus of the school. Hence the need for alternative educational strategies. For a variety of reasons, then, efforts to universalise the institution of the school and to ensure total participation over a number of years have fallen well short of expectations and perceived needs. It is questionable whether formal schooling on more or less traditional lines is indeed the way ahead everywhere and for everyone. It is not only the inability to ensure access for all and achieve universal enrolment but also high dropout rates, uneven attendance, non-completion, grade repetition, over-age enrolments and poor performance that indicate serious problems with the schooling model. In some countries, alongside the formal schooling model, non-formal provision is being made, including the involvement of parents and community members who are not teachers acting as facilitators of learning, and distance education. While by these means some gaps are being filled, neither formal schooling nor non-formal approaches are proving sufficient to meet targets. The latest of the EFA Monitoring Reports notes that it is the countries that are farthest from reaching the EFA goals as a whole are those least able to attain high quality education: low achievement is widespread in most developing

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regions, pupil/teacher ratios are high, and teachers in many low-income countries do not meet minimum standards for entry to the profession.17 In the international policy debates there is a marked tendency to concentrate on the countries experiencing problems of achieving universal basic education where participation rates are low and illiteracy levels are high. However, the environment of the school is not always proving to be favourable for universal education in the industrially advanced countries either. Monitoring and research studies that preceded the Dakar Conference in 2000 demonstrated how high levels of violence impact upon schools in conflict regions. Significant student disadvantage and behaviour problems are widely reported especially in poorer areas of large cities, regardless of location.18 But it is not only in relatively depressed areas that teachers are reporting difficulties in maintaining high levels of student commitment to school learning. Truancy, dropout and low levels of performance have been widely reported for example in the USA, Japan and throughout Europe. While it can scarcely be expected that the highly ambitious goals of primary and secondary schooling in the advanced industrialised countries will be universally met—or that schooling alone can ameliorate deep seated social and economic conditions and inadequacies of home life—the target dimension of basic education remains as much a challenge to these countries as to the poorer regions of the world. The challenge is not just a quantitative one, the nature of the school experience and the processes of education need to be given much closer attention. To what extent, then, was the target of substantial improvements in basic education for all met in the “Jomtien decade”. Only a heavily qualified positive answer can be given to this question. Spectacular progress in improving access and participation rates occurred in several countries in the Asia-Pacific region, most notably China, and there were definite improvements elsewhere. But in other countries, there was no change or even regression. Inequities and imbalances remain: gender, urban-rural, disabled children, ethnic groups and others. In the industrially advanced countries, completion of primary or lower secondary education are no longer regarded as sufficient. Completion of full secondary education or equivalent, training and/ or structured work experience are the targets now and these are not being adequately met to the sought for standard. Quality has become a highly significant issue. 6.3.

Reduction of Adult Illiteracy Rates

The Jomtien target of reduced adult illiteracy rates nominated a halving of the 1990 level by the year 2000. As for the imbalance between male and female rates, the target affirmed an emphasis on female illiteracy, sufficient to “significantly reduce” the disparity between male and female illiteracy rates. These seem clear-cut targets, but there is no consistent definition of literacy and the term has been progressively broadened to the point where in the OECD/PISA (Programme of International Student Assessment) studies, for example, it is conjoined with “science”, “mathematics” to connote basic competence in domains of skill and knowledge deemed to be essential learnings for all in contemporary industrialised societies.19

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The meaning of “literacy” has shifted from the earlier approach of a deficit to be overcome (“illiteracy”) in very basic skills of reading and writing in the mother tongue, to the much broader concept of active participation in a broadly defined literate culture where coding, encoding, expression, communication and a range of manipulative and analytic skills across several domains is encompassed. “Adult literacy” has, to varying degrees, come to be used as a proxy for a wide array of adult competencies and learning outcomes. For these diffuse purposes new, internationally agreed benchmarks are needed. All definitions and widely used measures start with the ability to handle written text, but even here there are variations which reflect different life circumstances. For example, the criteria adopted in the Chinese Regulations on Eradicating Illiteracy are: the recognition of 1,500 Chinese characters for peasants and 2,000 characters for staff and workers in business/ enterprises and urban dwellers, the ability of reading simple and easy newspapers and articles, the ability of keeping simple accounts, and the ability of writing simple practical writings.20 UNESCO’s definition of the adult literacy rate, as used in the EFA Technical Guidelines to assist county and regional reporting, is the percentage of the population aged 15 years and over who can both read and write with understanding a short simple statement on his/ her everyday life. Beyond this, following Jomtien, countries were encouraged also to report on “literate environments” and learning opportunities, especially for women, ethnic and cultural minorities, socially disadvantaged groups and others with special learning needs. Behind the statistical data on literacy levels there is indeed a mass of complex issues, for which the unqualified term “adult literacy” is no longer a sufficient signifier even though it remains in common use and has been reiterated as a target for EFA 2000–2015. Once “literacy” is defined operationally or functionally with direct reference to active social and economic life and to changing interpersonal, cultural, social and employment contexts of use and interaction, simple tables of “levels” of literacy are inadequate. Nevertheless, the target of reducing and ultimately eliminating illiteracy remains relevant, different usages of the term notwithstanding. Trend analysis will have to become more sophisticated. Basic skills, measured in tests (themselves variable) are insufficient since active participation in a “literate culture” is also a desideratum. The language of “cultural literacy”, “technological literacy”, “visual literacy” reflects the importance of context and use, as does the increasing attention to the use of literacy as a lever for social, cultural and economic advancement of individuals and whole societies. In the face of these complexities, and in the absence of new agreed benchmarks, literacy in the sense of the UNESCO definition of “reading and writing a short simple statement on his/ her everyday life” has served useful albeit limited purposes. At least it enables the form and level of adult literacy so defined to be measured—trends

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demonstrated, and progress compared with targets. In trend terms, on this criterion, real gains were made in the course of the 1990s, even though the number of illiterate people worldwide remains high and in some countries increased during the decade. The estimates used in the 2000 review indicated that, in 1990, there were 895 million adult illiterates in the world, in 1995 887 million, and in 2000, 875 million. The large majority were women, living in developing countries. It appears that the downward illiteracy trend, globally, is continuing, and is detailed in the 2004/5 monitoring report where, however, the earlier figures cited in 2000 have been modified.21 (Section 9). Although the most serious problem in reducing illiteracy levels in the decade following Jomtien were in India, Bangladesh and Sub-Saharan Africa, the report prepared for Dakar in 2000 by the Arab States’ region showed only very modest gains overall. An increasing gender disparity reflected a continuing cultural bias against enrolling and teaching females. Illiteracy in the Arab countries where illiteracy rates were highest was linked with high population density, poverty, and rural residence. Of particular interest in the Sub-Saharan data is the marked difference in literacy levels among countries that are either adjacent or near to one another. Reasons for these differences were not systematically examined in the regional report prepared for Dakar, but with allowance for the devastation and setbacks caused by major crises, it is evident that even in the most adverse circumstances it is possible to make progress. What appears to be crucial is the readiness of communities and governments to mobilise local, national and international resources in determined, well managed programmes to attain clearly defined outcomes with regular monitoring and evaluation. Thus of particular interest for the Dakar Year 2000 Assessment were examples of successful sub-regional programmes. In India, it was reported that District Level Total Literacy Campaigns had resulted in a rate of adult literacy of about 80 per cent in some districts.22 This “campaign mode” of operation at the village level depended on engaging active participation at a low cost. It involved NGOs and various strategies were deployed. Despite substantial initial gains, progress slowed, according to some accounts due to differences between public (central) authorities and the local partnerships. Whatever the substance of the setback, the focus on community self-help, on voluntary action through local partnerships and a saturation approach was shown to be a way to effect gains. Many NGOs have demonstrated initiative and enterprise in literacy drives locally and regionally, including the targeting of illiteracy among women and girls.23 Where they cannot effect significant national advances, local initiatives can make a mark and at least help prevent further erosion in the most difficult locales. In many parts of the world, where adults have had no formal schooling at all, or only the barest minimum, the literacy challenge remains acute. It is doubtful whether the Jomtien target was achieved in the course of the 1990s in any of the numerous countries with large numbers of illiterate people. The E-9 countries, that is the world’s nine most populous countries, in issuing the so-called Recife Declaration in 200024, gave the highest priority to eradication of adult illiteracy but it is evident that this will have to remain a high priority in those countries for many years to come.

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Eradication of illiteracy in terms of the current UNESCO definition is in principle possible over time, with sustained effort, comprehensive, targeted strategies and adequate resources. Blanket declaration and global targets may be helpful for rhetorical and political purposes but are no substitute for precise targeting taking account of key variables: demographic including migration, geographic location, socio-economic conditions, cultural beliefs, ethnicity and local customs, occupational profiles, gender issues, and the actual and potential availability of resources. Universal access to basic education for children and young people is of course highly relevant since little progress in adult literacy can be made in highly populous countries when the pool is constantly replenished by illiterate younger generations. Several lessons for overcoming illiteracy did emerge from the Jomtien decade even when results fell well short of expectations: ● All levels of government from municipal to national need to be actively involved, in coordinated programmes; ● Resources must be systematically mobilised, drawing on government and nongovernmental sectors, local communities, regional, national and international agencies and donors; ● Campaigns need to bring together partnerships of schools, community organisations, churches, business, the armed forces, government departments and agencies etc. i.e. whole-of-community coalitions; ● Partnerships with NGOs and the international community are necessary not only for resourcing programmes but for drawing on experience and bringing in relevant expertise; ● Targeting of the most disadvantaged and vulnerable groups is essential and should include follow-through not “one shot” campaigns; ● Leadership at the highest levels of government, the professions, business and civil society is needed to give legitimacy, provide direction and ensure commitment of resources; ● Regular, reliable monitoring, evaluation and adjustment of targets and procedures is essential to provide feedback on performance, overcome data weaknesses which inhibit coherent planning and resourcing, and ensure flexibility; ● The almost universal marginalisation of adult and continuing education by comparison with mainstream schooling is unjust and can be destabilising. Required are equitable policies, legislative changes, the development of new policy instruments and structures, to ensure that literacy from the most basic to the most embracing form of adult learning is fully integrated with basic education reform strategies. 6.4. Learning Achievement—Other Essential Skills, Better Living and Sound, Sustainable Development The fourth, fifth and sixth dimensions of the goals of EFA as defined at Jomtien in 1990 are bracketed here, primarily due to one common factor—insufficient evidence, reflecting lack of analytic clarity and inability or unwillingness to undertake systematic monitoring, data collection, and targeted EFA research throughout the nineties. A fundamental weakness is that for these three dimensions insufficient

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effort was made from the outset to reach clear, agreed definitions of desired outcomes, strategies, operational procedures and ways of monitoring and reporting progress. While a similar comment might be directed at the second dimension, namely early childhood care and education, for that dimension one of the EFA partner organisations, UNICEF, did take particular responsibility resulting in both a great deal of activity on the ground, together with monitoring and reviews of progress. Despite the weaknesses just mentioned, many countries during the 90s either introduced or strengthened system-wide monitoring of student learning outcomes, whether or not under EFA inspiration. During the 90s, too, the independent International Education Achievement (IEA) studies continued with the large scale and influential study of student achievement in mathematics and science (TIMSS: the Third International Mathematics and Science Study). OECD also planned and initiated PISA (the Programme for International Student Assessment).25 Important as these developments have been, they were not directed at EFA or, except tangentially, at the themes addressed in the dimensions of “other essential skills, better living and sound, sustainable development.” Within the common threads that link the dimensions of “learning achievement”, “other essential skills required by youth and adults”, and “knowledge, skills and values required for better living and sound and sustainable development” there is one element for which systematic data were sought. “Learning achievement” was the subject of an international collaborative project—Monitoring Learning Achievement—with reports, albeit of variable quality, on learning at grade 4 level for some fifty countries in Africa, the Arab States, Latin America and Kazakhstan.26 Both nationally and internationally, governments around the world have sought a better grip on what students are learning at school, and its relevance to people’s lives and livelihood. There is a recurring concern over how well teachers and students are performing. Interest grew through the 1990s in clearer, more precise definitions of student learning, with an underlying concern to steer the processes and achievements of learners towards perceived social and economic requirements. Grade age norms, standards in basic subjects and an array of national goals which govern the school curriculum and impact upon pedagogy are among the devices introduced or strengthened, together with a focus on teacher quality. (See Section 9 below) Within the OECD, continuing development of International Education Indicators was characterised by efforts to move from input and process reporting toward learning outcomes, although the main instrument for the purpose, PISA, was in its planning stages and, when first implemented in 2000, encompassed only a selection of learning processes and outcomes.27 The Jomtien attempt to develop a broad framework for “learning achievement” as one of the six dimensions was a signal of future intent, or a recognition of a needed step forward in education policy, practice, monitoring and reporting. How far countries were able to demonstrate what students were in fact learning, the value of that learning, and the progress made during the decade of the 90s cannot be satisfactorily answered from the EFA data or indeed any other source. There is, however, gathering interest in ways to establish quality, strengthen student learning broadly defined,

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sharpen procedures and methods of assessment and improve understanding of factors that foster or inhibit school learning. But EFA itself did not establish procedures for drawing firm conclusions about what had, or had not been achieved. Perhaps most pertinent of the several reports which provided some insights into quality of learning is a passage from the synthesis report of the Asia Pacific Region: “Pupil teacher ratios and survival rates are sometimes used as proxies for learning quality. In the present case there is almost no reliable trend data concerning learning achievement that are based on measurement using comparable instruments and procedures.” However, drawing on other sources—and on the proxies, the authors concluded, unsurprisingly, “that the burden of evidence suggests that there are, in many countries, problems of quality in the primary cycle.”28 What, then, have we learnt from EFA about learning achievement? First and foremost, the goal was both too ambitious and too loosely worded for a programme which aimed not just to state directions for policy but to achieve time-bound targets. There were, for this goal, no internationally agreed indicators or even broad markers of learning achievement across the curriculum. Such measures as did then exist (International Education Achievement) related to a small number of school subjects and in any case only a minority of countries participated in these studies. It appears that in the course of the 1990s there was a significant improvement in many countries in methods used to analyse student learning and to reshape curricula and teaching methods to facilitate learning by students with disabilities and specific difficulties. However, from the reports prepared for Dakar it seems that very few countries in practice set themselves the Jomtien learning target or recorded measurable gains against it. For many countries, from the data that were provided, there was an inescapable conclusion: in the words of the Arab Framework for Action “Quality education is still a privilege for the few”.29 Quality learning at school is often beyond the reach of girls, socially and economically disadvantaged groups, ethnic minorities and children living in rural and remote localities. For millions of children, worldwide, very high student-staff ratios, inadequate school buildings and impoverished or non-existent teaching-learning resources are generally (but not inevitably) the concomitants if not directly the cause of poor learning. Worldwide, there have been too few improvements in the supply of well educated teachers and in their working conditions. Yet it was also during the decade of the 90s that, internationally, research on factors that sustain and strengthen—or inhibit—student learning shifted from home background, through to whole of school variables, to teachers in classrooms. It is arguable that the major weakness in the “learning” dimension of the Jomtien goals was the relative neglect of the role, status and working conditions of the teacher. While some conclusions can be drawn about learning from EFA reporting, far too little emerged about “other essential skills” and “better living, sound and sustainable development”. Perhaps of most significance is that these dimensions were identified as among the most important themes for international debate. The orientation of both formal and informal learning of youth and adults towards generic learning, broadly defined competencies, and “life skills” gained momentum

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in the 80s and 90s in a rapidly changing labour market with increasing international competitiveness. Concurrently, there was greatly increased concern over threats to social cohesion and to the impact of accelerating economic activity on the physical and cultural environments. Capability and competence, as distinct from highly specialised skills, became the target of a great array of programme and projects both national and through international organisations—the European Union, OECD, the World Bank in addition to the UN agencies. Much of this activity reflected large scale, chronic youth unemployment or underemployment so it is understandable that EFA would include “essential skills” among its six target dimensions. But this emphasis was not reflected in the scope or quality of data provided to assess achievement. A similar conclusion is inescapable with regard to “better living” and “sustainable development”: EFA monitoring provided very little evidence of definite, distinctive achievements. What EFA did achieve, however, is an array of efforts by individual countries and collectively to clarify ways in which educational policies and programmes could be brought together to improve life conditions and chances for millions of people. If these appear more as a manifesto than a clear commitment to action, at least they demonstrate a growing international consensus that injustice, inequity, hardship, poverty and a whole range of damaging and destructive forms of social and economic action are unacceptable. For example, at Jomtien in 1990, basic learning needs were defined and reformulated in the South and East African regional synthesis report prepared for the EFA 2000 Assessment. They include for all people: ● To be able to survive; ● To develop their full capacities to live and work in dignity; ● To participate fully in development; ● To improve the quality of their lives; ● To make informed decisions, and 30 ● To continue learning. These “basic learning needs” were elaborated through an analysis of what individuals needed to learn and be able to do: for example, to become tolerant of difference, to further the cause of social justice, to uphold basic human values and rights. Similar aspirations and values were expressed in other sub-regional reports. The LatinAmerican regional report listed among its “better living” themes: “development of a full, affective and sexual life”; “adoption of healthy lifestyles”; and “respect and care for the environment.” In the regional report on the countries of Western Europe and North America, “better living” was captured in the term “prosperity”. This inferred not just material prosperity, but the uses to which economic growth is put and the criteria for distributing and sharing the benefits while minimising the harmful effects of economic growth. In these and other sources, the EFA movement has at least kept alive a much broader view of education than is yielded by enrolment data and performance measured through testing. As for “sustainable development”, international efforts to reduce or control the large scale environmental degradation resulting from industrialisation, urbanisation and short sighted agricultural practices and deforestation are examples of moves to take “sustainable development” seriously. The responsibility of educators in developing

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knowledge and understanding and challenging attitudes and customary practice was signalled at Jomtien but little evidence regarding action taken during the 90s was available for the EFA Assessment 2000. It is clearly unsatisfactory that a target dimension should be specified and agreed to but that countries were unable or unwilling to provide responses of any substance. In this context, the construction, by UNDP, of development indicators, to parallel— or compensate for—the economic thrust of national accounts as a measure of “progress” is a notable if controversial step forward. These indicators present development as a human, cultural and social process enshrining values, rights and procedures attuned to historical understandings and beliefs embedded in the world’s civilisations.31 To relate these development indicators to educational policies and strategies is a challenging undertaking. It is unfortunate that EFA in its first decade did not take this forward in such a way that the sixth dimension could be successfully operationalised and progress monitored. This is a task for the second EFA decade to address, by undertaking the difficult conceptual work without which judgments about “progress” would prove vacuous. Just such an approach has now been adopted by the Global Monitoring Review Team for its post 2000 reports. The sixth dimension of EFA became something of a portmanteau—for elements thought to be important, but not well articulated or analysed for their relationships to one another. Mass media and other forms of modern and traditional communication, social action and behavioural change were lumped together in such a way that reporting on progress proved to be quite partial and extremely uneven. Some countries in their national reports discussed uses of ICT in teaching including distance education, others expatiated on the virtues of reading for leisure, others again invoked sports and music, religious life as desirable forms of social action. The fundamental difficulty with the sixth EFA dimension was its haphazard nature: despite its potential importance it provided neither a focus for educational action nor guidance for meaningful cross-national reporting and evaluation. 7. THE FIRST TEN YEARS OF EFA: ACHIEVEMENTS AND OUTSTANDING ISSUES IN THE JOMTIEN DECADE 7.1.

Five Key Themes

Given the vast territory embraced by EFA and the huge disparities in data sources and monitoring procedures, identification of the most significant achievements and outstanding issues is problematic not to say arbitrary. In the global synthesis prepared for the Year 2000 Assessment, outstanding issues grouped according to five key themes were proffered for consideration in the further development of EFA: ● Access and equity; ● Quality, relevance and effectiveness; ● Sharing responsibility; ● Mobilising resources; ● Towards a new knowledge base.

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These may be considered together with the six Dakar Goals for 2000–2015 (Box 4.8) and the work of the Global Monitoring Review Team. What difference did EFA make in the decade of the 90s? (Section 7). 7.2.

Access and Equity

The Jomtien decade witnessed substantial and highly significant gains in access and participation. Equity was served wherever access became more effectively available, where the educational needs of more people were addressed and where the value of the education experienced was recognised. As already noted, however, alike in access and outcomes of schooling, during the 1990s many gaps widened, both between countries and for more and less favoured groups within countries. No country could claim total success and many experienced difficulties in addressing such barriers to access and equity as poverty, warfare and civic violence, disease and community attitudes. Of these, the two most widespread impediments identified in the EFA Assessments were poverty and cultural attitudes, with violence and civil war highly significant in some countries or regions. Equity remained tantalisingly beyond the reach of even the most educationally advanced countries. But nowhere were impediments insuperable in principle, thus demonstrating that there were strong lessons to be learnt from those countries and regions which made large, demonstrable gains, for example in primary school enrolment or adult literacy. Sound government, leadership, a clear sense of priorities and a definite commitment to justice and freedom for all people are crucial. 7.3.

Quality, Relevance and Effectiveness

As already noted, due to insufficient attention to substantive educational issues and weaknesses in data it is not possible to draw firm conclusions about progress during the nineteen nineties improving educational quality, relevance and effectiveness. Three issues have, however, emerged. First, there is a continuing, serious quality deficit in excessive student-staff ratios, inadequately educated teachers and impoverished resources for teaching and learning. Second, there are unresolved issues regarding what is to count as quality and relevance in learning and about the most appropriate ways of assessing and evaluating the quality and relevance of learning processes. Third, in many countries only a very low priority has been given to educational research and systematic monitoring and evaluation of programme initiatives. Understandable as this is when resources are under enormous pressure and specialised personnel are not available, EFA cannot be regarded as an effective process unless there can be more in-depth research, issues analysis and systematic monitoring and evaluation of results. This issue is now being addressed through monitoring and reporting apparatus established since 2000, and continuing improvements in international statistics and indicators. It is the central theme of the 2005 EFA report on quality by the Global Monitoring Review Team. These developments are among those needed in order to implement more coherent policies and successful strategies and to direct resources where the need is greatest.

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Sharing Responsibility

Sharing responsibility was and remains a key theme of the whole EFA enterprise: EFA is essentially a coalition—a partnership of governments, NGOs, intergovernmental organisations and others. The first test of the partnership model is the ability to work together in planning, implementing, monitoring and evaluating the whole enterprise. It will be important to further strengthen partnerships through sector-wide strategies, where there is now greater readiness by agencies to move beyond traditional aid modalities which have focused on discrete projects and have avoided recurrent funding or supplementation of government budgets. The issue of effectiveness in partnership building is a topic that deserves close attention in future monitoring. Grounding the EFA movement in learning and development rather than in schooling per se has brought together very diverse partners, not just professional educators and opened avenues for new forms of cooperation. As a first step, it has been necessary to agree on common goals and directions, which in the past were approached from different standpoints—and with different expectations. Despite differences, the international bodies have managed to work both collectively and individually, in planning, designing, steering and in supporting specific programmes and projects. That EFA continued as projected throughout the decade of the 90s and was reconfirmed at Dakar in 2000 for a further decade and a half is evidence of success as a global partnership, whatever may have been the shortcomings and the underlying tensions. It would have been impossible for any one of the international agencies alone to plan and deliver EFA. Only through collaborative endeavour have they been able to achieve so much. But it is questionable whether there is sufficient engagement of and with related sectors: health, economic development, regional and community development. Coalition building and policy coherence and programme synergies across sectors are far from being realised. The second aspect of partnership is at the operational level, within countries and regions, where cooperation on specific projects and programmes are required. Again, and in spite of local difficulties and setbacks the EFA Year 2000 Assessment yielded numerous examples of successful working partnerships, especially among NGOs and government departments and agencies. Partnership at this level reflects two important global trends, devolution of decision making and other responsibilities from central ministries and government departments to local levels and to specialised agencies, and a greater readiness of government to work with industry, voluntary bodies and citizens groups in defining and meeting specific and local needs. EFA provided numerous examples of such working partnerships but also of tensions and difficulties in achieving effective, coordinated programmes. Some reports referred to difficulties, such as unproductive competition and duplication of effort. Widespread concern was expressed over possible effects of devolution of financial responsibility on revenue levels and budget operations and there was evidence that new strategic steering procedures at the national level were not sufficiently sensitive to the dynamics of more localised decision taking and the growing interface between government and civil society. Also, as noted above, programmes for educational reform and development cannot achieve full effect and impact unless linked to broader, cross-sectoral strategies.

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Mobilising Resources

A constant, pervasive theme in all of the EFA Assessment reports is the inadequacy of financial and human resources to meet what are quite often basic requirements— teachers for reasonably sized classes of students, buildings and essential materials, and the costs inevitably falling on families and carers to keep children in school. Since resources even in the richest countries generally fall short of demand, the issue becomes one of priorities and efficiency. What characterised high achieving countries was a mix of (good) levels of public and private expenditure, combined with close attention to resource management and efficiency including reliable communications and monitoring. What characterised low achieving countries was the absence of these and the various environmental factors such as population increase, migration, civil disorder and HIV/AIDS of epidemic proportions which put education goals and programmes under enormous strain. In these circumstances, reductions and restrictions in donor funding from wealthier countries that occurred through much of the 90s was a cruel blow especially as several countries in great need were also experiencing structural adjustment programmes to reduce public debt and contain levels of public expenditure. The steps taken toward restoration of aid budgets in the late 90s and moves to reduce or cancel debt obligations were important—if still insufficient—contributions to capacity building in the poorest countries, hence to implementing the Jomtien agenda. It is ironical that as rich countries and groups within countries have grown richer, greater parsimony has been shown toward the most needy. By contrast, some countries, Japan for example, distinguished themselves through a wide range of measures to support EFA targets in other countries. It is widely accepted that aid has to be more precisely targeted and accounted for, and that it must be accompanied by fiscal reform, sound financial management and increasing contributions from families and the social partners. The latter, however, makes little sense where poverty is extreme. A study by UNICEF of developing countries which made good progress in universalising primary schooling noted that costs to parents were mostly reduced, as public education expenditure—as a proportion of GDP and total public expenditure—increased.32 As noted above (Section 5.4), the key resource of teacher professionalism has yet to receive the systematic attention it deserves although it is developed in more depth in the EFA 2005 report than hitherto. More broadly, the roles of parents, family members, carers, neighbours, community members, health workers and technical specialists need to be brought together in comprehensive and co-ordinated strategies of support for learning whether of children, young people or adults. None of this is possible, on the scale required, unless there is greater readiness by richer countries and groups to take a more encompassing view of the needs of all people, everywhere. 7.6.

Building the Knowledge Base

A problem that emerged in every aspect of EFA is how to improve the quality and scope of data. More broadly, the issues are: what kinds of knowledge and understanding are needed for achieving the goals and purposes of EFA; how can they best

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be built up and used? EFA clearly stimulated and strengthened systematic data collection, resulted in improved statistics, and in a greatly increased capacity for international analysis, monitoring and self assessment by individuals, groups and systems. Knowledge and understanding of what is being achieved on the ground and how to make further progress developed through the Jomtien decade. A global education indicators system was launched by UNESCO including growing cooperation with the OECD education indicators. Countries lacking basic capability for systematic monitoring and evaluation have been targeted for support. These and other gains represent substantial progress in developing the international knowledge base of education. Gathering and analysing data is a costly business which calls for priority setting and high levels of expertise to ensure quality and the avoidance of redundancy. What EFA revealed in this regard in the course of the 90s is not only the need for more systematic statistical analysis but that well grounded research and reflective inquiry are required. But how far should this process go? More attention is clearly required to tease out issues and understand change processes and barriers. The question is what do we need to know about education, for what purpose and with what uses in mind? Data are costly and their collection and analysis consume resources that can be used for other purposes, like educating children. Research and inquiry tend to question practice and lead to further questions. Nevertheless, critical issues about the nature of the educational processes that are being fostered and sustained through EFA need to be examined and this goes beyond “monitoring and assessing”. EFA in the Jomtien decade demonstrated both the value of and the need for targeting research on key issues in order to know about barriers and impediments to achieving goals, and about the goals themselves. Critical reviews and case studies of successful, transferable practice can be used to stimulate change elsewhere and demonstrate how to make progress. Reviews of existing research are important and could be used more extensively in targeting issues and identifying promising directions for future action. EFA experience during the 90s underlined the need to build monitoring and evaluation procedures into the initial design of projects and programmes rather than as a later add on, so that ongoing adjustments can be made as needed, on the basis of evidence. Without investment in advanced training programmes and assistance to countries in need of improved systems for data collection, monitoring and evaluation and issues analysis it is not possible to know whether EFA is making headway in some of the countries where problems are acute—and if not, why not. Two of the most significant methodological outcomes of EFA in the Jomtien decade were first, recognition of the need for improvement in statistics and the capacity for comparative international analysis and, second, the establishment in UNESCO in 2002, and following pressure from a number of agencies, of an independent, international monitoring team (the EFA Global Monitoring Report Team), to report regularly on progress and to draw attention to those themes, countries and regions where there is most risk of slipping behind. Multiple data sources and methodologies for defining directions and examining issues are needed and are now

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being drawn upon in the Team’s reports The importance of national administrative data and their uses for international comparisons are now widely recognised, although there is still a long way to go particularly in raising data standards. However, surveys, thematic reviews and fundamental conceptual work are also required. There was progress on all of these items, particularly in the second half of the nineties, and the momentum must be sustained both to ensure credibility of data and interpretation, and to deepen the understanding of processes, results and consequences. 7.7.

What Difference did EFA Make in the Course of the 90s?

How many of the vast array of changes in education worldwide during the 1990s are attributable to EFA cannot be definitely determined. Especially in the industrially developed countries, where EFA was commonly seen as a “developing country project”, references to EFA in policy documents, review, research and other public sources was rare. In preparation of the regional report on countries of Western Europe and North American, it was difficult to pinpoint specific changes—other than donor support—that could be attributed to EFA. The most notable exception was the joint efforts by technicians and policy makers through the auspices of OECD and UNESCO to bring about a measure of convergence between the two international systems of educational statistics and indicators. These efforts also involved Eurostat and The World Bank as part of a wider international move to support and produce more inclusive, reliable and coherent data sets for international monitoring and comparison. EFA can be credited with setting a broad agenda across the six dimensions and for targeting specific weaknesses on which action certainly occurred, often on a very large scale, resulting in real improvements. This was noticeably so in respect of enrolment and participation targets for primary schooling and levels of adult literacy. Quite substantial gains in some countries in these important aspects of educational development were clearly a result, in part at least, of the EFA impetus. EFA also stimulated legislative changes—the mobilisation of resources, new partnerships, and a more sustained, cross-sectoral process of inter-agency collaboration than had occurred hitherto. There was also, under the EFA umbrella, greater involvement than ever before of NGOs, community groups, industry, unions and other bodies in partnerships with government and with one another to achieve EFA targets. Most notable of the EFA achievements is that several of the targets, if not all of them, while not fully achieved, were more attainable for many—but not all—countries in 2000 than they were in 1990. Whether they are in fact attained is, however, another question. In 2005 the first, five year stage of the post Dakar EFA enterprise has been reviewed against the targets agreed in 2000. 8.

INTO THE DAKAR DECADE: 2000 AND BEYOND 8.1.

Is EFA on Target: The 2002 Report on Progress

At Dakar in 2000, the World Education Forum agreed to take EFA forward into the twenty first century. Six new or revised goals were agreed within the Dakar Framework for Action to carry the movement up to the year 2015. As shown in

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The Six Dakar Goals for EFA (2000–2015)

(adopted by the World Education Forum, Dakar, Senegal, 26–28 April 2000) ‘We hereby collectively commit ourselves to the attainment of the following goals: ●

●

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Expanding and improving comprehensive early childhood care and education, especially for the most vulnerable and disadvantaged children; Ensuring that by 2015 all children, particularly girls, children in difficult circumstances and those belonging to ethnic minorities, have access to and complete free and compulsory primary education of good quality; Ensuring that the learning needs of all young people and adults are met through equitable access to appropriate learning and life skills programmes; Achieving a 50% improvement in levels of adult literacy by 2015, especially for women, and equitable access to basic and continuing education for all adults; Eliminating gender disparities in primary and secondary education by 2005 and achieving gender equality in education by 2015, with focus on ensuring girls’ full and equal access to and achievement in basic education of good quality; Improving all aspects of the quality of education and ensuring excellence of all so that recognised and measurable learning outcomes are achieved by all, especially in literacy, numeracy and essential life skills.33

Box 4.8 (The Six Dakar Goals), while the flavour and some of the specific themes of the Jomtien goals were retained, there is a distinct change of emphasis. Most prominent of the changes are the closer targeting of particular themes (early childhood education and care for the most disadvantaged and vulnerable, girls and ethnic minorities, adult literacy, gender disparities) and the disappearance from the headlines of problematic Jomtien dimensions, leaving “better life” and “sustainable development” to become cross-cutting themes for the six stated goals. Altogether, the Dakar goals are more precise and more sharply focused than were the Jomtien dimensions. This reflects the difficulty experienced in the 90s in effectively operationalising and monitoring some of the Jomtien dimensions, as well as a growing emphasis on the need for clearer and more definite results and for action (and resources) to be focused on areas of greatest need. On the other hand, it would be unfortunate, in international comparative work, to filter out what are often quite fundamental education issues because they are not susceptible to quantitative, and especially statistical, analysis. For EFA, the themes of “better life”, “sustainable development”, “quality of educational experience” and the “relative effectiveness of different strategies” raise important molar issues which must be kept firmly on the agenda of inquiry and debate. The Dakar Goals fed into the UN’s Millennium Development Goals relating to education (Box 4.9) where achieving universal primary education is set as a precise target for 2015 (not, as in Jomtien, “progress toward” by 2000). The other related Millennial goal, gender equality and empowerment of women feature strongly in the Dakar list. Just how the molar issues referred to in the preceding paragraph will receive continuing attention is partly answered by the establishment in 2002 of the

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Millennium Development Goals Relating to Education

‘Goal 2. Achieve universal primary education. Target 3. Ensure that, by 2015, children everywhere, boys and girls alike, will be able to complete a full course of primary schooling. Goal 3. Promote gender equality and empower women. Target 4. Eliminate gender disparity in primary and secondary education, preferably by 2005, and to all levels of education not later than 2015.34

new monitoring approaches within UNESCO and the way the EFA Monitoring Team is contextualising its work in research and well grounded theory. Three major reports have been produced in a relatively short space of time by the EFA Monitoring Team: Education for All. Is the World on Track? (2002); Gender and Education for All. The Leap to Equality (2003/04); and Education for All. The Quality Imperative—EFA Global Monitoring Report 2005 (published 2004). Most of the statistical data in the 2002 report is from the Jomtien decade, i.e. up to the year 2000, whereas the 2003/04 report is really the beginning of full reporting on the Dakar goals. The 2005 report takes up the quality issues which received scant attention in the first, Jomtien decade. Significantly, the monitoring team has opted to report at two levels: progress at the national level against each of the EFA Dakar goals using statistical data; and the means adopted, including legislation, policies, plans, resources, programmes and levels of international assistance, topics which require a more discursive approach. Since this second level of monitoring requires investigation of the links between the goals and specific, within-country structures and processes, it should become much easier than hitherto to demonstrate the impact of EFA, although this will require careful research. Significantly, research findings are being drawn fully into the analysis. It should become possible—if at times politically challenging—to hold donor countries more firmly than hitherto to commitments specifically to EFA activities, and to hold well informed international debates on the many educational issues to which the whole EFA enterprise gives rise. In a striking observation on the scale of the challenge that remained at the end of the first, Jomtien decade, the authors of the 2002 report stated: “Almost one-third of the world population lives in countries where achieving the goals set out in the Dakar Framework for Action will remain a dream unless strong and concerted effort is made to reverse the observed trends. Countries in the region of South and West Asia, sub-Saharan Africa and the Arab States and North Africa are hardly even moving in the right direction at present, and there is a high risk that they will not be able to achieve the goals by 2015. The populous countries of East Asia and Pacific are making some progress but will not achieve the goal (sic) without intensified effort.”35 The authors also state that countries in North America and Western Europe have all reached the goals or are close to them while in Central and Eastern Europe “a rich educational tradition is being threatened.” The goals were stated to be within reach by 2015 by Latin America and the Caribbean.

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Compelling data are presented for most if not quite all of these claims with a careful analysis of prospects of achievement in a fourfold rating of countries moving towards the goal (either now close to or distant from it), or moving away from it (either now close to or distant from it). There are significant methodological issues in monitoring progress and much depends on the quality of the data. As the authors remark, data on early childhood education and care “are in their infancy at both national and international level”36 and no data were available more recently than 1999. While every effort is made to verify data on, for example, primary school enrolments, it needs to be remembered that not all countries have adequate means to accurately and reliably collate data. Nor can massaging of figures for political purposes be excluded. The authors of the 2002 report do, however, provide an extended “health warning” on interpreting the goal of “Ensuring that by 2015 all children, particularly girls, children in difficult circumstances and those belonging to ethnic minorities, have access to a complete free and compulsory education of good quality.” This “health warning” underlines some of the methodological issues that must be addressed, and remain at the forefront in the team’s reporting. The authors of the 2002 report are at great pains to identify conceptual and methodological issues. For example in goal 3 there is a deal of room for manoeuvre in determining what are “appropriate learnings” and for defining “life skills programmes”. It is evident that various statistical sources (not only national education statistics) in addition to further conceptual analysis and empirical research will be required if exacting standards of monitoring and evaluation are to be met and depth of understanding achieved. Work of this kind is costly, time consuming and very difficult to sustain over the long time lines which are desirable if not essential for trend analysis. Whether the international community and specifically donor countries will be ready to meet these requirements is likely to be affected by judgments about the balance between “action” and “reflective analysis”, and by the extent to which the latter develops effective ways to inform the former. The monitoring team made a most impressive start in drawing together existing data sources and in identifying conceptual and methodological issues. Nevertheless, data sources are not always adequate and there is scope for different judgements. On data, for example, in the 2005 Report the Monitoring Team has cited latest UNESCO Institute of Statistics figures which downgrade estimates of global adult illiteracy numbers: from 862 million cited in 2000 to 800 million. This figure still represents 18.3% of the adult population.37 An illustration of the scope for interpretation of findings is the statement that Western European countries and North America have by 2002 reached the goals or are close to them. How close is close, when there is growing concern in those countries about severe inequalities between socio-economic groups in access to high quality schooling, in opportunities for esteemed learning outcomes, over gender differences in school performance (boys falling behind), in unequal access to early childhood care and educational facilities—and in the quality of “life skills” of a significant proportion of adolescent youth? The monitoring team, in viewing education in the industrialised advanced countries appears to have been over-influenced by

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official statistics and insufficiently attentive to findings, such as those of PISA, and a large volume of educational research, that demonstrate serious problems in even the richest countries. A more critically searching probe into the industrially advanced as well as the developing world has been undertaken in the 2005 report, The Quality Imperative. 8.2.

Planning for Action

One of the much needed Dakar commitments was that high quality national action plans for achieving EFA goals would not fail for lack of funding. The 2002 monitoring report concluded that while a degree of urgency and an EFA focus were demonstrable in national planning for education and development, few countries had produced “finely honed, comprehensive National EFA action plans that would provide a basis for dialogue with international agencies for enhanced levels of funding.”38 It was not expected that planning should be simply for EFA purposes. The agreements reached in Dakar to produce national plans by 2002 according to clearly defined criteria were intended to strengthen a country’s overall educational planning processes. But it is evident from the 2002 monitoring report that within the first year or two of the “Dakar decade” slippage was occurring, in the preparation of strategic plans to meet the goals. The monitoring team noted that the sought for elevation of EFA among overall national plans and policies was not occurring. Nor could the team find much evidence of governments being publicly held to account against their stated goals and undertakings. The sombre conclusion reached was that “progress towards the six Dakar goals is insufficient; the world is not on track to achieve education for all by 2015.”39 On the basis of this statement, could there be much confidence that by 2005, the first of the time bound parameters of the EFA goals, would not prove a disappointment? From the evidence of the 2002 monitoring report, key issues remained unresolved and the risk of failing to reach targets was believed to be high. Among the impediments identified by the GMR team to achieving the new goals were: ● Conceptual confusions, lack of clarity in definitions of key terms, and reluctance or inability to focus on crucial operations and strategies; ● In many countries EFA is not perceived to be an urgent priority for which detailed, systematic planning is required; ● Resource needs are either underestimated or not adequately calculated in the context of likely donor commitments; ● In several countries the rate of progress toward quantifiable goals is such that there could be little prospect of their being achieved within agreed time frames.40 It is evident that these challenges, defined in 2002, are of a continuing nature. In the international milieu of development planning, decisions over resources, goal setting and jostling among agencies, relations between governments and NGOs and bilateral arrangements, the lead agency for EFA, UNESCO, may not be perceived as a sufficiently powerful player to carry the agenda of EFA into the heartland of member country governments. Leadership at the highest political and community levels is needed and education seldom gets a sufficiency of such leadership. Closely allied

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with this is the issue of public constituencies. EFA is not well known or valued beyond the environment of professional education and the development community. Thus pressure is not readily brought on governments, where progress is negligible, to take action in accordance with their verbal commitments and declarations. While the 2002 report contained hard hitting messages, it also expressed frustration, over the lack of significant progress, and over continuing data limitations that constrained the monitoring team from providing a fine grained critique with incisive recommendations for action in the short term. Whether through a closer integration with other, existing plans and policies within countries and stronger global alliances, EFA would be strengthened is a question that needs addressing. Thus far, apart from the Millennium Development Goals, the EFA agenda appears to have been largely self- contained. This has the advantage of a clearly, if broadly, defined and identifiable international enterprise, but there could be enhanced strength and more likelihood of successes through closer alliances. How EFA is presented in the public arena is problematic. The careful, expert, scholarly analyses of the independent, international monitoring team are an essential contribution but need to be supplemented by sophisticated use of the mass media and much greater community engagement with the issues. 9.

TARGETING: THE “GENDER LENS” OF THE 2003/04 MONITORING REPORT

An issue of great potential public interest, is gender access. In the course of the EFA Year 2000 Assessment, gender issues, notably inequalities in the educational opportunities available to girls and women, emerged as among the key concerns most likely to mobilise future international interest and support. The Dakar Framework for Action and the Millennium Declaration subsequently established gender equality goals for the year 2015 with an intermediate stage in 2005. All countries are committed to these goals but from the evidence amassed for the 2003/04 monitoring report, many countries are not well on target. Is sufficient attention being paid to diverse ways to influence cultural settings and to enlisting public interest in change— as distinct from sector specific education plans and programmes? In its trend analysis, the monitoring team drew a relevant distinction between the numerical concept of parity and full equality. By parity they meant a balanced ratio of girls to boys enrolled, for example in primary schools. Globally, gender parity during the 1990s became closer to being achieved in primary school enrolments: girls’ enrolment has proceeded faster than that of boys including. But equality is a more complex not to say elusive concept than parity. Equality infers freedom to enjoy to the full the benefits of education including challenging and relevant curricula, gender sensitive teaching and school environments, valued learning achievements, the opportunity to build upon primary schooling through further study, and the societal recognition of learning achievements, for example through worthwhile employment and civic roles. Powerful cultural forces and traditional practices in schooling and employment continue to militate against equality where parity may well have been virtually achieved, for example through implementation of

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compulsory attendance requirements. The Dakar goal, significantly, is not merely parity but equality grounded in human rights and conventions concerning discrimination against women and the rights of the child. The need to achieve gender equality, not only as a right for individuals but for its significance in interpersonal relations and the education of future generations, has been frequently attested. Yet as the monitoring team observed, there is obdurate resistance and a structural problem of intertwined poverty and gender disparity. Neither the resistance nor the structural problem will be resolved by educational programmes alone (see Box 4.4). Although, overall, gender disparity in schooling has been greatly reduced, the 2003/04 report painted a bleak picture in many countries where disparities in access continued to favour boys. Using past rates of change (from 1990 to 2000) as the benchmark—an indication, incidentally, of the time lapse between the collation of data, and the production of the monitoring reports—the team in the 2003/4 report found that sixty per cent of the 128 countries for which data were available are unlikely to meet the gender parity target by 2005. Forty per cent of countries were at risk of not achieving gender parity by 2015 at either primary or secondary level or both.41 While the explanation is complex, the authors of the report, in noting that the highest incidence of gender disparity tends to be in the least developed countries, identified poverty as a key factor. In discussing gender equality the monitoring team adduced a three stage model of rights, noting distinct barriers at each stage: ● The right to education (barriers to access and enrolment); ● Rights within education (barriers to gender sensitive curricula, appropriate teaching methods and supportive learning environments); and ● Rights through education (barriers to performance and equal opportunities for social and economic advancement based on educational achievement). In a welcome acknowledgement that EFA does—or should—have as much relevance to the industrially -advanced countries as to the developing world—in the 2003/04 report boys’ underachievement was identified as an issue of growing concern. Yet, as the authors pointed out, labour market opportunities continue to favour men. There are nonetheless in several countries, trends toward wage equality; women’s participation in tertiary education is higher than men’s; and highly educated women in industrialised countries are increasingly filling senior positions in the professions—not only in the traditional fields of teaching and nursing, but in accountancy, law, medicine, veterinary science and in research positions and academic posts. The complexities of the equality concept will require further analysis to take account of these developments well before the Dakar target date of 2015. Over and above data analysis, the most useful feature of the 2003/04 monitoring report is the way trends in parity and issues in the quality debate, have been used in drawing lessons from good practice including strategic interventions that point toward successful outcomes. These include: ● policy targeting, including the use of financial and other incentives, ● cost subsidies,

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measures to reduce child labour, broad brush legislative reform dealing with women’s rights (property, employment discrimination, family law etc), ● sexual and reproductive health education. Central to achieving all of this is strong state leadership and action and continuing commitment to and support of the EFA agenda both by national governments and the international community. The 2003/ 04 report, despite continuing to sound warnings on obstacles to achieving the goals, provided a slightly more optimistic note than the 2002 report which drew very largely on data up to the year 2000. Together, however, the two reports indicate very clearly that unless without a very considerable renewal of commitment and strengthening of effort, the 2005 time-bound targets would not be met. There is no indication in the 2003/04 report that the warnings of 2002 have been heeded. This may be because of the decision to monitor just one of the six targets. It would have been preferable to include at least a brief overview of continuing progress on all six targets. That has now happened in the 2005 Report, as discussed below. ● ●

10.

THE “QUALITY IMPERATIVE”: THE EFA GLOBAL MONITORING REPORT 200542

Among weaknesses of EFA during the decade of the 90s was the inability or unwillingness of countries to report on quality issues, including the impact of educational reform measures on employment, living standards and quality of life. This reflected both inadequacies in the way several of the Jomtien goals were formulated and the lack of appropriate and/or agreed procedures and measures for ascertaining quality. While much remains to be done to overcome these difficulties, EFA has taken a notable step forward in the 2005 Monitoring Report in facing up to these issues. Chapter 1 of the Report identifies two key principles of educational quality: learners’ cognitive development; shared values, and creative and emotional development. They note that whereas cognitive development is (relatively) susceptible to definite assessment and international comparisons, the extent to which values are shared and children’s creativity and emotional development nourished is difficult to ascertain and compare. It is a continuing cause for concern that at both national and international levels, reports on students’ learning underplay these aspects of human and social development. The authors of the 2005 Report set about their task, through the construction of an analytic framework of “learner characteristics, context, enabling (educational) inputs and outcomes, and through a review of research bearing on these framework factors. They then drew up a progress report based on the Dakar targets, and derived policy lessons by relating principles and research findings to countries” measured progress toward the Dakar goals. This was a framework only parts of which could be completed with data and evidence. It is for educational indicators, assessment and reports of learning to achieve the necessary breadth and coverage to ensure that the framework achieves its analytic potential.

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The 2005 Report is a very significant step forward for EFA since the authors have taken a decisive step beyond what individual countries report through (largely) educational administrative data, to explore the relevance of those data to key indicators of quality and to examine the research literature. Moreover, they have given prominence to the fundamental importance of teacher quality including teacher education. Teachers, while not ignored in previous EFA work, have often been given second or third place to “resources” and “context”. In line with recent research on teachers and teacher policy analysis, EFA has sharpened the focus on what happens in classrooms, once students have been enrolled.43 Overall, the tone of the 2005 report is more cautiously optimistic than the first of the series which, in 2002, gave a rather gloomy prognosis as regards achievement of the Dakar goals. It is not evident, from the data drawn upon for the latest report, that the targets will be met in full, however the emphasis has shifted towards policies which on the basis of many different kinds of evidence, research included, seem most likely to succeed. Also, the vexed issue of internationally co-ordinated and well-targeted funding directed at the most needy is addressed—again in the context of effectiveness and quality improvement. 11. THE CHALLENGE TO ACT: FULFILLING THE PROMISE OF WORLDWIDE EDUCATIONAL REFORM Inevitably, conclusions about the value and overall effectiveness of such a complex, diffuse process as EFA will be partial and to a considerable degree tentative. A long decade (1990–2004) of planning, priority setting, action, monitoring and review across most of the world’s education systems, and involving international organisations, national governments, NGOs and countless communities and individuals, is not susceptible to clearcut conclusions. Nor can the EFA thrust be readily disentangled from other impulses and strategic interventions. Further intensive studies including economic analysis would be required to establish in any conclusive way impact and effect. Some of this has been undertaken for the 2005 Monitoring Report, with particular emphasis on the continuing difficulty of fragmented, unco-ordinated assistance programmes. Since EFA is a continuing process, guided by long-term goals, and subject to periodic review and modifications, any conclusions will inevitably be tempered with caution. The overall target date is 2015 and what appear now to be laggard countries or disastrous situations can change dramatically over the next decade. As pointed out in the 2002 monitoring report, countries that had come close to meeting some of the goals could also slip back. What must also be kept in mind are the limitations of knowledge of what is actually happening: large data gaps continue and there is need to maintain a healthy scepticism about data sources when quality control over these sources is so variable. With these reservations to the fore, a balance sheet can be drawn up, at least as a way of reflecting on large scale change processes in education. What has been achieved; what has not?

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EFA, perhaps for the first time, has produced a global consortium or coalition of international agencies, governments and civil society determined to make headway on obdurate problems and chronic weaknesses world-wide in the education of all people. It is universal and inclusive in intent and scope. It is also experimental since the structures and processes of partnership on this scale are themselves a test of international collaboration in educational reform and development. Whatever their deficiencies, they represent a significant step forward, and the partnerships continue to evolve. Because it involves many of the world’s international organisations and most prominent NGOs, EFA has at least the potential for a high political profile and the exercise of authoritative global leadership. Whether this profile and leadership in practice are effective in driving change is to some extent questionable. Further strong, positive political and community leadership is required. There is risk of a babble of international voices and EFA is competing for attention and impact with other international initiatives, although it has gained a crucial measure of recognition through the Millennium Goals. The plethora of goals, tracks, initiatives—and acronyms—generated by EFA can be a source of confusion. The EFA mission has to be constantly, clearly and persuasively articulated, and its distinctive roles among the array of development initiatives clarified at the same time as it is synchronised with these other initiatives. By focusing at Dakar on more precise and attainable goals than was the case ten years earlier at Jomtien, EFA has adopted a realistic approach to educational development. Inability to report significant progress on several of the Jomtien goals after a decade demonstrated the need both for a clearer, operational formulation of goals and targeting priorities, and for greatly improved ways of gathering relevant data and monitoring progress. While it cannot be said that these challenges have been sufficiently met, there is evidence that they are understood and there have been considerable improvements. Even so, there is need for a firmer approach to goal and priority setting, so that the sources of relevant evidence on performance can be clearly identified. There is need for further investment both within countries and through UNESCO in capacity building and infrastructure. It is essential that “being held to account” for agreed goals and procedures is seen in positive terms and that where great difficulty is being experienced, causes are identified and addressed. Governments were invited in 2000 at Dakar to prepare strategic plans for attaining the new and revised goals as a basis for negotiating financial support where that is required. Thus far, reported progress has been slow, which is not encouraging. The tightening of requirements for donor aid for developing countries reflects a determination to achieve the goals and to see resources channelled into effective programmes within the Dakar Action Framework. Resolute action is needed, given that at times ineffectual, inefficient, sometimes corrupt, use of funds has occurred. Sound financial management is a key to the credibility of EFA both within individual countries and as a collaborative international endeavour. Resource management could not be a prominent feature of the year 2000 Assessment since relatively

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little had been done through EFA to document and report on this most important aspect. There is evidence in the post Dakar monitoring that this weakness is being addressed. The preparation and implementation of the national plans provides the opportunity for taking this requirement further and it is a cause for concern that in this respect the Dakar momentum has slipped. The potential of EFA for developing a new apparatus of policy planning including extended partnerships is considerable and the national plans as and when produced will be a test of the readiness to take up this challenge. A question for which EFA has yet to provide definite answers is the availability and quality of human resources worldwide to plan, design, implement, monitor and evaluate progress toward the Dakar goals. Most obvious is the availability of well qualified teachers. Yet ILO, UNESCO and OECD have both pointed to critical shortages and problems of quality in teaching.44 The achievement of quality outcomes in education depends on a ready supply of qualified personnel, enrolment of students in classes, and regular attendance over prolonged periods. This of course is well understood but, at least until the 2005 Monitoring Report, EFA has been more focused on access and opportunity than on the nature and value of the learning experience or on the recruitment, training and calibre of teachers and other education personnel. There is a particular need, now, to turn attention towards the selection, training, retention and continuing professional development of the numerous and varied human resources—teachers, trainers, policy makers, administrators, planners, developers, researchers and evaluators—needed to deliver EFA to reasonable standards of quality. Where EFA has most obviously contributed, although not in isolation from other reform initiatives, is in demonstrating progress toward meeting specific targets. While the most obvious examples are access to and participation in primary schooling and adult literacy, studies undertaken for the Year 2002 Assessment demonstrated that progress has been occurring on many fronts, among them: improved child care and education; opportunities for girls and women; and youth training. Many of these changes are not adequately reflected in official statistics and can only be identified through research, systematic observation and the establishment of networks to report on local activities. It requires the momentum of a programme such as EFA to generate the interest and the resources needed for such studies. A conspicuous outcome of EFA, which has become more apparent with the passage of time, is attention to building a systematic knowledge base. The significant improvements in national and international statistics, the development of indicators, the commissioning of research and, most important, the establishment of a high level international monitoring team and the scope and quality of its reports are providing a knowledge base from which it is becoming possible to map progress, identify gaps and weaknesses and target future action with much more confidence than hitherto. The Year 2000 Global Assessment drew attention to serious deficiencies and to the need for new procedures to enable policy makers and all involved in EFA to understand what was actually being achieved as distinct from

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declared intentions and described plans and projects. Since then, there has been a marked swing toward achieving definite results and there is a growing demand worldwide for evidence that valuable learning is occurring when resources are invested in education. EFA has as yet not sufficiently satisfied this demand but as in the 2005 report on quality prominence is being given to the issues associated with achieving a focus on quality learning. ● Possibly the greatest, most distinctive contribution EFA is making is to inject a sense of urgency into the resolution of very longstanding, worldwide problems in education. The balance between high quality, universal education on the one hand and population growth, violence, disease and poverty is precarious. A steady state approach to achieving EFA is imperilled—by HIV/AIDS, poverty, and by attitudes and practices inimical to the decisive changes that are needed. To tip the global balance more definitely towards the arts of peace, fulfilling human growth and development and universal enlightenment is, as H.G. Wells long ago said, a desperate struggle. EFA remains at risk of not achieving its necessarily ambitious goals and there is a distinct possibility of failure by many countries over the next decade. Only by the utmost determination, and the application of intelligence as well as material resources can these goals be achieved. Creating a public constituency of understanding and support is essential but is not occurring at the pace or on the scale needed. There is need for greater integration of EFA with other programmes both within education and across related sectors. As a reform process, EFA is distinctive in that it: ● Is global in scope and vision; ● Has agreed, shared action goals and targets; ● Is a comprehensive set of partnerships; ● Is continuing over several decades; ● Is (now) being systematically monitored and regularly evaluated; ● Seeks to mobilise both government and non-governmental resources in common endeavours; ● Has adopted not one but a multiplicity of strategies and modes of operation. ● As a global, strategic endeavour, EFA is affected by a large and complex array of conditions on which progress is needed in order to achieve: ● Greater social stability with a reduction of conflict and violence; ● Improved health, sanitation and living conditions; ● Improved economic conditions; ● More widely distributed professional leadership and expertise; ● Greater engagement of families and communities in supporting education; ● A more highly qualified, better paid and publicly supported teaching profession; ● Improved staff-student ratios; ● Higher quality curricula and resources for learning; ● Higher and/or more realistic societal expectations of education. These conditions affect different countries and regions of the world differently. What they underline is the need to treat the goals and processes of educational reform, educational policies and strategies not as separate from but closely integrated within a broader context of social, cultural and economic development.

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Speaking to the UNESCO Executive Committee in 2003, Sir John Daniels, then Assistant Director-General for Education, remarked “As we approach the 60th anniversary of UNESCO”s creation it is a scandal that education for all is still unfinished business.” Daniels had in mind the millions of people worldwide for whom there is no access, or access but no real opportunity. That is the scandal, and it is for EFA to gird itself to help overcome it. 11.1.

View Points on Education Reform from the School Level

The earlier chapters have looked at education and reform at the national and international levels. These are important sources of learning about the common and the distinctive elements in reform. Another source, just as relevant, is to look at the experience of reform at the school level. In these next chapters we have the reflections of two very experienced educators who have been engaged in reform at the school level, as well as nationally. The broad picture reveals many issues of reform and these are complemented by the more closely focused thoughts from the school and class level. NOTES * Thanks to Mr Steve Packer, Deputy Director of the EFA Global Monitoring Report Team for comments on an earlier draft and to Dr Helen Connell for assistance in preparing this chapter. Neither is responsible for the views expressed. 1

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EFA International Consultative Forum (1990). Framework for Action—Meeting Basic Learning Needs. Guidelines for implementing the World Declaration on Education for All. (Jomtien, Thailand. 5–9 March 1990) UNESCO: Paris. EFA International Consultative Forum (2000) Education for All 2000 Assessment. Global Synthesis. Paris. UNESCO (text author M. Skilbeck); EFA International Consultative Forum (2000). The Dakar Framework for Action: Education for All. Meeting Our Collective Commitments. UNESCO: Paris. The EFA Global Monitoring Report Team (Director C. Colclough) (2002). Education for All. Is the World On Track? UNESCO: Paris. The EFA Global Monitoring Report Team (Director C. Colclough) (2002/4). Gender and Education for All. The Leap to Equality. UNESCO: Paris. See also www.efareport.unesco.org for 2004/5 report on quality. Unpublished at time of writing, main findings of this report, Education for All. The Quality Imperative are briefly touched on Section 9 of this chapter. EFA International Consultative Forum (2000). Education for All 2000 Assessment. Global Synthesis. Paris. UNESCO (text author M. Skilbeck) p. 10. United Nations (1948). Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Article 26. United Nations: New York. Bellah, R.N. et al (1992). The Good Society. New York. Vintage Books; Jolly, R. (2002). “Global Goals – the UN experience.” Background paper for UNDP Human Development Report 2002. NY. UNDP.; Nussbaum, M. (1997) Cultivating Humanity. Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press; Sen, A. (1999) Development and Freedom. New York: Knopf; United Nations Development Programme (2003). Human Development Report 2003. Millennium Development Goals. A Compact Among Nations to End Human Poverty. UNDP: New York. Education for All: Is the World on Track? Global Monitoring Report 2002. UNESCO: Paris. P.14. EFA International Consultative Forum (2000). Education for All 2000 Assessment. Global Synthesis. UNESCO: Paris. (text author M. Skilbeck) p. 13. For example, the International Commission on Education for the Twenty-first Century (chair J. Delors) (1996) Learning: The Treasure Within. UNESCO: Paris; OECD (1996) Lifelong Learning for All. OECD: Paris. Demonstrated for example in OECD/UNESCO Institute for Statistics (2001) Teachers for Tomorrow’s Schools. Analysis of the World Education Indicators 2001 Edition. UNESCO-UIS/OECD: Paris.

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EFA Global Monitoring Report Team (2002) Gender and Education for All. The Leap to Equality. Paris. UNESCO. Ch.3 Why are girls still held back? International Consultative Forum on Education for All (2000) Education for All 2000 Assessment. Global Synthesis. UNESCO: Paris. (text author M. Skilbeck). Myers, R.G. (2000). The EFA Global Thematic Review of Early Childhood Care and Development. Final Draft. EFA Forum in association with UNICEF: Paris. International Consultative Forum on Education for All (2000) Education for All 2000 Assessment. Global Synthesis. UNESCO: Paris. (text author M. Skilbeck), p. 16 The EFA Global Monitoring Report Team (2002) Education for All. Is the World on Track? Paris. UNESCO. P.44. For details on countries and regions, see pp. 44–55 and annexed tables 5 & 6. Bernard, A.K. (1999). Education for All and Children Who Are Excluded. EFA Forum in Paris. association with UNICEF. The EFA Global Monitoring Report Team (2002) Education for All. Is the World on Track? UNESCO: Paris. pp. 305–306. EFA Global Monitoring Report Team (Director C. Colclough) (2004) Education for All. The Quality Imperative. UNESCO. Paris. Ch 3 Assessing progress towards the EFA goals. Bensalah, K. et al (1999). Education in Situations of Emergency and Crisis. Paris. EFA Forum in association with UNESCO; OECD (1995) Our Children at Risk. Paris, OECD; OECD (1997) Education and Equity in OECD Countries. Paris. OECD; OECD (1998) Overcoming Failure at School. OECD: Paris. OECD (2000) Literacy in the Information Age. Paris. OECD.; OECD (2001) Knowledge and Skills for Life. First Results from PISA 2000. OECD: Paris. Education for All: the Year 2000 Assessment. Final Country Report of China. Chinese National Commission for UNESCO: Beijing. 1999. Cited in World Education Forum (2000) Education for All 2000 Assessment. Global Synthesis. UNESCO: Paris (text author M. Skilbeck) p. 38. EFA Global Monitoring Report Team (2004). Education for All. The Quality Imperative. EFA Global Monitoring Report 2005. Paris. Matthew, A. (1999). Strides in Education for All. Non-formal Adult Education in India. UNESCO: New Delhi. Jommo, B. (n.d.) Gender Dimensions in Education for All: NGO and Civil Society Experience. The Collective Consultation of NGOs on Literacy and Education for All. (draft) Paris/ Nairobi. EFA Forum in association with UNESCO. Schwartzman, S. (2000). Education for All: the Nine Largest Countries. UNESCO: Paris (Regional report for the EFA 2000 Assessment). OECD (2000). Knowledge and Skills for Life. First Results from PISA. Paris. OECD; International Education Achievement ( ) Third International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS). See International Consultative Forum on Education for All (2000) Education for All 2000 Assessment. Global Synthesis. pp. 44–45. Methodological and other difficulties surrounding the Dakar reformulation (“Learning needs of all young people and adults”) are discussed in the EFA Global Monitoring Report 2002. Education for All: Is the World on Track? Paris. UNESCO. pp.56–59. Added to the problems of determining appropriate programmes to monitor and relevant kinds of data, is the challenge to establish the impact of what has been learnt on people’s lives. OECD (1999). Measuring Student Knowledge and Skills: A New Framework for Assessment. Paris. OECD; OECD (2000). Measuring Student Knowledge and Skills: The PISA Assessment of Reading, Mathematical and Scientific Literacy. Paris. OECD; OECD (2000) Literacy in the Information Age. Paris. OECD; OECD (2001). Knowledge and Skills for Life. First Results from PISA 2000. Paris. OECD. (The title of this report notwithstanding, the “knowledge and skills” sampled were confined to the scientific, mathematical and literacy.) Vine, K. and Ordonez, V. (2000). A Synthesis Report of Education for All 2000 Assessment for the Asia-Pacific Region. Working Paper 3. Bangkok. UNESCO. Principal Regional Office for Asia and the Pacific. p.11.

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Education for All in the Arab States: a renewed commitment. The Arab Framework for Action to meet basic learning needs in the Years 2000–2015. (draft) Beirut. UNESCO Regional Office for Education in the Arab States. p. 11. International Consultative Forum on Education for All (2000). Education for All 2000 Assessment. Global Synthesis. p. 50. Jolly, R. (2002). “Global goals—the UN Experience.” Background paper for UNDP Human Development Report 2002. UNDP: New York. Mehrotra, S. (1998). Education for All: Policy Lessons from High Achieving Countries. UNICEF: New York. EFA Global Monitoring Report Team (2002) Education for All. Is the World on Track? UNESCO: Paris. p. 13 United Nations General Assembly (2001) Resolution A/56/326. New York. U.N. 6 September. The EFA Global Monitoring Report Team (2002). Education for All: Is the World on Track? EFA Monitoring Report 2002. UNESCO: Paris. p. 96. Ibid. p. 39. EFA Global Monitoring Report Team (2004). Education for All. The Quality Imperative. EFA Global Monitoring Report 2005. Summary. Paris. p. 21 Op.cit. p. 99 Op.cit. p. 188 Op.cit. chs 2 and 6 The EFA Global Monitoring Report Team (2003). EFA Global Monitoring Report 2003/4. Gender and Education for All. The Leap to Equality. UNESCO: Paris. Chapter 2. Published late in 2004. Teachers and teaching are the focus of a recent, large international study: OECD (in press) Teachers Matter: Attracting, Developing and Retaining Effective Teachers. OECD: Paris. Siniscalco, M. (2002) A Statistical Profile of the Teaching Profession. ILO/ UNESCO Paris.; OECD (in press) Teachers Matter: Attracting, Developing and Retaining Effective Teachers. OECD: Paris.

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DEBORAH W. MEIER

WHAT WE’VE LEARNED IN THE SMALL SCHOOL MOVEMENT

1.

BALANCED AGENDAS?

It’s hard to arouse public enthusiasm for balanced agendas, although at heart we all believe in them deeply. We know that fads rarely create long term changes in our way of thinking, and that deeply held beliefs are based on long term experience. Yet change also happens. The question is can we “create” change consciously, or must we just flow with the changes that happen to us? The schools we grew up with, like the families we were raised by, have a far greater impact on what we think “ought to be” than our rational minds would sometimes like to believe. Even schools and parents we swore not to be like! Can we do something about that—both in our personal lives, and for our larger social institutions. Changing schools to deal with the realities of the 2lst century require paying attention to how we remember the past but also how we imagine the future, and take seriously the disjunctures between them, the contradictions as well as the commonalities. We fail to make serious inroads into better futures if we ignore these contradictions, the trade-offs we sometimes hope we don’t have to face. But we will also too often throw out the baby with the bathwater if we just plunge ahead without balancing the two— past and future. In fact, much of what we remember from the past was important stuff. As Malcolm Gladwell reminds us in The Tipping Point, sometimes past practice is built around fundamental proclivities of the human species. Like the fact that communities that get over about 150 lose some critical features important for the relationships—not to mention plain productivity—that sustain us. Or that we can’t really have intimate relationships beyond about 15–20 people. Or that peers are efficient teachers of the young, and will overwhelm other forms of education unless the ties to adults are firmly in place and reinforced at every stage of development. And on and on. But when we invented the current more-or-less system for education in the late 19th century we ignored most of this—particularly for “ordinary” citizens. But then we didn’t expect it to have to carry a lot of water! In the late 19th century most youngsters began school at the age of 6 or 7 at th4 earliest, spent far less time in school than they do today, and left school after not more than half a dozen years. When I was born—a half century later—most American kids hadn’t yet dropped into high school, much less dropped out, and few indeed were those who considered college as a reasonable choice, much less a sensible one. Most of what young people learned they learned in the company of adults, in the process of living and working alongside them in natural communities. 145 C. Hughes (ed.), Secondary Education at the Crossroads, 145–148. © 2006 Springer.

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Today, while schools still contain kids for only about 1/6 of their waking lives, they attend school at least twice as long (12–16 years), for more hours in the day and days in the year. And their schools are more anonymous, involve fewer contacts with adults or even kids of different ages, and while they determine more than ever what your future will be like, the young are less and less exposed to the future that as adults they will inhabit. More and more of their education takes place through the peer culture that the mass media has organized to reach the hearts and minds of the young—to turn them into consummate consumers, not learners. This is not a set of ideas that marks off a small nutty fringe of thinkers. It’s not quite a mainstream diagnosis, but it comes close to it. These are not ideas that are owned by the left vs right, although how we respond to them may have political overtones. The changes have produced three fundamental shifts of grave importance—above all to democratic life, and perhaps in the long run to our economic well-being as well. The shifts are related to issues of community, authority and in the end power. 2.

ISSUES OF COMMUNITY, AUTHORITY AND POWER

The changes we’ve experienced have led to a the loss of knowledge about what intergenerational communities are about. In its varied forms the only communities kids belong to is their immediate nuclear family and a tight-knit peer community—or none. Authority is more vicarious—the media hold more status as providers of “real” information than the adults whom children know. Kids are too often disconnected even from those a mere year or two longer. Teachers and schools may wield greater power in determining young people’s future lives—but more or more of this power is impersonal. Like parents, we have increasingly removed important decisions from those who know the kids best—even adults who know them best, to disinterested instruments (like standardized tests scored by people far removed, and by criteria established elsewhere.) For kids, therefore, adults are more and more powerless figures in their lives. Among youngsters from poor families, the discretionary money they earn at low-wage jobs is often more than their parents have to spend on them. The Wal-Marts of the world assure us that their low wages are not intended to sustain a decent base for family life, but primarily are aimed at workers with part-time desires whose primary support comes from elsewhere. Like teenagers. 3.

CONCLUSIONS FROM EXPERIENCE

Forty years of working in our urban public schools have taught me a few sure-fire things. (1) Kids still yearn to belong to a community, and best of all ones that include many generations. (2) Kids respect authority, when they have a chance to experience it—working alongside folks who can “show them”, not just lecture them.

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(3) Kids have an appreciation for power, for people who seem to be able to exercise it, and who can show them how it works. If we want schools to work, we need to keep these three in mind. Schools need to be small enough (Gladwell suggests that the optimum number is 150), intergenerational enough (not organized by age alone), places where novices can learn from exposure to experts, and where power is not hidden or ignored, but is openly talked about. The roads to power and its varied forms must be visible to the young, and they need opportunities to exercise power, not just the power one has “over” others, but the power that ideas and skill bring us—the kind of power that is distributed widely, which isn’t a zero-sum game (if you have “more”, I have to have “less”). They need to see how adults make decisions, how different adults learn to compromise, how different levels of political life interact with each other. They need experience that help them see how the characteristics that count—that give us our power—are used in real life, for good or ill. Getting from “here”—the schools we have in too many places in the modern industrial world—to “there”, the kind we need to sustain a productive and democratic life is the dilemma. Every step along the way is a mine-field of risks. If one goes too fast, one produces a backlash (as has been the case time after time in math education, for example). If one goes too slow, change loses momentum and impatience produces a backlash. Finding the right balance, that respects some longtime traditions and yet also introduces them into new forms is a tricky process. Accepting half-measures— for example focusing on size alone—can discourage folks as the results may look pretty paltry if one just breaks up big schools into small ones. But demanding the full-measure divides haves from have-nots, creates bitterness as the system has neither the expertise (personnel), nor the resources to really re-tool the old factory-model into really good examples of small schools. There’s no getting away from it being a one-by-one task, but there’s also no getting away from the fact that we haven’t time to do it that way! But a generation might be enough time, if we got all the surrounding factors that need to be in place better. We could stack the odds in favour and rapidly multiply opportunities, or we can cripple the innovators with rules intended to keep the system intact, so that few will want to follow them as they try to please the old rules and the new ones at the same time. Time, time, time! The system we invented, intended to educate well only the few, has to be overhauled, and the overhaul has to be done while the kids and teachers are still there—like trying to change all four tyres while the car is still running, and without a map, and with several back-seat drivers making different suggestions. 3.1.

Top-down Change Doesn’t Work

Top-down brutal change may seem the only solution to this paradox, but we’ve had enough failed top-down revolutions in the 20th century to know that it doesn’t work, and that it sets the time table back in dramatic ways. The key is making sure that all changes are respectfully engaged in by people who have been persuaded—both families and teachers. The ends must be pursued by means compatible with them.

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That’s what we’ve learned in the fledgling small school movement in America, but it may be that we have learned it too little and too late to stop the current train from over-running all of us: the drive to standardize everything and run the system through the reimposition of more and more top-down test-driven regulation (as though sticking a thermometer into a sick persons mouth is a way to cure them), while also insisting that schools get smaller and more personal! There’s no point in knowing each other well if what we know can’t influence what we do. We’ve embarked on contradictory methods for contradictory ends. Until we get both straight, the ordinary wisdom that might unite us around both—or at least bring them closer together—will seem impossible. It’s in “doing” such schools that we discover that it’s not impossible. If hundreds of examples can be found in many different size cities and town, as we can do in the work of school reformers of this stripe in the USA, that produce remarkable results, then it’s do-able, we can change the tyres while we keep driving, design our own maps as we go, and continue to have an argument in the back seat about how best to proceed. Because these are, if properly aligned, the very ingredients for success: the power that comes from being able to plot one’s own destiny in collaboration with one’s fellow travellers. 3.2.

Accountability?

Where does “accountability” fit in. Very nicely, thank you, as schools reveal the maps they have designed, and new ways to show-off their successes and failures to any and all interested publics—starting with their own constituents. The forms of assessment, the high stakes ones above all that determine important benchmarks along the way, are themselves means of empowering all the relevant constituents. Like the road test for drivers, what it takes to “pass” isn’t a mystery inside a black box. Focusing on the paper-and-pencil test most states also include in their driver’s tests might lead to a lot of “rigorous” preparation, a bell curve of scores, and psychometric reliability, but not to a nation of competent drivers. And driver’s ed courses that spend most of their time avoiding getting into the car with the students because it is cost ineffective, or there aren’t enough cars or teachers to do it one-by-one isn’t a good excuse. Scores on the paper-and-pencil tests will, naturally, rise, but . . . so will road accidents. Until we get the scale right, place authority in the hands of those who know the kids best, and distribute power more evenly between all those who matter most, we won’t get this stuff right. And when we do, the solution may be right before us: schools can become both the places where youngsters learn, and where adults learn—together: they can be the engines that drive the future.

NANCY FAUST SIZER

A JOURNEY INTO HIGH SCHOOL REFORM Re-inventing senior year in the United States 1.

CHANGING PATTERNS

About a decade ago, in Australia, I met a woman whose daughter was in her last year of high school there. According to her mother, the student had grown much busier and more serious. She and her age-mates had been provided with their own section of the school, the better to ready themselves for their departure. As they decided the fields in which they would take examinations, they were defining and even shaping themselves: determining their images in the eyes of the world and in their own eyes, and to some extent, their futures. The mother was nervous at the changes she was seeing, fearful that they were coming too quickly, yet proud of the choices her daughter was making. Mostly, however, the mother talked about her daughter’s increased work. She didn’t see how her daughter was able to do it. Many more assignments were expected to be completed, more quickly and more competently. The examinations which lay ahead were daunting. Whatever good work had already been done, she fretted, might be undone by a poor performance at the end of the year. This was why we were not going to be able to meet her daughter, she told us. Athletics, social life, sleep, meeting foreign visitors—all had to be sacrificed to greater mastery over the subjects she had chosen, and greater facility in the way she could communicate that mastery in all-important tests in a few months’ time. 2.

BOTH CRITICAL AND ENVIOUS

As an American high school teacher for twenty five years, I was both critical and jealous of the arrangement as it was described to me. Critical that so much seemed to depend on short-term, externally-designed, high-stakes tests. Critical that there was no revision built into the process. Critical that there seemed to be so few options, so few other ways to distinguish oneself. I was also fearful: if my friend’s daughter were successful, she might think that it was because she was so intelligent in every respect that the onerous hard work in her life was now essentially over; and if she were less successful, she might think that she was not “good enough” to try to resurrect her image in her own or in others’ eyes and go on to achieve some version of her dreams. But I was also envious of certain things. In the United States, we too have external examinations; some, recently-designed by some states, are necessary to earn a high school diploma; others for college admission, including some tests which are the same for all and others (usually administered at another time) which are selected by 149 C. Hughes (ed.), Secondary Education at the Crossroads, 149–168. © 2006 Springer.

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students to reflect their areas of interest and expertise. These exams, however, are administered earlier in a student’s career, partly so they can be taken again. And since our tests are only part of a student’s academic and personal profile, the colleges which are accepting our students need to take considerable time to review their applications and decide whether or not the students should be admitted. During the period between the time when American seniors submit their applications or job applications and the time when they graduate from high school, there is a pervasive lack of purpose in our youngsters. Since they were tiny, they have been told that grades are “important”; that athletic or musical talent or commitment to community service were also “important.” The emphasis has not been on increasing skill or other intrinsic satisfactions; the validation is extrinsic. Grades, awards, trophies are valuable for “what they can get you,” especially in terms of college admission. But by the middle of senior year, earlier for some students, applications have been filled out, with all the relevant “information up to that point.” “I feel as if I am watching my whole self fly away,” one senior reported to me. Now that all this data is not being recorded, let alone “counted” any more—to the only important judges, the college admissions committees—is it still important? If not, what is? “It’s the beginning of the school year and the seniors have already checked out,” one American teacher said with a wry what-can-you-do sort of smile. He knew I would recognize what he meant. He worked in an excellent school, whose students are ambitious, parents attentive and teachers brilliant and approachable. All these advantages could easily be frittered away as the seniors are consumed with competition but no longer able to do much about it. The seniors’ hearts and minds had already left high school; even more inconveniently, their bodies were still there. Compare this with the Australian senior who was working so hard and achieving so much! No wonder I was jealous. 3.

CAN WE FIX THE SENIOR YEAR?

How did senior year in the American high school come to be so dysfunctional and what can be done about it? The answers can be found in our history, our economy and our values. Over the last few decades, the middle and high schools in the United States have become more and more criticized and neglected. Most are vast places, full of long halls, people whose names one barely knows, dominated by the need for crowd control, governed primarily by rules, bells and grades. The age group is itself distrusted by many: they are too old to be cute, in some cases too far behind to be helped, and in the age-old dilemma, wanting attention yet seeming to spurn it when it is offered. These schools are dangerously isolated from the schools which precede and succeed them. Very little of the gathered wisdom about an individual child is consulted by his teachers as he moves out of elementary school into a startlingly new environment. Test scores may be provided, but not the important things, like how he handles success or faces setbacks, whether he works better alone or with others, what his experience

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has been with risk-taking, how much support he gets at home or what’s his best time of year for hard work. A single teacher in an elementary school overseeing the work of twenty-five students can keep track of these important factors, and more. In the secondary school, however, there is a new school design. A student faces five teachers a day, and a teacher faces one hundred and twenty five students. There’s no time or energy for the teacher to keep track of all these important qualities, and besides, his or her class rosters are always changing, likely to be different term to term. So the old-fashioned pride in teacher wisdom, in knowing a student well and taking responsibility for her development, is effectively devalued. The arrangement seems efficient, but it is verging on chaotic; relationships suffer, and not only those between a teacher and a student. Inside each of them, young person or adult, there is also increased isolation: the student is less satisfied with himself as a student, the teacher less satisfied with herself as a teacher. By the time students have been through all these years of crowded, rushed anonymity and are facing life after high school, the isolation persists, but with an added irony. On the one hand, the high school seems to have sold its soul to the rigid demands of college admission. Teachers are giving up substantial and lovingly-developed electives in favor of a national Advanced Placement Program. They sacrifice the depth which actually interests teenagers in deference to the breadth which will be required for external tests. Students are taking calculus who have not a shred of interest in the subject because it will “look good on their resumes.” They are not pursuing the real interests which may have much more relevance to how they would like to conduct themselves as adults. They are not developing the new perspectives or toughness which are likely to come from challenging, supervised work outside school. The focus is on the immediate prospect of admission to more schooling or to work, rather on more far-seeing planning for a self-sufficient and worthy adult life. Seniors gather credits that show that they have taken algebra rather than remembering how to do the algebra which will be needed to do college math or even to get a job in an auto factory. Businesses pay very little attention to high school transcripts; they look primarily at the attendance figures, rather than courses taken or grades earned. Colleges look at the whole transcripts, but more and more of them are complaining that what the students actually know once they arrive at the campus is not what they need to know to succeed there. Students from poor families use up their federal grants while taking remedial courses in order to prepare themselves, once again, to earn college credit. The tests which students may have passed are often not the ones which determine their status once they get there. Meanwhile, academic and personal habits which might sustain a student in that situation—persistence, keeping calm, willingness to work hard to overcome challenges (the same qualities which were noted and fostered by their elementary school teachers)—are lacking in too many high school graduates. Very simply, since expectations are not aligned, the high school is isolated. The soul was sold—and for nothing. How can it be that a student in the United States is admitted to college when in fact she is not prepared to do college work? This is not an easy question to answer, and it has serious implications for how we should design our senior year.

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A NEW DESIGN FOR THE SENIOR YEAR?

Without a final test at the very end of high school which will influence (if not determine) what kind of future a student will have, the United States has developed a curious system: part meritocracy, part aristocracy, part welfare state. In the marketplace and in post-secondary education, we have a number of different options, with varying standards and degrees of receptivity to different learning styles and even work ethics. It adds up to a system which some people admire for its flexibility (especially parents of students who, up to now, have struggled with traditional academic performance); but others criticize for its messiness and unpredictability (especially employers and politicians). In spite of our many economic and cultural differences, most Americans share the perception that going to college is the best—some would say the only—way to succeed in the modern economy and thus in modern life. We fear labelling kids as “not college material” too early; we have been a wealthy enough country (and responsive enough to middle-class parents) to keep options open. We do not have a large number of wellrespected training programs for those high school graduates who do not want to go on to college, like many countries in Europe do. What has happened, therefore, is a growth in both four- and two-year colleges, public and private, which, once created, have admitted a broad range of students. The more selective of these colleges—the ones that everyone has heard of—admit students carefully in order to “create a class,” a group of students who march through higher education together. This means that they want to include people from different racial and income groups, children of previous graduates, athletes, musicians and others in order to have diversity and loyalty as well as high performers among their students (and, later, their alumni). There will not be standard criteria for creating a class, such as the highest 500 scorers in a standardized test. If you define merit as high performance on a test and/or high grades in high school, that would be pure meritocracy (of a sort). Adding other factors to the admissions decisions might look unfair to some students, especially those who have earned high grades and are accomplished test-takers. Indeed, most students are admitted with the grades/tests criteria as dominant, though other factors may be added. Where “aristocracy” comes into our system is that college is expensive. There are tuitions, some staggeringly high and some not so high; and, for all, there are living expenses. Some students who require scholarships do not get admitted at all. “Legacies”—meaning students whose families have attended the institutions or who have contributed to it in some way—are honored. It is not guaranteed admission, to be sure, and it is often a small percentage of those who are admitted without the full range of qualifications. Still, it is privilege perpetuated. As far as a “welfare state” is concerned, college admissions officers have been known to have a soft spot for the good kid who deserves a break. The one who writes his college application from a foxhole, or who has survived disease or overcome poverty demonstrate a toughness and ambition which indicate that such a student will really use the all-important education. These qualities aren’t easy to measure,

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yet such factors often tip the scales. Still, there was the notorious case a few years ago in which an orphan got into Harvard because she had done such a good job in high school. Her admission was rescinded after the college learned that she was an orphan because she had killed her mother. As admissions officers, teachers, and parents explain again and again to each succeeding generation, “creating a class” makes college itself a more enjoyable experience. Students will not be surrounded only by people who look, act or study like they do. There will be many kinds of talents, many different performances, much to do; even late-night discussions in the dormitory will, or at least might, offer a range of perspectives. But along with its benefits, diversity imposes a price. Even prestigious colleges are offering remedial courses for students whom they would like to admit but for whom they predict hard times in meeting their standards. Two year colleges are forced to offer even more remedial classes. Indeed, although they are called colleges, many of them offer college credit for less than half of their courses since besides remedial courses they offer a variety of vocational ones such as auto mechanics, secretarial training, nursing and a number of new occupations in our ever-changing economy. These courses make up in part for the training programs we don’t have. It’s not a bad system as long as you aren’t concerned about the real meaning of the word “college,” and as long as you don’t expect to have an easy time transferring your credits to earn a college diploma. The result is that, especially where getting in to college is concerned, nothing can be taken for granted: Not for the most successful members of a high school class, not even for the less successful. It is all kind of a gamble; some call it a crap shoot. But more is wrong with our senior year than that. And that’s where I come into this story. 5.

A SEARCH FOR PURPOSE

In the mid-nineties I was sensing less and less purpose in the seniors whom I was teaching. I blamed myself, of course: Why couldn’t I inspire them to care as much about Chinese history or even the United States in the1960s as I once had done? But I blamed the students too: What made them so cocky that they thought they could just waste a whole year of their lives, a year which in most times and places has been called a significant period of personal growth? What was influencing what we have come to call “senioritis”—an amalgam of restlessness, lassitude, irresponsibility, cynicism and others—and how had such a culture become so entrenched? To know this, I would have to know more about what the seniors themselves were thinking. Not just the seniors who owed me papers and wanted me to write their college recommendations, but seniors whom I didn’t already teach or even know. In other words, seniors who would tell me the truth. I retired from the high school classroom and proceeded to interview seniors in high schools all over the country to learn what they thought of the experience of senior year. I met with 150 seniors, interviewing individuals and groups. In two schools, I was able to do repeat interviews to see how attitudes changed throughout the year. Since I had taught mostly middle and upper class students, I purposely went to

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schools attended by students from working and lower classes, including alternative programs for “at-risk” students, although I never interviewed drop-outs. I did no survey research; I wasn’t looking for numbers, or even percentages, but for the seniors’ own insights. I taped the interviews, transcribed them, collected the best observations and eventually described the year as the seniors experienced it in my book: Crossing the Stage: Redesigning Senior Year (Heinemann, 2002). I won’t summarize all my findings here, but a few of them are important to the argument I am making. Nearly every one of the seniors I talked with had looked forward to senior year, but many of them were disappointed both with the offerings and with their own performances. Some parts of their “senior years” were fun, of course—the notoriety, the privileges—but they were surprised by the amount of stress about their immediate futures, by the effect that competition had on their friendships with both teenagers and adults, and by the new and unwelcome considerations about money. They found themselves unable to handle the number of deadlines and their own procrastination. “The year goes by so fast,” one told me, “but the days so slowly.” The most important task in the American high school senior year comes when the students prepare their applications for higher education. Past, present and future come together for them then, often for the first time. The past in that their grades and standardized tests will need to be recorded, as well as comments from teachers who will describe what kinds of students and people they have been. The present in that an essay describing themselves and what they care about will reveal how well they write and what their interests are. And the future because they are applying to only a few colleges, ones where they think they can get in and where they want to go. Though most students complain that filling out these applications is a tedious job, they find that the task is intimidating and forces a good deal of thought. Americans are usually fond of thinking about the future, yet in this case dread is interwoven with the teenagers’ natural optimism. Given the large number of private and public colleges in the United States, especially in the northeast, considerable research needs to be done to find the college which might be a good match for the senior. There are places in college for nearly everyone who can pay the fees, and a number of places even for those who cannot. Talk of “going to college” is in the air, at least during the beginning of the year, even at the most bedraggled school I visited, so much that the seniors I spoke with apologized when they weren’t applying, or claimed only to be taking “a year off.” Still, going to “any” college is not enough. Over the last few decades as transportation gets easier and scholarships are provided, more students are considering more options. The age is group is larger, a greater proportion of the age group is applying to college, and there are more international students. The number of young people applying to college is growing at a rate far greater than the places in a small number of “desirable” colleges. Very few new colleges have been started in the last decade. The result is that almost every college is accepting a smaller percentage of its applicants than it was a decade ago. Less selective colleges have become more selective—and, for a variety of reasons, also academically stronger. Why do so many students believe that they should compete for selective colleges when they have not fared particularly well in the academic competition which has

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already been offered them in high school? They want to go to the places they have heard of. For prestige purposes, among both their families and their friends, it hurts that the reputations of a number of improved and newly selective colleges have not kept up their public images with their impressive qualities—at least not yet. The seniors have heard the colleges boast that they could fill their ranks with twice, thrice or ten times as many qualified applicants as they are able to admit, and it makes them wonder exactly what the word “qualified” actually means. Besides that, many seniors believe that the fact that they have not done well so far is because the high school itself is not conducive to exciting learning. (As we have seen above, in some ways they are right.) Things will improve, the seniors tell themselves—and their parents tell them—once they get to college. The rat race which high school has become will be over. In fact, they believe, or try to believe, that their best days are just before them. College will be fun. They have heard great stories about life there. They will perform well when they can choose what to study, when they can go into greater depth, when they have fewer classes and more time to think, when the teachers are brilliant and when they can see a career down the road to which they will apply their learning. After all, they assure themselves, they are right on the edge of adulthood. Surely they will grow up more once they are in college, especially once they have “left home.” It’s just a matter of getting there. As the seniors sits at their desks and apply to get into college, however, the rat race is in full display. They think about all the others, unknown to them, against whom they must compete, and they think about the members of the admissions committees, also unknown to them, who will need to endorse their candidacy. There is self-examination, with the requisite amount of realism and maturing, in this activity. So far, not so bad. But there are also a number of problems. In our country we have a mythical town called Lake Woebegon in which “the women are strong, the men are good-looking, and all the children are above average.” As the seniors describe themselves in their applications, they feel that they need to be way, way above average. In fact, they need to be more remarkable than most seniors consider themselves to be. Thus, most seniors approach the job of preparing their applications with a combination of wild hope and stark terror. This range of emotions comes at least partly from our system of emphasizing diversity or “choosing a class,” as described above. A senior who is a middling student with indifferent test scores might study harder or take a test prep course, and both those would help his chances if he starts early enough. But at the moment when he is facing these applications, what he can only hope—he can never ensure—is that this year, at this college, the admissions officers will see something in his profile (athletic ability? family connection? race or gender or income?) which they think they need. So he gets to work to find the college which has an interest in something he can offer, and then describes himself with those interests in mind. Even though he likes art as much as football, it is football which he chooses to emphasize. Or he declares his intention to become a doctor serving the poor. Or he applies to the school of business, with the plan to transfer to the more selective School of General Studies once he gets to college.

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Thus it is that the process of opening admission up to a variety of factors can lead to messiness, confusion and even dishonesty. If taking hard courses is important, then one must sign up for such courses, at least until the season of application writing is over. If writing an essay is important, a candidate will work very hard on it, but she may get others to help her with it too, with the result that what she has written is no longer a true picture of how well she writes, or even what her real values are. If having an impressive curriculum vita is important, it is frequently swollen way out of proportion to what she has actually done. If racial balance is important, her grandfather, whom she has never met but who was once the mayor of San Juan, is suddenly her most significant relative. Even if one’s two-day stint doing “community service” was entirely unpleasant, she can write a heart-warming essay all the same. Each one of these slight advantages may not be an outright lie. But if there are enough of them, the senior who thinks she’s not really good enough, who has felt obliged to take on all this extra baggage, will be feeling pretty shabby. I think of it as putting a lift in one’s shoes. One or two can make you feel a little taller, a little more outstanding. More than that, and you can hardly walk. Still, as many seniors told me, “you have to play the game,” whatever its rules are. The combination of regret, uncertainty and the uneasy feeling that one is taking part in a tainted process of selection is what, I came to believe, is really behind “senioritis.” Furthermore, transition is harder work than we remember it, or like to acknowledge. More than half of the seniors are going from one school to another, but the new school (meaning college) requires moving, often leaving home, spending vast amounts of money (“Suddenly I’m such an expensive person,” one senior told me.) and preparing to surround oneself not just with new people, but new kinds of people. More serious? Less serious? The answer is unknown—and potentially frightening. In spite of how “cool” the teenagers are trying to be about it, it permeates their lives and the lives of their families for at least months and possibly years. There are also the usual suspects behind “senioritis,” of course—the laziness and entitlement—once one’s application is completed and sent out. The accountability which one might have felt in building a record is put “in suspension” for a while. This is the feeling of adults who are on vacation, or sometimes by people who have retired. In this case, however, the metaphor is altered; it’s as if the seniors were taking several months of vacation while others decided whether or not to promote them to the big job! Or, to use another metaphor, the seniors, in preparing their applications, are describing the obituary of a childhood rather than a person who is still in the exciting but vulnerable process of growing up. One’s accomplishments are put front and center. The new areas of interest—the directions in which one might grow, but which are still untested—are not acknowledged. In spite of the faults in such a flexible application system, it still suits Americans better than an admissions process which is highly dependent on a series of tests at the end of the senior year. It inspires more people to try to further their own educations, and that benefits both them and the rest of us. The general design of our approach reflects our diversity as a people, the individualistic emphasis in our values, and the sense that one needs to keep growing, professionally and personally, all through life.

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Having time between the application process and the final decision gives admissions officers the chance really to understand the different merits of each candidate and to compare them to others in creating a class. It also gives the students time to get used to the transition they are facing. Our system is expensive, in both time and money; it needs to be made fairer and less susceptible to manipulation, but I would not propose that we give it up entirely. I do not want to end it, even though I would surely like to mend it in a number of respects, many of which are described in my book, and some of which will follow in this chapter. While I was wrestling with how to tell the seniors’ stories, understand their issues, and propose solutions, I was serving as a transition counselor in a small high school and finding a publisher for my book. I also had the chance to approach school reform from another direction, that of the Federal government. The National Commission on the High School Senior Year, which met in 2000 and 2001, concerned itself chiefly with the lack of alignment between the demands of high school and the demands of the marketplace or of post-secondary education. As a member of the Commission, I learned much about the problems of many of the places, workplaces and colleges, which have inherited American high school graduates and have found them unable to function in their new environment. The drop-out rate for the 13th year (the first year in college) is the worst for any “academic year” in our country and is accompanied not only by the sense of lost time and lost money, but of failure, both personal and societal. Would understanding and diminishing “senioritis” improve that situation? I hoped so. The Commission was set up by Richard Riley, the Secretary of the United States Department of Education under President Clinton, with the strong support of a number of private foundations. It consisted of about thirty people from all across the country and the political spectrum. Most were well known, and had responsible positions in school systems, colleges, school-to-work programs. The Governor of Kentucky (which had just passed a number of reforms germane to the school to college transition), the Secretary of the Army (which inherits many recent high school graduates), the president of the University of Georgia (which had a noted K-16 initiative), and Roderick Paige, the Superintendent of the Houston Public Schools (which had a noted testing program) were among its famous members. There were others representing constituencies, such as a member of an organized parents’ groups, a Hispanic parent of a special-needs child and one high school senior. A few of us—who quickly found each other—were actually working with high school seniors and had found them a real challenge. Principals, guidance counselors and teachers, we were eager to compare notes about what might actually bring back a sense of purpose and honesty into the senior year. We were, I suppose, more interested in ending our time in the seniors’ lives gracefully and honorably than we were feeling responsible for what might come next. But, at first, that wasn’t the focus of the Commission’s work. The concerns of the 13th grade far outweighed those of the 12th. None of our readings or speakers included the perspective of a teacher. Issues of the workplace and of federal college scholarships which were not being used wisely had more resonance for the

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Washington crowd. We teachers feared that the Commission’s recommendations would not concern, let alone improve, the engagement which we missed in our students. Indeed, any recommendations from labor leaders and community colleges might involve so much cramming for tests that it would only make our work both harder and educationally less relevant even than they already were. Still, we cared so much about the topic that we went to every meeting, did the voluminous reading, took notes and spoke with each other at every opportunity. The Commission was going to meet three times, for an informal dinner in the evening and meetings the next day. With the help of a writer who was already hired, we would issue two reports, one on “what was wrong” and the other on “what we as a nation should do about it.” Between these reports, we would go to one or more regional meetings to determine how well our findings were being received. These meetings and reports were to start in September 2000 and would last for about a year. I’m not sure how representative we were of the way other Commissions operate, in our nation or any other. They have inherent strictures, I suppose: They need to represent geographic diversity, which means they need to gather people from all over the country and put them up in hotels. They need to know different things and look at the topic from different perspectives. (For example, the woman who sat next to me in the first meeting represented a group called “Parents for Behaviorally Different Children.”) Spending a lot of money just to get them all in the same room means that the organizers need to make sure they are the very people who need to think about this topic and then organize their time carefully. The Executive Director who was on loan for a year from the Department of Education and her assistants from the foundations, were faced with the problem of making us a “group” as quickly as possible. Instead of taking the chance that a conversation among strangers would initially be worthwhile, they decided to inform us more about what was their focus. In the first two meetings in the fall of 2000, and in the readings which preceded them, we learned much about the lack of alignment between high school and what came next. We learned that the American workplace was moving quickly to a place where the high school diploma was not enough to join the middle class. Our speakers were lively and varied; besides absorbing alarming statistics, we also learned of school-to-work or school-to-school programs which had helped youngsters to succeed. However, we had little time to digest all the information in the readings and the lectures or to consider what to do with it. Therefore, almost inevitably, the “questions” which followed the talks were little unconnected speeches, and, to my mind, somewhat boastful in nature. Teachers know that a good class is one which follows up on and actually uses the homework done in preparation for it. But since most of the Commission members were not teachers, they didn’t have that expectation. The readings were not mentioned, and the process grew intimidating for most of us. (I, for example, who had been working on these issues for years, was too shy to say much in the first meeting, although I talked at length with the Executive Director between the sessions and ended up suggesting readings and representing her at a conference later in the year.) When in the afternoon of the second meeting in late October, we finally met in small-group

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discussions to find out what we thought and give ideas to the writer, we were still issuing speechlets rather than working together smoothly—or helping him much. Nevertheless, we issued his report, called “The Lost Opportunity of Senior Year: Finding a Better Way” in January of 2001. In keeping with the Commission’s broad representation and purpose, it opened with a strong call for national action. Its first paragraph laid out its premise: Knowledge and skills, schools and education are becoming to economic growth in the 21st century what steam, oil, mineral deposits, and manufacturing processes were to progress in previous times. Schools are not keeping up. If we go along as we have been, about half of our people, perhaps two-thirds, will flourish. Well-educated, comfortable with ambiguity, and possessed of the confidence that accompanies self-knowledge, they will be well suited to participate in an increasingly global and multicultural world and exercise the responsibilities of citizenship. Reaping the benefits of economic growth grounded in a high-tech, service-based economy, they will enjoy the rewards of the Information Age. The other one-third to one-half of our people are more likely to flounder. Poorly educated, worried about their place in a rapidly changing world. They may look upon the complexities of an interdependent world as threatening and the demands of citizenship a burden. Lacking knowledge and skills, they will struggle to get by in dead-end, high-turnover jobs. The key difference between the two groups will be the level and quality of education available to them. This language, powerful though it is, doesn’t speak directly to those of us in schools which serve the “other” two-thirds, whose students have picked up adequate skills and taken algebra but who have grown confused, lazy and dispirited during their senior year. The Report’s criticism is of the whole system of education, right down to the elementary schools, rather than preserving a focus on the special problems of the latter years of high school. The title “A Lost Opportunity” implies that not only the time but also the resources were available, but that the students themselves have not used them well. Yet the language of the first paragraph implies that what has been provided is not only inadequate but inappropriate. So whose problem is that? Stingy tax-payers? Muddled policy-makers? Unrealistic colleges? Or is there something which we in high schools can do? One might also take exception to the implication in the last sentence of the paragraph that the only differences between “haves” and “have-nots” would be the schools that served them. If you are used to looking at kids one at a time, as teachers are, you see that no matter how important schools are, they do not replace families, health, safety and genuine economic opportunity as spurs for the talent, motivation and hard work which are the real keys to success. Commissions and teachers look at children differently, though each viewpoint is a necessary one. Teachers do the real work, but they can become mired in those “details” called individual children. This Commission was necessarily broader in its mandate; it needed to be noticed in order to be influential,

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so it painted a picture as starkly as it saw it. In its second report it would need to present some finite remedies, centered around schools. But, so far, not much had been said about senior year, and this upset me. Still, there was more to be upset about in the United States during that period. Between the second and third meetings of our Commission, we had a disputed election whose daily crises and maneuverings used up much time and energy. And in the end we had new national leadership, which was intent on pursuing its own initiatives (despite the fact that Rod Paige, now resigned from our Commission, had become the new Secretary of Education). As individuals, we attended a number of regional meetings during the winter to present our first report and to learn whether our description of the problem resonated with other areas of the country. In spite of all the uncertainty in the political air, which extended well beyond Washington, the overall critique—that seniors weren’t getting as much out of senior year as we wanted them to—was shared, and the response was good. Our first report was carried in a number of newspapers and magazines. Clearly we had gained some of the attention we needed. The nation agreed that we had a problem, not only with the 13th grade, but with the 12th. In our travels, we learned what some areas were already doing about preparing students for the work they would do, right away or after college, in a global economy. And we promised that the members of the National Commission would be more than critics; we would issue a new report describing our ideas for fixing the problem after we met again in the spring. The spring meeting was unexpectedly different. It was delayed by the number of regional meetings, which were themselves delayed by the election. We met away from Washington, in a place sufficiently hard to get to that a number of our members didn’t come. (Most of the high school people did, however, and we definitely spoke up more than we had earlier.) Our representative assembly turned into a working party; we were a diminished—but more focused—crew. We had before us a draft of our second report; we knew what we liked and didn’t like about it, and the writer, though a little surprised at our energy and determination, was flexible about receiving our suggestions and preparing to do a lot more work. Once our attention shifted from describing the severity of the problem to finding ways to help, the accusatory and one-size-fits-all tone began to lift. We focused less on everything that was wrong with American education, and more on senior year. And the issue wasn’t just about wasting resources or getting a certain kind of work force. I was finally able to visualize the students I had taught and interviewed again. What we were proposing was not just more cramming for tests that would mean little to them. Instead, the changes we proposed, which would happen mostly inside high schools, would help seniors become engaged in their work, and thus, more than any other factor, help them to learn useful material and gain useful skills. I believed this, and, to my delight, others did as well. While we discussed structural changes that were needed, I remembered a principal from Tennessee who had told me a few months earlier about what he and his faculty thought when they saw dozens of their graduates, who had blithely gone off to

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post-secondary education and jobs a few months before, gathering in the school’s parking lot, home again with nothing to do. “We flunked their senior year,” he insisted, because he and his faculty thought they had prepared their students to handle what was ahead of them, when clearly they had not. And if the inability to adjust was this painful for those gathered in the parking lot, it was probably hindering others too. His faculty then set to work to redesign their senior year to counter the 13th year drop-out/ maladjustment problem. They set the senior class apart, discussed transition issues, created new courses open only to seniors. The teachers had to build up the seniors’ skills, yes, but they also had to help their students to determine their longerrange purposes, and to increase their emotional stamina in the face of set-backs. If they helped their seniors in these respects, their new initiatives would fortify every single senior in the class. This was the kind of design work for which we in the Commission had to advocate. Still, we had to be mindful of Washington—what’s more, the “new” Washington. After much discussion, and in a blatant effort to gain the approval of President George W. Bush’s Department of Education and of the press, we called our second report: “Raising our Sights: No High School Senior Left Behind,” after the President’s favorite piece of educational legislation. In order to be memorable and attractive to the press, we pared our recommendations down to three, and all began with the letter A—Alignment, Achievement, and Alternatives. It was in the Alternatives section that the Commission made its most radical proposals. Senior year could not just be more of the same, we said. Each senior has to move, as quickly as possible but not necessarily at a uniform pace, toward her transition out of high school and toward somewhere else, a place which will require more maturity. Toward that end, the Commission urged the high schools to provide what they called a “capstone project,” carefully developed and monitored, which would include research and which might include an internship or some other form of service learning. If some of a senior’s work took place in another institution, there should be time made available for a high school teacher to help her to integrate her work into a frequently-discussed “personal educational plan.” There should also be more variety in the use of time, similar to that of a college schedule, to help a senior learn wisdom in that all-important aspect of responsible adulthood. By the end of the year, a senior’s portfolio, including this capstone project, should be open to others to see, critique and admire, in what the Commission called a “showcase.” So these were the Commission’s ideas, and they were written up well, so we were hopeful. Perhaps a national voice in these matters, possibly even federal funding, would help us in our local schools. But our report was delayed by all the new work that we asked the writer to do, and thus was released in the days just after September 11, 2001. We had the public relations apparatus all ready, but the report was hardly noticed. The Commission had no more money, and its staff had gone back to work in other places. We were, of course, disappointed, and. as far as the federal government is concerned, our ideas appear to be off the new administration’s agenda. Even the press, which was all over our first

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report when we were blasting the status quo, seemed to be less interested in the constructive suggestions in our second report. Criticism is easy. Constructive suggestions need to be “costed out.” Since we were never really “inside” the federal government, we didn’t make our pitch to it directly, or expect it to solve our problems. No law or even uniform policy would be appropriate, since education in the United States is a state and local responsibility. We had to aim our proposals back to the parts of the society with more of the responsibility for the welfare of the high school seniors and graduates. So in the end, we hadn’t ridden on the back of a movement or even started one. We had merely stirred the pot. What did I learn about the effectiveness of conducting school reform through a National Commission? I learned that to be representative and diverse, one had to sacrifice money, time and efficiency. That if we were at some point supposed to be “on the same page” so that we could speak forcefully, someone who organized our readings and speakers and who picked our writer, would inevitably have much influence over what that “page” looked like. I learned that when one’s chief outcome is a report, its timing and the environment into which it is issued can be crucial. A report is potentially influential but also potentially fragile. Most noteworthy reports have been backed strongly by determined and powerful people. I also learned, however, that a number of people all over our nation are dissatisfied with the status quo, and eager to change the tone and the sense of purpose for students between ages sixteen and nineteen. I learned that the words “National” and “Commission” can be eye-catchers, and that however one construes the problems of the senior year, they include lost opportunities and the malaise which inevitably accompany them. I learned about the special problems for disadvantaged children who need to use their time well if they are to become the kinds of adults they would like to be. And I learned that teachers all over the country, even if they got no direct help from such a Commission, were glad that the topic was considered an important one. We are in a modern age; our report is not just “gathering dust on a shelf,” like those of so many previous Commissions. The Commission’s reports are available because its web site still stands, even if the federal government no longer stands behind them. In fact, I heard from a high school senior who had consulted the web site just last week—three and a half years since we issued the second report—and she said that our ideas had helped her a lot. The real momentum for this reform effort, however, went back to the high schools where it had started. Inside the high schools, colleges and workplaces, one by one, practices are changing. Where the shoe is pinching most painfully, new designs are sought. The most egregious situations—such as students’ and even teachers’ being unaware of the skills which are required for entry-level work in local colleges and workplaces—are being addressed. School people are ever more aware of the alignment problem, especially the number of different tests in different places for which students have not prepared. Some federal- and state-supported school-to-work initiatives are put to the purpose of smoothing out these roadblocks; other information and tutoring are provided locally.

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It’s hard to know whether the reliance on high-states external standardized testing as the only or dominant form of accountability (an obsession of the Bush administration, several state legislatures and newspapers) is helping or harming the seniors’ cause. On the one hand, the seriousness surrounding the learning of each separate senior would naturally help in an environment where too many had been mindlessly moved along without any real pressure or even confidence that they could learn the skills, information and attitudes that they would need as adults. If schools are judged not only by how many opportunities they provide for their students but also by how well their students are able actually to avail themselves of those opportunities, the “sights” for each student will, in fact, be raised. On the other hand, study after study has shown that some students simply don’t “test” well (at least in currently offered standardized tests), even those who are successful in nearly all the other criteria provided by their teachers and employers. Nervousness, the need to hurry, the lack of familiarity with the official language, the range of questions from easy to very difficult, the number of people jammed into the testing rooms and the overwhelming competition seriously affect about twenty percent of the people who are taking the test. “I felt as if my IQ was dropping,” one told me, “even as I walked into the room.” Many (although not all) of these chronic “low testers” are children from impoverished, non-English speaking and otherwise distracted families. In a democracy, where one of the purposes of government ought to be the improvement of equality between its citizens, it seems counter-productive to let so many of a society’s chances depend on a sorting mechanism which is unsuited to a large number of its children. High-stakes externally-set tests may not dominate our college-admission process as much as they do in other countries, but they still influence our students in a way which seems disproportionate and unfair to many researchers and professionals. State tests influence many students to drop out of high school, sometimes even abetted by counselors who are unwilling to absorb their potentially low scores into the school’s academic record. Most of those who have made it to senior year have survived most of the state tests, although some may not still remember the material which was on them, because they were drilled toward test-taking rather than engaged in work which they respected. Especially in the last few years, testing has absorbed the attention of most politicians who are interested in high school. They are spending taxpayers’ money on expensive schooling and feel that they need to insist on what they call “accountability.” There are many ways to measure accountability, but the easiest and cheapest is with tests. Tests also serve to distinguish between the many children who covet the few places in the “best” colleges. So we are stuck with them to a certain extent. Building a movement to improve the real academic and personal growth during senior year will be a cultural job rather than a political one, local rather than a national. It will be done school by school. A few brave and far-sighted schools have begun. They assert that politicians, employers, college admissions officers and parents are important people in the seniors’ lives, but so are teachers. Like the school in Tennessee, the faculty starts with the

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acknowledgement that there is a problem which, however bothersome and serious, needs to be tackled by a variety of people. Blaming politicians for creating highstakes and inadequate tests over a broad area of knowledge, employers for not consulting transcripts or colleges for forcing students to “play the game” is not enough to fix the problems. The school can assert its own vision; it can design its own graduation requirements. It can decide what qualities it wants to see in its graduates, and then devise the best ways to create or improve those qualities during the senior year. This is what I meant when I used the term “Redesigning Senior Year” as a subtitle for my book. (I wanted use “Reinventing Senior Year,” because that’s what I meant, but the publisher thought that sounded too radical to market well. She was probably right, but the verb sticks around in my brain, the better to haunt me.) The schools and their allies (like me) are engaged in a process which we call “Planning Backwards.” First, we describe a desired outcome, such as a strong, lively, responsible high school graduate, and then we set to work to create such an “outcome” even though he or she is also a unique human being. Each quality in a hypothetical admired high school graduate, if really taken seriously, would necessitate a program specifically designed to help the senior to grow in that respect. Some examples are instructive. If the faculty values characteristics such as honesty and realism in its graduates, the better to move gracefully to a new place, it can reinforce them in several respects. It can promote advisories all through high school in which a student’s own goals and learning and working styles are discussed so thoroughly that senior year doesn’t hit her as such a cold bath. Broad-ranging, unhurried conversations with an adult who knows the teenager well will be the senior’s best guard against stereotyping, giving up one’s goals or, on the other end of the spectrum, entertaining grandiose expectations. Of course, teenagers can and do change, but they can confirm these changes most solidly when they have a chance to talk them over with people who know them well and whose counsel they trust. In senior year, a senior seminar can extend and replace the advisory. Its curriculum may to a certain extent be general, centering around transition issues which all the seniors share. Yet it is also individualized, because some seniors have a lot of work still to do in planning for their futures, and others have done most of theirs already. In my research into what American seniors thought about their senior years, I found that they were nearly all frustrated, with themselves and with others, at the amount of work (research, writing, thinking) which needed to be done to negotiate their passage to a new place. Most were not doing that work as thoroughly or wisely as they might have; they realized it and feared for their futures as a result. It is reasonable to help them to do such jobs well; moving at least some of it from the kitchen table into school would offer more time and help with that process and give the seniors more serenity about it. That, in turn, would help them to stay honest, since being rushed and uninformed is so often the reason why corners are cut in the first place. Another quality which adults prize in their growing teenagers is the ability to become really absorbed in a piece of work. In most schools, however, seniors rush from class to class in the same schedule which they have had all through high school; if anything, their lives are more fragmented than ever. A senior project, designed by

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the senior himself although guided by the senior seminar leader, would give him the chance to experience sustained engagement in interesting work. Such a project encourages the senior to identify real intellectual and career interests, of use to himself but also to others, and to decide how to devise a question which is worth answering in the amount of time available. The results of such a project might be a paper, an artifact or a performance, but at every step, the senior would be able to explain his thinking and document his progress. Because the work he is doing is so tied to what he cares about, he is likely to find himself going beyond what he earlier expected to be able to do, and this will be both selfless and beneficial, as real work so often is. In fact, one of the most important benefits of a successful senior project is how much it resembles the way good adult work is done. The topic may well change over time, but the working style may well be of continuing influence to the senior. The most successful senior projects which I have seen over the years have followed a carefully devised schedule. In the fall, topics which have been worked up by the senior and his advisor are presented to a wider community of other teachers and parents. The purpose of such events is to give the senior practice at describing what he wants to know and how he intends to learn it. He then is in a position to gain advice and contacts from the wider school community. The senior’s own ideas and willingness to participate are seen as real work, to be taken seriously by a wider world. The student then finds an Outside Mentor to supplement the counsel of his advisor. Research and internships of varying duration dominate the winter. In the spring, the senior works to prepare his Exhibition, which is presented quite late in the year. This gives the seniors time to make the project a substantial one, and it sustains their interest during the nerve-wracked time when they are hearing from colleges and employers and deciding their plans for the next year. Seniors who have disappointments to face (and nearly all have at least some disappointment, confusion or fear) often find that the senior project is the only work in which they still feel invested enough to do. Success in the project has also helped the senior to keep perspective and confidence in his ability to do a variety of kinds of work. The presentation and assessment of the projects takes two forms. One is an Open Night when members of the wider community—parents, younger students, mentors, interested parties—gather to talk with the seniors whose projects interest them the most, ask questions and offer both oral and written feedback on the work. The other event is the senior’s own Exhibition, in which for about an hour, he or she presents major findings in various forms and answers questions about them. There are usually between 15 and 20 people at such an affair: the student’s friends, his family and their friends, various teachers, mentors and drop-ins. There is also a panel of various judges, some new to the project, others not, and a procedure for deciding whether or not it is of high enough quality to count as part of the senior’s graduation portfolio. If it is deemed not yet ready, the panel explains to the senior what else needs to be done to meet its members’ standard. Such decisions are rare, because the advisor has been so close to the project that there are very few surprises. Still, if it happens, it is an unwelcome scramble for such a senior, of course, but with a month’s hard work, he can usually do it.

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A third goal which adults often hold for their high school graduates is that they feel themselves part of the wider community. Of course, the senior project is often designed with that goal in mind; although the senior stays close to his own interests, he is often asked to create something which will be of value to others as well as to himself. To do that, he needs to learn about the needs of others, and when it is connected to Service Learning, these “others” are often quite different, in age, race or socio-economic status which requires substantial intellectual and emotional growth on the senior’s part. To work in a computer lab in a nursing home, for example, one must understand the needs which grandmothers may have for communication but no need at all for power point. To write a cookbook featuring the food which is offered to those on welfare, one must learn about the dishes which they would prefer to eat and the conditions under which they cook. To add a senior as advisor to freshman advisories requires knowledge both of what the advisor can provide and what the freshmen think they need. It was a great surprise to one young woman I mentored in this project that the freshmen said they needed very different things than she remembered needing at her age. But she adjusted. The whole process in such projects implies an interest and concern for others, and the respect which will require going at least half way in providing appropriate help. The delicacy needed to do such a job well is hard to come by, but is increasingly recognized by seniors as a crucial skill as they perch on the edge of the adult world. Tools for this community involvement are important too. Web sites, manuals, photos, performances all may require the development of not just new knowledge but imagination and new communication skills. Finally, school faculties tend to worry about whether their graduates understand that the need for new learning will never stop. The graduation portfolio is not just a testament to the best work they have done so far, but, if designed correctly, it demonstrates the skills which seniors still have and it requires that they use them. Seniors are developing favorites among the subjects to which they have been exposed, of course, and they look forward to the new things they may learn in those areas. But they are also much more aware because of the broad-ranging work during their senior year of the skills which they need to keep practicing: the Spanish which may become crucial if she achieves her goal of becoming a doctor; or the algebra which must not be forgotten if he has any job which requires him to think about patterns. This is the hard but welcome “re-inventing” which serious and self-respecting faculties of high schools need to do, re-do, describe, defend, re-do again, and finally celebrate. The product will be a process, but an endlessly enlivening and interesting one. The teachers as well as the students will be less dispirited and more engaged in their work, at least if they are patient and persistent. Still, as reforms go, improvements happen relatively quickly. Even appreciation—by the harder-working seniors, their parents, their eventual teachers—follows not far behind. My journey into the reform of the senior year in the United States has taken me from my own classroom to my interest in how other nations handle this important time of life. It has taken me through blaming myself and blaming the seniors into an understanding that the overall structure and culture contributes to the situation. It has

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allowed me to interview a variety of fascinating American seniors and into work with others on their own transition issues. It has taken me to Washington D.C. and to interviews with Newsweek and The New York Times. It has helped me to finish my book and to do workshops and other talks about senior year at various gatherings. Above all, it has finally brought me back again, to the conviction that such reforms can best be done by the most imaginative and courageous people on the scene. There will not be a flashing moment of national resolve, because one size does not fit all, especially in a nation of immigrants (some who knew what they were getting into, and some who did not). Moreover, the real work of reform needs to be done close to the seniors themselves. Each high school faculty needs to paint its own picture of what it wants its graduates to look like. It needs to create a curriculum which will fortify each of its expectations. It needs to see whether its own dreams correspond to the requirements of those who will usher its graduates into the next phases of their lives. And it finally has to analyze its own problems and convince its own seniors that what looks like more work will in fact be more interesting, relevant and helpful than just waiting to graduate. These schools need to be separate and self-confident as they work on their vision and their plans. The school people with whom I have talked have a variety of motivations. Some schools, for example, are worried about how little community in the form of clubs and even teams which their students seem to want. Others are wary of the intense rivalry among their students which seems to have worsened recently. Still others feel that their students have become too isolated from the city which surrounds them. Manipulation, corner-cutting, relations with parents—and others—add to the concerns of some, but not of others. Still, those who are honest, like the principal from Tennessee, share much. They are all up against the cultural phenomena of intense competition for college admission, and the games which the seniors feel they must play to get there. They all worry that their seniors will not succeed in the future because they have not used their last year in high school to grow stronger and more resilient. And nearly every one of them shares the unpleasant outbreak of “senioritis” which may result from different causes yet exhibits similar symptoms. When high school people share their perceptions of the problems, they also share their best ideas for improvement with each other. In workshops, they compare notes, try to decide whether their local approach is too home-grown for replication or whether it might have within it a seed which could be planted elsewhere. They listen to others with a same seed-sharing enterprise in mind. A few people from a variety of high schools have let me know of their reform efforts and I am building a collection of their different approaches. Spreading the word among these different high schools seems to be a worthwhile new effort—almost like creating a movement. My evidence at this point is sketchy, but it seems to me that a few good things are happening. In some schools, senior seminars are occurring. Senior projects are fairly popular; they take time and effort on both teachers’ and students’ parts, but they usually lead to greater engagement and thus impressive outcomes. A growing number of colleges appear to value such activities and the qualities of mind that emerge from

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them. Internships—at least if credible records come from them—are also valued more than they once were. Taking courses in other educational institutions is also more widespread and coordinated. High schools are not just abandoning their most advanced students to the local colleges, but they are keeping track of the kind of experience they are having. Graduation from high school used to be a real triumph, and it still is for some. But for more than the majority in the United States in 2005, it is a way out of a way-station. Making senior year nothing but a journey elsewhere has taken away its celebration as a first step into adulthood and added to its frustration and futility. Some politicians in Colorado have even introduced a law getting rid of the 12th grade year altogether, and spending the money on the presumably more worthy pre-kindergartners! Many have, indeed, suggested that Senior Year is not worth saving; that it will have to provide a remedial program for many of the seniors. Others will have very little to do and thus very little purpose as they take electives and thus dumbed-down versions of the same old kinds of courses. Why not just leave school and start college? Or travel? Or work? My objection to this idea of abandoning senior year is that I feel that the end of childhood is, in fact, a time when there is much to ponder, and that familiar, respected people who are working with seniors in a new way—far more as coaches than as teachers—will be the best people to help them make such thoughts, plans and conversations into a productive experience. Sure, some eighteen year olds can find the meaning of life on a trip up Mt. Kilimanjaro, but for most, it would be too expensive and exotic to be relevant to their own skills and habits. It would do little to reinforce the qualities of honesty, engagement, community-mindedness and life-long learning which we admire in our most impressive graduates. Travel is important for many, but it is not the job of the public school to provide it as the culmination of secondary work. If redesigned, however, the senior year can be an appropriate capstone, used to bridge the gap between what is acceptable work for high school and what is acceptable work after high school. In a more flexible form, with each student undertaking a separate challenge and putting as much time into it as his graduation portfolio allows, the year could serve as a demanding chance to consider and undertake new options. The emphasis will be on serious interests and gainful employment, either right away or after college. The new emphasis will be not only on access to college and employment, but on success during both. This will require attention all through high school, but also, for all students but especially those whose reach exceeds their grasp, a special and individualized program during senior year. The time available to seniors in the United States should not be spent in frantic cramming, pretending to be someone else, or waiting around. Instead, it can be used to make an emotional and intellectual connection with the rest of one’s life.

JOANNA LE METAIS

EDUCATION REFORM IN EUROPE

(The text of this Chapter was submitted in February 2005)

1.

CHANGING PRIORITIES

The end of the 20th Century has seen education rise to the top of the political agenda in developed and developing countries alike; education is a preferred route to solving economic and social problems. However, whilst there are many similarities in the perceived needs and even in the terminology used to identify the solutions, the purpose and approaches adopted differ according to national context and heritage. It is interesting to note the increase in the rate and scale of reforms, which have been, or are being, introduced to enable nations and individuals to meet the challenges of the 21st century. For example, in England, France, Italy, the Netherlands and Spain there has been a trend towards the devolution of responsibility to school level and, in some cases, the introduction of a consumerist approach to education by means of parental choice between schools. This has been accompanied by regulation through curriculum and assessment frameworks and prescribed classroom practice, for example, to speed up the achievement of qualifications targets or organisational restructuring. In some cases, governments have set targets for student participation and achievement. Whilst such regulation might serve the functions of securing minimum entitlement and safeguarding national cohesion, it does not necessarily lead to higher standards of performance1 and might also be seen as undermining institutional autonomy.2 This chapter explores the aims and school-based provision of secondary education in Austria, Belgium, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Portugal, Spain, Sweden and the United Kingdom. It should be noted that for two of these countries (namely Belgium and the United Kingdom), separate legislation and provisions apply in the constituent communities (Dutch, French and German-speaking) or nations (England, Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales) respectively. For convenience, this chapter describes those relating to Flemish-Speaking Belgium (Belgium FS) and England. Further information on the other constituent communities and nations, and for the twelve countries which joined the EU on 1 May 2004 (Cyprus, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, Slovakia and Slovenia) may be found on EURYBASE at www.eurydice.org. This is followed by a brief consideration of the cross-national aims that have been identified by European Union as a whole, and strategies used to achieve them. 169 C. Hughes (ed.), Secondary Education at the Crossroads, 169–222. © 2006 Springer.

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CONTEXT AND PROVISION

This section3 summarises current policies for the provision of secondary education, under eight headings: ● definition of secondary education ● overall aims ● purposes and priorities ● participation and engagement ● structure and organisation ● curriculum ● new approaches to teaching and learning ● assessment and certification. 2.1.

Definition of Secondary Education

Secondary education caters for students aged from 10/12 to 18/19, and covers levels 2 and 3 of the International Standard Classification of Education (ISCED) scale4 (see Figure 7.1). Compulsory full-time education ends in the year in which students reach the age of 15 (indicated as age 14
in Figure 1: Austria, Belgium, Greece, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg and Portugal) or 16 (indicated as age 15
in Figure 1: Denmark, England, Finland, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Spain and Sweden). Part-time education is required beyond this age in Belgium, Germany and the Netherlands. Public sector secondary education is generally free, but in Italy and the Netherlands fees are charged to those above compulsory school age; however, parents whose income falls below a specified amount may apply for a reduction or remission of the fees. 2.2.

Aims

Educational aims reflect national aspirations and those expressed in government documentation may be grouped into five main areas, as follows: ● individual/personal: to promote the aesthetic, cultural, emotional, intellectual, moral, physical, social and spiritual development of the individual in preparation for adult and working life and—albeit less explicitly stated—leisure ● economic: to prepare young people for (self-)employment, in order to enhance national productivity, particularly in relation to European or international competitors ● social and cultural: to provide inclusive and fair opportunities for all, recognizing cultural, racial and linguistic diversities in society; to transmit national values and to help young people understand and actively practise the principles of democratic citizenship ● knowledge, skills, standards: to raise standards of knowledge, skills and understanding, in particular with reference to literacy, numeracy and information and communication technologies7 and to help young people develop creative and problem solving approaches and inter- and intra-personal skills ● extending learning: to foster the skills and dispositions for learning, thereby raising participation in post-compulsory education and preparing young people for lifelong learning.

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Denmark Basic education covers ISCED 1 and 2 - may extend to age 17

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Germany5 orientation

Greece

Ireland

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Netherlands VMBO HAVO Common core

VWO Portugal

Basic education covers ISCED 1 and 2 – may extend to age 16

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Sweden Basic education covers ISCED1 and 2

Compulsory education full-time

Lower secondary (ISCED 2)

Compulsory education at least part time

Upper secondary education (ISCED 3)

Figure 7.1.

Structure of education

In the four EU countries where secondary students are directed to different types of school according to ability (Austria, Germany, Luxemburg and the Netherlands), the aims for different school types include the preparation of students for specific destinations, ranging from university education (at the “academic” schools) to vocational training (the least academic schools).

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One characteristic of 21st century life is increasing mobility—support for which is a pillar of the European Union. This means that attention must be paid to comparability of secondary and higher education qualifications between the different countries. This, in turn, affects education at lower secondary and even primary school levels. 2.3.

Purposes and Priorities

Education and training systems are increasingly required to respond to perceived economic and social changes. Among the objectives for socio-economic development are: social inclusion and equity, skills development for the labour market, adapting to scientific and technological change, political and civic participation, and lifelong learning. Whilst each of these five priorities is important, they frequently interrelate. For example, links are drawn between lack of skills, unemployment and social and political disaffection and, in some cases, crime. The specific aims relating to the five priorities are considered below, with examples from selected countries. 2.3.1. Social inclusion and equity. There are high levels of political commitment to social inclusion, equality of opportunity and respect for diversity. Giving everyone the chance to realise his/her full potential through access to appropriately differentiated education, training and work is intended build an inclusive and fair society and a competitive economy. However, while many students may be motivated to achieve the benefits which educational qualifications are expected to bestow, there is concern about different levels of participation and achievement and, as a consequence, unequal life chances. There are high correlations between specific school types, socio-economic status and student outcomes. It could be argued that a “common schooling experience” makes an important contribution to social cohesion, even if, within a common system and a common curriculum there are multiple experiences. The promotion of “à la carte” courses and modes of delivery is likely to fragment the shared experience. Moreover, unless appropriate guidance and sufficient funding are made available to ensure that all students can take advantage of alternative options, including off-site and electronic learning, the education system may reinforce social disadvantage. 2.3.2. Skills development for the labour market. Labour market issues are at the centre of the political debate in many countries and one of the main challenges for education is to secure the future supply of labour. The concerns operate at three levels: individual, community and national economy. There is considerable concern at unacceptable levels of youth unemployment. In 2000, some 19 per cent of 15–24 year olds in the European Union who had left education and were available for work were unemployed, compared with 7 per cent of 25–64 year olds (EURYDICE/Eurostat 2002, p.10). Of those who were employed, 30.7 per cent of young people were in temporary employment, as compared with 9.7 per cent of the older age group (EURYDICE/Eurostat 2002, p.12). At community level, the “greying” of the workforce means that around a third of all those currently in employment will leave the labour market within the next decade

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or so. Large-scale retirements, together with a projected growth in public services (health, education, welfare and policing) will lead to serious shortages in these—as well as commercial—areas which depend on highly qualified professionals. OECD countries register an increase of 5 to 7 per cent in economic growth per additional year of education. Many individuals see education as a means of achieving more desirable and better-paid employment. It is therefore not surprising to find an overriding aim, in virtually all countries, to raise standards of education. Because the benefits for society and individuals are unlikely to be realised if there is a mismatch between education and employment needs, the “relevance” of education to employment is a common and frequently explicit objective, as the following examples indicate: To prepare youngsters for economic independence, education has to offer youngsters a perspective for the future of which a meaningful professional life is part. Broad professional training which also develops “key competencies” has to be advocated, so that there is a permanent supply of suitable, flexible, employees. (Belgium) Improved economic growth and competitiveness—and a better quality of life—will be supported by raising standards of educational achievement and skill, and by promoting an efficient and flexible labour market. Under reforms introduced in September 2004, students aged 14–16 will participate in work-related learning, and new forms of partnerships across school, further and higher education institutions will broaden the range and quality of study available to students. Pilot partnerships, known as 14–19 pathfinders, are currently exploring ways of developing such forms of cooperation. (England) Education will include orientation towards the future job market and preparing school students for competition within Europe. (Germany) Since 2000, priority in vocational studies in being given to greater relevance in course content and work placements, and scientific and technological development, intended to promote effective integration into the work-place. (Spain) In contrast to other countries, education in France focuses firmly on providing a general all-round education, with basic knowledge and culture onto which technical skills can be “bolted” quite quickly, and schools—except vocational schools—do not give the same degree of attention to work-related education and work experience. 2.3.3. Adapting to scientific and technological change. Science8 and mathematics in secondary level schools are declining in popularity, notably in England and Ireland, possibly because in these countries students can exercise considerable choice concerning the subjects they study. The introduction of information and communications technologies (ICT) currently constitutes the most significant investment in schools. At secondary education level, ICT forms part of the compulsory curriculum in all countries except for Italy (lower and upper secondary level). In addition to its use to support learning across the curriculum,

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eight countries teach ICT skills in dedicated ICT lessons at lower secondary level, increasing to 12 countries at upper secondary level (EURYDICE 2004, p. 22). If ICT qualifications become a requirement,9 or a university expectation (for example, to enable students to follow courses and provide coursework online), this trend is likely to increase. 2.3.4. Political and civic participation. There is a steady decrease in the number of people voting. Those who feel that their views are poorly, or not, represented may question the “democracy” of the legislature, the legitimacy of its actions and its power to bring about desired changes. As a result, they may not feel bound by the laws, which undermines social order and security. On the other hand, those who feel powerless to bring about change though the normal political channels may resort to different forms of protest or direct action, for example, in support of animal rights or in protest against economic globalisation. At another level, the cumulative effect of the promotion of individualism—which has underpinned capitalism—and a policy of drawing as many people as possible into paid work by a range of strategies including “family friendly” employment legislation, tax exemptions and subsidies, has undermined the culture of voluntary public service that has characterised the middle classes for much of the twentieth century. The cost and staffing shortages in the welfare services means that governments are calling for volunteers to complement public and commercial sector services in, for example welfare for children, families and the elderly. Attempts to promote students’ understanding of and commitment to responsible participation in civil and political society by means of the (re-)introduction of civics and citizenship education, either directly or across the curriculum, are evident in the following policy extracts: Education will] help stimulate social cohesion . . . tolerance, active respect for human rights and democratic citizenship. Social cohesion originates from civilians sharing a common platform of values. Education has to define values, without excluding the right of youngsters to be different. (Belgium NL) The Folkeskole shall familiarise students with Danish culture and contribute to their understanding of other cultures and of man’s interaction with nature. The school shall prepare the students for active participation, joint responsibility, rights and duties in a society based on freedom and democracy. The teaching of the school and its daily life must therefore build on intellectual freedom, equality and democracy. The Gymnasium shall . . . contribute to the students’ personal development and to developing their interest in and ability to participate actively in a democratic society. (Denmark) The objective of basic education is to support students’ growth towards humane and ethically responsible membership of society, and to provide them with the knowledge and skills they will need in life. The objective

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of general upper secondary education is to promote the development of students into good, balanced and civilised individuals and members of society . . . (Finland) Since reunification (1990), urgent priorities have been identified for educating young people to take political responsibility in a democratic system and supporting the new Länder. Education also aims to further the overall intellectual, emotional and physical development of students, teaching them to be independent, make decisions and bear their share of personal, social and political responsibility. (Germany) Education aims (1) to supplement and combine the acquisition of knowledge with analogous social reflections, so that students can deal successfully with a variety of situations and seek solutions to life’s problems in a responsible way, in a climate of creative dialogue and collective effort; (2) to broaden students’ value system (moral, religious, national, humanitarian and other values) so that they can regulate their behaviour to conform to these precepts; and (3) to control and direct students’ emotional world towards creative goals and humanitarian actions. (Greece) The (lower secondary) scuola media complies with the democratic principle of improving the education of each citizen and in general of the whole Italian people, promoting individual ability to share cultural, civilisation and coexistence values and to contribute to their development. . . . The shared decision-making structures of a school should not be based on a single interpretation of reality, but rather be open to questioning from and contributions of the outside world. Every opportunity must be taken to ensure a beneficial relationship between school and local communities. All schools have to produce an educational plan taking into account the economic and socio-cultural demands of the local area. In upper secondary schools, this plan must also include students’ desires/proposals. Such active participation in decision-making is seen as helping students to prepare for adult and working life. (Italy) The (lower secondary) Junior Certificate Programme should prepare students for further study, employment and life beyond education, as full and active citizens in the local, national, European and global contexts. (Ireland) Education should contribute to the development of students with due regard to and respect for the different ideological and social values within Dutch society. (The Netherlands) Education seeks (1) to develop a national awareness that at the same time will be universal in outlook and encourage solidarity and international co-operation; (2) to develop an understanding and appreciation of the specific values of a Portuguese identity, language, history and culture; (3) to provide students with experiences that will encourage civil,

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2.3.5. Lifelong learning. Many countries make explicit reference to the contribution of secondary education to a taste for on-going learning (Portugal) and to supporting students’ opportunities for lifelong learning and self-development (Finland). More specifically, education helps students to achieve complete and permanent training: lifelong learning, learning how to learn, knowing and doing, learning and working, critical thinking and definition of values, refreshing and renewing, stimulating and developing of creativity, innovation, entrepreneurship and team spirit in the broadest sense. The teaching objective of compulsory education is to offer youngsters the basis for steering their own lifelong learning. (Belgium) upper secondary education deepens and develops the knowledge of students to prepare them for further learning and working life. Changes in working life, new technology, internationalisation and the complexity of environmental issues impose new demands on people’s knowledge, ways of working, and adaptability. Accordingly, students need to develop a desire to learn, self-confidence, the skills to manage change, and the ability (as independent learners) to feel secure in situations of uncertainty, as a foundation for lifelong learning, in formal, non-formal or informal environments (Sweden)

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Measures taken to promote and recognise study skills, motivation and self-directed learning include: ● the promotion of independent learning (including through the effective use of information and communication technologies) and the evaluation of one’s own performance and learning needs ● more flexible and modularised courses, possibly combining general and vocational education and bringing together a wide range of education providers, (including the school, other educational institutions, the workplace, the community and distance education providers) who may cater for adult learners as well as young people. Spain has identified women—together with ethnic minorities and gypsies—as a particularly vulnerable group in terms of lifelong learning. Digital education services are being developed to meet the needs of learners based in educational institutions and those who are studying independently ● the development of a qualifications framework which will accredit knowledge and skills acquired within or outside the formal education system ● the funding of upper secondary education for all or (in Italy and the Netherlands) for those who cannot afford the fees. Implications ● An excessive emphasis on employability skills may reduce the opportunities for students to explore and develop areas and interests which, while they may not appear to be of direct relevance to work, are nevertheless important for the creation of a rounded personality. Moreover, “secondary” interests and hobbies may provide an alternative second career following redundancy or retirement from the main occupation. These dangers are increased by the impossibility of accurately predicting future employment needs, both in terms of numbers and specific skills. ● Whilst the development of ICT skills is important, there is limited, sustained research evidence that the use of computers enhances learning. Moreover, most computer programmes encourage a logical and linear approach, which could inhibit the development of other ways of thinking and solving problems. ● Schools must maintain the delicate balance between conflicting demands, for example, ● passing on national values and heritage, which may not be shared by all students and which change over time in the light of social developments, not least the impact of mobility and immigration ● respecting, and encouraging students to respect, the values and traditions of their families but teaching them how to evaluate these critically in order to establish their own values ● building the individual’s competence, confidence and autonomy, whilst helping him/her recognise that the pursuit of individual goals must sometimes give way to values and needs at community, national, European and global levels. 2.4.

Participation and Engagement in Education

Most countries seek to increase participation in upper secondary and higher education, especially amongst the less educationally advantaged sectors of the community. The main initiatives which have been reported are in the domains of government regulations

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and targets, motivating students through increased accreditation of learning certification, and other initiatives. A particular concern, identified by Sweden, is monitoring the relevant population. Initiatives concerning structures and organisation models, the curriculum, new approaches to teaching and learning and assessment are addressed in Sections 2.5 to 2.8. 2.4.1. Government regulations or targets. Four countries have set explicit targets to increase participation in education beyond the minimum school-leaving age; England is alone in setting performance targets. The Government’s target for 2004 was that 80 per cent of 16–18 year olds in England should be taking part in education and training. At the end of 1994, the proportion of 16–18 year olds in education and training was 77.7 per cent; by the end of 2003, this had fallen to 75.1 per cent (Department for Education and Skills, January 2005a). Progress towards performance was as follows: ● By 2008, 60 per cent of those aged 16 to achieve the equivalent of 5 GCSEs at grades A* to C (This target may be reviewed in light of recommendations in the Tomlinson report). In 2003/04, 53.7 per cent achieved this compared with 52.9 per cent in 2002/03. ● By 2004, 92 per cent of 16-year-old students to achieve 5 or more grades A*-G at GCSE and equivalent, including English and mathematics. In 2003/04 86.7 per cent have achieved this target compared with 86.6 per cent in 2002/03. (Department for Education and Skills January 2005b). In 1989, the French government’s “access rate” target for 2000 was that 80 per cent of each cohort should continue their full-time education to the age of 18, following general, technological or vocational courses leading to the baccalauréat. The remainder should have reached the (CAP) vocational aptitude certificate or the vocational diploma (BEP) level. The access rate rose from 34 per cent in the 1980s, 55 per cent in the 1990s to 70 per cent between 1997 and 2001. The introduction of the vocational baccalauréat may account for part of this increase. However, it is now acknowledged that, despite high levels of investment, 80 per cent may not be attainable. Not all students take the examination, and there is a failure rate of 20 per cent; nevertheless, 56 per cent of the relevant cohort obtains the baccalauréat. Ireland’s aim is to encourage at least 90 per cent of students aged 15–18 to complete the senior cycle, at least on a part-time basis. As this is a longer term-aim, progress has not yet been measured. The Swedish Government has increased resources for schools over the period 2001 to 2006 to support the Ministry’s goals of raising standards and increasing the numbers of adult learners. Sweden has set a long-term target that half of any age cohort should begin university level education by the time they are 25 years old, which recognises that students may not follow an unbroken path from school to higher education. The present rate is 40 per cent. 2.4.2. Motivating students. Compulsory education is regulated by the need to secure basic and common educational entitlement for all; vocational training and

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higher education serve more readily identifiable groups. Upper secondary education is unique in its diversity. The upper secondary student stands on a threshold, open to an array of opportunities. The choices made will have long reaching effects for the individual, and collectively, for society. However, despite government aspirations, students are unlikely to participate in formal education unless they derive personal benefit in terms of enjoyment or social and economic advancement. For example, students may disengage from learning or drop out of school if the criteria of accessibility, relevance and recognition are not met. Traditional post-compulsory courses may fail to attract three groups of students: ● those who, despite achieving the necessary grades, do not aspire to higher education, and therefore see no point in pursuing preparatory courses at upper secondary level ● those who, despite high levels of ability, fail to achieve the grades necessary for admission ● young people from low income families or from certain ethnic groups, who tend (for a range of reasons) not to stay on beyond the compulsory phase. Unless the additional learning is accessible, relevant and recognised, these groups of students are likely to leave school as soon as possible. Whilst recognising that the accreditation of learning gained through personal interests and hobbies might provide a way of attracting young people (back) into formal education (see Stepladders below), accountability and funding mechanisms mean that upper secondary programmes tend to include relatively few such courses. Education systems across Europe have, or are proposing, diversification in structure, organisation, curriculum, teaching and learning, and assessment and certification to meet students’ needs at secondary level. Two examples are given below. Initiatives in England aim to: ● enable young people to choose pathways among a range of academic, vocational, and workplace learning opportunities and to move between them as their talents and interests change ● encourage able students to take qualifications earlier than their peers ● increase the time available in the 14–16 curriculum for vocational study and to strengthen the range of vocational qualifications and give them parity with GCSE (General Certificate of Secondary Education)10 ● provide clear ladders of progression, supported by appropriate high quality qualifications (DfEE, 2001). The Transition Year programme in Ireland is intended to provide participants with an opportunity to develop maturity in terms of their personal and social awareness and competence as well as continuing to develop their academic, technical and general educational skills; in other words, “to promote the personal, social, educational and vocational development of students and to prepare them for their role as autonomous, participative and responsible members of society” (Transition Year Programmes Guidelines for Schools.) 2.4.3. Accreditation of learning. In several countries, lower secondary studies lead to external qualifications, which formerly marked the end of compulsory

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education, and may reinforce the perception that full-time education has been completed (for example, England, France, Ireland, Italy and Portugal). Given the heterogeneous student population, changes in curriculum, assessment and certification are required to ensure that increased participation leads to a corresponding increase in the number of qualified young people. Two main approaches have been adopted to enhance and record the achievements of a more diverse student group. The first opens access to (variants of) an established qualification (for example the baccalauréat in France, and the Leaving Certificate in Ireland) by means of alternative courses. Whilst this strategy builds on the widespread recognition and prestige of the qualification, there is probably a limit to the degree of flexibility that can be allowed, if its status is to be protected. In practice, whilst it increases the number of successful students, this appears to be accompanied (for example, in France) by a perception that “standards must have fallen”. The other strategy extends the range of courses to develop the knowledge, skills and attitudes required for employment and lifelong learning. This diversity generally results in a panoply of qualifications, some of which are not widely recognised. Several countries are developing overarching frameworks, which “locate” qualifications within a hierarchy of achievement and progression. 2.4.4. Other initiatives. Other strategies intended to motivate students to continue their education include: ● Funding. Educational finance is not covered in this chapter. However, it should be noted that fees and costs, including any foregone income from employment, have been identified in some countries as a deterrent to participation in post-compulsory education. In England, there is a pilot scheme of education maintenance allowances (EMAs) for educationally disadvantaged 16–18 year olds. EMA payments are subject to regular attendance and good behaviour, but are not tied to ability. Early indications suggest that the EMAs increase motivation and reduce the need for students to take part time employment (Maguire et al, 2002). In the Netherlands, upper secondary students are eligible for means-tested student funding. ● “Stepladders” Alternative learning routes and the accreditation of prior learning and experience (acquired, for example, in the work-place or through leisure activities) may motivate individuals to complement their practical experience with some vocational or general education courses. ● Partnerships and permeability between schools and complementary organisations, may attract disaffected students and, in some cases, help rekindle positive attitudes towards education. Examples include the YOUTH REACH programme in Ireland, which involves schools and community organisations in workshop partnerships, and holiday and homework clubs run by community agencies/bodies for example, social services, youth services etc. 2.4.5. Monitoring. The provision of opportunities is not enough; participation must be monitored, as the following example shows.

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It is a fundamental principle in Sweden that all children and young people have access to equivalent education, regardless of sex, place of residence, and individual social and financial circumstances. Each type of school must offer equivalent education, irrespective of where it is provided. The curricula and timetable apply nation-wide. Despite this, there has been a marked increase in the number of Swedish young people aged 16 to 24, who are not included in any official statistics on the employed, the unemployed, students, military conscripts or those working from home. This figure has trebled from three per cent (29,000 young people) in 1990 to nine per cent (84,000) in 2001. A Commission report (2003) recommended: ◆ that every municipality be legally obliged to create an organization responsible for actively locating and supporting all the young people under the age of 20 in this group and, in collaboration with the relevant agencies, to provide them with the necessary skills for further study or employment ◆ that the scope for individually adapted teaching be retained and further developed. Implications (a) Target setting focuses attention on performance and invites remedial action. Whilst there is a general increase in participation rates, this is not universal. As indicated above, despite numerous initiatives to diversify the content, format and flexible delivery of learning, England reports a downward trend in student participation for the two years beyond compulsory education11 and achievement targets for 16-year-olds have not been met. Similarly, in France, post-compulsory participation appears to have settled at around 80 per cent. Moreover, target setting can have unexpected, and unintended, consequences. Increasing student numbers at short notice, to meet government targets, may cause problems for institutions. In this connection, the UK government’s objective to increase higher education participation rates, especially amongst disadvantaged students, has resulted in an informal division into “selecting universities” (those which are oversubscribed and where students have to compete for places) and “recruiting universities”, which are likely to admit less well qualified applicants. The knowledge and skills of some incoming students may therefore be insufficient for them to complete their degree. There are, of course, numerous other factors affecting the performance of university students, but these fall outside the scope of this chapter. Pressure to attain achievement targets may lead to “teaching to the test” at a potential risk of limiting both breadth and depth of learning. (b) With the increase in students remaining in formal education beyond lower secondary education (whether voluntarily or because the school leaving age has been raised), it could be argued that lower secondary qualifications are redundant, expensive and contribute to the sense of “assessment overload” experienced by students and teachers. However, whilst for some they represent an insurmountable hurdle, for others they may confirm abilities and instil confidence. Their abolition may also remove a qualifications “safety net”. By deferring certification to the end of upper secondary education, authorities might encourage students to remain in education beyond the minimum school leaving age. However, this is a high-risk

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strategy, which requires students to commit themselves for an additional two or three years of education, without the certainty of academic and/or economic advancement. The risk increases where certification is used primarily to select students for, rather than guarantee access to, higher education. (c) Accreditation systems face conflicting objectives. Those which rigorously identify (and accredit) only the best, serve as a disincentive to students with average or below average abilities. Conversely, those which seek to motivate students and identify the full range of learning achievements, at diverse levels—especially where a higher number of candidates achieve success—raise issues of: ● status ● perceived usefulness by employers, higher education institutions and overseas authorities, who use the qualifications to “filter out” the better applicants ● relative benefit to the individual of a qualification held by the majority. 2.5.

Structures and Organisation

Within a market model of education, diversification of provision is seen as inherently good. Accordingly, most countries seek to meet the needs of a wider student body by means of alternative institutional structures and modes of delivery, sometimes involving the voluntary and private sectors alongside state provision. 2.5.1. Grouping by age. In all but four countries (Denmark, Finland, Portugal and Sweden) a distinct break is made between primary and secondary education. In these countries and France, Greece and Italy, a (further) break occurs between lower and upper secondary education. In addition, many countries also offer upper secondary education in non-school establishments, where young people and adults may take general or vocational education courses on a full-or part-time basis. Structural arrangements mean that students who have not repeated a year during the lower secondary phase are required to transfer to upper secondary school for at least one year in France and Italy (since 1999) to complete compulsory education. 2.5.2. Grouping by ability or aptitude. Secondary-age students in Austria, Germany, Luxembourg and the Netherlands attend different secondary schools, according to their academic ability. In these countries, one school type specifically aims to prepare students for university education. However, the latter half of the 20th century has seen most other countries move towards a non-selective (“comprehensive”) education system where schools cater for students of the full ability range, although there may be separate schools for students with special needs which cannot be met within the mainstream system. A more recent initiative within the “comprehensive” framework allows schools in some countries to apply for “specialist school” status on the grounds of particular expertise in specified curriculum areas such as science and technology, foreign languages, physical education and sports. For example, in England, there are currently Technology Colleges, Languages Colleges, Sports Colleges and Arts Colleges. The government is seeking to increase the number of specialist secondary schools in England to 1,500 by 2006, in addition to broadening

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the range of specialisations offered within the programme. In France, where the government is promoting the teaching of Latin, parents may request that their child be admitted to a school which teaches Latin, even if it is not the nearest school. 2.5.3. Grouping by general or vocational tracks. At secondary level, a distinction may be made between integrated systems (as in England, Ireland, Spain and Sweden) where schools and colleges offer both general and (pre-) vocational education within the same institution, and segregated systems (as in Austria, Belgium NL, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands and Portugal), whose schools specialise in one main type of education, for example, academic/general, technical, artistic, vocational. 2.5.4. Linked and integrated learning pathways. Germany has a long-established programme for integrating the general and vocational education of 80 per cent of students aged 15 to 18. The “dual system” combines school and workplace education. Other countries are now increasing learning options for students by offering vocational and general education within the same institutions or as part of a programme of linked courses, including work-based learning.12 2.5.5. Orientation. In France, the first year of upper secondary education is an orientation year (seconde), which is intended to help students choose between the various academic and vocational tracks leading to the baccalauréat, other forms of education and training, or employment. In Ireland, the revised Senior Cycle structure includes an optional Transition Year Programme (TYP), offered by over 500 schools, which is intended to allow students to reflect on and consolidate their knowledge, before making further educational or career choices. However, Italy does not have a transition year and the requirement that students as young as 14 choose between the various types of upper secondary establishments (licei) and, in particular, between general education and vocational training, is the subject of considerable debate. Implications Grouping by age: In secondary schools for students aged 11–18/19, older students benefit from continuity in the environment and staffing and can provide a role model for younger ones to emulate. Some students may stay on beyond the compulsory school age because it relieves them of the need to exercise a choice. This is particularly likely in the academic schools, where the expectations of students, teachers and parents are mutually reinforcing. The argument that transfer to another institution, with its associated social as well as academic readjustments, acts as a disincentive to continue education is not wholly supported by the evidence; increasing numbers of students take advantage of the opportunity to make a fresh start in a more “adult” environment. ● Grouping by ability: Depending on the system, the opportunities for late developers to transfer to more demanding tracks may be limited. For example, although students in the first three years of secondary education in the Netherlands follow a common ●

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curriculum, the speed and depth of coverage, together with additional subjects studied by those in the more academic tracks, make it increasingly difficult for students who started in the lowest track (VMBO) to transfer to the more demanding HAVO and VWO. These barriers are even greater where transfer upwards involves a change of school. Grouping by discipline: The trend towards “softening” the structural divide between general and vocational education may encourage students who are unwilling or unable to undertake a wholly academic course to continue their formal education. Greater integration may also reduce the generalisations that are often made about academic and vocational education respectively, based on (sometimes self-fulfilling) pre-conceptions of student ability and socio-economic status. However, small schools may not be able to offer the full range of academic and vocational studies, which could leave students in rural/remote areas at a disadvantage. Grouping by socio-economic status: Educational structures can influence performance. The PISA findings (OECD, 2001) suggest that two students with the same family characteristics going to different schools—one with a higher and one with a lower socio-economic profile—could expect to be further apart in reading literacy than two students from different backgrounds going to the same school.13 Whilst these findings relate to lower secondary students (age 15), it likely that similar effects will hold good at upper secondary level. Students in Italy, Spain and England have reported that better discipline prevails in schools with a better socio-economic intake. Grouping by ability or by discipline may (intentionally or otherwise) favour socio-economic stratification. For example, although Specialist schools in England are not allowed to select students on the basis of their academic ability, their particular profile may appeal to parents (and children) with a predisposition for academic learning. This perception is reinforced by 2004 examination results, where 57.4 per cent of students in Specialist schools achieved 5 or more A*-C grades at GCSE and equivalent, compared to 48.2 per cent of students in non Specialist schools (DfES, 2005b). Similarly, despite the fact that the first year of upper secondary education in France is a transition year, and that parents have the final choice, those attending general/technological lycées tend to be predominantly middle class, as distinct from those attending the vocational lycées (LP); nevertheless, there are reported to be no significant differences in behaviour between the two types of institution. Linked system with multiple providers: Considerations which arise in a linked system include: ● the “parent” institution’s incentive to direct students to its own courses, rather than those of alternative providers, in order to receive student linked educational funding. If, however, the “parent” institution retains students on roll for funding purposes, it may be less protective of the location of learning, and more willing to allow students to go to the most appropriate place ● school timetables may not be sufficiently flexible to accommodate “seamless” passage between formal school-based and non-formal (including off-site), learning

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new contracts (similar to those in adult and vocational education institutions) may be required to secure staff attendance outside “normal” hours ● in the case of off-site learning, the relative responsibilities of the school, the offsite provider and the student need to be clearly established, for example with regard to: health and safety, the design, provision and evaluation of learning, and communication and reporting ● travelling time may be disproportionate and, together with cost, may act as a deterrent ● in terms of system monitoring, how are the contributions of the different partners determined and evaluated? Whilst a transition period may lengthen the period of education (with associated costs for the individual and society), insofar as it informs students about and prepares them for the ensuing courses, it may prove to be a cost-effective option. ●

2.6.

Curriculum

Secondary education is intentionally broad-based, stressing core subjects like languages and literacy, mathematics, science and the humanities to provide a holistic foundation for students’ subsequent education. There is now an increasing emphasis on new “key” skills and knowledge, to prepare young people for the changing needs of adult and working life. Approaches to ensure that the “essential” elements are included in school curricula include: ● Student entitlement. This may be expressed in terms of time allocation (for example, in Sweden) or subjects to be offered, but which students can choose not to take (for example, religious education in Italy). ● Establishing compulsory requirements. A distinction must be made here between required experiences (for example, attendance at specified courses, and participation in activities) and conditions for graduation. In terms of experiences, whilst students are expected to compile a programme of study that covers a minimum number of hours per week, the degree of choice varies, particularly at upper secondary level. There is wide variation in the requirements for the qualification awarded at the end of upper secondary education and which normally determines access to higher education. It is only in England that neither the number of subjects, nor the disciplines to be studied for accreditation are prescribed. ● Mobilising “consumer” pressure. Subject offerings and student choices tend to be driven by the (perceived and known) expectations of universities and of industry. One way of securing student and institutional commitment to (non-examined) key skills is for higher/further education institutions and employers to list these among their requirements. 2.6.1. Content. The compulsory elements at secondary level are often determined by the requirements of the qualification to be obtained. Students in countries with multiple upper secondary tracks (for example, Austria, Germany, the Netherlands) are subject to different regulations depending on the targeted final qualification. However, although the degree of student choice increases at upper secondary

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level, virtually all countries identify subject, content and/or skill areas that are deemed essential preparation for adult and working life. In most cases, these are a combination of the following elements: ● areas of general study, including non-examination subjects, which are compulsory for all students ● compulsory elements within a chosen specialisation or track ● elective subjects (general or specialist) ● cross-curricular or key skills ● information and communication technologies ● independent study ● guidance and personal planning ● work or community experience ● religious and moral education. These elements may be combined into a prescribed “curriculum package” common to all students, or tailored according to disciplinary specialisation. However, there is a trend towards modular learning programmes (for example, England and Sweden), allowing students to select combinations of subjects at different levels. Thus, while all students may be required to study the national language(s) and mathematics, the content may vary according to the students’ ability or specialisation. New areas of learning, such as information processing, thinking and communication skills, and inter- and intra-personal skills (including citizenship and character education) are being added to meet the expressed or perceived expectations of higher education and employment. The importance of fostering diversity and creativity is being recognised, not least because of the perception that these skills will be essential in the future economy. As a result, curricula and teaching methods are being adapted, for example, by the introduction of cross-curricular and independent project work. 2.6.1.1. Compulsory areas of general study. The core curriculum generally includes the national language(s), mathematics, physical sciences and technology (biology, chemistry, physics, design and technology), humanities (history, geography, social studies and, increasingly, citizenship education), physical education/sport, the arts (art, music, dance, drama) and one or more foreign language(s). In some cases, the curriculum is expressed in terms of areas of study (for example, the Junior Cycle curriculum in Ireland) rather than as discrete subjects. Personal, social, health education and guidance may be separate “subjects” or integrated in other parts of the curriculum. Not all subjects studied are examined. In England, the National Curriculum arrangements apply to students aged 14–16.14 However, the only compulsory element for 16 to 19 year-olds in schools (but not in colleges) is religious education. Students’ programmes in this age range are likely to comprise courses leading towards GCE A levels (AS and A2), Advanced Vocational Certificates of Education (AVCEs, known as vocational A levels) or General National Vocational Qualifications (GNVQs) at all levels. Certificates are

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awarded for each subject in which a student meets the prescribed standard, but all students are expected to meet literacy and numeracy requirements.15 2.6.1.2. Compulsory elements within a chosen specialisation or track. In France, Ireland, Italy, the Netherlands16 and Sweden, upper secondary general education is subdivided into disciplinary “tracks” or specialisations. These generally comprise: classics; languages; mathematics, sciences and technology; social sciences and economics; and fine arts and music. Students have to study compulsory elements according to the “track” chosen. This may involve new subjects, or studying subjects which are part of the common core at greater depth. 2.6.1.3. Elective subjects. This component allows students to deepen their study within a given area, through more advanced modules in a specific subject, or by adding related subjects, such as an additional foreign language or a further science. Alternatively, it offers breadth, by encouraging students to take subjects outside their dominant field. However, this option is not always taken up. For example, in Ireland, students tend to choose additional subjects within their chosen field. 2.6.1.4. Cross-curricular or key skills. Academic knowledge is complemented by the development of skills and the application of knowledge and, even where students enjoy freedom of choice concerning the subjects to be studied at upper secondary level, they are increasingly required to demonstrate their competence in the basic skills. These skills may be developed either in preparatory (access) courses or a transition year, or concurrently within or alongside the main programme. Core or key skills may explicitly mentioned in the curricula (for example, as key competencies, essential skills, goals for lifelong learning, or areas of applied knowledge) or included within the subjects or learning areas of the curriculum. The most common key skills include: ● numeracy and the application of mathematics ● literacy and communication comprises oral, written and visual (for example, symbols and aesthetic expression). Competence in more than one language forms a requirement in the curriculum for those following academic courses in several countries (Germany, Luxembourg and the Netherlands), without being separately listed as a key skill (see also European Union priorities below) ● information skills, including ICT: includes the collection, organisation and evaluation of information through observing, listening, reading and experiencing ● problem solving, critical/logical thinking and decision making, by applying the basic principles and processes of the sciences, arts and humanities, often through extended project work ● study skills, self-evaluation and improvement, in preparation for lifelong learning and self-management ● interpersonal skills, social skills and teamwork

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citizenship and an awareness of civic responsibilities, social, cultural and heritage values (sometimes taught through religious education, moral education or ethics), sustainability, and understanding the world as a set of related systems ● work-related knowledge and skills, employment and entrepreneurial skills ● creativity, creative thinking/imagination, futures thinking, the ability and will to change, and transferring knowledge and establishing links between material/ideas from courses and/or modules ● health and physical development. Key skills are formally assessed in England. There is a voluntary Key Skills Qualification in communication, the application of number and the use of ICT. Intra- and inter-personal skills, and problem solving are not separately assessed, but a draft framework exists to help teachers and students establish principles, set objectives, and check the skills to be developed. Quality assurance mechanisms will be used to identify the skills and activities, and the process. ●

2.6.1.5. Information and communications technologies. Education policies are increasingly geared to the use of ICT (see also 2.3.3 earlier). This is partly because of a commonly held view that “schools must prepare students to live and work in a complex society where there is a vast flow of information and rapid change” (Sweden). The strength of this view is indicated, for example, by the high level of investment in the Netherlands, despite evidence that suggests that many Dutch students learn computer skills “mainly at home”.17 A 2001 report on the incorporation of ICT into European Education Systems18 identified the most common aims of national ICT projects for secondary schools in England, France, Germany, Ireland, Italy, the Netherlands and Sweden as: ● supply of equipment ● acquisition and distribution of software ● development of teachers’ skills ● development of students’ skills ● help in the development of (educational) software ● use of the internet. Whilst the objectives may transcend national borders, the specified learning outcomes vary. The EURYDICE (2001) survey mentioned the ability to use the computer as a tool (a universal goal in primary education) and the ability to write computer programmes (included in the upper secondary curriculum of over 15 European countries, drawn from the 30 surveyed). Students may also be expected to make appropriate and skilful use of specific applications (text, data, graphics, design and manufacture, communications) relevant to the subject area. The OECD Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) is expected to assess ICT skills in 2006. 2.6.1.6. Independent study. Increasingly, policy and curriculum documents refer to the importance of independent work as a means of encouraging students to develop study skills and effective work habits. The development of relevant skills is fostered implicitly within subject studies, explicitly as key skills and through special projects.

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In France, Ministers have introduced initiatives to encourage a cross-disciplinary approach to secondary education, as well as increasing personal working contact between students and teachers by means of travaux personnels encadrés (TPE), whereby a group of students works with one or several teachers on a cross-disciplinary issue. This approach is compulsory for students aged 15–17, but it is still optional in the final year of upper secondary education (terminale, age 17–18). However, French teachers have traditionally had a strong subject bias and are reported to be strongly resisting this initiative. The new upper secondary curricula in the Netherlands include 10 per cent of time for independent guided study. The overall study load of 1600 hours per year (which includes contact time, homework and independent study) is being reduced in response to parental pressure. Independent study is beginning to be introduced, as schools are gaining greater autonomy to extend the allocation. However, the desired transition from passive to active, independent learning requires a change in teaching methods. 2.6.1.7. Guidance and personal planning. Individual guidance and educational and career planning are explicitly mentioned as an important element in most countries. Increasingly, this is linked to the development of study skills, personal work habits and the evaluation of personal performance. However, student choices between schools, tracks or subjects may have far-reaching consequences, and this has been recognised in many countries, for example: ● In England, where the statutory requirement for careers education is limited to 13 to 16 year-olds19 and personal and learning support may not be sufficient in a system where post-compulsory curricula are not prescribed ● Italy, where students have to choose their upper secondary school at the age of 14 ● The Netherlands, where students in upper secondary schools choose between four main curricular profiles, but the student guidance provisions have not yet been fully implemented in schools. 2.6.1.8. Work and community experience. In addition to citizenship, social responsibility20 or similar courses, practical service is a common element in courses leading to the International Baccalaureate, versions of which are beginning to be considered as alternative, portable qualifications by some state schools in a number of countries. Even if not compulsory, community experience is encouraged and accredited. Community service and work-related experience are important dimensions of the proposed reforms for 14–19 education in England. However, as indicated before, work-related education and work experience are not considered important, and employers are not involved in the development of upper secondary general and technological education (LEGT) curricula in France. This contrasts with provision for vocational education in the lycées professionnels. 2.6.1.9. Religious and moral education. Moral or ethics education forms an implicit element of education in most countries. However, the position of religious education varies, from being compulsory in England, Germany, Italy and Spain (although

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students may be exempt), to being banned in public-sector schools in France.21 Statesubsidised denominational schools exist in England and the Netherlands. 2.6.2. Relevance. The perceived relevance of education is a prime factor for securing student participation in and community support for the education service. ● Relevance for the student. There has been a trend towards modular or creditbased learning, leading to a portfolio of evidence of students’ knowledge, skills and understandings, developed over a number of years and in a range of (formal, non-formal, informal) settings. In this way, there can be multiple routes to the highest levels of education. Although there are usually minimum requirements for literacy and numeracy, modular schemes enhance student choice and allow for flexible modes of delivery. They help to sustain motivation by means of early and ongoing reinforcement and prompt intervention where weaknesses are identified. Moreover, instead of requiring irreversible (possibly inappropriate) decisions at the age of 15/16 (and age 14 in Italy), they allow students to match their choices to their increasing maturity, academic and personal development, and changing aspirations. In this way, students may discover new subjects and/or be persuaded to continue “difficult” subjects, as part of a more varied educational programme. This is particularly important in England, where early specialisation has characterised post-16 studies and where starting subjects which may not have been available in lower secondary education from scratch (such as psychology, law, economics) represent a high-risk challenge. Above all, modularisation offers scope for students to adjust the speed and intensity of their workload to match personal circumstances. ● Relevance for higher education. It is sometimes difficult to strike a balance between breadth and depth of study. Most systems are based around a broad general education, followed by relatively long (4–6 years) degree-level studies.22 In contrast, the English system introduces high degree of specialisation between the ages of 16 to 18, leading to a short (3-year) degree course.23 It is a common complaint by universities that incoming students are not adequately prepared for the demands of degree studies. This judgement is often based on the amount of work required to get students through their final examinations and may arise from: a mismatch between prior learning and course demands; lack of clarity about expectations and requirements; and changes in the nature of higher education. Changes in traditional examinations and associated curricula may affect the coherence between upper secondary and higher education. The trend towards greater flexibility and student choice (except in the Netherlands) and the promotion of more independent learning means that students do not necessarily have a common knowledge and skills base. Thus, while students may have the requisite number of “credits”, these may not match the requirements of the specific course, and there is little time in higher education programmes to remedy any gaps in knowledge. The modularisation of university courses may help re-establish continuity between the phases. There is also some evidence of universities’ beginning to look at the nature of applicants’ learning experiences, rather than simply at the name of the qualification. Schools argue that universities’ expectations are sometimes not clear. Where universities or faculties are specific about their requirements, for example, foreign

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languages and mathematics, this affects the status and take-up of those subjects. Conversely, where faculties specify that they will “count” only one certificate in, say mathematics, the take-up of dual pure/applied courses or further mathematics declines among intending applicants to the faculty, but possibly also amongst those who are keeping their options open. Finally, difficulties may arise from changed circumstances in universities, namely: larger and/or more heterogeneous teaching groups; shorter courses; higher expectations on the part of students, their parents and employers; and the exponential growth of knowledge in many disciplines, requiring choices between breadth and depth of study. The emphasis on outcomes (and, in some cases, its direct link with funding) may make institutions more concerned about the quality of their student intake than they used to be. ● Relevance for employment. Employers’ expectations and requirements include higher levels of skill and the ability and flexibility to change in line with technological developments and market demands. The realities of the labour market also mean that the traditional academic approach to education does not guarantee success in the modern economy. As with higher education, the needs of the labour market are not well delineated. Generalisations tend to be made, as though “employees” were a homogenous category (not all employees require all skills). For example, it is often claimed that foreign language competence is highly prized by employers. However, two examples contradict this assumption. First, recruitment advertisements in London newspapers offer bilingual secretaries salaries which are the same, or only a little higher than those offered to mono-lingual secretaries. Second, a survey asked Swedish employers which skills they did not want students to be taught at school. The response was: foreign languages other than English. More significantly, it is difficult to predict the nature of the “workplace” of the future. Career paths may comprise periods of (self-)employment, unemployment and education and (re)training, in a variety of settings, including the home. Hence, generic competence, transferable skills and an ability and willingness to learn and change may be more significant that the acquisition of specific occupational skills. Implications ● Breadth, balance and coherence. Prescribed curricula are intended to maintain breadth and balance in students’ learning. However, there are tendencies towards narrow specialisation (for example, in England and Ireland) and to reduced popularity of what may be perceived as difficult subjects, such as mathematics, science and languages. The reduced popularity of mathematics and science has reduced the pool of specialist science and mathematics teachers, which means that non-specialists, who may not have the expertise or confidence necessary to prepare and motivate students to pursue higher-level studies in mathematics and science, may be teaching these subjects, thereby contributing to a vicious circle of shortages. If the introduction of modular programmes allows students a free choice of content, there is a danger of fragmentation of learning. For students who undertake most of their learning within a single school or college, personal tutors or advisers are available to monitor their

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overall experience, within and beyond the institution. However, if the form of delivery changes and students undertake elements of their learning in a range of institutions and contexts, this may become increasingly difficult. ● Manageability. Although it is accepted that students cannot keep abreast of the increasing amount and complexity of information, as well as develop a new range of skills, curricula are often drawn up by subject specialists and there is a marked reluctance to limit the scope of “essential learning”. New areas of learning and learning methods (for example activity based, explorative, collaborative, constructivist learning methods) are introduced into the timetable, without removing existing subjects or reducing their content. These two trends lead to curriculum and student overload. However, France and the Netherlands have made adjustments to the curriculum to reduce overload. The choice of track may also cause problems for some students. For example, authorities in Germany have identified a tendency for students (or their parents) to choose a high-status academic route in preference to a lower status applied/vocational course, regardless of whether it is in keeping with their abilities or future career needs. A similar conflict may arise when the desire to excel, and pressure on time, oblige students to choose between theoretical learning (for example, traditional academic subjects) and skills derived from practical and life experiences (through co-curricular activities, work-based and informal learning). Inappropriate choices may jeopardise the students’ success in either further studies or employment. ● Needs of industry. What are the needs of industry? Who defines these and how are they kept up to date? Is curriculum change essential to meet generic employment needs? If too much emphasis is placed on employability, possibly at the expense of general education and development, is there is a danger that the outcome will be generations of students with outdated skills? Implicit in the move towards individualised provision is the assumption that, collectively, the choices made by students will meet the needs and enhance the well-being of society as a whole. However, increased choice may result in an imbalance between individual needs and those of society. 2.7.

Teaching and learning

2.7.1. Individualised and independent learning. The increased flexibility offered by modularised curricula and certification assumes a higher degree of personal responsibility for learning, especially where students are not based in an institution or attached to a learning mentor. This is recognised: ● in the increased emphasis being placed on the development of intra- and interpersonal skills (including self evaluation) and strategies for study, review and improvement ● in provision for independent and cross-disciplinary learning, especially in upper secondary programmes, to help students develop the skills and confidence to organise their own (lifelong) learning, to use a range of sources and methods, and to make links and transfer learning across subject boundaries ● in the restructuring and expansion of guidance services. However, the pressure on students, teachers and institutions to meet performance targets may discourage independent exploration and the development of creativity, which are time-consuming learning activities without a predictable outcome. In the

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same way, those aspects of the curriculum that are not externally assessed may receive little attention. The educational renewal of the upper secondary (lycée) phase in France, which has been in progress since 1993, is aimed chiefly at de-hierarchising and re-balancing the series in general and technological education, and being able to deal more effectively with a heterogeneous intake by teaching in modules. Students in the second and third classes (age 15–17) are sub-divided into smaller groups, allowing diversified educational activity better adapted to the students’ specific needs. In Germany, instruction is based on the latest state of academic knowledge that takes the students’ age-related conceptual faculties into account in its organisation and in the demands made on them. 2.7.2. Computer-based and on-line learning. Whilst distance learning has traditionally been associated with post-school or higher education (for example, Open University institutes in several countries24), technological advances have led to the development of digital learning materials that incorporate feedback-cum-coaching mechanisms. Students are thus able, in principle, to learn independently and take assessments progressively to gauge their own levels of competency. As access to ICT facilities increases (at home, in educational institutions, and in other locations such as libraries and community centres), there is increased scope for flexible, computerbased and on-line learning. However, new modes of learning require changes in materials and teaching methods, as well as flexible support. Implications ● Individualised learning. Teachers need a wider range of pedagogical strategies to enable students of different abilities to move towards becoming independent active learners. It is sometimes difficult to convince teachers (and students) to do things differently, and to adopt new roles in collaborative, interactive and cross-curricular activities. Implicit in individualised learning is the expectation that teachers will tailor learning materials and teaching/mentoring styles to meet the needs of a wide range of individual learners (rather than the needs of a learning “group” or class). Where students choose their own courses, and increasingly direct their own learning, who is responsible if they fail to secure the desired qualification or “acceptable” employment? (There have already been cases where students successfully sued local authorities for failing to provide education suitable to their needs.) ● Computer based learning. There is, as yet, little systematic researched evidence of the ways in which the use of ICT enhances student learning. This is partly because computers have only relatively recently been available in schools in sufficient numbers and partly because the speed of developments in equipment and software outstrips the rate at which evaluations can be carried out. “Virtual” schooling and on-line learning are still very new, many of the issues remain to be addressed, and some may not even have been identified. Amongst the most obvious are: ● The purchase, maintenance, updating of equipment constitutes a major cost item for institutions. Insofar as ICT training is linked to preparation for work, they will

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J OA N NA L E M E TA I S need to invest in new equipment and applications on a regular basis. Students seeking to work from home will need compatible systems. Those from the disadvantaged groups, who are currently under-represented in post-compulsory education, are least likely to meet this requirement, and may be further disadvantaged. Teachers need training in the new skills and pedagogical approaches necessary to promote effective computer-based and on-line learning. They may need to be available outside “normal” hours to respond to electronic messages. Making their contact details available to students involves a loss of privacy. Who produces, controls, safeguards the quality of, and pays for teaching and learning materials? What is the cost implication of producing ever more sophisticated materials to keep pace with student expectations? Conversely, who owns the copyright (and therefore benefits from the sale of) materials developed in the school? How are the contributions of the different providers allocated and evaluated for the purposes of monitoring institutional performance? The USA boasts numerous examples of on-line learning, for which extravagant claims are made. Whilst it is not possible to explore on-line learning in detail in this chapter, it is clearly an important development and Glick (2002) addresses some of the implications involved in the realisation of its potential. For example, in Minnesota, 30 per cent of school districts use on-line learning (OLL) courses, but only 10 per cent of schools have developed OLL policies and guidelines. Similarly, although there is state legislation for funding mechanisms and an application/ approval process, it fails to address: quality assurance, state-wide coordination, professional development, funding for innovation and development, access for students who are educated in independent schools or at home. Moreover, the stipulation (in the legislation) that schools are not required to supply computers or Internet access for students, leads one to ask whether the less well-off students are excluded from on-line learning options (Glick, 2002). 2.8.

Assessment

A global trend towards greater accountability (often associated with greater devolved autonomy for schools) means that assessment has become an increasing feature of education and countries that have not previously had external examinations (for example, Sweden), are reconsidering whether they should be introduced. However, the ways in which student assessment is implemented and used vary. Some examples follow. ● The Leaving Certificate examination in Ireland is used as an entry qualification by third level institutions and as a selection test for entry into various types of employment. The use of the Leaving Certificate examination for selection purposes has a significant impact on the work of second-level schools, affecting curriculum content, methods of teaching, assessment and organisation of learners. ● Examination reform in England and the Netherlands have contrasting objectives, namely to increase flexibility and the breadth of studies (England), and to limit student choices and focus their attention on a narrower range of subjects, in preparation for higher education (the Netherlands).

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The desire to recognise the achievement (rather than failure) of a wider student group has led to changes in secondary education assessments. These have affected the form (continuous assessment, or periodic assessment of modular courses), the structure (specification of compulsory subjects, grouping of disciplines), and the type of qualifications awarded (general and vocational subjects). These developments are not without difficulties. ● There is a perception that continual assessment—where the student is allowed more time and may be assisted by the teacher or others—is “less rigorous” than timed, terminal examinations, and that the results therefore represent a lower standard ● Academic/theoretical studies enjoy a higher status as compared with applied/vocational courses, which results in a reluctance on the part of some students to undertake vocational studies ● It is difficult to secure public understanding and acceptance of (any) new qualifications, in particular those made up of a complex combination of learning achievements ● Consistency of grading between schools takes on a greater importance where qualifications confer specific entitlements on individuals, (for example, access to higher education) or institutions (for example, access to additional funding or freedom from regulation). Although “output” indicators are common, the reliable comparison of educational outcomes is rendered more difficult by the fact that national statistics are collected in different ways and for different purposes. Those submitted for international comparisons (e.g. UNESCO, OECD and EUROSTAT) may therefore differ from national reports. It has not been possible to find comparable statistics for all of the countries involved and readers are therefore advised to consult national statistical sources for those countries that interest them. 2.8.1. Assessment and Certification. Even where students attend a single school type, different courses may be offered according to their ability or interests. These courses may lead to different levels of qualification, and therefore grant access to different educational and employment opportunities. Within a school type the students may be directed towards different tracks leading to a similar qualification. Most countries offer upper secondary diplomas based on satisfactory achievement in a core of common subjects, a block of subjects specific to the chosen area of study, and a range of elective subjects. However, in England25 students may combine different courses leading to individually accredited qualifications, within an overall framework. Sweden offers credit-based models, in which each course provides a set number of points that may be accumulated over the course of the programme towards High School graduation. The functions of qualifications in relation to higher education studies differ. In some countries (for example France26, the Netherlands27), they serve as a form of accreditation, which entitles holders to a place in higher education, whereas elsewhere (for example, England, Ireland), they are an element in the selection process, and admission depends on the student’s performance relative to other applicants. Germany is alone in offering dual (general and vocational) certification at upper

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secondary level, although in other systems, universities are accepting vocational qualifications for admission to some courses. Austria: Students who have successfully completed Year 10 receive an end-of-year cum final report, which is a prerequisite for admission to upper secondary general schools, or to vocational schools. Students at the academic secondary school who successfully pass the school-leaving examination (Reifeprüfung) obtain the Allgemeine Hochschulreife which grants access to university. The 1992/93 reform allows candidates an element of choice concerning both the subjects and the form of examination. A preliminary examination taking the form of a specialised paper (Fachbereichsarbeit) reduces the main examination to 3 written and 3 oral parts, one of which has to relate to the subject chosen for the specialised paper. Candidates who do not do the specialised paper must take 3 written and 4 oral parts or 4 written and 3 oral parts. Belgium (NL): In secondary education, the essential instrument of assessment is the class council, comprising the head teacher or his/her representative and all members of the teaching staff, who teach the student in a specific school year, who may be advised by the deputy school head, the technical advisor, and those involved in psycho-social or pedagogic guidance. The class council may grant the Diploma of Secondary Education (Diploma Secundair Onderwijs) at the end of the sixth year of secondary education (after completion of general, technical, or arts education) or at the end of the seventh (specialisation) year, or at the end of the first or second year of the fourth stage (after completion of vocational education). Denmark: The school issues a leaving certificate (Bevis for Folkeskolens Afgangsprøver), which contains information about the educational activities in which the student has participated as well as the most recent proficiency marks. It includes the leaving examinations grades, if any, expressed in terms of the 13-point marking scale. Upper secondary students, who have passed the studentereksamen, are issued with a certificate, which contains all marks for the year’s work, examination marks, including marks for the year’s work in subjects in which there has been no examination, the two average figures, the examination result, etc. The certificate is signed by the headmaster of the Gymnasium, where the examination has been taken. Certificates are drawn up by the Ministry of Education. Ministerial regulations have been issued with regard to the award of credits in connection with teaching and examinations for students who have followed the instruction and taken examinations from other programmes at upper secondary level. England: In 2000, post-16 qualifications were revised to broaden the range of postcompulsory studies without reducing the depth of A Levels.28 In all cases certificates are issued even if students pass only one subject at the relevant level. General and vocational qualifications can be combined with key skills and other credits gained in work placement or a part-time employment. A qualifications framework provides a basis for comparison. Amidst concerns about student workload and heavy assessment, a review of the implementation of these reforms has resulted in some changes. From September 2002, Advanced Extension Awards (AEAs), will allow the most able

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advanced-level students to demonstrate a greater depth of understanding and critical thinking in, without changing the curriculum content of, selected GCE A Level subjects. Proposals for further reforms are currently under consideration. Finland: A certificate for completion of the basic education syllabus or a subject syllabus is given to a student in basic education or to any other person who has completed the entire syllabus of basic education, or the entire syllabus of one subject, or a subject syllabus of one form. The upper secondary school certificate is awarded to a student who has completed the entire upper secondary school syllabus. The certificate for completion of a syllabus is given to a person who has completed the syllabus of one or more upper secondary school subjects. The certificate of resignation from upper secondary school is given to a student who leaves the school before completing the entire upper secondary school syllabus. The certificate of matriculation is awarded to a student who has passed the compulsory tests of the matriculation examination and who is awarded the upper secondary school certificate. France: There are three categories of baccalauréat: the general, (which was reformed in 2000 and offers three options: literary, science, social science), technological (which offers seven options, and is currently subject to review), and vocational (which was introduced in 1987 and offers over 40 options). There are a number of common subject areas across the three baccalauréats (in French, mathematics, history, geography etc) but the programmes of study are not the same across the three tracks. The baccalauréat model is popular because the general/academic and technological streams offer a passport to higher education and the vocational option has increased participation rates. Other vocational qualifications which may be taken in the vocational lycée (lycée professionnel) include the BEP (brevet d’enseignement professionnel or vocational training diploma) and, to a lesser extent, the CAP (certificat d’aptitude professionnelle or vocational aptitude certificate), normally at the end of the first year in the lycée (seconde). Lycée reform (phased in over three years from September 1999) is intended to reduce the workload for students to a maximum 35-hour week including homework and personal projects. It also extends the common core curriculum (French, combined history/geography, mathematics, civics, PE/Sport and art and music) to all students, regardless of specialisation (although the content is not the same for all), and provides class time for students to discuss matters that are important to them as a class. Proposals to include a proportion of continuous assessment in the baccalauréat are being strongly resisted by teacher unions. One reason given is that the baccalauréat is a national qualification, entitling those who pass to a place in higher education and the examination should therefore be the same for all.29 Germany: There is no national system of assessment for students receiving general education. However, the Standing Conference of the Ministries of Education and Cultural Affairs of all the Länder (constituent states) has established a national agreement, which aims to ensure uniformity in the level of ability required to pass the Abitur (the upper secondary leaving certificate/higher education entry qualification). The Standing Conference has also adopted standard examination requirements for

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33 subjects in the Abitur. The qualification awarded depends on the school attended. The Gymnasiale Oberstufe ends with the Abitur examination and successful students receive Allgemeine Hochschulreife (general higher education entrance qualification) after 13 or 12 years.30 Successful students at the vocational Berufliches Gymnasium or Fachgymnasium also receive the Allgemeine Hochschulreife, whilst those who have completed (3–4 year) dual qualification courses also receive a nationally-recognised vocational qualification (anerkannte Ausbildungsberufe). A 1997 agreement of the Standing Conference allowed the Länder, among other things, to introduce fast-track schemes in order to reduce the overall duration of the course leading to the Abitur examination from nine to eight years (age 10–18) and the length of compulsory education as a whole from around 13 to around 12 years. However, the required minimum number of hours of taught time remains the same. Greece: Students who graduate from lower secondary schools (gymnasia) are given a school-leaving certificate. With this certificate they may enrol in an upper secondary school (lykeio) or technical vocational educational school (TEE) to continue their education. Students who graduate from an upper secondary school (lykeio or EL) are given an upper secondary school-leaving certificate (Apolitirio Eniaiou Lykeiou) normally based on 30 per cent of their Year 2 and 70 per cent of their Year 3 marks. Ireland: There are three types of qualification: Leaving Certificate (Established), Leaving Certificate Vocational Programme (LCVP) and the Leaving Certificate Applied (LCA). The Leaving Certificate (Established) programme aims to prepare upper secondary students to be active citizens in society, to progress on to further education, training or employment and enable them to achieve their full personal, social, intellectual and vocational potential. The use of the Leaving Certificate examination for selection to third level institutions and various types of employment has a significant impact on the work of second-level schools, affecting curriculum content, methods of teaching, assessment and organisation of learners. The Leaving Certificate (Established) is currently being reviewed. The Leaving Certificate Vocational Programme (revised in 2000/02) offers participants a wider range of options, including vocational subjects, cross-curricular links, a wide variety of learning experiences and links between learning inside and outside school. It aims to develop students’ skills in terms of their vocational, technological and interpersonal capabilities and to foster in them a sense of enterprise and initiative. The Leaving Certificate Applied programme is primarily intended “to meet the needs of students who are not catered for by the Leaving Certificate (Established) and the Leaving Certificate Vocational Programme, and who might otherwise leave full-time education”31 by stressing curriculum integration and active learning. It thus plays a key part in retaining the maximum number of students within the second-level system until 18 years of age. Italy: The scuole superiori (which include licei and istituti) prepare students for the upper secondary state exam (Esame di Stato), the title of which may indicate the specialisation (for example, Esame di Stato di Liceo artistico).

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Luxembourg: At the end of the seventh year of secondary education students who have successfully passed a nationally organised examination receive the State secondary school leaving diploma, which gives access to higher education in all disciplines. The Netherlands: The secondary school tracks are named according to the qualification awarded on successful completion namely VMBO (normally leading to further vocational education at age 16), HAVO (leading to non-university higher education at age 17), and VWO (preparing for university at age 18). The requirements for the HAVO and VWO have recently been reformed, channelling student choice into one of four disciplines (science and technology; science and health; economics and society; and culture and society). The new HAVO and VWO are awarded on the basis of a national examination held in the final year and a school-assessed component. For some subjects there is no external examination. In contrast with other countries, upper secondary education reforms phased in between 1999–2001, reduced students’ freedom of choice of HAVO and VWO examination subjects. It introduced a curriculum comprising a compulsory core (50 per cent) and a choice from four broad subject combinations, each having compulsory (30 per cent) and optional (20 per cent) units.32 This aims to ensure that students follow a coordinated study programme and are better prepared for higher vocational education (HBO) or university. The reforms also stress independent study—to be carried out under the guidance of a teacher—but this is only just being implemented. Portugal: Students who pass the summative evaluation at the end of the Third Cycle, are awarded the basic education diploma by the school’s executive managing body. Students who complete (upper) secondary education are awarded a diploma of upper secondary studies (diploma of estudos secundários) indicating the course taken and the grade obtained. Spain: Students prepare for the Bachillerato (in one of: the arts; technology; sciences of nature and health; or social sciences and humanities) leading to university, work, or advanced specific vocational training. Alternatively, specific vocational training qualifications (modular courses according to the relevant field) offer access to advanced vocational training or employment. The LOGSE reforms, implemented progressively throughout the 1990s, raised the status of vocational education by introducing it into general, as well as specialist, secondary education. Sweden: Upper secondary schools offer 17 nationally determined programmes, (of which 15 are primarily vocationally oriented, two primarily academic) and a new national programme for technology. National tests exist to exemplify teacher assessment at upper secondary level, to ensure that teacher judgments are fair and to assist teachers in making these judgments. It is not necessary for all upper secondary students to take the national tests. A Parliamentary Commission has reviewed the organisation of courses and study routes in upper secondary education (including the offer of fewer, but broader, programmes) and of the need for an upper secondary examination. It is possible that the proposed examination law may relate to “major project work”, which requires students to take a cross-curricular approach

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to address the issues that arise and to demonstrate that they have transcended individual subject areas.

3.

CURRENT REFORMS

Secondary education is subject to widespread debate, review and reform. The following information was reported by National Units of the EURYDICE European education network between January and March 2005. Where appropriate, this section includes reforms relating to phases other than secondary education. 3.1.

Austria

In spring 2003, the Federal Minister set up the Future Commission to enhance the quality of school teaching. The proposals, comprising 30 individual measures in seven areas of action, were widely discussed at more than 100 events and on the Internet (www.klassezukunft.at). A major conference of all stakeholders, held on 14 February 2005, focused on three main areas: adaptation to the modern world of work; a stronger orientation to the needs of children; and the professionalisation of the teaching profession. “A New School”—Adjustment to the modern world of work like their parents, 6–14 year-olds should have a five-day working week ● all schools catering for 6–14 years-olds should offer (optional) day-time supervision programmes ●

“A New School”—Stronger orientation to the needs of children one year’s early language learning for students before the start of compulsory schooling ● challenges for high performers, differentiated remedial teaching to support weak performers ● step up the “Fit-for-Reading” campaign—especially for boys. Every school is to run a continuous quality process to strengthen reading competence ● promotion of mathematics and science ●

“A New School”—Professionalise the teaching profession mandatory in-service education of teachers, which is demand-led, school-based and provided during non-contact time ● establishing a University of Education which brings 50 institutions under one umbrella and provides in-service training for all teachers ● establishing a Leadership Academy to develop the skills of education managers ● further development of the school inspectorate. Of equal importance is the finalisation of the educational standards, which define the content and skills that students should master by Year 4 (in German and Mathematics) and by Year 8 (in German, Mathematics and English) as a basis for further education ●

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and vocational training. The educational standards are a concrete expression of a normative expectation towards which schools and students should be working. 3.2.

Belgium (NL)

Note that general elections to be held on the 13 June 2005 may affect these proposals. A white paper (2004) drawing on pilot projects and the findings outlined in the report Focus on Talent will serve as preparation for the educational innovations in Flemish secondary education by 2010. Following the enlargement of the European Union, schools should be able to increase the range of foreign language courses offered. The possibility of compulsory teaching of two foreign languages from the first year of secondary education is being investigated and foreign languages in vocational and technical secondary education will be re-evaluated. Unified centres for educational guidance will bring together the services responsible for student guidance and medical supervision respectively, to create a more transparent and coherent supply. Centres will be larger, each catering for 12,000 students, and will draw up a three-year policy plan or contract with associated schools. End of year exams currently govern promotion to the following year and a significant number of young people leave secondary vocational education without the final school certificate. To overcome this situation, a pilot scheme will trial the modularisation of the three-year cycle, where each module corresponds to a number of certificated vocational competencies. Successful completion of all modules leads to a final diploma, which indicates that the student has the range of competencies required to practice a given profession. Modularisation offers greater flexibility for schools, clarity for employers, and motivation for students through the experience of success. If successful, modularisation could be extended to other levels of education. A ministerial action plan to prevent anti-social behaviour at school, currently subject to widespread debate, proposes four kinds of (mainly preventative) actions: ● General school policy: including the creation of a positive, democratic and studentcentred school climate, enhancing the competence and satisfaction of teachers and head teachers; and creating an attractive school environment ● School-based preventative measures: student guidance, combating drop-out, and support for schools with a concentration of problem students ● Person-oriented measures: values education (respect for diversity, non-violent problem-solving) and specific awareness-raising actions (stickers, posters, badges) ● Preventative sanctions with educational objectives and involving family and friends, and cooperation with the social, health and youth protection services. 3.3.

Denmark

The Minister has established two priorities for Danish educational policy in the period 2005–2006. The reform of general upper secondary education (Gymnasium) courses and the preparatory examination (the HF Programme) aim to improve students’ study skills

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and independent learning and thus enhance their ability to complete higher education. The current division into mathematical, science or language tracks will be abolished, and students will follow a six-month introductory phase before choosing their subject combination. The HF programme will be more flexible allowing schools to organise teaching according to students’ individual needs, and students will have a greater choice of subjects and final examination packages to match their future education and employment needs. Upper secondary commercial vocational education and training programmes will be revised to meet business needs. The programmes will be outcomes-oriented so that students may complete them more quickly and find a job. Practical training will be more flexible, and new approaches will replace school-based practical training. The government will evaluate the provision of practical training places (including school-based practical training), the qualifications and competences acquired, and the resulting employment prospects. It aims to establish more flexible courses to provide recognised vocational competence, which allows subsequent upgrading of the acquired qualifications. 3.4.

England

Note that general elections to be held on 5 May 2005 may affect proposed reforms. The Education Act 2002 introduced: greater flexibility in the curriculum, school staffing and school governance; enhanced provisions to tackle poor performance; and greater transparency for school finance. The Act formally established the Foundation Stage (age 3–5 years) and brought in the foundation stage profile as the new statutory assessment for children at the end of the primary school reception year. In its spending plans for 2003–06, the Government provided for UK education spending to rise to 5.6 per cent of GDP by 2005–06, but these increases were to be matched by reform. The Education Bill 2004 provides the legislative framework to raise standards for every child in every school by developing a new relationship with schools and promoting greater autonomy and diversity in the education system. The key reforms are: ● a more efficient and effective school inspection system ● guaranteed three-year budgets for every school from 2006, aligned with the school year and ring-fenced ● school profiles, providing a balanced assessment of a school’s ethos, characteristics, performance and improvement priorities. In addition, other parts of the Bill will: establish a common basis for the inspection of education and day-care services delivered in children’s centres and extended schools; streamline the collection, storage and retrieval of school level data; extend existing legislation requiring local authorities to invite proposals for new or replacement secondary schools. The Children Act (2004) aims to maximise opportunities and to minimise risks for all children and young people, focusing services more effectively around the needs of children, young people and families. Every Child Matters: Next Steps (DfES, 2004)

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provides details of the consultation response and the wider, non-legislative, elements of change that are being taken forward to promote the well-being of all children. A Green Paper 14–19: Extending Opportunities, Raising Standards (DfES, 2002) and the follow-up document 14–19: Opportunity and Excellence (DfES, 2003) outlined key elements of the Government’s strategy to improve education provision for 14- to 19-year-olds in England. These include: ● providing work-related learning (from September 2004) and enterprise education (from September 2005) in all post-14 programmes ● building parity of esteem between academic and vocational qualifications, for example, through the introduction of General Certificate of Secondary Education (GCSE) qualifications in vocational subjects, which cross the academic and vocational divide ● from September 2004, reducing the number of compulsory subjects at key stage 4 (age 14–16), to enable students to follow learning programmes tailored to their needs ● greater opportunities for students to mix school, college and workplace learning ● encouraging new forms of partnership across school, further and higher education institutions to broaden the range and quality of study available to students. The 14–19 Curriculum and Qualifications Reform outlined “a vision for a unified framework of 14–19 qualifications, building on strengths within the current system while addressing its weaknesses.” (Department for Education and Skills, 2004.) More generally, the Qualifications and Curriculum Authority (QCA) in England has launched the QCA Futures: meeting the challenge debate, to ensure that the national curriculum and assessment frameworks are responsive to the changing demands of work and life in the 21st century and are informed by the latest and best thinking. The main questions to be addressed are: ● What forces for change should influence the development of our national curriculum? ● How should we adapt our system to meet the needs of the time? ● How do we guarantee an entitlement for all learners and at the same time allow scope for innovation and personalisation in the ways we organise learning? [http://www.qca.org.uk/10969.html] 3.5.

Finland

The revisions of the national core curriculum and time allocations for basic education (age 6–16) are due to be phased in by August 2006. The total number of weekly lessons will remain the same, although health education has been introduced. The biggest change from the 1994 national core curricula will be more specific guidelines and a contextual framework. 2004 regulations govern the objectives and nature of extracurricular morning and afternoon activities for school-aged children and the qualifications of personnel involved. Since August 2004, municipalities that arrange activities for students in Year 1–2 and students in special needs education have been entitled to government subsidies. Municipalities that (voluntarily) offer morning and afternoon activities may charge fees to parents. The Government will monitor the development of these activities and report in 2006.

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The curricular reform for general upper secondary education is also under way. A new national core curriculum has been drawn up and should be implemented by August 2005. There is much debate surrounding the reform of the matriculation examination, which aims to offer students a choice of three examinations—from second national language, foreign language, mathematics, and general studies—as well as the compulsory study of the national language. The structure of the examination in general studies has been reformed (with effect from 2006). One of the aims has been to make it more applicable to the selection of students for higher education. 3.6.

France

The Minister for Education, Higher Education and Research announced four priorities for the 2004/05 school year: ● boosting proficiency in French in primary schools and collèges (age 11–15), and developing arrangements to prevent illiteracy from the cours préparatoire (age 6) onwards ● improving the education of students with special needs, in particular by developing teaching units for their integration within secondary education ● the development of information and communication technology (ICT) ● broadening the European perspective of schools, including the creation of European and oriental languages sections in secondary schools to increase foreign language teaching. Following a major national debate on the future of schools during 2003/04, a national committee chaired by M. Claude Thélot reported to the Minister in October 2004. A draft law, presented to Parliament in January 2005, aims to amend and expand current legislation (Law 10 July 1989) whilst restating the fundamental role of schools in transmitting the values of the Republic. It proposes the establishment of a High Council for Education and sets 10 concrete objectives, to be achieved by 2010, including: ● increasing by 20 per cent the proportion of students from disadvantaged socioeconomic backgrounds who obtain the baccalauréat ● increasing by 15 per cent the proportion of students who study science at higher education ● increasing by 20 per cent the proportion of girls in general scientific and technological streams of upper secondary schools ● increasing by 20 per cent the number of students who reach the Council of Europe’s achievement level B1 in their first foreign language. 3.7.

Germany

Germany’s federal structure means that both Federal (Bund) and state (Länder) governments have educational responsibilities. Individual Länder are responsible for their respective education systems, but they cooperate within the framework of the Conference of Ministers for Education and Cultural Affairs (Kultusministerkonferenz) and prepare educational reforms by means of joint recommendations. Educational issues which affect both the Federal and State governments are discussed in the Bund-Länder Commission for Educational Planning and Research Promotion. The

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following overview sets out significant reforms that are determined at Federal level or in the Bund-Länder bodies. In 1999, the Federal Government and the Länder established an Education Forum to ensure the quality and future viability of the German education system. The Federal Government and the Länder agree on the necessity for regular national reports on the education system as a basis for reforms to ensure the quality of the education system. A first report on school education (Bildungsbericht für Deutschland: Erste Befunde) was published in autumn 2003 (summary at http://www. kmk.org/aktuell/bb_zusammenfassung.pdf). A comparison between the Länder of the performance of 15 year-old students (in reading skills, knowledge of mathematical and natural sciences, the cross-curricular competencies) is intended to provide an empirical basis for education policy decision-making. The results of comparative surveys have shown that reforms are necessary to develop and enhance the quality of the German education system. The December 2001 results of OECD Programme of International Student Assessment (PISA) led the Standing Conference of the Ministers of Education of the Länder to identify seven areas for action, including the improvement of pre-primary, primary and secondary education, the development of educational standards for primary and secondary schools and the further professionalisation of teacher training. Measures include strategic educational objectives, output-oriented control for central areas of the education system, focusing resources and the evaluation of the reforms on previously established criteria. Moreover, empirically based research into the causes of success or failure of pedagogical processes is required. The Federal Government and the Länder believe that the development, implementation and evaluation of educational standards (Bildungsstandards), binding on all Länder, is essential to ensure the quality of the German education system. The basis for the introduction of educational standards have been set out (http://www.kmk. org/schul/Bildungsstandards/Argumentationspapier308kmk.pdf). In 2003 and 2004, the Federal and Länder Ministers of Education agreed on educational standards at three key stages: ● at the end of primary education (grade 4) in German and mathematics ● for the Hauptschule leaving certificate (age 16) in German, mathematics and the first foreign language (English, French). ● for the Realschule school leaving certificate (Grade 10, age 17) in German, mathematics and the first foreign language (with effect from 2004/05) and in the natural sciences (biology, chemistry, physics) (with effect from 2005/06). The standards are based upon the areas of competence and the basic principles of the individual subjects. Banks of questions and exercises will be set up and continuously developed, to serve the Länder and their schools for internal and external evaluation. The Institute for Quality Development in Education (Institut für Qualitätsentwicklung – IQB) established by the Länder at the Humboldt University Berlin in 2004, will monitor whether the educational standards have been met. Half-day schooling is the traditional form of teaching, and full-day schools are still the exception in Germany. The establishment and development of schools offering

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all-day activities and care is intended to have lasting effects on the process of educational reform. It will entail the reform of teaching and learning through: the combination of lessons, additional options and leisure time activities; the integration of the school into its social, cultural and economical environment; and improved qualifications of educational staff. Support for individual students will be at the centre of the schooling process to reduce the effect of socio-economic disadvantage on student performance. Other reforms will ● support children from migrant families, especially to enhance their knowledge of the German language ● promote literacy in reading, mathematics and science ● continue strategic development of further education and life-long learning ● develop open, flexible and company-oriented training regulations and for new occupations and professions ● improve the training, qualifications and status of the teaching profession. 3.8.

Greece

Reforms affecting compulsory and upper secondary education include: ● School types: introduction of two types of Lykeion (general and vocational). In the general Lykeion (including also musical, athletic, theological classical schools and schools of art), students will choose between three proposed sections from Year 3: theoretical studies, physical (sciences) and technological studies and economics and social studies ● Curriculum: expansion (introduction of health education, traffic and consumers’ education, entrepreneurship for students, environmental education, ICT, arts, music, drama and dance); a unified cross-curricular approach (DEPPS); a flexible zone; full-day timetabling ● ICT: Fewer students per computer in schools; integration of ICT in education, computer-supported teaching and the expansion of primary school connections via the Panellenic School Network ● Foreign Language Teaching: National Certificate for efficiency in foreign languages. ● Teaching methods: emphasis on developing students’ critical abilities, reinforcing self-reliance and promoting skills for independent study; supplementary teaching for weaker students ● Evaluation: new methods to evaluate the system, schools, teachers and students ● Social inclusion: smooth integration of immigrants into the education system and into Greek society through the official adoption of multicultural education and opening access to higher education to groups who may not have completed secondary education ● Special needs education. improve operation and current staff recruitment for KDAY (Centres for Diagnosis, Assessment and Support) and EEEEK (Laboratories of special educational and vocational training). Establishment of a School Unit especially for children with multiple disabilities. The integration of ICTs in this field in collaboration with ICTs experts.

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European and International Dimension: integration at all levels of education, to attain the objectives of the Lisbon strategy and the Bologna and Copenhagen processes. 3.9.

Ireland

Ireland operates a partnership model of educational reform, whereby those most closely affected are consulted, whenever possible, when reforms are proposed. As a result, there is ongoing debate and discussion at all levels of the system in regard to educational policies and reforms. A continuous programme of reform at legal, administrative and professional levels which affects secondary education include: ● a phased roll-out of Whole School Evaluation by the Inspectorate of the Department of Education and Science began early in 2004 ● the results of a major survey of attitudes to education among the public—the first in 30 years—were published early in November 2004 and will inform future policy considerations ● the Education (Welfare) Act 2002 has replaced the previous school attendance legislation and the National Education Welfare Board is implementing new measures to ensure school attendance ● The Education for Persons with Special Educational Needs Act 2004 gives children with disabilities a statutory right to assessment of their educational needs and provision for those needs in an inclusive setting, unless such a placement is inappropriate or impractical. The Act sets out a range of services which must be provided, including assessments, education plans and support services and places the National Council for Special Education on a statutory footing, and gives it a duty to ensure that the rights of such children are vindicated ● the National Council of Curriculum and Assessment is conducting an ongoing review/development of the secondary education curricular programmes ● the National Educational Psychological Services Agency continues to increase its provision of an educational psychological service to all schools throughout the country. The general aim of the reforms is the improvement of the quality of education for children/students at all levels of the system, so that they can continue to contribute to the economic, social and cultural life of the country and can develop to their full potential as persons and participate fully as citizens in society. 3.10. 33

Italy

Legislation passed in 2003 divides the educational and training system into preschool infant education (age 3–6), a first school cycle comprising primary (age 6–11) and lower secondary (age 11–14) phases and a second school cycle, which includes the liceo system (age 14–19, artistic, classical, economic, linguistic, music, scientific, technological and humanities licei) and the vocational education and training system. Implementation of legislation is by the passing of decrees. However, there is considerable debate concerning the relationship between the primary and lower secondary school phases and, at upper secondary level, the need for students as young as 14 to

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choose between the various types of liceo and, in particular, between general education and vocational training. This law will rename the lower secondary compulsory phase (scuola media) as scuola secondaria di primo grado and aim to: ● promote independent study ● strengthen attitudes to social interaction ● organise knowledge and skills, also through ICT literacy and in-depth knowledge ● attend to the systematic dimension of the subjects ● link knowledge to the cultural tradition and social, cultural and scientific evolution of the contemporary reality ● progressively develop students’ ability to choose ● prepare students to pursue education and training ● introduce the study of a second foreign language of the European Union ● offer education and careers guidance. 3.10.1. Reforms in the implementation phase The three decrees governing the implementation of the following school reforms will take place as planned: ● The first decree ensures the right to education and training for at least twelve years or until students obtain a qualification by 18 years of age. The right relates to the first (primary and lower secondary) cycle and the second cycle (including upper secondary general education licei, the vocational education and training system and apprenticeships). ● The second decree regulates the school-and-workplace training in the second school cycle to provide students with the knowledge and skills required in the labour market. Students aged 15–18 may undertake their whole training by alternating between school and work placements. ● The third decree establishes the National Institute for the Evaluation of the Education and Training System (Istituto Nazionale di Valutazione del Sistema Educativo di Istruzione e Formazione—INVALSI), whose remit is progressively to improve and standardise the quality of the education system, through the evaluation of its effectiveness and efficiency, including in relation to the international context. INVALSI will monitor and evaluate student performance (based on teachers’ periodic and annual assessment of students’ learning and behaviour) and the quality of schools’ provision of education, training and lifelong learning. The decree for the implementation of the reform on upper secondary education has not been issued. It is intended to organise the so called doppio canale (double pathway) at upper secondary level (licei and vocational training system). The licei system includes 8 types of liceo (artistic, classic, human sciences, economic, linguistic, music and art of dancing, scientific, technological), organised in two two-year periods and a fifth year of in depth study and guidance for university studies. The Reform Law also introduces a system of student assessment to take place every two years. Any student who fails the tassessment will have to repeat the year. An evaluation team will be set up to monitor the quality of teaching and the cultural

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level of students. Eventually, the Reform Law will cover initial and in-service teacher training. Teachers at all school levels will have to obtain a laurea specialistica (specialised degree) and universities will offer in-service training to prepare teachers for the requirements of the reforms. 3.11.

Luxembourg

Since 2000, the Ministry for National Education and Vocational Training has undertaken a number of reforms which are currently being implemented. These focus on ◆ student guidance ◆ progressively increasing the number of young people who obtain appropriate qualifications ◆ the participation of partners, and opening schools up to the outside world ◆ the management of the education system. The 1989 review of upper secondary general education introduced greater differentiation after Year 4. The law of 25th June 2004 has devolved considerable budgetary, organisational and pedagogical autonomy to upper secondary general and technical schools. Teachers, parents and students enjoy greater participation rights. Early school leavers receive a supplementary year of vocational training and specialization in order to facilitate their transition into working life. An education media commission has been set up within the Ministry of Education to coordinate and reinforce the special IT equipment programme adopted, inter alia, within the framework of the “national action plan for employment”. With effect from the 1996/97 school year, the entrance examination governing transition from primary to secondary/technical post-primary education was replaced by a more flexible guidance process which takes account of the personal as well as academic abilities of the student. Major discussions still revolve around the transition from primary school to post-primary level, the integration of foreign children into the Luxembourg education system, the criteria for the advancement of students in general secondary education, the evaluation of the quality of the national school system and, finally, an alternative approach to the management of the education system through the introduction of partial autonomy (see general remark above). Basic competencies and educational standards are currently discussed and will lead to pilot studies in autumn 2005. 3.12.

The Netherlands

The government plans to introduce block grant funding in August 2006, which will give individual school governing bodies (“competent authorities”) autonomy to determine the spending of their allocated budget. “Basic” (lower) secondary education (basisvorming) has been evaluated by the Education Inspectorate, whose report concludes that the principles of lower secondary education have not yet been fully implemented in all schools, that the curriculum is overloaded and fragmented and that too little account is taken of the differences between students. Recommendations include replacing the term basisvorming by

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“first stage” or “lower years” of secondary education and new attainment targets will be formulated. It is expected that the relevant legislation will come into force by August 2006. 3.13.

Portugal

Two key concepts underpin the changes introduced in the Portuguese Education System: the Knowledge-based Economy and the Information Society, and fostering and consolidating the dynamics of change by redefining schools as a focal point for building knowledge, skills, competence, attitudes and interests. The education service is being changed: ● from a system of teaching/graduating, to a system based on lifelong learning ● from a closed system to an open system, to facilitate the diversity of educational pathways, employability and the adaptability of qualifications ● from a system of schools not sufficiently integrated in the community, to a system centred on schools with growing autonomy and closely involved in the community and its environment ● from a system of isolated schools, to a school grouping system. The principal points of change and development are as follows: ● priority investment in education and training which will provide young people with key transferable skills, such as adaptability, critical thinking, a capacity for innovation, creativity, a capacity for teamwork, entrepreneurship and problem-solving abilities ● strengthening the technological and scientific dimensions in education and information and communication technologies in schools and ensuring that young people will enter working life with a post-compulsory education corresponding to an initial vocational qualification ● promoting schools as places which transmit respect for values such as work, discipline, high levels of performance, accuracy and competence leading to excellence ● diversification of educational and training pathways and labour market entry options which ensure: basic education for all; equal opportunities; measures against social exclusion; coordination and suitability of training supply to labour market needs; strengthening training strategies which combine classroom and workplace teaching; improved information and educational guidance services ● expanding provision of lifelong learning; helping the work force develop the skills, versatility and adaptability necessary in a modern technology-based society; recognition and accreditation of skills and knowledge, including those gained in an informal environment ● education for citizenship, including social skills, intercultural cooperation, protection of the environment, and the fight against exclusion and info-exclusion ● reorganisation of basic education curriculum comprising guidelines (which set down the learning principles, skills and experiences) but offers flexibility to meet the needs and characteristics of each student, school or region ● developing the practice of evaluation of institutions, education staff and students, as a way of improving their performance and their organisational, professional and personal development

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an education which prepares young people to meet the challenges of globalisation. Medium-term objectives which must be achieved to raise the low levels of qualification of the working population include ● reorganise and enhance basic education provision, linked to the development of pre-school education and secure consistency and continuity between the three cycles of basic education and upper secondary education. ● develop experimental teaching in basic (primary, lower secondary) and upper secondary education ● diversify educational and training pathways and the transition to active life; increase the training capacity of the education system; increase participation in upper secondary education and secure sufficient provision of secondary technological, artistic and vocational education and to attract around 50 per cent of young people to these pathways ● provide for the teaching of two foreign languages throughout compulsory schooling. The principal debates have evolved around the new changes implemented in the Portuguese educational system, namely: ● the creation of a new regime of autonomy, administration and management of schools ● assessment of the national curriculum’s progress ● development of a set of integrated and systematised initiatives to combat drop-out at compulsory education level and development of School Welfare Centres (Project “I am not quitting”) ● changes of the prerequisites for access and entry to higher education, from 2004 onwards, requiring a minimal mark in the admission examination with the aim of improving the quality of the system ● assessment of school performance, the results being made public, and setting up of a system of merit recognition and of support to schools with greater needs ● revision of the new regime for Special Education and Educational Welfare ● development of an intervention plan for the teaching of Portuguese to students coming from other countries or with different cultural backgrounds. ●

3.14.

Spain

The Organic Act on the Quality of Education (LOCE, 2002) partially modifies the LODE (1985), LOGSE (1990) and LOPEG (1995) legislation on non-university education. Its measures focus on enhancing the quality of the system and on its alignment with European Union educational priorities. Two elements (the assessment criteria for progress between classes during compulsory secondary education and a new appointment system of head teachers of educational establishments) were implemented prior to the 2004 elections. However, the incoming government (2004) has deferred the implementation of all other measures except the cost-free nature of education for 3–6 year-olds and the phased abolition of the specialised education language teaching curriculum. Deferred measures cover: new curricula, educational “tracks” and pre-vocational programmes for compulsory education, the replacement of religious education by

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“Cultural Society and Religion” which has a denominational and a non-denominational option; the assessment criteria for student progression between classes and for the award of lower and upper secondary education qualifications, and the recognition of qualifications obtained on superseded courses. Global educational guidance issues and claims by some Autonomous Communities that the implementation of the Act could undermine the effective management of education services and the system, have led to the postponement, which marks a new period of reflection and consultation with the stakeholders, to achieve a high quality, equitable education system acceptable to all involved. The Ministry of Education and Science has drawn up a discussion document in which proposals are organised into seven sections: 1. general reflections on the quality of education and equal opportunities 2. proposals intended to reinforce and confer a special nature to pre-primary and primary education 3. measures to enhance diversity in compulsory secondary education 4. focus on the early introduction of foreign languages, and information and communication technologies 5. implications of values and citizenship education 6. implications for teaching staff 7. participation by, and co-responsibility of, the educational community for education. These proposals are not considered as final. The government intends that these reforms will become effective from the beginning of the school year 2006–07, which would require legislation to be passed by the beginning of the 2005–06 school year. 3.15.

Sweden

An active reform policy has characterised the area of education during the last decade. New curricula and syllabi have been developed for compulsory (age 7–16) and upper secondary education, and the curriculum for compulsory education has been amended to cover the pre-school class (age 6–7) and the leisure-time centre. This constitutes the first pre-school curriculum. Upper secondary education is facing changes in order to modernise it and to enhance quality. The enhancement of quality at all phases of education is of high priority for the Swedish Government. In spring 2003, the National Agency for Education was divided into two separate agencies, which address, respectively, the development of the education system, and monitoring and evaluating municipal and independent schools in a six-year cycle. Municipalities and schools will be obliged to present annual quality reports. Swedish education is steered with a goal- and result-oriented system. One of the most important means of governing is the Education Act 1985. Since 1999, a parliamentary commission has reviewed the Education Act and submitted proposals on the need to adapt the Act to the changes that have subsequently taken place in the education system. The Commission proposals, presented its report on 16 December 2002, have been circulated for official comment.

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The Commission on the Education Act proposes a new Education Act (to be submitted to the Riksdag in 2005) with some common provisions for all (public and private-sector) education, from pre-school to upper secondary school. This involves comprehensive deregulation of municipal schools. The responsibility of the school head for pedagogical work is given prominence, whilst a number of administrative provisions will disappear. The Commission proposes that only qualified teachers should be permitted to award grades, and that the grades may also be re-assessed by another teacher. Students’ need for support should be examined and appeals against certain decisions on such matters may be allowed. It is proposed that the National Agency for Education should have greater powers to impose sanctions on municipal schools. In the autumn of 2000, a pilot project was launched in a selection of municipalities, whereby about 900 schools were allowed to design their own timetables, to achieve greater flexibility and to meet the needs of every student. A final evaluation is due in 2005. The government has initiated a pilot project (August 2003 to June 2007) which enables municipalities to arrange subject education in English in the 9–16 age range. The Government’s bill Knowledge and quality—eleven steps for improving upper secondary school aims to improve upper secondary education (within the framework of the present programme-based system) so that more students reach the common objectives and thus acquire the knowledge they need for a good life at work and leisure. ● the award of grades by subjects instead of by modules and the introduction of an upper secondary school diploma ● modern apprenticeship training to revitalise vocational training ● the improvement of upper secondary individual programmes (i.e. programmes tailored to the needs of individual students) ● open entrance, to give students greater freedom of school choice and stimulate regional cooperation ● history to be a new core subject; (the core subjects depend on the focus of the programme) ● quality auditing of locally-determined programmes by the National Agency for Education ● the improvement of the quality of upper secondary vocational programmes ● the improvement of the quality of basic vocational programmes in the reformed upper secondary phase, for example, by providing a better link to working life ● ensuring that upper secondary school projects give a better overall picture of a student’s upper secondary education and more extensive contextual and advanced programmes. 4.

EUROPEAN UNION EDUCATION PRIORITIES AND APPROACHES

Countries—and states—are reluctant to relinquish their control over education, not least because it is a primary means for reflecting and developing societal values,

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norms and traditions. Until 1992, the European Union’s legitimate involvement in national education and training systems was strictly limited to those “training” initiatives which were deemed important to the achievement of the free mobility of persons throughout the then European Economic Community. 4.1.

Information

The EURYDICE information network, established in 1980, offered an enquiry system enabling policymakers to seek information about education systems, policies and developments in other Member States. Each enquiry was expressed in terms of the context and needs of the country which asked the question, but the responses were retained on file for future enquiries. However, it seemed cost-effective to make the responses more widely available by means of “overviews” and the first of these was published in 1985 (Le Métais, 1985). Because questions of the structure of systems emerged repeatedly, a summary of the education and initial training systems was produced by EURYDICE and CEDEFOP (The European Centre for the Development of Vocational Training) (EURYDICE/ CEDEFOP, 1991). This was subsequently developed into “national dossiers”, offering more detailed descriptions of education from pre-school to university and beyond and including information on teacher training and deployment. The “overviews” were developed into more systematic reports including the Key Data series, which include statistical information supplied by EUROSTAT,34 and thematic studies.35 The themes of these reports are related to the priorities of the European Community Education Committee. All of this information has raised awareness of policy makers at national level, who make reference to overseas practice in support of their proposals (for example, the grant maintained school proposals in England in 1988). Although countries jealously guarded their independence, some voluntary convergence of systems can be observed. 4.2.

Programmes

The Treaty of European Union was signed in Maastricht by Foreign and Finance Ministers of Member States on 7 February 1992. This “marked a new stage in the process of creating an ever closer union among the peoples of Europe, in which decisions are taken as closely as possible to the citizen” (European Union, 1992, Article A) and changed the status of the European Economic Community into the European Union.36 Education and training were seen as important to the implementation of economic and employment policies, in particular in terms of mobility. Accordingly, the “Maastricht Treaty” gave the European Community a more prominent role in education and training: The [European] Community shall contribute to the development of quality education by encouraging cooperation between Member States and, if necessary, by supporting and supplementing their action, while fully respecting the responsibility of the Member States for the content of

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teaching and the organisation of education and their cultural and linguistic diversity” (Treaty of European Union, 1992, Article 149, my emphasis). Co-operation on the mobility of young workers and of higher education students (whose education was deemed to be “vocational”, and therefore legitimately the concern of the EC) was to be considerably expanded. Programmes were established to support education (Socrates), vocational training (Leonardo da Vinci) and youth (Youth for Europe). The Socrates programme comprises eight parts, or Actions, elements which support European co-operation on a range of educational projects, initiatives and professional development, to improve quality and strengthen the European dimension in education. Those which specifically concern schools are: ● Comenius, which supports joint curriculum projects between schools and colleges, staff training opportunities and the development of networks. ● Lingua, which supports projects that raise awareness of language learning opportunities and that develop language learning materials. ● Minerva, which aims to promote improved understanding and awareness of Information and Communication Technology and Open and Distance Learning and to develop new teaching and learning approaches. ● Observation and Innovation actions, including Arion study visits (for practitioners and policy makers), and the EURYDICE (education systems and policy) and NARIC (national academic recognition information centre) networks. 4.3.

Case Study: Foreign Languages

Whilst it is not possible to attribute trends and developments specifically to EU initiatives and programmes, the sharing of information, closer collaboration and programmes can reasonably be expected to have influenced thinking. However, the learning of foreign languages has been specifically targeted. Linguistic competence is clearly important for the promotion of mobility. In addition to the Lingua programme, the EU has set specific objectives that young people should learn at least two languages in addition to their mother tongue. Two countries have a long tradition of foreign language learning: Luxembourg, which has three national languages, and the Netherlands. Most other countries show an increase in language learning, both in terms of the earlier start, and the duration and number of languages studied, see Figures 7.2 and 7.3. The exceptions are England, where foreign languages are compulsory only for those aged 11 to 14 and Ireland, where both English and Irish are compulsory subjects. However, the lack of compulsion does not mean that some students do not voluntarily study foreign languages. In most countries, languages other than English, French, German, Spanish account for a very small proportion of all languages learnt. In other words, in the great majority of European countries, students learn first and foremost—indeed almost exclusively—major languages used on a broad scale.

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216 1974 Austria

10–18 37

1984 8–18

1994

2003

8–18

8–18 (being phased in from age 6)

Belgium (NL)

12–18

12–18

12–18

12–18

Denmark

11–19

11–19

10–19

10–19

England 38

—

—

11–16

11–16 5–17

Finland

7–17

7–17

5–17

France

11–18

11–18

11–18

Germany

10–18

10–18

10–19

Greece

12–18

12–18

9-18

Ireland Italy

—

—

11–14

11–14

39

10–18 (being phased in from age 8) 10–18 (being phased in from age 8) 9-18

—

—

8–14

7–14

Luxembourg

6–19

6–19

6–19

6–19

Netherlands

12–18

12–18

10–18

4–18

Portugal

10–17

10–17

10–17

10–17

Spain

11–18

11–18

8–18

8–18 (being phased in from age 3)

8–14

8–14

5–17

5–17

Sweden

Figure 7.2. Start and duration of compulsory first foreign language learning 1974, 1984, 1994, 2003 Source: EURYDICE (2005). Figure B3.

Number of languages studied at ISCED 2 1 2 3

0

Number of languages studied at ISCED 3 0 1 2 3

Austria

1

—

90

8.9

3

36.6

50.6

9.8

Belgium (NL)40

3.2

48.6

48.2

—

0.4

—

43.7

55.8

Denmark

—

53.37

46.2

—

—

—

74.2

25.8

England41

19.9

73.0

6.9

0.3

n/a

n/a

n/a

n/a

Finland

0.7

2.5

65.9

30.9

—

0.2

35.6

64.2

France

—

53.5

44.6

1.9

—

10.2

83.0

6.7

Germany

n/a

n/a

n/a

n/a

n/a

n/a

n/a

n/a

Greece

0.6

4.6

94.8

—

0.8

90.7

8.5

—

Ireland42

11.8

74.5

13.5

0.2

17.4

76.9

5.2

0.5

Italy43

—

77.7

22.3

—

11.1

59.0

23.9

5.9

Luxembourg

—

—

48.8

11.0

—

—

51.2

89.0

Netherlands

—

20.9

55.8

23.3

—

63.2

28.0

8.9

Portugal44

n/a

n/a

n/a

n/a

n/a

n/a

n/a

n/a

Spain

n/a

n/a

n/a

n/a

n/a

n/a

n/a

n/a

Sweden

—

28.7

68.6

2.8

—

7.3

74.5

18.3

Figure 7.3.

Percentage distribution of students according to number of languages studied, general secondary education (ISCED 2 and ISCED 3) 2001/02

Source: EURYDICE 2005, Figure C2 (from Eurostat, New Cronos May 2004) Note: n /a  data not available

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What Next for Europe?

Following the Maastrich Treaty (see above) successive agreements have led to the establishment of a strategic objective, a process (the “Open method of Coordination” or OMC45), and a set of indicators and benchmarks for compulsory and post-compulsory education. Collectively, they will come to define “world class education”, and exercise a dominant influence in the 25 Member States of the European Union. The CIDREE Yearbook for 2003, Becoming the Best: Educational Ambitions for Europe (Standaert, 2003), provides a detailed account of the evolution of these policies and a critical analysis of their implications and potential consequences.46 Standaert comments on the remarkable extent to which the Member States of the European Union have accepted the increasingly “interventionistic [sic] European politics in the area of education which have been deployed since the top conference in March 2000 in Lisbon” (Standaert, 2003, p. 9) and goes on (pp. 124–132) to express reservations about: ● the undemocratic decision-making process, which involved the heads of state and their education ministers, but excluded the European Parliament, the Committee of Regions and the stakeholders in the Member States ● the unilateral focus on the economy and relative neglect of values-based education ● the indicators-based “tunnel vision” and the effect of benchmarking as standardisation, and ● the disregard for research findings (notably Fullan, 1995 and subsequent publication) which show that innovation is a time-consuming process (the deadline set for meeting the benchmarks is 2010). But there is no doubt that heads of state will expect their country to feature well in the “league tables” of countries’ performance against the targets which will, inevitably, result. After all, the objective established at the Lisbon Summit (March, 2000), for the European Union “to become the most competitive and dynamic knowledge-based economy in the world capable of sustainable economic growth with more and better jobs and greater social cohesion”, is one to which most countries would aspire. Judging by the reactions to other international surveys, it could be expected that, as European performances will be benchmarked against the “wider world”, as represented by the Japan and the USA, these two countries will not remain impervious to European influences. Such “internationalisation” of curricula does not necessarily enhance international understanding. Moreover, this dimension does not appear to play a major role within curricula, although the learning of geography, history and modern languages do contribute some knowledge and, depending on the teaching, insight. However, the European Union has introduced numerous initiatives to support the integration of the European dimension into the curriculum (including teacher visits and exchanges, school links and exchanges, and periods of study or work experience in other European countries for higher education students and young workers). It could be argued, however, that a focus on Europe (to the possible exclusion of other continents) might limit the perspective and understandings of students.

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CONCLUSION

It is clear, both from documentary sources and from the discussions with education professionals that perceptions of the challenges faced by education systems are similar across the world. The exchange of information has enabled us to develop shared concepts and terminology. However, the ways in which these challenges are faced must be different, on the one hand, because each national context and heritage is different, and on the other, because future success depends not on doing the same things better, but on rising above the crowd. As suggested in this chapter, all educational initiatives have “side-effects” or implications and authorities have to weigh up the potential benefits against any disadvantages. At the same time, they have to try to satisfy the (conflicting) demands of different stakeholders and changing political priorities. This may explain why review and reform are constant elements in educational policy and provision.

NOTES 1

2

3

4

5 6 7

8 9 10 11 12

13 14

The findings of the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) survey of 15 year-old students’ achievements in language/literacy, mathematics and science, (OECD, 2000) suggest that there is no significant correlation between centralised curricula and high student performance in reading, mathematical and scientific literacy. Indeed, a perception that centralised curricula might prevent schools from meeting the needs of individual students has led to reduced prescription, for example, in England (Curriculum 2000), the Netherlands (revised Basisvorming) and Spain (LOGSE). For example, the centrally-organised upper secondary courses and examinations in the Netherlands are perceived to undermine school autonomy, as laid down in the Constitution and reaffirmed by government policy. The chapter draws extensively on the INCA Archive and thematic studies (O’Donnell, et al., 2004) (see www.inca.org.uk) and on EURYBASE, the database of national descriptions of education and other publications by EURYDICE, the information network on education in Europe (see www.eurydice.org). The International Standard Classification of Education (ISCED) was designed by UNESCO to serve “as an instrument suitable for assembling, compiling and presenting statistics of education both within individual countries and internationally”. ISCED 1997 was approved by the UNESCO General Conference in November 1997. In some states (Länder), education leading up to the Abitur is divided into 10
2 and in others 9
3. Compulsory education starts at age 4, compulsory schooling at age 5. Schools are increasingly linked to the Internet, and there are initiatives to identify effective teaching practices using ICT, involving partnerships between schools, and between schools and businesses. Computer-based assessment is also being trialled. Especially physics and chemistry. For example, a level 2 pass in ICT is a requirement for the proposed Matriculation diploma in England. GCSE examinations are normally taken at age 16. http://www.dfes.gov.uk/rsgateway/DB/SFR/s000551/sfr03–2005.pdf. By contrast, upper secondary education in Italy has strict demarcations between academic and vocational schools, but also between the sciences and the arts and humanities. http://www.pisa.oecd.org/knowledge/summary/h.htm., based on Figure 8.4 in the full report. At key stage 4 (14–16), the National Curriculum comprises: English; mathematics; science; design and technology; information and communication technology (ICT); physical education (PE) and citizenship. Religious education is compulsory, except where parents request a dispensation.

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19

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The proposals for reforming education provision for 14–19 year olds, including an overarching matriculation diploma at age 18/19. For details, please see: http://www.14–19reform.gov.uk/. Over the past 10 years, secondary education for students aged 12–18 has been restructured. An evaluation has found that the aim of broadening education has not been achieved and that the curriculum, in particular, is overloaded and fragmented. As a result, some streamlining is taking place. Students’ responses to the upper secondary review, in the Netherlands. Covering the 15 European Union member States, the three EFTA/EEA countries (Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway) and the 12 pre-accession countries in central and Eastern Europe. See: EURYDICE, 2001. The Connexions Service is a major recent government initiative, designed to offer a range of guidance and support for 13- to 19-year-old students, to facilitate transition from school to adult life. It will absorb and expand the work of existing careers services. For further details, see http://www.connexions. gov.uk/. In the Netherlands, social responsibility has recently been introduced as a separate (internally assessed) subject at upper secondary level for one hour weekly over two years. Except in the areas of Alsace and Lorraine, which were formerly part of Germany. There has been a trend in European Union Member States to shorten the length of first degree studies, from six or seven years to around four years. At the same time, a limited number of courses at English universities take four years, instead of the more usual three. GCE Advanced Levels (comprising GCE Advanced Subsidiary and A2 examinations) are single subject examinations, with no minimum number of subjects required for certification. Traditionally, students have studied two to four subjects, often in a related field. Compared with other OECD countries, the UK rate of entry to higher education (42 per cent) is high, and the median age of graduation (age 22) is young. Changes in the extent of specialisation at school level may affect these figures. Distance education, especially when delivered through the Internet, allows students to “attend” lectures and tutorials, to complete “practical” work and quizzes, to interact with lecturers and other students, and to submit their assignments electronically. Because qualifications need to be transferable between the constituent countries of the UK, and also within the European Union, the Qualifications and Curriculum Authority (QCA—in England), the Northern Ireland Council for the Curriculum, Examinations and Assessment (CCEA) and the Qualifications Curriculum and Assessment Authority for Wales (ACCAC) are collaborating on a national qualifications framework. See QCA, CCEA and ACCAC (2000a, 2000b and 2001). Admission to the grandes écoles is controlled by competitive examinations known as concours. Admission to “numerus fixus” courses is subject to an average of over 80% and others by lottery Reforms introduced in August 2000 aimed: to encourage students to study up to five subjects for one year to GCE Advanced Subsidiary Level and continue their study of three of the subjects during the second year to GCE Advanced Level; to combine vocational and academic study; and to study the key business skills of communication, application of number and information technology for a Key Skills qualification. France has, for the first time, published university league tables, based on the success rates of students taking the dîplome d’études universitaires générales (DEUG), the initial university qualification designed to be completed in two years of study. The tables also take into account how effective universities are at accommodating students’ diverse social backgrounds. Most universities obtain pass rates of more than 75 per cent. The results suggest that students who have specialised in science subjects for the baccalaureate (upper secondary qualification) and those from professional backgrounds are the most successful. Times Higher Education Supplement (THES) 26 October 2001 Egalitarian France measures success. In some Länder, the general higher education entrance qualification can be awarded after 12 years of school, either generally or within the scope of pilot projects in schools. To guarantee the mutual recognition of the Abitur obtained after this shorter course, these Länder have to ensure teaching of a total of at least 265 weekly periods in the lower secondary level and the Gymnasiale Oberstufe. Report on the National Evaluation of the Leaving Certificate Applied. The total study load of 40 hours for 40 weeks per year, comprising class work, homework and private study, is being reduced as a result of parental pressure.

220 33 34 35 36 37 38

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Law No 53 of 28 March 2003. See http://www.eurydice.org/Doc_intermediaires/indicators/en/frameset_key_data.html. See http://www.eurydice.org/Doc_intermediaires/analysis/en/frameset_analysis.html. See: http://europa.eu.int/en/record/mt/top.html. In the Brussels region, the ages are 8–18 throughout the three decades. The National Curriculum in 1988 made the study of a modern language compulsory between the ages of 11 and 16. However, this requirement has now been lifted for 14-to 16-year-olds in 1994. Foreign language is no longer compulsory after Year 10, i.e. from age 15. In the Brussels region, the ages 8–18 throughout the three decades. Agglomerated statistics for England, Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales. Irish is compulsory for all, but does not count as a foreign language. 2003 legislation (to be implemented) introduces the study of a second EU language. Since 1986, basic education aims to enable students to learn one, and the basics of a second language. See: http://europa.eu.int/comm/education/policies/pol/policy_en.html#traité. See also, Neetens, S. 2003.

REFERENCES European Union. (1922). Treaty of European Union. [Online] at: http://europa.eu.int/en/record/mt/ top.html. [Accessed January 2005] EURYBASE [Online] at www.eurydice.org [Accessed January 2005]. EURYDICE. (2001). Basic Indicators on the Incorporation of ICT into European Education Systems: Facts and Figures. 2002/01 Annual Report. Brussels:EURYDICE European Unit. EURYDICE. (2004). Key Data on Information and Communication Technology in Schools in Europe—2004 Edition. Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities. Also [Online] at http://www.eurydice.org/Documents/KDICT/en/FrameSet.htm [Accessed February 2005]. EURYDICE (2005). Key Data on Teaching Languages at School in Europe. [2005 Edition.] Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities. Also [Online] at: http://www. eurydice.org/Documents/KDLANG/2005/EN/FrameSet.htm [Accessed February 2005]. EURYDICE/CEDEFOP. (1991). Structures of the Education and Initial Training Systems in the European Union and the EFTA/EEA Countries. Brussels: EURYDICE European Unit. EURYDICE/Eurostat. (2002). Key Data on Education in Europe, 2002. Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities. Also [Online] at http://www.eurydice.org/Documents/ KDLANG/2005/EN/FrameSet.htm [Accessed February 2005]. Glick, D. (2002). “Realising the potential of on-line learning.” Paper presented at Association of Supervision and Curriculum Development Conference, San Antonio, March 2002: (Minnesota. [email protected] http://cfl.state.mn.us/onlinelearning) [Accessed January 2005]. Le Métais, J. (1985). Homework Policy and Practice in Selected European Countries. Brussels: EURYDICE European Unit. Maguire, S. Maguire, M. and Heaver, C. (2002) Implementation of the Education Maintenance Allowance Pilots: the second year. DfES Research Report 333. London: Department for Education and Skills. Neetens, S. (July 2003). Brief description of the European Union’s Competences in the Field of Education. [Online] at:. http://www.esib.org/documents/eueducation.pdf. [Accessed February 2005]. O’Donnell, S., Sargent, C. and Le Métais, J. (2004). INCA: The International Review of Curriculum and Assessment Frameworks Archive. London: Qualifications and Curriculum Authority (QCA). [Online] at: http://www.inca.org.uk [Accessed January 2005]. Qualifications and Curriculum Authority (QCA); Northern Ireland Council for the Curriculum, Examinations and Assessment (CCEA); Qualifications Curriculum and Assessment Authority for Wales (ACCAC) (2000a). Guidance on the key skills units: communication, application of number and information technology levels 1–3. London: QCA. Qualifications and Curriculum Authority (QCA); Northern Ireland Council for the Curriculum, Examinations and Assessment (CCEA); Qualifications Curriculum and Assessment Authority for

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Wales (ACCAC) (2000b) Guidance on the key skills units: communication, application of number and information technology level 4. London: QCA. Qualifications and Curriculum Authority (QCA); Northern Ireland Council for the Curriculum, Examinations and Assessment (CCEA); Qualifications Curriculum and Assessment Authority for Wales (ACCAC) (2001) Addendum: guidance on the key skills units: communication, application of number and information technology. London: QCA. Standaert, R. (Ed.) (2003). Becoming the Best: Educational Ambitions for Europe. (CIDREE Yearbook 3) Enschede: SLO. United Kingdom. Department for Education and Employment (2001). Schools: Building on Success. London: DfEE. United Kingdom. Department for Education and Skills. (2002). 14–19: Extending Opportunities, Raising Standards. Green Paper. London: DfES. United Kingdom. Department for Education and Skills. (2003). 14–19: Opportunity and Excellence. London: DfES. United Kingdom. Department for Education and Skills (18 0ctober 2004). (2004). 14–19 Curriculum and Qualifications Reform: Final report of the working group on 14–19 reform. (The Tomlinson Report). London: DfES. [Online] at: http://www.14–19reform.gov.uk/docs_general/_70/ Final%20Report3.doc [Accessed January 2005]. United Kingdom. Department for Education and Skills. (2004). Every Child Matters: Next Steps London: DfES. United Kingdom. Department for Education and Skills. (January 2005a). Participation in Education, Training and Employment by 16–18 year olds in England: 1985 to 2003 (Revised). SFR 03/2005. [Online] at: http://www.dfes.gov.uk/rsgateway/DB/SFR/s000551/sfr03–2005.pdf [Accessed January 2005]. United Kingdom. Department for Education and Skills. (January 2005b). GCSE and Equivalent Results and Associated Value Added Measures for Young People in England, 2003/04 (Revised). SFR 01/2005. [Online] at http://www.dfes.gov.uk/rsgateway/DB/SFR/s000549/SFR01–2005v3.pdf

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BARRY M C GAW

IMPROVING THE EFFECTIVENESS, EFFICIENCY AND EQUITY OF EDUCATION

1.

INTRODUCTION

Education policy often seems to be based on intuition, ideology or conventional wisdom about what works. With a base as insecure as this, policy change can be frequent and inadequately justified so many countries are currently seeking to build a more secure evidence base for policies. This paper gives examples of quantitative bases that can offer some guide to policy options and examines ways in which more might be achieved. It reviews current debates about the applicability of randomised control trials and other approaches in the evaluation of education policies and programs. 2.

INCREASED IMPORTANCE OF EDUCATION POLICY

There is growing international evidence confirming the importance of education to economic growth. The OECD Growth Study shows that the estimated long-term effect on economic output of one additional year of education, on average, for the working-age population in the OECD area generally falls between 3 and 6% (cited in OECD, 2005, p.144). With data from the International Adult Literacy Survey, Coulombe et al. (2004) show that a country able to attain literacy scores 1 per cent higher than the international average will achieve levels of labour productivity and GDP per capita that are 2.5% and 1.5% higher, respectively, than those of other countries. There are also benefits for individuals from increased education and training in terms of higher salaries and improved employment opportunities (OECD, 2004c, pp.183–224; OECD, 2005, pp. 100–143). Recognition of these benefits is evident in the priority being given to education in many countries. In the US, a Republican President in the 1980s considered closing the federal Department of Education and leaving education policy to the States in line with constitutional provisions. Twenty years later, a Republican President made education reform the subject of the first domestic legislation of his administration. In the UK in the 1990s, the Prime Minister declared before his first term that his top three priorities would be “education, education, education”. In subsequent terms, the high priority for education has remained. In 2000, the European Union (EU) Heads of State established the goal of the EU becoming “the most competitive and dynamic knowledge-based economy in the 223 C. Hughes (ed.), Secondary Education at the Crossroads, 223–244. © 2006 Springer.

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world” by 2010 and they included a “challenging programme for the modernisation of . . . education systems” among the strategies to reach the goal (European Commission, 2005). Many analyses also indicate that improved levels of education are also likely to lead to improved health and other social outcomes. A summary of this evidence is provided in OECD (2001b). 3.

A FOCUS ON THE OUTPUTS OF EDUCATION SYSTEMS

With this increased concern about education policy, there is a growing focus on the quality of educational outcomes. Earlier discussions often focused on international comparisons of levels of investment, using the percentage of GDP spent on education as the indicator. Today, the focus on outcomes is supported by both national and international measurements of the knowledge and skills of students. 3.1.

Effectiveness

There are marked variations among countries in the effectiveness of their education systems as indicated by measurements of the achievements of their students on common scales. The OECD’s Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) measures the performance of 15-year-olds in reading, mathematics and science on a three-yearly cycle that commenced in 2000. The mean performances in mathematics in PISA 2003 are shown in Figure 8.1, together with the standard errors of measurement indicated by the boxes around the means (OECD, 2004b, p. 356). Finland is first in the rank order but is tied in that place with Korea, The Netherlands and Japan since its mean is not significantly different from the means for those three countries, as indicated by the overlap in the boxes showing the imprecision in the estimates of their respective means. The Unites States is tied in 21st place with

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Figure 8.1.

Mean performances of OECD countries on PISA 2003 mathematics test

Source: OECD (2004), Learning for tomorrow’s world: First results from PISA 2003, Table 2.5c, p. 356

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Poland, Hungary and Spain, all ahead of it but not significantly so. Only Portugal, Italy, Greece, Turkey and Mexico have mean scores significantly below that for the United States. Each country’s position can be interpreted in this fashion. There are clearly large and significant differences in performance among the countries. There are similarly marked variations in national performance levels on all the other PISA performance scales in PISA 2003 as well as those in PISA 2000 (OECD, 2004b). 3.2.

Efficiency

The relationship between quality of outcomes and level of expenditure is relatively weak. For the 23 OECD countries for which the data are available, Figure 8.2 provides the relationship between average performance of 15-year-olds in reading in PISA 2000 and cumulative educational expenditure per student by age 15. The correlation is 0.43, which means that less than 20per cent of the variation in average performance levels of 15-year-olds across the countries can be explained in terms of differences in expenditure. (If Mexico is excluded as an outlier, the correlation is reduced to 0.24 and the percentage of variation in student achievement accounted for to only 6 per cent.) While, in general, it can be said that higher levels of expenditure are associated with higher levels of student performance, there are clearly many exceptions. Countries shown above the regression line in Figure 8.2 achieve higher performance levels than could be expected on the basis of their expenditure level. Countries shown below the regression line achieve lower performance levels than could be expected on the basis of their expenditure. Finland is the highest performer but only around the middle in the level of expenditure per student. Denmark is among the highest in expenditure but only around the middle in the quality of student learning. The education system in Finland is clearly very efficient. The same can be said of Ireland which is a relatively high performer despite being relatively low in expenditure.

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Figure 8.2.

Student performance by expenditure per student

Source: OECD (2001) Knowledge and skills for life: First results from PISA 2000, Fig. 3.7a, p. 91

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In the 1970s, the relatively low expenditure level in a country like Ireland would probably have been advanced as sufficient reason for an increase in expenditure. Today, both axes in Figure 8.2 are more likely to be considered together, with attention thus being given to efficiency. 3.3.

Equity

Average achievement provides only part of the picture. Equity is also an important consideration and there are several ways in which it can be examined. One is to consider the sources of variance in performances of students. The overall variance of PISA scores across the OECD is set at 100. The variances for all countries are shown in Figure 8.3 but with the component due to differences among students within schools shown above the zero line and the component due to differences between schools shown below it. The overall variance is smallest in Mexico where it is 74, though it should be noted that more than 40 per cent of Mexican 15-year-olds are no longer in school. Among the countries in which almost all 15-year-olds are still in school, Finland has the smallest overall variation in performances with a variance of 81. In some other countries the variation is much larger, revealing a considerably wider gap between high and low performers among 15-year-olds. The largest variances are in Turkey (125), Belgium (124), Japan (117), Hungary (113) and New Zealand (111). The differences in the splits into within-school and between-school components are of considerable interest. In Iceland, Finland and Norway there is very little variation 100 80

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Figure 8.3.

Between-school variation explained by school social background Within-school variation

Sources of variance in PISA 2003 mathematics performances

Source: OECD (2004), Learning for tomorrow’s world: First results from PISA 2003, Table 4.1a, p. 383

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in scores between schools. For parents in these countries, choice of school is not very important because there is so little difference among schools. Among the countries in which there is a large component of variance between schools, there are some in which this occurs by design. In Hungary, Belgium and Germany, for example, students are sorted into schools of different types according to their school performance as early as age 12. The intention is to group similar students within schools differentiated by the extent of academic or vocational emphasis in their curriculum. This is intended to minimise variation within schools in order then to provide the curriculum considered most appropriate for the differentiated student groups. It has the consequence of maximising the variation between schools. In some other countries, such as Japan and Korea, the grouping of students in less deliberate but, nevertheless, results in substantial between-school variation, with 53per cent of the overall variance being between-schools in Japan and 42per cent in Korea. For Poland, in PISA 2000, 63 per cent of the variance in reading was betweenschools whereas in PISA 2003 in mathematics only 13 per cent was between schools (OECD, 2001a, Table 2.4, p. 257). This remarkable difference was due to a reform in which early streaming of students into schools of different types was abandoned in favour of comprehensive schools for students up to the age at which PISA measures their performance. A further way in which to examine equity is to determine the extent to which the variation between schools can be explained in terms of differences in the social backgrounds of the students. In addition to completing two hours of assessment, the 15-year-olds involved in PISA completed a 30-minute background questionnaire in which they provided, among other things, information on their economic and social background—their parents’ education and occupation, cultural artefacts in their home—which permitted the construction of an index of social background that is comparable across countries. In Figure 8.3, the between-school variance is subdivided into three components: ● the variance that can be accounted for in terms of the social backgrounds of the individual students in the schools; ● the variance that can be accounted for in terms of the average social background of the students in the schools; ● the variance that cannot be accounted for in terms of the social backgrounds of the students. The first of these components indicates the impact of students’ own social backgrounds on their educational outcomes. The second indicates the impact of the company they keep in school since it is the impact of the average social background of students in the school. This information is shown in more detail in Table 8.1. In Hungary and The Netherlands, 58 per cent of the total variation is between-schools. In Hungary, 81 per cent, and in The Netherlands, 75 per cent of the between-school variation can be accounted for in terms of differences between schools in the social background of their students. In two countries in which there is a smaller component of between-school variation—Luxembourg where it is 32 per cent of the total variation and Ireland where it is 16 per cent, there are even larger percentages of the between-school component accountable for in terms of social background of

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Country Hungary Netherlands Turkey Japan Austria Italy Germany Czech Republic Belgium Korea Slovak Republic Mexico Greece Switzerland Portugal Luxembourg United States Australia Spain New Zealand Canada Ireland Denmark Poland Sweden Norway Finland Iceland

Components of between-school variance in PISA 2003 mathematics scores

Per cent of between-school variance Per cent of total variance between Explained by Explained by Not explained by schools student social school social social (%) background (%) background (%) background (%) 58 58 55 53 53 52 52 48 46 42 42 39 36 34 34 32 26 21 20 18 17 16 13 13 10 7 5 4

24 16 15 5 14 12 25 27 31 18 31 14 27 26 31 30 45 41 37 49 31 58 59 59 43 42 23 37

57 59 57 62 50 42 53 46 43 48 47 43 38 27 25 60 24 29 20 27 16 24 12 9 10 3 0 0

19 25 28 33 36 46 22 27 26 34 22 43 35 47 44 10 31 30 43 24 53 18 29 32 47 55 77 63

students and schools—90 per cent in the case of Luxembourg and 82 per cent in the case of Ireland. In Japan, 53 per cent of the total variance is between-school and 67 per cent of it can be accounted for in terms of differences in the social background of students and schools but that is split 5:62 between students’ own social background and that of others in their school. Where differences in social background account for a large percentage of the between-school variance, this suggests that the educational outcomes in the country are inequitable. Where much of the account derives from the social background of other students in the school, there will be a potential conflict of interest between national policy makers seeking to ameliorate the effects of social background by

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seeking other groupings of students in schools and parents and students from privileged backgrounds who would expect to lose the benefit that keeping the company of other privileged students seems to endow. At the other end of the social scale, of course, this kind of grouping of students in schools would appear to compound the disadvantage students bring from their own backgrounds with the impact of the disadvantage that others in school also bring. Additional analyses of the PISA 2000 data for Austria, however, offers more encouraging conclusion for policy makers. These analyses: suggest peer effects to be asymmetric in favor of low-ability students, meaning that students with lower skills benefit more from being exposed to clever peers, whereas those with higher skills do not seem to be affected much. Social heterogeneity, moreover, has no big adverse effect on academic outcomes. These results imply considerable social gains of reducing stratification in educational settings (Schneeweis and WinterEbmer, 2005, p. 2). Even if this finding is replicated in additional analyses of PISA data in other countries and in further studies, it is still likely to be difficult for policy makers seeking to move systems in the direction of more heterogeneous schools. Those who expect to gain benefit from homogeneous grouping of privileged students need to be convinced that they would not lose from the change. Privileged groups are often wellplaced to avoid risks if they wish. The education authorities in Poland have managed to move to heterogeneous schools, with the consequences of reduced variation between schools, as indicated earlier, and an increase in average performance through elevation of the performances of low performers between 2000 and 2003 on all scales measured by PISA on these two occasions (OECD, 2004b). A further way to analyse the equity of outcomes is to examine the slopes of the regression lines for outcomes on social background. The relationship for reading results in PISA 2000 is shown in Figure 8.4 which gives the distribution of results for the 265,000 15-year-olds tested in the OECD countries—each grey dot in the figure representing 20,000 students. The correlation is relatively high (around 0.45 for the OECD as a whole) and the slope of the regression line for the OECD as a whole is quite steep. Increased social advantage is associated generally with higher levels of educational performance. While this general trend is strong, it is clear that there are many individual exceptions—socially advantaged individuals who perform poorly and students from disadvantaged backgrounds who perform well. Comparison of the regression lines for six countries shown in Figure 8.4 reveals marked differences across countries in the relationship between social background and educational performance. (Each line is drawn from the 5th to the 95th percentile for students in the country.) The lines for Australia, the UK, the US and Germany are all significantly steeper than that for the OECD as a whole. Those for Finland and Korea are significantly less steep than that for the OECD as a whole (OECD, 2001a, pp. 184–196 and Table 8.1, p. 308). The best fitting line for Korea is clearly not linear, indicating that differences in social advantage are associated with smaller differences in average achievement levels as social advantage increases.

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Source: OECD (2001) Knowledge and skills for life: First results from PISA 2000, Appendix B1, Table 8.1, p. 308

The regression lines tend to converge at higher levels of social advantage, though not entirely. Certainly, the differences in average achievement levels between the countries are much greater at lower levels on the social background scale. Being socially disadvantaged is associated with much greater educational disadvantage in countries like Australia, the UK, the US and Germany than in countries Finland and Korea. The picture for all 27 OECD countries involved is shown in Figure 8.5. In this figure, the vertical axis is performance in reading literacy. The horizontal axis is the difference between the gradient of the regression line for reading achievement on social background for OECD as a whole and that for the country. Countries with steeper gradients than that for the OECD thus have a negative score and are plotted to the left. They are “low-equity” countries. Countries with gradients less steep than the gradient for the OECD as a whole have positive scores and are plotted to the right. They are “high-equity” countries. The figure is divided into four segments by the vertical and horizontal lines representing the positions for the OECD as a whole on the two axes. Countries in the top-right quadrant of Figure 8.5 can be described as “high-quality, high-equity”. While some like Finland, Japan and Korea might be considered to have the advantage of being relatively homogeneous societies, Canada is among them.

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Figure 8.5. Relationship between mean PISA 2000 reading and influence of social background Source: OECD (2001) Knowledge and skills for life: First results from PISA 2000, Appendix B1, Table 2.3a, p. 253

Those in the top-left are “high-quality, low-equity”. The UK and Australia, which might be thought to be like Canada in many respects, are among them. Countries in the bottom-right are “low-quality, high-equity” and those in the bottom-left are “lowquality, low-equity”. The presence of countries in the top-right quadrant reveals that it is possible to achieve high quality and high equity together. They confirm that the pursuit of equity need not be at the expense of quality. A somewhat similar pattern is seen in the relationship between social background and PISA 2003 mathematics scores, as shown in Figure 8.6, though the relative positions of some countries are somewhat different. Considering schools and not just the system as a whole gives a richer, but more complicated, picture of the equity position in a country Figure 8.7 shows the distribution of school means in mathematics achievement and social background in Japan, with each school’s location indicated by a small circle the size of which is proportional to the size of the school. Three regression lines are also shown. One is the overall regression line for mathematics achievement on social background (of the type presented in earlier figures). It is relatively steep, a little steeper than the OECD overall line as indicated by the location of Japan on the horizontal axis in Figure 8.6. Much steeper is the “between-schools” regression line which emphasises that, in Japan, students are grouped in schools in a way that differentiates them by both social background and achievement. Schools that have high-performing students tend to have socially advantaged students and vice versa. The “within-schools” regression line is essentially horizontal indicating that there is no relationship between achievement and social background within schools. The reason is that there is little variation on these two dimensions within schools; virtually all the variation is between schools.

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Figure 8.6.

Relationship between mean PISA 2003 mathematics and influence of social background

Source: OECD (2004), Learning for tomorrow’s world: First results from PISA 2003, Table 4.3a, p. 397

The pattern for Canada is markedly different, as shown in Figure 8.8. In this case, the three regression lines are not markedly different in slope. Students are generally not strongly grouped into schools on the basis of social background so the between-schools regression line has nothing like the steepness of the corresponding line for Japan. Japan and Canada are equally high performers in PISA 2003 mathematics as shown earlier in Figure 8.1. Both are, therefore, equally effective. Japan is less efficient than a number of countries which, as shown in Figure 8.2, perform equally as well or even outperform it while spending less. The expenditure data are not available for Canada so that comparison cannot be made. The Japanese education system is less equitable than that of Canada, as evident in a comparison with Canada using Figures 8.7 and 8.8 or in more extensive comparisons using the corresponding figures for all OECD countries (2004, figure 4.13, pp. 199–203). 4.

A FOCUS ON THE OUTPUTS OF SCHOOLS

OECD/PISA provides international, comparative data on the outputs of national education systems at the stage when students are 15-years-old. It provides analyses of differences among schools but cannot characterise all schools in a national system. Many national systems monitor output themselves. Some, such as the UK, define performance benchmarks against which students’ performance is to be judged and then set system-level targets in terms of the minimum proportion of the student cohort that is expected to perform at particular benchmark levels. The US, with its National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP), has been engaged in this kind of national assessment for 40 years. The 2001 No Child Left Behind Act in the US has added two new features to this national monitoring. First it

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[Source: OECD (2004), Learning for tomorrow’s world: First results from PISA 2003, Figure 4.13, pp. 199 – 203]

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Overall, within and between-school regression of PISA 2003 mathematics on social background— Canada

Source: OECD (2004), Learning for tomorrow’s world: First results from PISA 2003, Figure 4.13, pp. 199 – 203

requires schools to set improvement targets. Second it requires schools to meet these improvement targets for all subgroups of students. Schools cannot succeed by raising their overall performance through improved performance for only some ethnic subgroups, for example. None may be left behind, as the legislation declares. System monitoring requires only the assessment of an appropriately structured sample of students. If school monitoring is to be added, then it becomes necessary to

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assess the whole cohort of students at the relevant level—age or grade. Reporting on the performance of individual students, to the students, their parents and their schools, also requires system-level assessment of the full student cohort if the reporting is to be consistent across schools. While many countries have now implemented full-cohort testing at some levels of schooling, there are clear differences in the extent to which the data are used publicly. Ireland, for example, has data on the performance of all schools but the legislation that introduced the assessment programme prohibited publication. Reluctance to publish school-level information is based on a concern that unfair and incorrect comparisons will be made among schools on the basis of raw performance information on their students. Starting points do matter in comparing ending points. Schools that enrol good students can look good in simple comparisons of student performances, even if the schools are not very good at all. Schools in difficult situations can do a great deal for their students without this being recognised if judgements are based only on final results. A student could be better off in what would seem, on the basis of simple comparisons, to be the poorer school. This argument has played out in Australia as well. When state-wide testing of all students in middle and upper primary school was introduced in New South Wales in the late 1980s, Minister Metherell initially announced that the results of schools would be published to inform parents about school quality. He subsequently decided not to publish on the grounds that unfair comparisons would too easily be made, with disadvantaged schools being doubly disadvantaged. The government used the results to identify schools in need of assistance and directed additional resources to them but gave the results only to schools. Concerns about inappropriate publication can reinforce resistance to assessment. The argument is that it is better not to know than to know something that could be misused. That might be seem to be fair and good for schools but it is unfair to parents and students who have a legitimate interest in objective evidence about school quality. Furthermore, that argument for no use to avoid misuse is no longer winning because better ways of reporting have been developed. Norway decided to monitor the performance of schools but its freedom-ofinformation law would not allow it to deny publication as Ireland has done. The Norwegians decided to publish a great deal of information about schools in the hope of providing a rich, multi-dimensional picture and thus avoiding simple-minded comparisons on one set of results. An alternative is to compare schools only with schools enrolling similar types of students. At one point in Victoria, results were given only to schools though they were expected to include them in their annual reports to parents. For this, they were given their own results, results for the State overall, and results for schools judged to be “like theirs” on the basis of socio-economic and ethnic characteristics of their students. The US organisation Just for the Kids (www.just4kids.org) provides public data on this basis for schools in a growing number of States—15 at the time of writing. Each school is compared, in each subject tested, with the highest-performing schools in their State serving equally or more disadvantaged students.

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The US ratings agency, Standard and Poors, has entered the field of school evaluation and offers comparisons among schools. Its website (www.ses.standardandpoors.com) offers to find better performing schools, to compare schools and districts and to analyse the relationship between spending and achievement. Instead of comparing schools only with similar schools, some systems produce statistical estimates of the “value added” by schools. French newspapers had published comparisons among lycées for many years on the basis of public examination results. To counteract the potential negative effects of these simple comparisons, the French Ministry now publishes the examination results for each school, but also a result predicted on the basis of the school’s student intake, and the difference between it and the actual result as an estimate of what the school has added (http://indicateurs. education.gouv.fr/brochure.html). The UK Department for Education and Skills publishes similar school performance tables on its website (www.dfes.gov.uk/performancetables). These tables give the percentage of students in each school achieving at or above particular levels in English, Mathematics and Science. For Key Stage 3, there is also an estimate of the value that schools have added, given the point their students had reached in Key Stage 2. The computation of estimates of value-added is, however, not straightforward. They are essentially estimates of change and such measures are less reliable than the measures from which they are computed (Braun, 2005). Resistance to accountability has been strong in much of the teaching profession. Hill (2004) argues that low accountability demands protect incumbents, fail to create open opportunities for capable newcomers and, in the end, attracts to teaching those who prefer security and dread being judged on performance. Teachers and schools, however, can no longer say, “Trust us,” and expect their judgements about student progress and institutional value to be unchallenged. Nor can they sustain the fiction that all are good or, even less believably, equally good. They share the fate of being challenged with many other professional groups. One task is to change the habits of parents, students and communities, to have them scrutinise more carefully what their schools are expected to do and to provide them with data that can support them in making intelligent judgements about the quality of schools. Another task is to ensure that teachers, individually and collectively, are open to evaluation and accountability. Many teachers and school leaders also need training in the interpretation and use of data if the assessment is to be, not an end point, but a base for school improvement. 5. 5.1.

BUILDING AN EVIDENCE-BASE FOR IMPROVING EDUCATION

Drawing Inferences from the Current State of Affairs

Data on the performance of schools systems and schools can provide evidence of strengths and weaknesses but cannot provide strong evidence on how to remedy the weaknesses. They can, however, suggest areas for attention.

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Denmark’s position as a high-expenditure, average-performance education system, as shown in Figure 8.2, provoked considerable national debate about how to increase the quality and thus the efficiency of the system. Denmark requested the OECD to undertake a comparative policy review, using Finland, England and Canada (Alberta) as benchmarks. OECD commissioned a review team led by Peter Mortimore of the UK and it reported in June 2004 to a meeting of the OECD Education Committee in which a team from Denmark, led by the Minister for Education, also participated. The final version of the report has been published (OECD, 2004a) and the recommendations have been broadly accepted by the Danish government. Much attention is being given to how the variations across countries in the relationship between social background and achievement might be created. The highquality, high-equity countries ameliorate the influence of social background to an extent that many others had assumed would be impossible and, in the process, have set a new benchmark to which others aspire. One provisional indication of a system characteristic that could be reconsidered is the extent to which there is a high degree of stratification between schools, at least in the years before age 15. A classification of systems on this basis is given in Figure 8.9 in which countries with stratified systems are shown with names in white on a black background while those with comprehensive systems are shown with names in black on a grey background. There is a clear tendency for those countries that maintain comprehensive systems to be among the higher achievers but no clear tendency for them to be either high or low equity. There is a clear tendency for those countries that stratify their lower secondary school systems to be among the lower average achievers and a tendency for them also to be low-equity.

560 Finland

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Canada Australia New Zealand Ireland United Kingdom Sweden Belgium Austria United States France Norway Switzerland Denmark Spain Czech Republic Italy Germany Hungary Poland Greece Portugal

Reading score

520 500 480

Korea Japan Iceland

460 Luxembourg

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Mexico –10 –5 0 5 10 15 Social equity (difference between country and OECD regression slopes) High degree of stratification

Figure 8.9.

20

Low degree of stratification

Relationship between school stratification and system equity

Source: OECD (2001) Knowledge and skills for life: First results from PISA 2000, Appendix B1, Table 2.3a, p. 253

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Early segregation of students is intended to provide the most appropriate education for all students according to their level of development. It tends, however, to exacerbate differences among students and to increase the impact of social background on educational achievement. Students from socially disadvantaged backgrounds are more likely to be directed to low-status educational programmes where they then achieve less well. Under these conditions, the education system effectively reproduces the existing social order. It does not challenge it, and it does not make a difference. On the basis of the results displayed in Figure 8.2 and 8.9, Germany identified countries with which it wished to compare itself more fully. It selected Finland, Canada and Sweden as higher performance, higher equity countries, and the UK and France as higher performance countries of particular interest. The Netherlands was also included, although its PISA 2000 data set did not satisfy the sampling requirements for inclusion in OECD’s international report on PISA 2000 (OECD, 2001a). Germany funded a multi-lateral study of these countries, commissioning Eckhard Klieme to engage collaborating researchers in the other countries and to direct the study. The research team identified features of the education systems in the seven countries that might account for some of the differences in their PISA results and elaborated those features quantitatively and qualitatively as a basis for further comparative analyses of the national PISA data sets (OECD, 2004d). Similar uses can be made within systems with school-level data. No one measures student performance simply to name and shame poorly performing schools. The facile observation that no one measures the weight of a pig in the expectation that the pig will become heavier through being weighed is just that—facile. The weighing is done to monitor the effects of treatment. Monitoring of schools and school systems is done for the same purpose—to determine the effects of what is being done and, in addition, to identify where more effective things are being done so that lessons can be learned. The Just for the Kids website (www.just4kids.org), for example, identifies what have been judged to be effective practices found in high-performing schools. 5.2.

Investigating the Impact of Interventions

Many innovations are introduced in education without an assurance that they will have impact. They may be based on evidence from research studies but the question of whether they can be scaled up for implementation in a wide variety of settings in the hands of a wide variety of professionals usually remains to be answered. More often, however, they are based on less formal evidence that what is intended might be achieved. Implementation may be accompanied or followed by systematic evaluation but, in the meantime, considerable resources are invested in a programme with uncertain impact. That is true of many areas of human endeavour, of course, but there are growing demands that such interventions be subjected to more stringent assessment before full-scale implementation. Wilde and Hollister (2004) actually show, by comparing the results of experimental and non-experimental methods, that the less rigorous nonexperimental methods can yield erroneous conclusions.

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In the US, the longstanding Office of Educational Research and Improvement (OERI) has been replaced by an Institute of Education Sciences (IES) which is advancing randomised control trials as the “gold standard” methodology. In its advice to consumers of educational research, it says: The field of K-12 education contains a vast array of educational interventions—such as reading and math curricula, school-wide reform programs, after-school programs, and new educational technologies—that claim to be able to improve educational outcomes and, in many cases, to be supported by evidence. This evidence often consists of poorly-designed and/or advocacy-driven studies. State and local education officials and educators must sort through a myriad of such claims to decide which interventions merit consideration for their schools and classrooms. Many of these practitioners have seen interventions, introduced with great fanfare as being able to produce dramatic gains, come and go over the years, yielding little in the way of positive and lasting change—a perception confirmed by the flat achievement results over the past 30 years in the National Assessment of Educational Progress long-term trend. The federal No Child Left Behind Act of 2001, and many federal K-12 grant programs, call on educational practitioners to use “scientifically-based research” to guide their decisions about which interventions to implement. (Coalition for Evidence-based Policy, 2003, p. iii). In randomised control trials, interventions and “standard” conditions are randomly assigned and their outcomes compared. The unit to which the random assignment is made depends on the nature of the intervention. In some cases, it would be appropriate to randomly assign the “treatments” to teachers or classes, in others to schools and in still others to larger units. Alvarez (2004) describes an Inter-American Development Bank evaluation of a programme in which cash grants were made to families if their children remained in school. The programme, with its financial incentives as the experimental condition, and no programme as the control condition was randomly assigned to municipalities using a “lottery”. The selection was supervised by community leaders, and central and local government institutions and the experiment confirmed the value of the intervention. There are strong parallels in medical research where randomised control trials (typically “double-blind” where the subject does not know whether the treatment or a placebo is being administered and the researcher assessing the outcome does not know if the subject is in the treatment or control condition) are widely used as the definitive, final stage in the evaluation of a treatment. The case for randomised control trials in advancing “evidence-based medicine” has been championed by the Cochrane Collaboration (www.cochrane.org), founded in 1993 and named after the British epidemiologist, Archie Cochrane. The Collaboration publishes rigorous reviews in its quarterly Cochrane Database of Systematic Reviews as part of the Cochrane Library. The Collaboration’s website,

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however, includes the following disclaimer: While “evidence” can be essential in evaluating effectiveness of health care interventions, well-informed decisions also require information, and judgments about needs, resources and values; as well as judgments about the quality and applicability of evidence. Relying only on evidence about the effects of health care alone can be inappropriate. Influenced by the Cochrane Collaboration, a group of social researchers founded the Campbell Collaboration (www.campbellcollaboration.org) in 2000, naming it after Donald T. Campbell the eminent US psychologist. Members of its Steering Group are drawn currently from the US, Canada, Norway, Sweden and the UK. Resources have been provided by both governments and foundations. Its work is managed by the following co-ordinating groups: Crime and Justice Education Social Welfare Methods Statistics Quasi-Experimental Design Process and Implementation Information Retrieval

6.

COMMUNICATION AND INTERNATIONALISATION

The application of randomised control trials to education is not new and is not without controversy. Funding for major curriculum initiatives in the US in the 1960s included both an obligation to undertake evaluation and also resources for it. The initial approach was to try to mimic the randomised control methodology of experimental psychology but serious difficulties were soon encountered. Maintaining fidelity of treatment was a major one, particularly for large-scale programmes operating on multiple sites. Achieving comparability of the control condition was another, particularly where it meant only “business-as-usual” in multiple locations where the usual business might be quite varied. Ensuring that the control was not contaminated by knowledge of the treatment condition was another. Out of that frustration, a whole new methodology of evaluation was born. The American Evaluation Association was founded and, later, an Australian (and now Australasian) Evaluation Society was founded as well. The current revival of interest in randomised control studies may well be due to the retreat from this approach since the 1960s having been too substantial as well as to lack of rigour in some (or even many) evaluations. Following the promulgation of the US Institute of Education Sciences’ support for randomised control trials, the American Educational Research Association

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(www.aera.net) joined the debate about the nature of educational research. The AERA Council adopted the following resolution unanimously on January, 26 2003. The Council of the American Educational Research Association reaffirms its commitment to improving the quality of educational research. It reasserts that there are multiple components of quality research, including well specified theory, sound problem formulation, reliance on appropriate research designs and methods, and integrity in the conduct of research and the communication of research findings. A fundamental premise of scientific inquiry is that research questions should guide the selection of inquiry methods. Council recognizes randomized trials among the sound methodologies to be used in the conduct of educational research and commends increased attention to their use as is particularly appropriate to intervention and evaluation studies. However, the Council of the Association expresses dismay that the Department of Education through its public statements and programs of funding is devoting singular attention to this one tool of science, jeopardizing a broader range of problems best addressed through other scientific methods . . . However the battle for methodological diversity plays out, it is clear that randomised control trials will have a new and strengthened place in educational research. This will be stimulated by funding arrangements in the US, at least in the short term, but it will also be supported by many of the advocates of evidence-based policies in education. It will also be supported by groups reviewing research and publishing research syntheses that give special attention to randomised control studies. 6.1.

Accumulating Evidence through Syntheses of Research

The US Institute of Education Sciences takes a tough line in this respect. It has created the What Works Clearinghouse (www.w-w-c.org) “to provide educators, policymakers, researchers, and the public with a central and trusted source of scientific evidence of what works in education”. What counts as “scientific evidence” and how few existing studies satisfy the criteria being used are clear from how slowly reviews are reported on the website and how few studies they draw upon. For its review of “peer-assisted learning” (practices designed to improve academic outcomes by using students to teach one another in pairs or small groups), for example, the website reports that 299 studies have been gathered, and that: ● 8 meet evidence standards. ● 0 meet evidence standards with reservations. ● 0 do not meet evidence standards. ● 173 do not pass the screen. ● 118 are currently under review. The Campbell Collaboration undertakes reviews “designed to meet the needs of those with a strong interest in high quality evidence on ‘what works’ ”. These reviews are guided by an elaborate protocol and deal with “social and behavioural

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interventions and public policy, including education, criminal justice, and social welfare, among other areas” but it is less doctrinaire about excluding all but randomised control studies. The Collaboration has published a range of reviews in education on topics such as learner training (LT) for students of English as second or foreign language (ESL, EFL), peer assisted learning in elementary schools, effectiveness of problem based learning, high school dropout prevention and impacts of after-school programs on student outcomes. The effects of access to online information retrieval technology on the professional performance of students/trainees from all health care disciplines. The UK EPPI-Centre (http://eppi.ioe.ac.uk) also provides reviews of research in education. It was “established in 1993 to address the need for a systematic approach to the organisation and review of evidence-based work on social interventions. The work and publications of the Centre engage health and education policy makers, practitioners and service users in discussions about how researchers can make their work more relevant and how to use research findings”. The EPPI-Centre is a formal partner of the Campbell Collaboration and has worked with the Cochrane Collaboration on health issues. The EPPI-Centre maintains research databases that can be searched by keyword or free text to locate research on particular topics. The Centre is interested in studies that provide sound evidence but is more catholic than the US Institute of Education Sciences about acceptable methodology. It does include “randomised controlled trials” and “controlled trial (non-randomised)” among the keywords that can be used in searches of the database. This allows users to determine how restrictive the coverage of research in any search should be. References for all completed and ongoing systematic reviews are included in the database which currently contains over 1,200 records. The American Educational Research Association has also commenced a review series and takes an interestingly different approach in seeking strong conclusions with relevance for practice. The series, AERA Research Points: Essential information for education policy is edited by Lauren Resnick. Reviews are developed by bringing together key researchers with different views on an issue in order to determine what, if anything, they can agree can be said reliably about the issue. That is a tough condition. It means that some issues cannot yet be addressed but it means that those that are completed are relatively “fireproof ” from ideologically-based criticism. The first reviews Standards and tests: Keeping them aligned and Class size: Counting students can count were published in 2003 and further reviews are published at the rate of two or three per year. These developments are being followed closely by OECD’s Centre for Educational Research and Innovation (CERI). The Centre, in collaboration with the US Institute of Education Sciences, organised an international conference on evidence-based policy research in education in Washington in April 2004. The programme and presentations are available at www.excelgov.org/displayContent.asp?Keyword
prppcEvidence. CERI plans further international conferences on the topic in Sweden and the Netherlands in 2005.

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The developments, particularly those based on a restrictive view of appropriate methodology, continue to be the focus of debate. (See, for example, Schoenfeld (2006). 7.

STRENGTHENING THE POLICY BASE

The demand for strong evidence about the quality of education at system and school level reflects a growing insistence on accountability. It has provoked important discussions about what counts as evidence and about adequacy in the scope of evidence that is used. For the present, at least, the result is technical refinement of the monitoring programmes rather than abandonment, though there are some local reversals. The Daugherty Assessment Review Group (2004) in Wales, for example, has drawn back from some of the UK school level assessments, abandoning external assessments at both Key Stage 2 (upper primary) and Key Stage 3 (middle secondary) in favour of teacher assessments. Having withdrawn from assessments based on the curriculum, it proposed, however, the addition of external assessments of literacy, numeracy and problem solving at age 10 and the use of links with PISA at age 15 to use international assessment to monitor performance of Welsh education. The English Minister for Schools at the time, David Miliband, was reported in the press to have been unmoved by the Welsh change. He asserted that it was important to have “independent, objective, national benchmarks of success at age 11”. He further noted that “those who do well at 11 do well in GCSE [public examinations at age 15] and are more likely to stay in education”. The demand for strong evidence about the quality of education is mirrored in demands for strong evidence about claims for the efficacy of educational interventions. The re-emergence of randomised control trials as a methodology of preference reflects clear dissatisfaction with the adequacy of the conclusions yielded by other, weaker methodologies. If those other methodologies are to hold a place in the evaluation of educational interventions, then their proponents must ensure that the credibility, and replicability, of their conclusions are secure. This development does not mean that other forms of educational research than randomised control trials are under threat of extermination. As the Council of the American Educational Research Association (2003) says “A fundamental premise of scientific inquiry is that research questions should guide the selection of inquiry methods.” But, as the Council also says “it commends increased attention to [the] use [of randomized trials] as is particularly appropriate to intervention and evaluation studies”. An ethical argument is often advanced against randomised trials: that is, that to deny those in the control condition the benefits of the new programme is unreasonable. It can equally be argued that it is unreasonable to subject those in the experimental condition to a treatment whose efficacy is not assured. Whatever methods are used, demand for greater confidence in conclusions about the efficacy of educational interventions are likely to grow. That has implications for

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research and evaluation but also for professional practice and teacher education. Professional practice will become increasingly evidence-based only as teachers become more aware of the evidence and more able to evaluate it. Teacher education built in the craft model, where experienced teachers provide tips for good practice, cannot satisfy this demand. Teacher education must be more strongly connected to relevant research, including research on professional practice and student learning, if teachers are to become professionals whose own practice is shaped by research. Better still would be also to have teacher education programs that are built on a research base about adult learning. Professionals will look to a systematic evidence base for their practice only if they believe that it will enhance their practice.

REFERENCES Alvarez, Carola (2004) Evaluating Safety Net Programs: Progresa—Mexico; Family Allowance Program—Honduras; Social Safety Net Program—Nicaragua. Paper presented at Evidence-based Policy Research in Education, Conference sponsored by the OECD Centre for Education Research and Innovation, and the U.S. Department of Education Institute of Education Sciences, Washington, DC. (http://www.excelgov.org/displayContent.asp?NewsItemID
5981& Keyword
prppcEvidence). Braun, H. I. (2005) Using Student Progress to Evaluate Teachers: A Primer on Value-added Models. Princeton, New Jersey: Educational Testing Service. Coalition for Evidence-based Policy (2003) Identifying and Implementing Educational Practices Supported by Rigorous Evidence: A User Friendly Guide. Washington, DC: US Department of Education Institute of Education Sciences. Coulombe, S., J-F. Tremblay and S. Marchand (2004) Literacy Scores, Human Capital and Growth Across Fourteen OECD Countries. Statistics Canada/Human Resources and Skills Development Canada, Ottawa. Daugherty Assessment Review Group (2004) Learning Pathways through Statutory Assessments: Key Stages 2 and 3: Daugherty Assessment Review Group—Final Report. Cardiff: Welsh Assembly. European Commission (2005) Education and Training 2010: Diverse Systems, Shared Goals—the Education and Training Contribution to the Lisbon Strategy. http://europa.eu.int/comm/education/policies/2010/et_2010_en.html. Hill, Paul T. (2004) Attracting the Best Teachers. Hoover Institution Weekly Essays, March 1 2004. http://www-hoover.stanford.edu/pubaffairs/we/2004/hill03.html. OECD (2000) Measuring Student Knowledge and Skills: The PISA 2000 Assessment of Reading, Mathematical and Scientific Literacy. Paris: Author. OECD (2001a) Knowledge and Skills for Life—first Result from PISA 2000. Paris: Author. OECD (2001b) The Well-being of Nations: The Role of Human and Social Capital. Paris: Author. OECD (2004a) Denmark: Lessons from PISA 2000. Paris: Author. OECD (2004b) Learning for Tomorrow’s World: First Results from PISA 2003. Paris: Author. OECD (2004c) OECD Employment Outlook: Paris: Author, p. 185. OECD (2004d) What Makes School Systems Perform? Seeing School Systems Through the Prism of PISA. Paris: Author. Schneeweis, N. and Winter-Ebmer R. (2005) Peer effects in Austrian schools. Working paper No. 0502, Department of Economics, Johannes Kepler University of Linz, Austria. Schoenfeld, A. H. (2006) What doesn’t work: The Challenge and Failure of the What Works Clearinghouse to Conduct Meaningful Reviews of Studies of Mathematics Curricula. Educational Researcher, vol. 35, 2, pp. 13–21.

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Wilde E. T. and Hollister, R. (2004) How Close is Close Enough? Testing Nonexperimental Estimates of Impact Against Experimental Estimates of Impact with Education Test Scores as Outcomes. Paper presented at Evidence-Based Policy Research in Education, Conference sponsored by the OECD Centre for Education Research and Innovation, and the U.S. Department of Education Institute of Education Sciences, Washington, DC. www.excelgov.org/displayContent.asp?Keyword
prppcEvidence.

PHILLIP HUGHES

LESSONS TO BE LEARNED FROM WORLD-WIDE EDUCATION REFORM

Time, time, time! The system we invented, intended to educate well only the few, has to be overhauled, and the overhaul has to be done while the kids and teachers are still there—like trying to change all four tyres while the car is still running, and without a map, and with several backseat drivers making different suggestions. (Deborah Meier, p. 156) 1.

INTRODUCTION: ARE THERE COMMON PATTERNS FOR EDUCATION REFORM?

This chapter identifies common patterns which should be taken into account in all education reforms. The quote from Deborah Meier captures a feeling that all the writers of this book share from a wide field of experience and study of education reform in Europe, Asia, America, Africa and at many levels of education. These experiences and insights have been gained as both participants and students of reform. All share a sense of the importance of the task, the need to reform our education systems to achieve the task and the further need for a valid sense of the priorities. We also share a sense of urgency that is inseparable from the process of reform. Time is not on our side. Everyone involved in reform shares a frustration in trying to meet the needs of today while also looking towards tomorrow. Reforms as basic as those needed in schools world-wide take time, considerable time. But time is a quantity we lack. Today’s students need help today if they are to cope with the world of tomorrow. There is no waiting for them. Students who miss out on an education now are likely to miss out for life. Throughout this book there is a positive answer to the question in the heading. There are common patterns in education reform. They are important patterns and we need to recognise them in deciding on actions. This chapter identifies those key areas which need to be considered by those who feel that schools can and must play a major role in building the future. Unfortunately the current situation provides less comfort and support than we would hope in meeting the needs but it poses a challenge we cannot ignore. Our response must be realistic, recognising the difficulties we face. The enormous social changes that have occurred in all societies at an increasing pace have also altered the power of schools to affect events. Deborah Meier pointed out one of the major changes. In the past most of what young people learned was in the company of adults and in the normal process of living with them in natural communities. This has changed fundamentally. While schools determine more than ever what their future will be, the students are much less intimately involved with adults and are thus 245 C. Hughes (ed.), Secondary Education at the Crossroads, 245–262. © 2006 Springer.

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“less and less exposed to that future which as adults they will inhabit and will help to shape” (p. 156). That future depends more on other elements in society rather than on schools. The factors which shape the future occur in the world outside. Also schools are making less impact on students in the competition with other influences in society. Schools need to recognize those factors which make it more difficult for them to exert an influence. Education reform needs to identify the areas in which responses will be most helpful, given a realistic understanding of the context. Earlier chapters have made these identifications in particular settings. This chapter identifies seven key areas which wider reform must take into account. 2.

EVERYONE NOW NEEDS A BASIC EDUCATION AND THERE IS AN INTERNATIONAL COMMITMENT TO ACHIEVE IT

The global commitment to an Education for All, EFA, (UNESCO, 1991) not only reaffirmed the right of every individual to an effective basic education, without distinction between groups, but at the same time redefined the nature of that basic education. The desired form of basic education is now much more extensive than when it was first conceived sixty years ago. Countries and individuals now expect education to deliver to all people a foundation that helps them to be able to move forward in all areas of their life: productive work; family life; contributing positively to a civil society; healthy living; and, respecting and affirming the rights of others. This extension of meaning adds to the difficulty of the task but also ensures that the task is worthwhile. This list is formidable. The needs are formidable. International bodies play an increasing role in education reform. Malcolm Skilbeck in his chapter focused on the role of UNESCO in particular since the 1948 Declaration of Human Rights included education as a universal human right. The Jomtien Declaration (UNESCO, 1991), the Report of the International Commission on Education for the 21st Century (UNESCO, 1996) and the UNESCO meetings at Dakar in 2000 (UNESCO, 2000) have reiterated the initial commitment to Education for All and have broadened its meaning. It is important to maintain that commitment in spite of the difficulties in its achievement. The movement of Education for All, often thought of as an action plan for poorer countries, is in reality a challenge to all countries, regardless of their wealth and power, to provide, strengthen and improve education for all people (p. 108). In the developing countries there are major shortages of teachers and many of those currently teaching are poorly qualified. The situations in which they teach are often very difficult, with large classes and inadequate facilities and equipment. All countries, developed and developing, face a major challenge in dealing with the needs of the developing countries as this will require costly measures. Failure to meet those needs will be even more costly as those societies desperately need the extra power which an educated society could assist them to achieve.

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In the developed countries where physical conditions and support are so much better there are still major issues for schools to face. Many students in these societies leave schools with little to show for it and this has serious effects on their life chances. A significant factor is that schools currently play a smaller role both in the disposition of time in the lives of students and also in the formation of values. With an average of 200 days per year for schooling and 5 hours per day in school this provides 1000 hours per year of the 5840 waking hours available, about 1/6 of their available time. This compares with a total for many students of more than 1800 hours per year with media such as the internet, TV and radio, almost 1/3 of the waking hours. In these hours the media provide a radically different curriculum to that of the schools—“to turn them into consummate consumers, not learners” (p. 156). More and more of the education of young people takes place through their peers and through the mass media which are organized to reach the hearts and minds of the young. This change is at a time when the home itself plays a smaller part in its influence with many homes having both parents, or the only parent, working and spending less time with the family. Thus two of the major influences of the past, the home and the school, currently play a reduced role in the education of young people. This is a major issue for any reform to address. What is common to all countries, however, must be the determination to achieve an effective basic education for all people. 3.

NATIONAL BOUNDARIES ARE LESS SIGNIFICANT

The significance of national boundaries to the lives of people is growing less marked as the many separate countries and cultures become more and more intertwined and interdependent. Transport, communications and a shared planet increase the number and significance of the needs which are common to all. Globalisation is a current reality. Increasingly we are part of a world where borders do not matter, where influences, good and bad, make their impact on us all. Robert Reich in his book The Wealth of Nations stresses the particular quality of the global society, which places stringent demands on all of us, but requires that we work hard to build a consensus, a means of living together in harmony. Reich makes the point in terms of the global society. We are living through a transformation that will rearrange the politics and economics of the coming century. There will be no national products or technologies, no national corporations, no national industries. There will be no national economies, at least as we have come to understand that concept. All that will remain rooted within national borders are the people who comprise a nation. Each nation’s primary assets will be its citizens’ skills and insights. Each nation’s primary task will be to cope with the centrifugal forces of the global economy which tear at the ties binding citizens together—bestowing ever greater wealth on the most skilled and insightful, while consigning the less skilled to a declining standard of living. (Reich, 1992)

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At the time of the Faure Report to UNESCO in 1972 (UNESCO, 1972) the globalisation of our world society was merely a prospect. Now and for the future, globalisation is a reality: economic relationships are increasingly international; our environment depends increasingly on cooperation between countries and regions; a war or substantial internal strife in one region is now a concern for the international community generally; communications enable instantaneous contact and provide a common set of entertainment and information universally through the media. As the former Czech President Vaclav Havel pointed out, we are the first human generation to look back at our planet from outside, through cameras and human eyes, seeing the globe as a single entity, with its natural features but without national boundary lines. There are opposing reactions. There is a clear tendency for the reassertion of local or tribal or ethnic or sectarian loyalties, as though people needed some more intimate identity. As occurred in the former Yugoslavia or in Rwanda and is evident in Iraq and Afghanistan this can surface in explosive ways. There is resistance, too, to the imposition of a global culture with people asserting the value of indigenous patterns of language and arts. This brings a clash between modernity and tradition which impacts directly on the patterns of family life. In spite of these reactions the reality is that we live in a much more international society. Where 50 years ago most people lived and worked in one area, perhaps moving out for some very special occasion, today people not only move freely within national boundaries but equally freely outside them, both for leisure and for work. Trade also is international. Goods purchased in one country can come from many other countries and no country is totally independent of others. This change is reflected in many attitudes. The intense nationalism of the past is much less a feature for many young people than for their parents. National boundaries are also irrelevant to the problems of the environment which concern the planet as a whole and not the boundary lines drawn by our various societies. This has considerable significance for the curriculum. Where it once made sense to have local emphases predominate in forming the curriculum, this no longer gives satisfactory outcomes. Ian Hill in his section on the IBO demonstrates that a form which pays proper attention to the nature of knowledge and the ways of human learning can function in many settings with equal effect and relevance. As he points out, the IBO courses now operate successfully in 116 countries through 1500 schools and one of the basic reasons for their success is their aim “to promote intercultural understanding and provide students with an international perspective” (p. 20). This situation in which young people are members of an international as well as a local community provides a special challenge to the curriculum for schools. Jean Blackburn sees the curriculum as part of people’s rights as members of a democracy and feels that can not be limited by a particular school or system of schools. I find it impossible to accept that individual school communities have an independent right to determine policies in the core learning areas. All children, in my view, have a democratic right of access to a commonly

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agreed core curriculum, systematically developed across the years of compulsory attendance to increasingly sophisticated levels. . . . The participatory working of the democratic society depends on a high degree of shared knowledge, meanings, and frames of reference. It also depends on some commitment to an idea of the common good beyond self and group interest. (Blackburn, 1991) In Chapter 7 Joanna le Metais shows the significant interactions between members of the European community in building their various separate curricula and also the common features which develop and are now aided by international assessments. UNESCO plays an even wider role in working across national boundaries everywhere to identify needs which all human societies must meet. Le Metais notes that while governments act individually in their approach to curriculum, the aspects to which they respond are, increasingly, common to all. She identifies among the objectives for socio-economic development common aspects in social inclusion and equity, skills development for the labour market, adapting to scientific and technological change, political and civic participation, and lifelong learning. She notes also the common negative effects of failures to respond, such as the links between lack of skills, unemployment and social and political disaffection and, in some cases, crime. (p. 181). Malcolm Skilbeck put this broad challenge in a wider perspective in talking of the World Declaration on Education. He notes that the Jomtien commitment in 1990 went far beyond restating earlier targets set for basic education and adult literacy, providing a new outlook on universal access to education as a fundamental right of all people, and requiring fair and equitable treatment of all learners—infants, children, youth and adults. This is important in that, for the first time, there is a framework which, however ambitious, sets clear directions for purposeful worldwide action. The task is not easy. For the 500 million people in the least developed countries, the average income per person is $300 per year and falling. This compares with $906 for developing countries and over $28,000 for industrialised countries. (UNESCO, 2005) For the poorer countries the dilemma is sharp. To obtain the increase in economic performance necessary to social improvement a major upgrading of their education systems is indispensable. Yet that educational improvement is impossible without a major increase in expenditure such as could follow economic development. Where bodies such as the World Bank and OECD once followed a strictly economic agenda they now see the necessity to provide a substantial boost to education as an enabling measure for economic as well as social advance. Given that in many countries educational policies are being sharply criticized or pushed down to the bottom of the agenda—for economic and financial reasons—the task here has special urgency. Every country naturally and properly values its own traditions and culture. At the same time all must recognise the need for their people to accept and be prepared for their role as citizens of the world.

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THE ROLE OF KNOWLEDGE HAS CHANGED BUT REMAINS CRUCIAL

Wood, soil, water, coal and oil have long been among the precious resources of society. Knowledge now ranks as the key resource, the one without which all others become useless. We have moved to what Peter Drucker has called a “Knowledge Society”, to which he ascribes a particular character: The acquisition and distribution of formal knowledge will come to occupy the place in the politics of the knowledge society that acquisition and distribution of property and income have occupied in the age of capitalism. (Drucker 1995) The picture of the Knowledge Society is an important one. Knowledge is the new requirement for access to opportunity. Learning and work have become inter-related activities. To commence work now requires a significant foundation of education. More importantly, to continue work, requires a continuation of learning. Learning as a life-time activity takes on a special meaning. So, too, does our attitude to human potential. This will determine fundamental aspects of our society. If all people can learn, all people can have access to work, one of the central aspects of our society. If only some people can learn, that access is limited and our society has a deep dividing-line. Knowledge is also increasingly specialised. The surgeon who performs an operation needs the physician, the anaesthetist, the pathologist, the theatre nurse, the ward nurse, the machine operators, the lab technicians and the physiotherapists among others. The architect seeking to construct a building needs the engineer, the accountant, the tradesmen with their separate skilled crafts. The generalist with universal skills is no more. Leonardo da Vinci was an artist, a sculptor, an engineer, a physiologist, a military tactician: such universal knowledge was rare in his own times—it is now much more so. Any large-scale application of knowledge involves the work of many teams, in a school as much as in a hospital. The Knowledge Society thus has a great need for organisation, of the planned co-ordination of teams. The manner in which this is done is of crucial importance. Leadership plays an important part in the process. In education there are particular implications for the type of leadership involved in an organisation which has as its core business the promotion of learning. It is no longer sufficient for each teacher in a school to operate independently. Increasingly the school must function as a learning community where all its resources are coordinated to that central purpose. The growth of knowledge causes other problems. Education is particularly affected by the tension between the growth of knowledge and the capacity of human beings to assimilate it. There is always pressure to include new areas into the curriculum but this is seldom accompanied by an equivalent pressure to remove any older material. Given the rapid expansion of the school population, to include the whole generation, this poses increasing problems for teachers. If it ever was possible for an individual to be able to master all of knowledge it is clearly now impossible.

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Every area of human knowledge has increased substantially and entirely new areas are being created. There is a temptation to conclude that on this basis what we know is less important for us than whether we can find information when we need to, whether we can use information to solve problems, how well we can communicate to others. Critical thinking, deep understanding, motivation to learn: are these not more important than learning content? The answer is “Yes”, but a qualified yes. We do need to learn to think critically but such thinking requires content, knowledge. We cannot think critically in science without knowing some science. We cannot think critically in history without knowing what information is relevant and how reliable it is. Modern theories of learning do not eliminate or even reduce the importance of knowledge but instead emphasize the way we use knowledge. Some thinkers have concluded that advances such as Howard Gardner’s theory of multiple intelligences eliminate the need for students to have knowledge of the disciplines. This is not the conclusion that Gardner reaches himself. In The Understanding Pathway: A Conversation with Howard Gardner he responds to a question about the best approach to learning in the following way: I believe that the disciplines are among the most important of human inventions. They were invented many hundreds of years ago as a way of helping human beings think better about really important matters: who are we, what is this world made out of, what can we achieve alone and together, how can we control and adjust to our environments, what does it mean to do the right thing, and the like—in short, about the human search to discover what is truth, what is beauty, and what is goodness. Without the disciplines we have no sophisticated mental furniture; we are, in fact, uncivilized. (Gardner, 1999.) Knowledge is now our most precious resource and the key to its most effective use is a familiarity with its organization and the way the various elements may grow and change. Many recent endeavours in curriculum reform have attempted to by-pass the disciplines and to focus on “deep learning” and “higher order skills”, both appropriate ends. What is so often ignored in these approaches is that the disciplines provide the logical entry points to these ends. Wilson, the recent head of the Curriculum Corporation in Australia made the following critical comments on such approaches. We have ignored millennia of development within and around disciplinary frameworks of exactly the kinds of higher order skills that we seek and instead tried to develop a new epistemology with a generic basis. We thought that subjects and disciplines were antithetical to higher order skills, when what was really the problem was bad, narrow teaching of those disciplines. Does anyone suggest that someone properly familiar with the best of science, or history, or geography or mathematics is not engaged in higher order skills? Effective higher order learning is focused on specific areas of understanding and it requires conceptual understanding, factual knowledge and procedural skills. The road to generic

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skills passes inevitably through specific knowledge. Subjects or their equivalent should remain the basis for specifying curriculum. This is because you can only get deep learning and higher order skills out of studying the great bodies of wisdom and knowledge which are presented in the disciplines. (Wilson, B. 2002.) Too often recent approaches to curriculum building seek to begin with inter-disciplinary approaches rather than using them as the understandings and applications to achieve. This short-cut ignores the history of the growth of knowledge and the necessary foundations for higher order thinking. 5.

ASSESSMENT AND EVALUATION PLAY A GROWING ROLE

As is emphasised in Chapter 8 by Barry McGaw all levels of education, basic and continued, are now required to show they are effective. The achievement of full student participation is still to come but experience in many countries shows that this is not enough unless that participation is linked with active engagement in learning and the wish to continue learning throughout life. In many countries the occurrence of student failures, grade repetitions and drop-outs, and of poor attendance and poor teaching has limited the value of increased participation. Curriculum reform is of little use without assessments which measure the degree to which the purposes of the reform are met and which give guidelines for future action. Evaluation of the processes plays an important role in informing all the necessary parties of the full nature of student achievement and its usefulness for the future. The importance of education to national economies as well as to individuals has brought renewed emphasis to the assessment of students’ learning. The massive increases in student numbers and the added complexity of the process make education a major part of every national budget. It is now more important to know how well students are progressing with their studies. On a larger scale it has become equally important to evaluate the quality of the learning processes and the various aspects which contribute to learning. Assessment and evaluation have both become international and national concerns as well as being of personal interest. The changes are significant at every level: from the attention paid by a teacher to an individual student to check if learning is really occurring, to the sophisticated processes at national and international levels which seek to measure the progress of whole cohorts of students. Joanna Le Metais in her section pointed out the much greater role played by assessment and the different responses in different countries (p 204). She noted that there was now a global trend towards greater accountability. As she mentioned this is partly because of the increased national cost of the whole education enterprise which face governments with difficult choices. It is also partly because greater devolved autonomy for schools in many countries means that systems need information on the effectiveness of the separate institutions and processes. This increased importance for assessment has brought many changes: the use of external

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examinations in many countries which have only recently introduced them, such as Sweden; the revision of examining patterns in external examinations in countries such as Vietnam and Cambodia to ensure fairness, reliability and validity; in the United Kingdom student performance in examinations is published for individual schools, so-called league tables. While the ways in which student assessment is implemented and used vary between countries its importance is universal. Assessment remains a difficult process. Nancy Sizer comments on the gap that too often exists between what we evaluate in schools and what is really important (p. 159). She notes a pervasive lack of purpose in students who see the assessments as being described as important in themselves but which seem extrinsic to their lives. Test scores may be provided, but not the important things, like how he handles success or faces setbacks, whether he works better alone or with others, what his experience has been with risk-taking, how much support he gets at home or what’s his best time of year for hard work. (p. 159). Nancy Sizer also points out the gap between the information that exists and the information that is used particularly with secondary schools which are isolated from the schools which precede and succeed them. As she comments, very little of the detailed information about an individual child which accumulates during the primary years is consulted by the teachers in this new and demanding secondary environment. This pattern in American schools is one which exists much more generally. Often it is only in a crisis for a student that the past records of performance are consulted. In the chapter by Ian Hill on the IBO system the significance of assessment is made clear and IBO makes a particular effort to ensure that the assessment really reflects what is important. Thus in addition to demanding academic requirements IBO have specified that all students for their diploma should complete a community service requirement since the organisation values both the academic achievements of their students but also their willingness to be usefully involved in community service (p. 23). As stressed in Chapter 1 internationally the assessment of students is being used in imaginative ways to provide means for national systems to evaluate their own systems and approaches, particularly through OECD. Its broadening of purpose from a pre-occupation was with national economies has broadened greatly to include a strong Directorate for Education whose mission involves broad strategic objectives at all levels of education and the subsequent activities now have a major national and international impact. (OECD, 2005) Typical of these is the OECD Program for International Student Assessment, PISA, and also the International Evaluation of Achievement or IEA Studies which publish inter-country comparisons in many key areas together with a background of curriculum information such as subject content, teaching time, homework set, and class arrangements. This combination of assessment with contextual information provides the basis for meaningful discussion on the results of assessment in terms of such aspects as intentions and opportunities. Likewise, the country studies of OECD involve a careful appraisal by an international team of experts using detailed information from the country, validated by a

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visit from the team to the country concerned. For the first time there is gradually emerging a variety of ways by which national systems can make judgments for themselves backed by information which enables informed comparisons internationally. Barry McGaw in his role as Director of OECD’s Education Division noted the promise of this approach. Students, parents, teachers, education system managers and the general public all seek information on how well education systems prepare young people to meet future challenges. Many countries monitor learning outcomes to provide this information, international evaluation can provide a larger context within which to interpret national results. PISA offers three-yearly assessments of 15-year-olds that cover knowledge and competencies in a broad range of subject areas as well as students’ motivation to learn, their perception of the role of subjects in opening and shaping career and life opportunities, and their beliefs about themselves and their learning strategies . . . PISA’s international comparisons can suggest policies and practices worthy of consideration in both member and nonmember countries seeking to improve performance. (OECD, 2005.) In Chapter 8 Barry McGaw pursues this issue in detail, spelling out what current procedures in international assessment can deliver. Initiatives such as these will be immensely valuable to those involved in education reform everywhere, providing objective means of comparison and evidence for effective changes. Given the failure of many past reform efforts to achieve their goals through a lack of relevant information there is now a base for adopting policies and approaches in education for which evaluations exist or can be provided. This is potentially a major advance in the practice of reform in education as it offers the prospect of evidence based approaches to reform, a field where opinion-based approaches have too often been decisive. 6.

VALUES ARE CRUCIAL TO REFORM

One of the areas emphasised by the Delors Report was the vital importance to all people of “learning to live together” (UNESCO, 1996). World history, including recent history, illustrates only too well the importance of such values among the key aims of basic education. This need to recognise moral issues and provide means of coping with them provides the basis which make values education a central priority in many reforms. Values education must include not only studies in school but also all the processes at the school and activities in cooperation with the broader community. Schools must not only talk of values but exemplify them in appropriate ways, including providing real responsibility to students at school, with increasing emphasis on the later years. One of the recent emphases for schools is that they should play a significant rôle in preparation for citizenship. The demands of citizenship in a democratic society can no longer be learned without specific inclusion in the curriculum and the use of specially

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designed activities. Governments and institutions in many countries are seeking to find effective approaches to this problem. In the chapter by Denis Lawton he notes the role of citizenship as a key element in the English national curriculum, (p. 99) emphasising such aspects as social and moral responsibility; community involvement; and political literacy. He identifies four essential elements: concepts; values and dispositions; skills and aptitudes; and knowledge and understanding. The four elements are welded into a learning programme for each Key Stage of the National Curriculum. Many other countries are pursuing the same goal of citizenship with the emphasis moving beyond the traditional civics course, emphasizing knowledge of government systems to include active participation as citizens including “the habit of working in democratic ways and participating in our cultural heritage in a broad sense”. (Swedish Ministry, 1992). There are particular challenges in such aims as emphasized by Durkheim, in differentiating between indoctrination and education in citizenship. The school cannot be the instrument of any particular party and the teacher will be totally failing in his duty if he uses the authority conferred upon him to induce the student to share his own particular prejudices, however justified they may seem. However, despite all disagreements, there do exist, forming the very basis of civilization itself, a series of principles that we all hold in common and that few dare to openly reject: respect for reason, for science and the ideas and feelings that underlie democratic morality. It is the rôle of the state to emphasize these fundamental principles, have them taught in schools and ensure that children know about them and that they are spoken of everywhere with due respect. (Durkheim, 1992) Recent history has made values education more important and more complex. As the Delors Report emphasizes citizenship of a single country is now not an adequate concept. Learning to live together is a lesson that all must learn, across as well as within national boundaries. In the Report the International Commission gave a special emphasis to this concept. It defines a new dimension to the familiar concept of citizenship which includes participation in the community and in national activities. This extension addresses a deep need, developing an understanding of other people and their history, traditions and spiritual values—and thus helping to achieve a spirit which recognises our world society’s essential interdependence and the need for people and nations to work together harmoniously and constructively. This is an ambitious quest but one of increasing urgency. Education for economic survival is of limited value in a society torn apart by war or violence. At the school level the concept of “living together” is equally relevant. There is an increasing acceptance in current research that the development of a sense of community may be a requirement for an effective school, a school which seriously attempts to achieve the formidable agenda that current circumstances require. Deborah Meier notes this aspect in her summary of many years of experience.

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If we want schools to work, we need to keep these three in mind. Schools need to be small enough . . . , intergenerational enough (not organized by age alone), places where novices can learn from exposure to experts, and where power is not hidden or ignored, but is openly talked about. (p. 155) It makes good sense that if we expect students to operate effectively and with commitment in the whole society we must begin such processes in their schools. 7.

TEACHERS, PARENTS AND SUPPORTING ADULTS PLAY A VITAL ROLE

Reform is sometimes something that happens to schools as a result of outside events. To some extent this is unavoidable as the events which cause the reform may be economic or social. However, as emphasised by contributors in this book, if the reform does not win the agreement and understanding of teachers and parents its effects are likely to be significantly reduced. Teachers are vital allies if any reform is to go beyond surface change and bring long-term results. Similar levels of benefit come from the understanding and cooperation of the significant adults in students’ lives. The importance of home background has been long recognized and well documented. What is emerging more recently is the importance of building an effective alliance between the teacher and the significant adult in the implementation of change. The role of the teacher becomes even more important when home background is unhelpful. A longitudinal study over a 15-year period of over 20,000 students shows results which are characteristic of many studies but which adds a further dimension on the role of teachers (Abbott-Chapman et al., 1995). The study found that the socio-economic status, SES, of students was strongly related to their school performance and that the strength of this relationship increased over the period of schooling. For 84% of students this relationship holds for the total period of school and beyond into further education. For some 16% of students these results do not hold: in other words, while most students’ educational success was related to their home background, with increasing failure in progress for the socially disadvantaged, 16% who were disadvantaged succeeded strongly despite their circumstances. In checking on the reasons the influence of particular teachers proved to be very significant. The study identified a group of teachers who effectively acted as “circuit-breakers”, i.e., breaking the cycle of social disadvantage/educational failure/ increased disadvantage. A further study of these teachers indicated their variety and individuality but did identify two common factors. One was their conviction that all students could succeed. The second factor was the range of teaching approaches used by these teachers. They could not be classified under any of the common classifications: progressive, constructivist, traditional, progressive, learner-centered. Rather they had available a great range of teaching approaches, comprising all the different categories, and had the capacity to adapt their approaches to different circumstances and individuals.

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The complementary role of home and school has been confirmed in many recent studies and summarized by the Australian Council for Educational Research in their 2003 review (ACER, 2003). The review focused on the correlates of success with high literacy and numeracy. Students with such results were more likely to: Stay on to the final secondary year Enter higher education. Obtain higher tertiary education entrance scores. Make more successful transitions to Full Time Education, e.g., higher level occupations, higher level of earnings. Have higher levels of health. Communicate better and have better participation in adult life. The report noted that the relation between higher literacy and numeracy scores and labour market success continues even when controlled for educational attainment. In this ACER Report positive indicators of school success include: consistent attendance, high literacy and numeracy, academic achievement and aspirations for continuing education beyond high school. Associated factors to the above are: Hours per week spent in preparing for class; Hours per week spent in co-curricular activities; time spent in discussing ideas from reading. Out-of-school participation (Sports, arts, academic clubs, vocational clubs, service clubs, student government) was positively associated with each of these success indicators. Participation in extra-curricular activities may increase students’ sense of engagement or attachment to their school and reduce the likelihood of failure and dropping out. Use of time at home: e.g., reading, regular times for meals, a range of activities, limits on watching TV. In a broadly-based USA study similar results appear as to the power of extra-school factors (O’Brien and Rollefson, 1995). Low SES students participated less than high SES students in almost all activities except vocational. “participation in extra-curricular activities may increase students’ sense of engagement or attachment to their school and reduce the likelihood of failure and dropping out”. The research, while emphasizing the power of out-of-school factors such as SES and parental interest identifies also the strong role of specific extra-curricular activities, such as clubs, music and sport, activities which again have a link with home background. Parents and supporting adults such as the mentors who have been associated with British schools have a major role to play in their associated students’ learning. As will be noted in the following section, current social patterns are tending to weaken this link.

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The research results shows that teachers can break the cycle of social disadvantage to the benefit of many students. However, it is the strong cooperation between teachers and parents/mentors that leads to more general success. Continuity is a vital aspect in learning. The need to build on the student’s learning is obvious yet is difficult to achieve, given the forms of organization which are common. Education is, unavoidably, a long process in which significant gains come from a continuity of experience, a careful building of knowledge, skills, understanding, attitudes and values which constitute learning for each individual. Yet the stages through which students pass are often quite separate from one another and also from the students’ home and social life. It is not only at the breaks between sectors, such as the primarysecondary transition where it is necessary to ensure continuity but between consecutive years. In many schools there is no clear record of the learning of individual students and thus there are gaps and repetitions in the process which are wasteful and confusing. Many agencies influence learning: the family, religious institutions, sporting bodies, social groups and the many sectors of education, from creches and child-minding centres through early childhood, primary and secondary education, to technical/ vocational and to higher education. It is encouraging that such a diversity of bodies is engaged in the task of helping young people to develop a better future. It is disastrous that the links between these bodies are so tenuous and unproductive. It is both possible and highly desirable not only to establish a commitment to work together but to decide on mechanisms through which this might operate. The boundaries which exist between organisations may make for administrative convenience but are distinctly unhelpful in dealing with people since their lives are not divided into separate compartments related to administrative convenience. Education reform must grapple with the incontrovertible evidence that, while in-school factors are of great importance, to cope effectively with the needs the links between the school and its own community are equally crucial. 8.

SOCIETY AND EDUCATION HAVE POWERFUL LINKS

It is not only in the interaction between schools and homes that the effects of society on education are important. As mentioned above the move by OECD over the 45 years of its existence is significant in demonstrating the broad impact of education on economic and social progress as well as on individual welfare. Barry McGaw in a recent OECD publication stressed this point, identifying the major benefits of social capital to economic well-being. He distinguishes the particular impact of social capital as well as human capital on individual and social progress. The resources devoted to education are among the most important investments that countries and their people make. Modern knowledge economies require a highly skilled workforce, not just an elite, since

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economic growth is driven by a powerful interaction between increased human competence and the adoption of new technology. Individuals need high level skills as well, since, without them, they are at great risk of exclusion. Building only human capital is insufficient. Social capital—networks together with shared norms, values and understandings that facilitate cooperation within or among groups—is also essential to the development and maintenance of cohesive societies. (OECD, 2005.) Robert Putnam in his powerful book, Bowling Alone, identifies the same phenomenon in US society. Social capital, the level of social trust, personal connectedness, is the single most powerful predictor of educational performance: race, poverty, parental education are only indirect. (Putnam, 2000.) Putnam identified the major decline in US social capital in the period 1960–2000 and showed the powerful impact of the decline on many features of US society because of the strong correlation between social capital and other social indicators. Childrens Welfare—Social Capital: correlation
0.8. Educational performance- Social Capital
0.8 TV watching—Educational performance in Grades 4 &8, 0.8. Health—Social Capital
0.8 The results of Putnam are relevant well beyond the US as his study identifies fundamental links with aspects of everyday life which are common in many societies. The decline in social capital which he identifies for the USA can be parallelled by the social trends in most developed societies. This phenomenon emphasises for education reform both the need for strong social support for the process from outside the school but also the need for schools to recognize the power of their social milieu on what they can achieve. Ian Hill described in section 2 (p. 24) the ways that the IBO programme recognizes this need. Their program involves students in activities in the community to strengthen their understanding of and capacity to contribute to their own community. The Creativity–Action-Service element of the IB diploma is not graded but if students do not complete it satisfactorily the diploma is not awarded. Students are encouraged to participate in artistic pursuits, physical exertion and community service on a regular basis to develop awareness, concern and the capacity to work cooperatively with others. The requirements for the students are carefully defined to ensure the usefulness of the task to the student and also to the community. The student has to prepare a detailed report on the task, assessing its usefulness. The importance of the exercise in the view of the International Baccalaureate Organisation is shown by the decision that participation in this element is required for graduation.

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CONCLUSION

The pattern for reform commended here is essentially a holistic approach to education reform, taking into account all the sectors from basic education to university study. Such an emphasis sees basic education essentially as a “passport to life”, a common enabling foundation on which diversity can be built; diversity in later course and teaching-learning processes; and, diversity in context, including the alternating of study and work. The present education system approach is typically much too inflexible for current needs and a variety of formats are suggested, including alternation between school and work. The pressing need is to make schooling, and particularly secondary schooling, work effectively for all, rather than using it as a filtering system, leaving a large proportion of students with a feeling of failure and frustration. A variety of pathways will be needed between these different educational opportunities, allowing students to move in and out at different times as it proves helpful. The book also identifies the importance of the society of which schools are a part. This includes both the immediate community of schools, with parents and significant adults, but also the wider community which has such powerful interactions with education. All those writing in this book have argued strongly on our need to achieve major changes and initiatives in education if we are to become able to survive, first, and beyond survival, to begin to work in harmony for what have become global issues and needs. Major educational changes made now will take effect only years later. To neglect challenges which exist now is to make ourselves even less capable of meeting those the future will bring. We are now seeing many players in the international field yet there is little coordination between them. In this vital task a more unified and consistent approach is desperately needed. In Asia and the Pacific countries a particular opportunity exists, not only to learn from the successes and failures of other countries but to use their own special advances over recent years as the means of making reforms from which those other countries may learn. REFERENCES Abbott-Chapman and Hughes, (1995). Ensuring Teaching Quality: assessing the role of competency frameworks, in Ensuring Quality in Education, Selected Papers. The Australian College of Education, Canberra. ACER (2003). Rothman and McMillan. Influences on Achievement in Literacy and Numeracy. ACER Report 36, 2003. Blackburn, Jean (1991). Public Schooling: The Democratic Commitment. Education Quarterly, Issue 1. Delors, J. (1996). The Treasure Within. Report of the Intrenational Commission on Education for the 21st Century. Paris: UNESCO. Drucker, P. (1995). Managing in a Time of Great Change. Butterworth-Heineman Ltd., Oxford. Durkheim, E. (1992). Education et Sociologie. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France. Gardner, H. (1999). The Understanding Pathway. Educational Leadership. ASCD. Postman, Neil (1983). Engaging students in the Great Conversation. Phi Delta Kappan, January, 1983. Putnam, Robert D. (2000). Bowling Alone. New York: Simon & Schuster.

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Reich, Robert (1992). The Wealth of Nations. New York: Vintage Books. O’Brien and Rollefson (1995). Extracurricular Participation and Student Engagement. NCES, National Center for Education Statistics. NCES 95–741. OECD (2005). OECD Work on Education, 2005–2006. Paris: OECD. Swedish Ministry of Education and Science (1992). A School for Life. Report of the Commission on the Curriculum. Stockholm. UNESCO (1972). Learning to be. The Faure Report. Paris: UNESCO. UNESCO (1991). World Declaration on Education for All. The Jomtien Report, Paris: UNESCO. UNESCO (1996). The Treasure Within. The Delors Report, Paris: UNESCO. UNESCO (2005). Global Education Digest, 2005. Montreal: UNESCO Institute for Statistics. Wilson, B. (2002). Quoted in Directions in Education, October, 2002, Sydney: ACEL.

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AUTHOR BIOGRAPHIES

Ian Hill Dr Ian Hill is deputy director general of the International Baccalaureate Organization (IBO), based in Geneva. Prior to joining the IBO in 1993 as regional director for Africa, Europe and the Middle East, he was director of the International School of Sophia Antipolis, a bilingual IB Diploma school near Nice in the south of France. From 1986 to 1989 he was senior private secretary/advisor to the Minister for Education in the state of Tasmania and represented Australian government ministers of education on the IBO Council of Foundation. In Australia he held positions as a teacher and senior administrator in government schools as well as a part-time university lecturer in education. He has published several articles and book chapters on international education and recently co-authored a book on the contribution of the IB diploma programme to educational reform in USA state schools. Phillip Hughes Phillip Hughes is Emeritus Professor of Education at the Australian National University Centre for UNESCO. He was educated at the Universities of Tasmania, Oxford and New England. He was the Tasmanian Rhodes Scholar for 1947. He has received honorary doctorates from the University of Tasmania and the University of Canberra. He taught at many levels: high school, technical college and university before moving into administration and research positions beginning with work on the U.S. national mathematics project at the University of Illinois. In Tasmania as Superintendent of Curriculum Research he set up the Curriculum Branch, became founding Principal of Hobart Teachers College, then Deputy Director-General of Education. He was a member of the Higher Education Mission to the South Pacific in 1965, leading to the foundation of the University of the South Pacific. Phillip Hughes was foundation Head of the School of Teacher Education at Canberra C.A.E. from 1970–80 establishing the School of Education, now part of the University of Canberra. He chaired the inquiry into the provision of education in the A.C.T. and became foundation Chairman of the A.C.T. Schools Authority, Australia’s first new education system since 1890. He returned to Tasmania as Professor and Dean of Education at the University of Tasmania and Chairman of the Professorial Board.. From 1995 to 1997 he was the foundation Chief Executive Officer of the Australian Principals Centre, a partnership of Melbourne University, the Department of Education and the Principals’ Associations. He has held visiting appointments at the University of Illinois, Arizona State University, the University of London, 263 C. Hughes (ed.), Secondary Education at the Crossroads, 263–268. © 2006 Springer.

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Cambridge University, the Chinese University of Hong Kong and Fujian University in China. His work is in education reform, curriculum, evaluation and personnel appraisal for professional bodies, State and Federal governments and for international bodies. His most recent activities, 1996–2005, have been in curriculum development and its links with pedagogy and evaluation, with major projects in Tasmania, Victoria, Korea, Paris and in the Arab Gulf States for the International Bureau of Education. He has also been active through UNESCO in Asia and the Pacific, working in Thailand, Nepal, Malaysia, Singapore, the Philippines, Korea and China, in Paris for OECD and for UNESCO and in the Arab Gulf States. The experience in such a variety of settings has provided a strong base for continuing activity. Denis Lawton Denis Lawton was born in Maesteg, Wales but has spent most of his professional life in England. His early career was as a secondary teacher but while completing a research degree at the Institute of Education at the University of London he accepted an invitation to work with Basil Bernstein on a research project. His career since then has been at the Institute, punctuated by assignments with UNESCO and OECD and as a consultant in many countries, including some in Europe, Asia and Africa. He moved from the research post to a lectureship in 1965, a senior lectureship in Curriculum Studies in1968, a Readership in 1972 and a personal Professorship in 1974. In 1977 he became Deputy Director of the Institute and in 1983 was appointed Director. In 1989, wishing ‘to spend more tome on education’ he retired from the Directorship but has continued since as a teacher and supervisor of research degrees, a task he still enjoys. He has a long list of books to his credit, beginning with Social Class, Language and Education in 1968 through to Education and Labour Party Ideologies in 2004. Barry McGaw Barry McGaw is Director of the Melbourne Education Research Institute at the University of Melbourne. Prior to taking up this position in 2006, he was Director of the Directorate for Education in the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). From 1985 to 1998, he had been Executive Director of the Australian Council for Educational Research, an independent, non-profit organisation with an international research and development program. He had earlier been Professor of Education at Murdoch University in Western Australia. Professor McGaw’s research interests have been in educational measurement and learning. He has had extensive experience in issues of curriculum and assessment in the upper secondary years including selection procedures for higher education, issues addressed by governmental review committees that he chaired in four Australian states. He is an Officer in the Order of Australia, a Fellow of the Academy of the Social Sciences in Australia, the Australian Psychological Society and the Australian College of Educators. He received an Australian Centenary Medal in 2003.

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Deborah W. Meier Dr. Deborah W. Meier has spent over four decades working in public education as a teacher, writer and public advocate. She began her teaching career as a kindergarten and Headstart teacher in Chicago, Philadelphia and New York City schools. She was the founder and teacher-director of a network of highly successful public elementary schools in East Harlem. In 1985 she founded Central Park East Secondary School, a New York City public high school in which more than 90% of the entering students went on to college, mostly to 4-year schools. She was the founding principal of the Mission High School, an innovative small school in Boston. She is currently a Senior Scholar at New York University’s Steinhardt School. The schools she helped create serve predominantly low-income African-American and Latino students, and include a typical range of students in terms of academic skills, and special needs. There are no entrance requirements. These schools are considered exemplars of reform nationally. All are affiliates of the national Coalition of Essential Schools founded by Dr. Ted Sizer. Between 1992–96 she also served as codirector of a project that successfully redesigned two large failing New York City high schools. Since 1997, she has been the principal at the Mission Hill School, a K8 public school she founded in Roxbury, MA. She has recived many honorary degrees for her work, from universities including Brown, Teachers College, Columbia, Harvard and Yale. She was a recipient of the prestigious MacArthur Fellowship in 1987. Her books, The Power of Their Ideas, Lessons to America from a Small School in Harlem (1995) and Will Standards Save Public Education (2000), In Schools We Trust (2002), Keeping School (2004) and Many Children Left Behind (2004) are published by Beacon Press. Joanna le Metais Dr Joanna Le Métais is an independent consultant in international education research and evaluation. Her main area of work is comparative analysis and evaluation of education policy, implementation and reform. She has undertaken consultancy activities in Australia, Canada, France, Japan, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Russia, Vietnam and the USA. While at the National Foundation for Educational Research (1984–2004), she was Head of International Project Development responsible for the conceptualisation and development of international and comparative research strategy and for the direction of related research, information and consultancy services. As part of this work, she was Head of the EURYDICE Unit for England, Wales and Northern Ireland (1984–1987) and she devised and directed the International Review of Curriculum and Assessment Frameworks (INCA), an ongoing study of education systems and organisation in 18 countries (1996–2004). Prior to that, she taught French and was Head of Languages in a secondary school, was an external examiner for French (University of London), and served as a local authority education officer. A native of the Netherlands, Joanna Le Métais was educated in the Netherlands, Australia, France and England, where she has lived since 1966. She is a qualified

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teacher and holds a Bachelor of Education, a Master of Arts (Public and Social Administration) and a Doctor of Philosophy (Conservative values and education policy 1979–1990). She was awarded the degree of Doctor of Education honoris causa, by Brunel University in 2000. Nancy Faust Sizer Nancy Faust Sizer is a Lecturer on Education at the Graduate School of Education at Harvard University in Cambridge, Massachusetts. She graduated from Wellesley College (1957) and received a Master’s degree from Harvard in Regional Studies / East Asia (1967). For the next twenty five years she taught history at the High and Latin School in Cambridge, Massachusetts (1968–1970), Bromfield Middle and High School in Harvard, Massachusetts (1971–1972), Phillips Academy in Andover, Massachusetts (1973–1984), and Wheeler School in Providence, Rhode Island, where she was also Chairman of the Department (1984–1994). She was also a Transition Counselor and Acting Co-Principal (with her husband, Theodore R. Sizer) at the Parker Charter Essential School in Devens, Massachusetts (1998–1999). In the 1990’s she left teaching for a period and traveled extensively to interview seniors in high school to assess the nature of their motivation to learn. This became the subject matter for her book Crossing the Stage: Redesigning Senior Year (Heinemann, 2002). In 2000/2001 she served as a member of. The National Commission on the High School Senior Year. Among her other writings are China: Tradition and Change (1991), Making Decisions. Cases for Moral Discussion (1984) With Theodore R. Sizer, she wrote The Students Are Watching: Schools and the Moral Contract (1999) and with Theodore R. Sizer and Deborah Meier: Keeping School: Letters to Families from Principals of Two Small Schools (2004). Ted and Nancy Sizer live in Harvard, Massachusetts, where, besides their professional obligations and interests, they enjoy keeping up with the activities of their four children, three children-in-law and ten grandchildren. Malcolm Skilbeck Emeritus Professor Malcolm Skilbeck is an independent education researcher and policy analyst. His academic qualifications are BA (Hons) (Sydney), MA (Illinois), Academic Dip Ed (London, PhD (London), DLitt (Hon. National University of Ireland). He is a Fellow of the Academy of Social Sciences of Australia, and an Honorary Life Member of the National Foundation for Educational Research for England and Wales; and formerly member of Australian National Commission for UNESCO. During his career he has been: a professor at the Universities of London and Ulster; Vice-Chancellor of Deakin University; Director of the Australian Curriculum Development Centre; Director of Studies at the Schools Council for Curriculum and Examinations for England and Wales; and Deputy Director for Education at the OECD. Consultancies and studies have been carried out for: UNESCO; OECD; the British Council; Australian International Development

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Assistance Bureau; World Bank; Commonwealth Secretariat; Commonwealth of Learning; National Foundation for Educational Research for England and Wales; Australian Federal Department of Education, Science and Training; Australian Ministerial Council for Education, Employment, Training and Youth Affairs and a number of other agencies and authorities. Publications include: Education for All 2000 Assessment—Global Synthesis; School-Based Curriculum Development; Culture and the Classroom; The Vocational Quest—New Directions in Education and Training; Redefining Tertiary Education; Access and Equity in Higher Education; The University Challenged—A Review of International Trends and Issues with Particular Reference to Ireland and numerous articles and chapters. His most recent published research and consultancy reports relate to the Australian teaching profession.

INDEX

accountability, 44, 148, 156, 163, 179, 194, 235, 243, 253 adolescence, 112 American Educational Research Association, AERA, 240, 241, 243 American Society for Curriculum Development, ASCD, 4 arts, 17, 18, 20, 22, 28, 40, 74, 140, 186, 187, 196, 199, 202, 206, 218, 249, 258 assessment, 2, 3, 4, 10, 11, 16, 19, 22, 23, 31, 34, 35, 45, 46, 48, 56, 57, 77, 83, 85–8, 92, 93, 122, 128, 136, 148, 165, 169, 170, 178, 179–181, 188, 193, 194, 195–9, 202, 203, 205–208, 211, 212, 218, 219, 227, 232, 233, 234, 235, 237, 243, 253, 254, 255 Australian Agency for International Development, AusAID, 12 Australian Council for Educational Research, ACER, 258 baccalaureate, 3, 11, 15, 16, 189, 260 basic education for all, 8, 115, 117, 210, 248 Braslavsky, Ceccelia 26 breadth, balance and coherence, 191 British Council, 12 Canada Council capacity building, 39, 40, 41, 61, 127, 138 certification, 170, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 192, 195, 219 change, 1–5, 12, 21, 26, 43, 45, 46, 51, 52, 56, 63, 69, 72, 78, 84, 88–90, 99, 103, 104, 105, 106, 117, 124, 128, 130, 134, 135, 137, 138, 145, 147, 148, 162, 164, 165, 172, 173, 174, 176, 177, 179, 180, 184 188, 193, 195, 196, 203, 210, 223, 229, 235, 238, 243, 246, 248, 249, 250, 252, 257 change, top-down, 147

citizenship, 4, 21, 27, 29, 47, 84, 87–93, 101, 103, 159, 170, 174, 186, 187, 189, 210, 212, 218, 255, 256 Class size, 25 communication, 7, 20, 21, 25, 29, 30, 49, 57–61, 64, 91, 103, 106, 118, 124, 166, 170, 173, 177, 185, 186, 187,188, 204, 210, 212, 215, 218, 219, 220, 240 community, 1, 2, 47, 53, 54, 92, 93, 189, 214 comprehensive school system, 6, 72–7, 79, 80, 82, 83, 85, 86, 94, 95, 99, 110, 111, 120, 127, 130, 133, 140, 182, 213, 227, 236 compulsory requirements, 185 computer based learning, 193 conflict resolution, 28 content, 2, 19, 20, 21, 22, 26, 28, 33–5, 44, 45, 48, 65, 83, 84, 85, 115, 173, 181, 185, 186, 191, 192, 194, 197, 198, 200, 214, 252, 254 Creativity, Action, Service, CAS, 18 cultural diversity, 29, 109 curriculum, 1, 4, 26, 33, 49, 50, 52, 60, 74, 82, 84, 85, 87, 89, 90, 91, 94, 95, 185, 186, 187, 177, 192, 193, 194, 197, 198, 199, 202, 203, 204, 206, 207, 209, 210, 211, 212, 215, 217, 218, 219, 220, 253, 256 curriculum development, 27, 31, 35, 42, 45, 46, 48, 51, 60, 76, 92, 111, 261 curriculum evaluation, 12 curriculum reform, 4, 26, 33, 47, 48, 74, 76, 77, 78, 82–4, 88–91, 94, 185, 203, 212, 256 da Vinci, Leonardo 215, 251 Dakar, 9, 10, 51, 97, 107, 108, 110, 111, 114, 117, 119, 122, 125, 126, 129, 130, 131, 133–9, 247 Delors, Jacques, 9, 27, 30, 255, 256 development, 2, 3, 4, 8, 10, 16, 17, 18, 26, 27, 28, 29, 31, 35, 38, 42, 44, 45, 46,

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development––continued 48, 51, 52, 53, 60, 65, 69, 74, 80, 87, 90, 92, 94, 97, 100–12, 120–4, 126, 129, 130, 133, 134, 136, 138, 139, 140, 145, 151, 166, 170, 172–7, 179, 187–90, 192–4, 200, 203–7, 210–12, 214, 215, 237, 243, 250, 252, 256, 260 Dewey, John, 49, 64 discipline, 18, 45, 184, 185, 210 discrimination, 9, 50, 135, 136 Drucker, Peter, 251 Durkheim, E. 256 Earth Charter, 28 ecology, 7 Education for All, EFA, 9, 247 education, academic, see academic education, vocational, 1, 8, 10, 48, 116, 177, 182, 183, 184, 185, 189, 196, 198, 199, 201, 202, 207, 208, 211 educational reform, 1, 21, 24, 27, 31, 33, 34, 36, 38, 44, 45, 48, 50, 56, 60, 62, 63, 64, 65, 71, 76, 91, 93, 95, 97, 126, 136, 138, 140, 204, 206, 207 efficiency, 71, 76, 101, 104, 127, 162, 206, 208, 223, 226, 236 employability, 177, 192, 210 engagement in education, 177 environment, 1, 7, 8, 18, 20, 28, 30, 49, 55, 56, 105, 106, 117, 123, 134, 150, 157, 162, 163, 183, 201, 206, 210, 249, 254 equity, 9, 10, 27, 101, 115, 124, 125, 172, 223, 227, 229, 230, 231, 232, 236, 237, 250 EURYDICE, 172, 174, 188, 200, 214–16, 218, 219 evaluation, 2, 11, 12, 32, 36, 37, 41, 44, 45, 46, 47, 49, 50, 61, 62, 63, 79, 82, 84, 85, 91, 92, 93, 98, 110, 111, 119, 120, 124, 125, 128, 132, 177, 185, 187, 189, 192, 199, 206–10, 213, 219, 223, 235, 237–40, 243, 244, 253, 255 examinations, 6, 15, 19, 21, 31, 32, 34, 35, 45, 50, 73, 76, 82, 85, 86, 88, 149, 190, 194, 195, 196, 204, 218, 219, 243, 254

globalisation, 3, 8, 174, 211, 249 grouping, 105, 182, 183, 184, 195, 210, 227, 229 guidance, 49, 90, 124, 157, 172, 186, 189, 192, 196, 199, 201, 208, 209, 210, 212, 219 Havel, V. 4, 249 heterogeneous grouping, 180, 191, 193, 229 hierarchy of needs, 27 high quality/high equity, 102, 116, 132, 133, 140, 179, 212, 231, 240 humanities, 17, 20, 28, 185, 186, 187, 199, 207, 218 IBO Diploma, 5, 16–21, 23, 31–7, 39, 41–3, 45–51, 55–7, 59, 60, 61, 63, 65, 249, 254, 260 ICT, 48, 60, 124, 173, 174, 177, 187, 188, 193, 204, 206, 208, 219 imagination, 9, 28, 166, 188 industrialisation, 8, 79, 123 information technology, 12, 28, 31, 33, 34, 46, 219 innovations, 11, 52, 55, 60, 201, 237 interdisciplinary, 18, 26, 28, 30 International Baccaluareate Organisation, IBO, 3, 11, 260 International Commission on Education, ICE, 8, 247 International Monetary Fund, IMF, 1, 10 Internet, 25, 60, 188, 248 interpersonal skills, 187, 192 Jomtien, 9, 97–9, 101–10, 113, 114, 117–28, 130, 131, 136, 138, 247, 250 knowledge, 7, 8, 10, 11, 12–19, 23–30, 33, 37, 40, 44, 48, 49, 52, 53, 54, 56, 60, 61, 62, 65, 82, 90, 93, 97, 98, 103, 105, 110, 111, 117, 121, 124, 127, 128, 137, 139, 146, 159, 164, 166, 170, 173–77, 180, 181, 183, 185, 187, 188, 190, 191, 193, 205, 206, 208, 210, 213, 217–18, 223, 224, 239, 249, 250–53, 255, 256, 259 knowledge-based economy

four pillars, 8, 27 Gardner, Howard, 16, 252

Learning to be, 8 Learning to do, 8

INDEX Learning to Know, 8 Learning to live together, 8, 256 life-long learning, 24, 35, 53, 168, 206 literacy, 8, 11, 19, 63, 84, 90, 97, 98, 99, 101, 103, 113, 115, 117–120, 125, 129, 130, 139, 170, 184–87, 190, 206, 208, 218, 223, 225, 230, 243, 250, 256, 258 Maslow, 27, 30, 53, 54 mathematics, 6, 17–20, 22, 40, 42, 43, 80, 83, 117, 121, 173, 178, 185–87, 191, 197, 200, 204, 205, 206, 218, 224, 226, 227, 228, 231, 232, 233, 252 memory, 9, 19 mentor, 41, 47, 48, 192 moral education, 7, 186, 188, 189 motivation, 35, 44, 57, 59, 61, 62, 71, 113, 159, 177, 180, 190, 201, 252, 255 music, 62, 83, 84, 124, 186, 197, 206, 207, 208, 258 national reform, 47 No child left behind, 44, 45, 238 Open University, 60, 75, 193 Organisation of Economic Cooperation and Development, OECD, 11 pedagogy, 2, 21, 23, 24, 26, 30, 36, 39, 40, 41, 42, 48, 50, 59, 69, 102, 121 personality, 9, 59, 100, 177 physical ability, 9 Piaget, Jean, 65 pilot project, 33, 38, 46, 47, 48, 49, 58, 63, 213 poverty, 9, 27, 30, 54, 99, 106, 114, 115, 119, 123, 125, 127, 135, 140, 152, 260 Program for International Student Achievement, PISA, 11 purpose, 2, 30, 37, 73, 76, 78, 79, 85, 88, 97, 111, 121, 128, 150, 153, 157, 159, 162, 165, 168, 169, 237, 251, 254 Putnam, 3, 260 Qualifications and Curriculum Authority, 88, 91, 203, 219 quality of educational outcomes, 224

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randomized trials, 240, 243 reasoning, 9, 26, 34, 65 religious education, 74, 83, 185, 186, 188, 189, 211, 218 research, 2, 3, 12, 18, 21, 24, 33, 34, 35, 38, 42, 45, 47, 48, 51, 65, 79, 80, 81, 91, 97, 111, 117, 120, 122, 125, 128, 129, 131, 132, 133, 135, 136, 137, 139, 154, 161, 164, 177, 193, 204, 205, 217, 237, 238, 240, 241, 243, 244, 256, 258, 259 Rousseau, J J 64, 65 scaling up, 60, 63, 65 school management, 25 school performance, 115 Schumacher, E., 9 segregation of students, 237 skills, 5, 15, 18, 19, 20, 21, 23–30, 34, 35, 37, 40, 44, 45, 46, 48, 49, 52, 54, 60, 65, 86, 87, 90, 91, 103, 106, 107, 118, 121, 122, 123, 130, 132, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 166, 168, 170, 172, 173, 174, 176, 177, 179, 180, 181, 185–92, 194, 196, 198, 200, 201, 203, 205, 206, 208, 210, 219, 224, 225, 229, 230, 231, 236, 248, 250, 251, 252, 253, 256, 259, 260 small schools, 147, 184 social capital, 3, 54, 65, 259, 260 social education, 20, 61 social sciences, 89, 187, 199 socio-economic status, SES 166, 172, 184, 257 spiritual sense, 9 teachers, 5, 6, 11, 15, 19, 22, 23, 24, 25, 28, 30, 32, 34, 35, 37–46, 48, 49, 50, 52, 56–58, 60–4, 70, 73, 74, 76, 77, 78, 81–5, 89, 90–5, 101, 102, 104, 111, 116, 117, 121, 122, 125, 127, 137, 139, 145, 147, 148, 150, 151, 153, 154, 155, 157, 158, 159, 161–63, 165, 166, 167, 168, 181, 183, 188, 189, 191, 192, 193, 194, 199, 200, 201, 206, 208, 209, 211, 213, 235, 238, 244, 246, 247, 251, 254, 255, 257, 259 teaching methodology, 15, 29, 30, 35, 43, 60, 62 technological, 4, 7, 9, 19, 75, 118, 172, 173, 178, 184, 189, 191, 193, 197, 198, 204, 206, 207, 208, 210, 211, 250

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Theory of knowledge, 18 TIMSS, 34, 121 UN Millennium Goals, 7 UNESCO Institute of Statistics, 132 UNICEF, 6, 9, 10, 12, 19, 121, 127 United Nations, 1, 9, 100 United Nations Development Project, UNDP, 9 United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation, UNESCO, 1 United Nations International Childrens Educational Fund, UNICEF See UNICEF Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 9, 99, 100, 101, 114 Universal primary education, UPE, 5, 112, 114, 130, 131 US Agency for International Development, USAID, 12 values, 2, 7, 11, 19, 26, 27, 28, 30, 59, 90, 95, 101, 102, 103, 104, 106, 107, 108,

109, 110, 121, 123, 124, 136, 150, 156, 164, 170, 174, 175, 176, 177, 188, 201, 204, 210, 212, 213, 217, 239, 248, 250, 254, 255, 256, 259, 260 variance, between schools, 358, 360 violence, 3, 6, 9, 113, 114, 115, 117, 125, 140, 256 Vocational education, 1 work, 3, 5, 6, 7, 8, 10, 18, 19, 21, 22, 23, 25, 30, 37, 42, 45, 51, 54, 56, 57, 59, 64, 65, 70, 79, 81, 84, 87, 88, 89, 91, 92, 93, 94, 97, 108, 113, 117, 123, 124, 125, 126, 129, 130, 131, 137, 147, 148, 149, 151, 152, 155–68, 172, 173, 174, 177, 180, 183, 186–90, 192, 193, 194, 196, 198, 199, 200, 203, 208, 210, 213, 219, 239, 241, 247, 248, 249, 251, 254, 256, 257, 259, 260, 261 work experience, 173, 189, 217 World Bank, 1, 10, 12, 29, 51, 123, 129, 250 World education report, 2000, 100