Wisdom and the Hebrew Epic: Ben Sira's Hymn in Praise of the Fathers

Wisdom and the Hebrew Epic

Chicago Studies in the History of Judaism Edited by Jacob Neusner

Wisdom Ben Sira's and Hymn in Praise of the the Fathers Hebrew Epic Burton L. Mack

The University of Chicago Press Chicago and London

BURTON L. MACK is professor of New Testament in the School of Theology, Institute for Antiquity and Christianity, Claremont Grad­ uate School. The University of Chicago Press, Chicago 60637 The University of Chicago Press, Ltd., London © 1985 by The University of Chicago All rights reserved. Published 1985 Printed in the United States of America 94 93 92 91 90 89 88 87 86 85

54321

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Mack, Burton L. Wisdom and the Hebrew epic. (Chicago studies in the history of Judaism) Bibliography: p. Includes index. 1. Bible. O.T Apocrypha. Ecclesiasticus XLIV-LCriticism, interpretation, etc. I. Title. II. Series. BS1765.2.M32 1985 229'.406 85-8564 ISBN 0-226-50049-7

T o JONATHAN Z. SMITH, whose imaginative discourse makes thinking about religion possible

I will again make instruction shine like the dawn. Sirach 24:32

I will hide no secret from you. Wisdom 6:22

Contents

List o f Tables x Preface xi Introduction 1

Part 1 Literary Analysis: Heroes 1 The Profile of the Hero 11 and History 2 The Structure o f „

History

37

Part 2 Rhetorical Considerations: 3 Reading: In the Place O f

Reading and Writing Praise 6 9 4 Writing: The Glory o f the Scholar-Sage 89

Part 3 Hermeneutic: Text and 5 The Hymn as Jewish and Cultural Contexts Hellenistic Text 111 6 Wisdom as Text and Texture 139 Conclusion 173 Appendices 189 Notes 215 Bibliography 241 Subject Index 251 Index to Biblical Texts Cited 2 5 9 ix

Tables

1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

The The The The The

Pattern of Characterization 24 Structure o f the Hymn 38 Pattern o f Characterization as Encomium Structure o f the Hymn as Wisdom Myth Two Proems 191

x

130 164

Preface

Ben

Sira's hymn landed

on

m y desk four years ago and arrested m y attention in the course o f a general reading o f Hellenistic-Jewish literature. I had b e e n looking for t e x t s t o c h a r t that intersection o f cultures, J e w i s h and Hellenic, within w h i c h a remarkable reflection on human nature and social e x p e r i e n c e had b e e n generated. N o w I find myself astonished at t h e scholarly labors B e n Sira's p o e m has educed and sustained and at m y

findings.

I had thought t o

move quickly, from this t e x t t o others, through a cultural e p ­ o c h o f a history o f ideas. B u t t h e t e x t did n o t yield until I gave it its rightful position at t h e c e n t e r o f t h e intersection I sought t o understand. As all t h e o t h e r t e x t s piled up around it on m y desk, t e x t s that I discovered formed the framework o f B e n Sira's intellectual world, his h y m n t o o k its place upon another desk as w e l l — h i s own. I've imagined his study a bit m o r e tidy than m i n e , but filled nonetheless with all those things befitting a scholar's w o r k ­ shop. T h a t I hadn't e x p e c t e d . I had wanted t o bridge the dif­ ference o f t w o thousand years by studied reconstructions o f what we've c o m e t o call history. B u t history turned t o O n c e upon a time, B e n Sira's time. A n d there, working with his o w n

xi

xii

PREFACE

texts, tracing out the lines from o n e t o t h e o t h e r in quest o f that sense o f things h e called wisdom, was a scholar I could recognize as s o m e o n e like myself. I had known, o f course, o f his achievements as a p o e t — t h a t his hymn was on m y desk, having c o m e so long a way, was p r o o f enough. B u t that he was a scholar also, and that h e k n e w himself t o b e o n e — t h u s I c a m e t o see t h e social situation o f his c o m p o s i t i o n — g a v e m e courage t o p r o c e e d with yet a n o t h e r round o f readings o f his text. This t i m e the heroes o f his h y m n w e r e n o t t h e only human figures in m y view. It was n o w B e n Sira with w h o m I was engaged. I sought t o understand h o w he had managed such a reading o f his t e x t s and times, with what purpose he wrote, and for w h o m . I discovered something o f what I think was his way with words, his inventions, and his achievement. H e n c e this book. I wouldn't call it a b o o k o f wisdom, t o b e sure, and t h e r e the difference b e t w e e n B e n Sira's w o r k and m i n e c o m e s clear. B u t it would not do t o let that difference keep o n e from pondering the similarities. B e n Sira claimed m o r e for his p o e m than I do for m y s t u d y — m a i n l y

because h e w r o t e as a scholar-the­

ologian and I write m e r e l y as a scholar o f human h i s t o r y — b u t both o f us started with o u r several sets o f texts and, aided by imagination, sought t h e intersection o f their lines in s o m e comprehensive view. T h u s m y study also is a scholarly in­ vention, although n o t o n e B e n Sira himself might have r e c o g ­ nized. T h a t is because m y reading o f his p o e m takes it up into the imaginative discourse about history, literature, and religion appropriate t o t h e m o d e r n academy. It is J o n a t h a n Z . S m i t h w h o has taught m e h o w important it is t o acknowledge the discourse o f t h e academy as a product o f the scholarly imagination. It is also S m i t h w h o has made m e aware that t h e categories w e use for understanding religious phenomena need t o b e tested by rigorous investigation o f texts in specific social-historical c o n t e x t s . This is especially so in t h e case o f texts from o t h e r times and cultures, lest w e miss the "social l a b o r " o f the peculiar form o f " m e d i t a t i o n " on a soci­ ety's patterns o f practice that religion is. I've tried t o see B e n Sira's powerful p o e m , a m y t h i c reading o f his o w n cultural

PREFACE

xiii

history, as such a meditation o n his social system. I trust m y reading has b e e n rigorous enough, even though imaginative, and that it will e n h a n c e appreciation for B e n Sira's o w n kind o f inventive labor as well. T h a t J a c o b Neusner has a c c e p t e d m y study for publication in this series is reward indeed. His o w n w o r k has exemplified time and t i m e again t h e value o f a critical way with texts for J e w i s h history. H e has called regularly for an investigation o f texts that will o p e n t h e m o u t upon their place in history and let us see their function within specific social settings. T h a t he has judged m y w o r k o n Sirach t o b e a contribution t o this program is very gratifying, and I wish t o express m y thanks t o him. T o t h e Institute for Antiquity and Christianity, w h e r e m y studies w e r e pursued and m y w o r k supported, I also wish t o say thank you. I a m indebted t o David Seeley for a penetrating reading o f t h e manuscript, and C h a r Matejovsky and D e b b i e D e G o y e r , masters o f the magical machines, will not b e forgot­ ten for their labors.

Introduction

T h i s b o o k is about a r e m a r k ­ able p o e m w r i t t e n by a J e w i s h priest in Jerusalem in 1 8 0 B . C . E . T h e p o e m traces t h e illustrious leaders o f Israel's history, b e ­ ginning with Noah and ending with t h e high priest Simon, and it opens with t h e author's a n n o u n c e m e n t " I will n o w sing their praise." H e r o e s and history j o i n e d in this way set this t e x t apart. It is t h e earliest p o e m o n r e c o r d in w h i c h figures o f Israel's epic are presented as t h e sole subject o f a literary c o m ­ position expressly t o b e eulogized. It is found t u c k e d away in a m o s t unlikely p l a c e — a b o o k o f ethical instruction in the m o d e o f H e b r e w wisdom. Since t h e older traditions o f H e b r e w wisdom do n o t betray an interest in Israel's epic history, t h e c o n t e x t is surprising. N o r do t h e earlier wisdom texts prepare us for a reading o f an epic history that c o m e s t o a c l i m a x in praise o f a high priest offering sacrifice o n a high holy day. T h a t is because, i f t h e conventional scholarly consensus is right, m o s t H e b r e w wisdom was e i t h e r uninterested in o r c r i t ­ ical o f t h e cult. S o t h e p o e m is a m o s t interesting t e x t , and its presence in a wisdom b o o k is quite u n e x p e c t e d . H o w t o a c ­ c o u n t for its being t h e r e , h o w t o read it with understanding,

1

2

INTRODUCTION

and h o w t o assess t h e i m p o r t a n c e o f its achievement are the goals o f this investigation. T h e p o e m is k n o w n as the " H y m n in Praise o f the F a t h e r s . " It has long b e e n recognized by scholars as an important t e x t , for it reflects a m o m e n t in J e w i s h history w h e n significant cultural changes w e r e taking place. T h e author w r o t e at the crucial m o m e n t

o f transition

from

Ptolemaic t o Seleucid

hegemony o f Palestine, and j u s t before the shattering events o f 167 B . C . E . that unleashed the troubled history o f the M a c c a bean revolts. T e m p l e and T o r a h , high priests and k i n g s — t h e s e were the centers around w h i c h conflicts raged. Violence at­ tended t h e repeated attempts t o take, defend, and exercise the powers residing in the political and religious institutions. B u t the battle lines shifted in keeping with ideological positions, and for these the issue was o n e o f authority: T o r a h on the o n e hand as c o d e , constitution, tradition, o r epic history; paideia

on

the o t h e r as the spirit o f Hellenic culture, values, and social organization. T h e suspicion has always been that B e n Sira's hymn in praise o f the fathers was c o m p o s e d by an a u t h o r fully aware o f his world and sensitive t o this emerging conflict. T h e r e is, in fact, a great deal k n o w n about B e n Sira.

1

His

book o f wisdom is a precious d o c u m e n t from a period that has left us little o t h e r written legacy. It has been pored over r e ­ peatedly by scholars seeking a reconstruction o f this period o f history. In t h e course o f these readings, as m u c h has been learned about B e n Sira and his b o o k as has been learned from t h e m about their times. T h e author's political preferences have been discerned, his attitude toward S e c o n d T e m p l e institu­ tions determined, and his activity as a schoolmaster made plau­ sible. M o s t have regarded B e n Sira as a conservative, loyal t o T o r a h and T e m p l e , cautious about Hellenism and about Cyni­ cal views o f J e w i s h piety and wisdom. B u t the picture is m o r e c o m p l e x than that, for t h e marks o f paideia

upon his b o o k are

also very clear. His learning was broad, and his t e x t s w e r e many. His intellectual and literary accomplishments reveal a man o f great cosmopolitan erudition. His b o o k is a crossroads o f the cultural traditions c o m p e t i n g for his times. Ben Sira's p o e m about the fathers belongs t o his turbulent

3

INTRODUCTION

milieu, but t h e specific way in w h i c h it relates t o it has b e e n very difficult t o understand. E v e n its place in its n a r r o w e r literary c o n t e x t , its function within B e n Sira's b o o k o f wisdom, has never b e e n a c c o u n t e d for. I f t h e h y m n could be shown t o c o h e r e , t o sustain essential lines o f c o n t a c t with B e n Sira's b o o k and its explicit c o n c e r n s , a m o s t interesting configuration o f ideas would r e s u l t — h e r o e s and history; history and wis­ dom; wisdom and T o r a h ; T o r a h and T e m p l e ; T e m p l e and H e l l e n i s m — j u s t that bewildering m i x o f ideas, traditions, and institutional ideologies that d e t e r m i n e d t h e times. I f it would be possible t o place this t e x t amid t h e s e m a n y " t e x t s , " t o see it open o u t o n t o its c o m p l e x social world, t h e n read it as a sin­ gular m o m e n t o f reflection u p o n and comprehension o f its author's t i m e — t h a t would b e t o understand it. It is a curiosity o f t h e scholarly tradition that such little effort has b e e n devoted t o solving t h e problems o f t h e hymn. Only o n e monograph, t h r e e articles, and o n e dissertation that 2

have addressed t h e t e x t directly are k n o w n t o m e . Several o f t h e r e c e n t monographs o n Sirach as a w h o l e have avoided any 3

study o f t h e h y m n at a l l . T h e reasons, perhaps, are t h e diffi­ culties o n e e n c o u n t e r s w h e n approaching t h e t e x t with critical questions. T h e literary c r i t i c is confronted with an unfamiliar genre and hardly k n o w s h o w t o begin. T h e historian sees only a hymn t o t h e pious and finds it impossible t o discern any relation t o types o f piety actually in evidence for t h e period. Clearly w e have a difficult t e x t o n o u r hands. T h e p o e m consists o f a p r o e m , followed by a long series o f poetic units, each devoted t o o n e o f t h e heroes. T h e s e units are o f uneven length, and they are j u x t a p o s e d , for t h e m o s t part, without transitional statements. O n e has t h e impression m e r e ­ ly o f a collection o f little p o e m s , a list o r catalog o f Israel's leaders. T h e question is w h e t h e r t h e collection as a w h o l e shows any principle o f selection o r o f structure at all, beyond that o f a series. I f history is being recast, reread, what holds it together? W h a t might be t h e p o e m ' s purpose in reading that history as a series o f illustrious leaders? T h e call t o praise these heroes is explicit enough. B u t t h e very notion o f singing praises t o the human figures o f Israel's history strikes o n e as strange,

4

INTRODUCTION

given the usual assumptions about J e w i s h reluctance t o reify the human creature. Even i f o n e w e r e t o b r a c k e t that consid­ eration for a m o m e n t , however, the reasons for praise would be unclear. O n e seeks in vain the customary marks o f great human achievement in these m e n , for instance. T h e only m o d ­ els available for comparison from B e n Sira's time are given with the G r e e k encomiastic literature. Scholars have always sensed s o m e vague relationship in this regard. B u t the closer the reading o f t h e hymn, the m o r e difficult it is t o determine from such a comparison e x a c d y w h a t it is about these m e n that is d e e m e d w o r t h y o f fame and glory. It is hardly the Hellenic arete. T h a t the last h e r o in line is S i m o n seems t o provide s o m e clues. T h e history is read right into B e n Sira's present, and the t h e m e o f glory seems t o r e a c h an appropriate climax there. B u t this said, the question o f the t e x t ' s intention bursts the bounds o f understanding o n c e again. Although the hymn does appear t o intend s o m e signification o f B e n Sira's o w n religious-social setting, what that significance m i g h t b e is e x t r e m e l y hard t o tell. B y w h o m would the h y m n have been read, and o n what occasions? W o u l d it have been effective, and by what imagina­ tive means? T h e s e are the questions raised by the t e x t for the critical scholar. T h e y have seldom been asked, m u c h less resolved. I decided t o tackle this t e x t because I thought it important. I suspected that it stood near t h e beginning o f what was t o b e c o m e an intense preoccupation with the notion o f the spe­ cial man in all t h e forms o f Judaism entering the G r e c o - R o m a n period. I was intrigued by the possibility that this p r e o c c u p a ­ tion might have b e e n influenced by Hellenistic anthropology and its heroic ideals. T h a t the h y m n was written by a J e w i s h sage, versed in t h e traditions o f wisdom, also teased m y fancy. Jewish wisdom and G r e e k paideia had long been scholarly c o n ­ cerns o f mine. T o explore a m e e t i n g o f these t w o influential cultures in a t e x t dated from the middle o f the Hellenistic age appeared t o b e an attractive task. I f the hymn could b e e x ­ plained by placement in this cultural climate, a bit o f history might b e b e t t e r understood.

INTRODUCTION

5

I approached t h e t e x t as a scholar trained in t h e traditions o f biblical criticism, dissatisfied, however, with the limited horizons o f understanding customary t o this field. It was, I thought, t h e inadequacy o f traditional biblical criticism in g e n ­ eral t o read a t e x t specifically in relation t o its contigent, c o m ­ plex social c o n t e x t that a c c o u n t e d for its failure in the case o f B e n Sira's hymn. W h a t appeared t o b e needed was a larger frame o f reference t o help w i t h t h e phrasing o f questions. T h i s I discovered t o b e in t h e making in r e c e n t discourse in the academy. T h e r e it has begun t o b e thought that in o r d e r t o understand a t e x t , it m u s t b e seen as part o f a larger system o f signs. T h e insight c o m e s from t h e early scholars o f structural linguistics, o f course. B u t it n o w pervades studies across t h e range o f t h e humanities and h u m a n sciences seeking relations among t h e several fields. T h i s discourse is learning t o treat religion and culture, literature and society, as c o m p l e x , inter­ related systems o f signs. Regarding t h e m as " t e x t s , " the schol­ arly endeavor is t o " r e a d " t h e m together, "translating" from system t o system, and so c o m e t o understand their " m e a n i n g . " It is quite t r u e that academic study along these lines has n o t succeeded in reducing t h e insight t o a workable theory o f s o ­ cial formation. T h e r e is n o comprehensive m o d e l for t h e inte­ gration of, say, religion and society as semiotic systems. N o r is there an adequate general t h e o r y o f t h e social function o f liter­ ature. B u t t h e basic insight about h o w signs take their meaning in relation t o o t h e r signs in a system o f signs has effected significant advance. T h e goal is a m o r e comprehensive under­ standing o f t h e h u m a n cultural enterprise. Intrigued by this discourse, I thought t o test its basic insight by an exegesis o f a single t e x t . T h e results have been gratifying, and they are presented here. B u t t h e problems o f approach, b o t h t o t h e reading o f t h e t e x t and t o t h e writing o f the study, have been horrendous. A comprehensive reading o f the t e x t could n o t b e done in a single set o f operations. Instead, a series o f explorations had t o be undertaken, each with a specific set o f intertextual relationships in view. T h e t e x t ' s o w n structure o r system o f signs had t o be discovered. T h i s composition then was set in relation t o ( 1 ) its several J e w i s h precursor texts; ( 2 )

6

INTRODUCTION

its several Hellenistic precursor t e x t s ; ( 3 ) the systems o f signs called wisdom and paideia,

taken b o t h separately and together,

systems that shaped the hymn's intellectual t e x t u r e ; ( 4 ) the social structure o f S e c o n d T e m p l e Judaism that it m i r r o r e d and addressed; and ( 5 ) t h e t e x t o f B e n Sira's b o o k o f wisdom, which yielded t h e clue t o t h e hymn's m y t h i c rationale. E a c h exploration had t o follow the traditional norms o f responsible scholarship t o begin with, and t h e old hermeneutical circle w o r k e d its way t o constrain and c o r r e c t the readings by turn. B u t each o f t h e individual studies in t h e t e x t ' s relation t o o t h e r texts also demanded its o w n mid-course correctives t o t h e study as a whole. S o t h e circles o f reflection w e r e e x t r e m e l y difficult t o control. T h i s was so even though the several studies were c e n t e r e d o n a single t e x t . M y thesis is that the p o e m does sustain relations with all o f these o t h e r " t e x t s , " and that these relations can b e d e m o n ­ strated. T h e p o e m takes its place creatively and intentionally, deriving its meaning in relation t o its social world and its c u l ­ tural milieu. T h a t meaning is available t o us also, t o t h e e x t e n t that w e b e c o m e imaginative readers o f those o t h e r t e x t s as well. Specifically, t h e p o e m demonstrates marvelous mastery o f patterned poetic description o f t h e individual

figures,

a

careful balancing o f hero-types t o achieve a unified structure for the whole, and a m o s t skillful development o f plot, which works with t h e m e s and h e r o sequences t o achieve a significant and celebrative climax. T h e discovery o f the author's

study

desk, o f his use and abuse o f precursors, and o f his readers at their reading did n o t destroy t h e p o w e r and beauty o f the hymn, but its rhetoricity was disclosed. It is a c h a r t e r t e x t , a mythic etiology o f S e c o n d T e m p l e Judaism c e n t e r e d in the covenants that undergird t h e priesthood. It is B e n Sira's fan­ tasy, o f course, h o w h e w a n t e d t o see the world, with the T e m p l e at its c e n t e r , a w o r l d intended by G o d , actualized in Israel's history forever m o r e . It is also a " m e d i t a t i o n , " t o use a term that J o n a t h a n Z . S m i t h has pressed into service for m y t h and ritual studies, on the incongruity B e n Sira saw b e t w e e n the vision o f Israel given with its scriptural traditions and t h e a c t u ­ alities o f its social institutions and history o f his o w n time.

INTRODUCTION

7

H o w t o transcribe this study has been m y subsequent di­ lemma. T h e circles o f relationships hardly allow for a single point o f departure. S o I've c h o s e n t o ask the reader t o e n t e r in naively, beginning with s o m e simple observations on the text. I've tried t o arrange a s e q u e n c e o f demonstrations that follow somewhat t h e several studies o n the t e x t ' s relation t o o t h e r texts. B u t these are perspectives, and they m u s t pile up and be taken finally t o g e t h e r i f o n e wants a comprehensive view. In order t o lead t h e reader along, I've tried t o recapture the in­ ductive m o o d and let the discoveries c o m e o n e by one. T h e final chapter yields t h e clue that solves t h e mystery and makes it possible t o see h o w it all hangs together. Reflections o n the investigative process are given at the beginnings o f chapters and major sections. T h e s e m a y serve as guides t o the reader, glances at t h e treasure m a p that o n e should keep in mind. I hope the ruse o f taking the way o f discovery sustains the ap­ propriate anticipation through t o the end. I've found it t o be a rewarding study, full o f surprises. I share it with the reader with a set o f anticipations o f m y own. B u t before w e begin, t w o scholarly acknowledgments are due. T h e first has t o do with the history o f scholarship on Sirach in general. I a m deeply indebted t o it, and assume its labors at every turn. I've n o t b e e n c o n t e n t with any notion o f mine about the t e x t e x c e p t after debate with the traditional scholarly rubrics and archives. In the course o f this schol­ arship, many e x t r e m e l y helpful observations have been made about t h e hymn in praise o f t h e fathers. T h o u g h m o s t have o c c u r r e d as asides within t h e c o n t e x t o f o t h e r studies, I've learned from t h e m all and found m o s t t o be helpful, many borne out by m y o w n analyses. T h u s the hymn has been seen as a novel rewriting o f Israel's history that moves beyond pre­ cursor t e x t s , emphasizes the covenants, and reflects cultic in­ terests, on the o n e hand; and on the other, it has frequently been c o m p a r e d with the G r e c o - R o m a n genre De viris illustri4

bus.

M y o w n w o r k shows these observations t o b e c o r r e c t ,

and I have acknowledged specific indebtedness in notes along the way. T h e o t h e r recognition appropriate here has t o do with the

8

INTRODUCTION

state o f the t e x t . Readers m a y b e aware o f t h e exceedingly c o m p l e x p r o b l e m o f establishing a H e b r e w t e x t for Sirach. T h e y m a y also k n o w about its early translation into G r e e k by B e n Sira's grandson and t h e debate about t h e value o f t h e G r e e k t e x t s e x t a n t for reconstructing t h e H e b r e w t e x t s w e 5

h a v e . T h e manuscript traditions are messy, an indication that Sirach was frequently appropriated in t h e immediately subse­ quent centuries. T h e labor required t o establish t h e t e x t s is a cause for deep appreciation. T h e G r e e k is n o w available in the Gottingen Septuagint edited by J o s e p h Ziegler, and a m o s t convenient edition o f this t e x t parallel with t h e H e b r e w t e x t s , together with t h e Syriac and Latin versions o n t h e page, has been published by F r a n c e s c o Vattioni. I have used Vattioni for m y work. R e f e r e n c e t o t h e H e b r e w t e x t , however, has been made only in exceptional cases, and t h e n mostly in t h e notes in regard t o certain terms. I have supplied pointing and followed the c o d e for transliteration suggested by t h e Society o f Biblical Literature. F o r t h e English translations appearing in t h e study I have followed, for t h e m o s t part, that o f B o x and O e s t e r l e y because o f its literal quality. A bibliography o f w o r k s consulted is provided. A few e x egetical demonstrations thought t o be tedious within t h e nar­ rative discourse o f t h e study, b u t important for readers w h o may wish t o follow t h e course o f m y j u d g m e n t s , are given in Appendices.

Literary Analysis: Heroes and History

Part 1

The Profile of the Hero

l The

glorious figures o f Isra­

el's history are t o b e praised. S o begins the hymn. Let me now hymn the praises o f men o f piety, O f our fathers in their generations. No little glory did the Most High allot them, And they were great from the days o f old. ( 4 4 : 1 - 2 ; emphasis mine) Piety (hesed) and glory (kabod) have been j o i n e d and are said t o reside in the singular figures about t o be described. T h e s e m e n are well k n o w n — " o u r fathers in their g e n e r a t i o n s " whose greatness has been recognized from times immemorial until the present day. T h e poetry is strong, and the reader is swept up at first into t h e m o o d created by t h e subtle call t o j o i n the author in singing their praises. This may b e the reason for the shifts that o c c u r in the G r e e k translation. B e n Sira's grandson caught the m o o d and phrased it for G r e e k ears t o hear: Let us now sing the praises of glorious men, Even our fathers by generation; 11

12

LITERARY ANALYSIS: H E R O E S AND HISTORY

The Lord established much glory, His majesty from ever. (emphasis mine) T h e problem o f praising piety is solved by erasure. B u t the aura o f glory c a n n o t be resisted. T h e translator joins in, taking his place in the first person plural and laying implicit claim t o having seen and sung, read and rewritten, the powerful poem. B u t n o w t h e problem is t h e glory itself. T h e second distich makes it clear that the majesty in view is really the Lord's. T r o u b l e d apparently about j u s t these t h i n g s — p i e t y

and

glory, glorious m e n and the glory o f t h e L o r d — t h e translators o f the N e w English Bible p r o c e e d e d with m o r e caution, seek­ ing some c o m p r o m i s e b e t w e e n the H e b r e w and the G r e e k . B u t the notion o f the h e r o could n o t b e given up. Let us now sing the praises o f famous men, The heroes o f our nation's history, Through whom the Lord established his renown, And revealed his majesty in each succeeding age. (emphasis mine) Hasidim, fathers, great ones, glorious ones, h e r o e s — t h e designations multiply even as attempts are made t o m a k e m o r e precise what it is about these m e n that o n e is called upon t o see. W h a t shall w e call them? T o ask the question is t o admit that w e do n o t know. W e have n o n a m e , no definition, mainly because this special kind o f h e r o appears in B e n Sira's hymn for the very first time. It is a n e w creation, imagined by a clear poetic vision and presented t o the world as a study o f the human face in Israel's history. T h i s image is proposed as c o m ­ plement o r substitute for all that's g o n e b e f o r e — t h e ways in which the J e w s have storied their epic figures and the ways in which the G r e e k s have delineated their anthropological ideals. As n e w configurations taking their place amid competing p r o ­ files, B e n Sira's great m e n have n o c o m m o n name. I f w e want to k n o w what makes t h e m great according t o B e n Sira, we need t o find a way t o see t h e m clearly, looking through his eyes. H o w are they like, h o w different, from o t h e r alternative

T H E PROFILE O F THE H E R O

13

views, either o f the figures o f t h e H e b r e w epic o r o f the G r e e k ideal types? Is t h e r e a n e w profile o f greatness? Is there a pat­ tern o f characterization that B e n Sira has employed t o recast all o f these figures from Israel's epic history for his hymn o f praise? T h a t is the question t o b e addressed in this first c h a p t e r o f our study.

APPROACHING THE T E X T

The Literary

Context

T h e r e are several ways o n e might imagine approaching o u r t e x t in order t o ask what it is that makes its epic figures great and w o r t h y o f praise. O n e way would b e t o read it in its literary c o n t e x t as the final section o f B e n Sira's b o o k o f wisdom. This would have t h e advantage o f coming t o the t e x t as the author intended his readers t o do. T h e reader would already have been informed about piety, about the Lord's g l o ­ ry, and about B e n Sira's o w n summary o f the types o f great m e n t o be praised. Immediately preceding the hymn there is a strong p o e m in praise o f the Lord's creation. It begins with the a n n o u n c e m e n t " N o w I will call t o m i n d the works o f t h e L o r d " ( 4 2 : 1 5 ) . It ends with t h e affirmation " T h e L o r d has made everything, and has given wisdom t o the hasidim ( 4 3 : 3 3 ) . T h e n follows the p r o e m t o t h e hymn ( 4 4 : 1 - 1 5 ) , which c o n ­ tinues the earlier t h e m e o f t h e glory o f t h e L o r d but shifts the locus o f its manifestation from creation t o history. N o w the heroes are in view, and t h e p r o e m sings about their many accomplishments, their rewards, and their glorious m e m o r y . This prepares the reader for t h e long p o e m t o follow, which takes up each h e r o in turn by n a m e and concludes with the festive description o f Simon officiating at the temple o n the Day o f A t o n e m e n t ( 4 4 : 1 6 - 5 0 : 2 4 ) . Approaching the t e x t in this way, that is, by reading it in its literary c o n t e x t , it is difficult t o determine exactly at what point o n e has e n t e r e d into the sphere o f the p o e m ' s influence. T h e notion o f glory is firmly in place from 4 2 : 1 6 on, but it is being imagined t h e r e in the orders o f the created world. T h e not-so-slight problem o f shifting one's focus t o the arena o f

14

LITERARY ANALYSIS: H E R O E S AND HISTORY

human history w i t h o u t losing sight o f that glory is addressed in 4 4 : 2 ( " N o little glory did t h e M o s t High allot t h e m " ) and w o r k e d o u t in t h e generalizing descriptions o f t h e p r o e m that follow. It is t h e r e t h e t h e m e s o f wisdom, power, and h e r o i c exploits are introduced. T h e s e m o v e s appear t o b e e x t r e m e l y important i f the reader o f t h e r o s t e r o f t h e illustrious ones is not t o misunderstand. T h e literary linkage o f t h e t e x t with t h e preceding h y m n t o creation does help with t h e p r o b l e m o f w h e r e in t h e world " g l o r y " is t o be seen and h o w it is t o b e understood. W h e t h e r in creation o r in history, it is t h e Lord's glory that is manifest. O n e might begin an investigation with this observation, t o b e sure, for t h e pattern o f depicting divine wisdom as manifest first in creation, then in history, o c c u r s repeatedly throughout the b o o k and could conceivably b e brought t o bear upon the question o f h o w wisdom and glory are t o be attributed t o t h e 1

great m e n praised in t h e h y m n . B u t this essentially theological affirmation, though very important as a clue t o B e n Sira's larger vision o f the o r d e r o f things, is simply inadequate for getting started. It alerts us t o t h e need t o k e e p t r a c k o f t h e m o m e n t s in t h e descriptions o f these m e n that are called glorious m o m e n t s , b u t it c a n n o t help us understand w h y those m o m e n t s are called glorious t o begin with. S o m e profile o f description is needed t o give t h e p r o p e r perspective. Many scholars therefore have started with the p r o e m ( 4 4 : 1 15). It is there that t h e a u t h o r lists t h e kinds o f illustrious m e n he has in mind. B u t even a cursory reading o f t h e p r o e m in relation t o t h e p o e m that follows quickly stumbles upon c e r ­ 2

tain incompatibilities b e t w e e n t h e t w o a c c o u n t s . T h e wisdom o f the illustrious ones, for instance, is highlighted in t h e p r o ­ em, but it plays almost n o role at all in the succeeding c h a r a c ­ terizations. T h e p o e m includes priests among the illustrious ones and emphasizes their glory. B u t t h e p r o e m does n o t m e n ­ tion priests at all in its r o s t e r o f hero-types. I f o n e begins with the proem, then, t h e questions o n e is apt t o ask o f t h e p o e m will be determined by discrepancies like these. T h e p r o e m e s ­ tablishes t h e pattern o f characterization, and o n e will seek t o find it reflected in t h e p o e m . Scholars w h o have pursued this

15

T H E PROFILE OF THE HERO

line o f inquiry have succeeded only in demonstrating

how

m u c h the t w o t e x t s m u s t b e s t r e t c h e d in order t o achieve the fit. S o w e need t o find s o m e o t h e r way t o begin. W e shall c o m e back t o t h e problems o f glory and wisdom, creation and history, p r o e m and p o e m later on. The Midrashic

Comparison

A second approach c o m m e n d s itself as soon as it is seen that the p o e m draws upon o t h e r t e x t s . Comparison perhaps could highlight the differences b e t w e e n these texts, and in the dif­ ferences the n e w could b e seen. Isn't the p o e m a midrash on the epic history? Taking up t h e p r o e m at 4 4 : 1 6 , one senses immediately that a m o d e o f composition is in play quite differ­ ent from the wisdom poetry that precedes it. T h e poetry o f the hymn is still strong and follows the usual style o f parallelism.

3

It may even b e considered stronger than m u c h o f the p r e c e d ­ ing poetry, i f o n e marks the tensions o f the heightened style and pungent description. B u t t h e overriding impression is that 4

one is in the presence o f scriptural language. A n o t h e r t e x t , the t e x t o f t h e epic history, is being evoked purposefully even as the p o e m proceeds on its way, carrying the reader along by its o w n powerful imagery. T h e sense that o n e is recalling biblical episodes is b o t h il­ lusory and real. It is real because the statements that are made about the heroes are traceable t o scriptural loci. It is illusory, however, because t h e several individual statements used t o paint the picture o f a h e r o have been selected from various scriptural loci and frequently c o m b i n e disparate textual a c ­ counts. T h u s the reader is actually caught in the space b e t w e e n t w o texts, t h e old and t h e new. W h a t is achieved is a n e w characterization. T h e procedure is a kind o f proto-midrash, a midrash that anthologizes b o t h in the sense o f collecting and combining disparate descriptive details and in the sense o f using the language o f t h e scriptural accounts anthologically in the n e w poetic vision. T h e precursor t e x t that is being evoked is quite c o m p l e x and may be as vast as the entire corpus o f Jewish literature available t o t h e author. T h a t " t e x t " would b e difficult t o c o n t r o l in any comparative study.

16

LITERARY ANALYSIS: H E R O E S AND HISTORY

Nevertheless, a kind o f comparison may eventually b e possi­ ble and should b e attempted. Selection has taken place, and in that process, t h e author has revealed his interest in only c e r ­ tain details. W e r e it possible t o m a r k that interest, arrange those details, the rationale for selection might c o m e into view. B u t t o be certain about it, a comparison o f the texts can p r o ­ ceed only by degrees. W e c a n n o t b e certain o f the precursor t e x t o r texts until w e ' v e analyzed the p o e m and traced the relationships. Even then, supposing t h e r e are several t e x t s , sev­ eral J e w i s h histories and the suspicion o f Hellenic models as well, the comparative process would have t o begin precisely with the shape o f the p o e m , and n o t the o t h e r way around. T h a t B e n Sira k n e w the five books o f Moses, the histories, and the prophets in s o m e arrangement is clear from the c o m m e n ­ 5

taries and mongraphs that have cited the many parallels. It has been assumed that this arrangement was already very close t o the T a n n a c h as w e have it, and s o m e very general c o m ­ parative observations have been allowed t o help with early judgments about t h e structure o f the poem. B u t the real w o r k o f comparing t h e p o e m with its precursor texts can only c o m e after it has been determined what it is about the p o e m that calls for comparison in the first place. The Literary

Structure

This leaves us alone with the t e x t . It consists o f a series o f poem units, in m o s t o f w h i c h a single figure is described. T h e question is w h e t h e r this series is m o r e than a list, and w h e t h e r the individual units betray any pattern o f characterization. It would be helpful t o k n o w w h e t h e r the p o e m was c o m p o s e d with any plan in mind, and w h e t h e r it is possible t o tell w h e r e ­ in the greatness o f the heroes lay for the author. T h e r e are t w o ways t o proceed. O n e would b e t o trace o u t the sequences from beginning t o end, looking for indications o f a m o v e m e n t o r plot within which units are i n t e r c o n n e c t e d , t h e m e s developed, and so forth. This approach would test the unity o f t h e composition, its c o h e r e n c e , and its overall structure. Although I will argue that such a pattern does exist, it is n o t possible t o trace it out

T H E PROFILE OF T H E HERO

17

unless t h e functions o f t h e heroes are first carefully defined. This is because t h e main principle o f continuity in the overall schema is t h e significance o f t h e sequences o f different types o f hero. Since t h e p o e m is built upon a series o f heroes, each with his o w n n a m e and particular identity, plot development c a n n o t be achieved by following o n e c h a r a c t e r o r set o f characters through t h e story o r history that t h e p o e t wants t o retell. B e n Sira w o r k e d with types o f heroes o r functions o f heroes in history and used t h e devices o f type r e c u r r e n c e , success and failure o f type functions, juxtapositions, comparisons, escala­ tions, and so forth, in o r d e r t o delineate the course o f " t h e h e r o i c " from beginning t o e n d in a systematic way. It is necessary, therefore, t o w o r k o u t t h e c h a r a c t e r types o f the heroes before proceeding t o t h e overall pattern o f history achieved. T o d o this, I have followed a rather simple p r o ­ cedure, t h e s e c o n d option referred t o above. I t o o k the indi­ vidual units o f t h e p o e m as a set and analyzed the o c c u r r e n c e o f c o m m o n features in t h e details o f characterization. I dis­ covered a pattern o f seven c o m p o n e n t s . T h i s general pattern was then analyzed with r e s p e c t t o subtypes as specific varia­ tions o f the general pattern, and I found that five subtypes emerged, each associated with an " o f f i c e " (patriarch, priest, judge, prophet, king). It was with t h e peculiarities o f these official subtypes o f t h e heroes n a m e d and h y m n e d that B e n Sira could w o r k t o turn a serialized p o e m into a specific and c o h e r e n t review o f Israel's history. Before w e c o n t i n u e , t w o i m p o r t a n t judgments have b e e n made that n e e d t o be acknowledged. T h e s e judgments are about the set o f heroes that belong t o the p o e m , t h e set used t o determine t h e h e r o e s ' profile. T h e first is that Simon the high priest belongs t o t h e set, even though many scholars have argued that he should n o t b e included in a " h y m n t o the fathers." T h e reasons for including him are given in appendix B . T h r e e o t h e r passages, o n t h e o t h e r hand, have n o t been included. T h e s e are t h e m e n t i o n o f E n o c h in 4 4 : 1 6 ; the de­ scription o f Elijah in 4 8 : 9 - 1 1 ; and t h e section o n E n o c h , Joseph, S h e m , Seth, E n o s , and Adam in 4 9 : 1 4 - 1 6 . T h e s e s e c ­ tions appear t o b e later additions t o the hymn, do n o t c o r r e ­ spond t o t h e pattern o f characterization, and disturb

the

18

LITERARY ANALYSIS: H E R O E S AND HISTORY

symmetry o f t h e overall structure and plan. T h e r e are g o o d reasons for deleting t h e m , including manuscript evidence, and these reasons are given in appendix C . T H E GENERAL PATTERN O F CHARACTERIZATION

A casual reading o f t h e p o e m will n o t stumble upon any profile o f t h e h e r o i c c o m m o n t o all o f t h e figures hymned. T h i s is because t h e poetry is vivid and t h e descriptions fascinating. T h e repeated evocation o f scriptural accounts in t h e descrip­ tions creates in t h e m e m o r y o f t h e reader a full epic b a c k ­ ground against w h i c h t h e n e w p o e t i c depictions appear t o sharpen individual profiles r a t h e r than type them. O n l y w h e n o n e begins t o w o n d e r wherein, precisely, t h e greatness o f these figures lies for B e n Sira is o n e led t o closer readings. T h e first close reading will probably c o n t i n u e t o treat each figure inde­ pendently and seek literary clues t o elucidate his particular virtue, achievement, o r m a r k o f greatness. B u t this approach fails because t h e affirmations o f glory never seem t o be a c ­ c o u n t e d for in relation t o any particularity about t h e individual under consideration. Finally, however, and quite unexpectedly, o n e discerns aspects o f characterization c o m m o n t o all o f t h e figures and discovers that B e n Sira understood the glory o f these figures t o reside in a particular configuration o f those c o m m o n aspects. It is this configuration that I have called t h e pattern o f characterization.

6

T h e seven c o m p o n e n t s o f t h e

general pattern are ( 1 ) a designation o f office, ( 2 ) m e n t i o n o f divine approbation o r election, ( 3 ) a reference t o covenant, ( 4 ) mention o f t h e person's c h a r a c t e r o r piety, ( 5 ) an a c c o u n t o f the deeds, ( 6 ) reference t o t h e historical situation, and ( 7 ) mention o f rewards. T h e study o f this list o f c o m p o n e n t s will show that it is t h e c o n c e p t o f office that determines t h e pat­ tern as a whole. Since t h e several offices play significant roles in the development o f t h e hymn, they may be regarded as subclassifications o f t h e general n o t i o n o f office itself. It will b e helpful t o flesh this pattern out in s o m e detail. T h e r e are specific nuances t o e a c h c o m p o n e n t that determine its function within t h e pattern. O n l y by working o u t these interrelationships will t h e profile gain that specificity o f c h a r -

T H E PROFILE OF THE HERO

19

acterization needed in o r d e r t o determine B e n Sira's notion o f greatness. A detailed exegetical accounting for the derivation o f the profile would be tedious and distracting. Readers in­ terested in a partial a c c o u n t o f this w o r k will find it in appen­ dix D . A summary a c c o u n t will be given here in the form o f an integrative s k e t c h — B e n Sira's profile o f the hero. Office O n e is t e m p t e d t o overlook at first the frequent m e n t i o n o f a hero's office in the hymn. T h e m o s t obvious and striking thing about the h y m n is that e a c h o f the great ones is i n t r o ­ duced by n a m e , and o n e looks immediately for particularities. T h a t a certain figure is a prophet, priest, judge, o r king appears t o be t o u c h e d upon almost in passing. T h e s e designations o f social roles are so traditional as t o appear insignificant in the c o n t e x t o f a h y m n in praise o f select individuals. B u t this assumption turns o u t t o be wrong. T h e assignment o f a figure t o an office is so consistently emphasized that o n e must ask w h e t h e r it is n o t t h e office that makes the m a n for Ben Sira. An office is expressly m e n t i o n e d for o n e half o f the figures hymned, and it is assumed for the rest. It is even the case that the characterization o f c o m p l e x figures, such as S a m ­ uel, is achieved by attributing m o r e than o n e office t o them. S o a figure's office is an essential c o m p o n e n t in the pattern o f characterization. It is his office that sets a person apart from others classed according t o o t h e r offices, and it is his perfor­ m a n c e in a particular office that can distinguish him from o t h ­ ers in the same class. This means that B e n Sira reflected upon the various social roles depicted in Israel's epic and historical literature. Office has b e c o m e a g e n e r i c category within which these roles are subsumed. T h e s e roles are constitutive for B e n Sira's c h a r a c ­ terization o f Israel's great leaders. T a k e n as a set, they may also be constitutive for his view o f t h e structure o f J e w i s h society. As strange as it m a y seem, it is the office a given figure holds for which he can b e praised. T h e greatness o f these heroes is directly related t o the great significance o f these offices. All o f the offices are "glorious," including those o f prophet

and

20

LITERARY ANALYSIS: H E R O E S AND HISTORY

priest, a notion m o s t curious i f greatness is being measured o n a G r e e k model. Election O u r curiousity is provoked further by the fact that these great figures are being praised as well for their election t o these offices. This notion is emphasized repeatedly throughout the hymn, and it applies t o all o f the offices. It is as i f their greatness had nothing t o do with achievement. It is the divine choice o f these figures for their offices that is the glorious m o m e n t they represent. T h e terminology used t o express the idea o f election varies. In some cases, a particular form o f election seems t o b e c h a r a c ­ teristic o f those in a given class. T h u s it is the prophets w h o are said t o be " f o r m e d in the w o m b . " T h o s e in o t h e r classes are frequently

said t o b e

"found,"

"chosen,"

"separated

o u t " — a l l variations o n the t h e m e o f election. W i t h o u t divine initiative, a figure would not be included in the roster o f the great ones. T h e r e appears t o be s o m e grand design in Israel's history for which these leaders have been chosen t o play c e r ­ tain roles. Covenant This impression o f a grand design is strengthened with the observation that the notion o f covenant belongs t o the pattern o f characterization as well. B e n Sira has expressly emphasized the establishment o f covenants with the founding figures for all o f the offices e x c e p t that o f the prophets (for w h o m the notion "formation from the w o m b " serves as substitute). It could appear, then, that participation in the covenants was a special case, reserved for founders, and o f n o special significance for later figures. This view would be wrong, however. N o t only is there a necessary relation b e t w e e n the covenants and the es­ tablishment o f offices, it is the idea o f covenant upon w h i c h the continuity o f office is founded. Each holder o f an office is therefore directly related t o the e n a c t m e n t and terms o f the covenant upon w h i c h that office is based. T h u s it can b e said at

T H E PROFILE OF THE HERO

21

the very end o f the hymn that it is the " c o v e n a n t o f Phineas" that ensures the high priestly office for Simon and his descendents forever ( 5 0 : 2 2 - 2 4 ) . T h e terms o f a covenant set the standard by w h i c h t h e holder o f an office can b e judged. W i t h this possibility o f making j u d g m e n t s about h o w well a certain figure fulfills the covenantal terms o f his office, o n e might e x p e c t that great achievements will be the m a r k o f the hero's glory after all. Virtues O n e does e x p e c t in a h y m n o f praise that noble qualities will be mentioned. B e n Sira's h y m n is n o exception. T h e language o f virtues characteristic for these great leaders is in evidence everywhere. O n e would think it possible t o m a k e a classifica­ tion o f virtues important t o t h e author and t o determine the way in w h i c h they have been used t o characterize particular figures or offices. Such an endeavor founders, however, and one is required t o take a n o t h e r reading. T h e r e are a n u m b e r o f observations that can b e made. For example, specifically ethical virtues are lacking, even though o n e might have looked for an emphasis upon such virtues as wisdom, obedience, and righteousness in a hymn written by a teacher-sage. S o l o m o n is the only one said t o be wise ( 4 7 : 1 2 ) , and he turns o u t t o be a figure o f e x t r e m e l y ambiguous virtue. T h e only figure called " r i g h t e o u s " is Noah ( 4 4 : 1 7 ) , and that characterization is given with the scriptural account ( G e n . 6 : 9 ) . Nothing m o r e is made o f it. As for the virtue o f obedience, it is m e n t i o n e d expressly only o n c e . T h e instance refers t o Abraham's obedience t o circumcision as a sign o f the covenant made with him ( 4 4 : 2 0 ) . T h e r e are, however, m a n y attributions o f what one might call religious virtues. Perhaps it is piety that would be e m p h a ­ sized in a h y m n t o t h e hasidim. B u t only o f Joshua and Josiah is hesed m e n t i o n e d expressly, and then it is not a m a r k o f c h a r ­ acter, but the quality o f an action t o w h i c h reference is made ( 4 6 : 6 ; 4 9 : 3 ) . This agrees with the ancient H e b r e w meaning o f the term: loyalty o r solidarity in a social role. T h e r e is, in fact, no clear evidence anywhere that ascriptions o f religious virtues

22

LITERARY ANALYSIS: H E R O E S AND HISTORY

t o these heroes intend a delineation o f what the G r e e k s would call character (ethos, arete).

T h e attributions are simply made,

affirmed without rationalization o r illustration. It is rather t h e case that the affirmations o f religious virtues tend t o support another claim altogether, that is, the " v i r t u e " o f these leaders lay in a single f u l f i l l m e n t — t h e fulfillment o f their offices. O n c e this is seen, the several designations o f religious virtue can be reduced t o t w o main types, " s t r e n g t h " and "faithful­ ness." T h e s e t e r m s o c c u r w i t h greatest frequency, and they are able t o subsume o t h e r t e r m s w i t h similar intent, such as "zeal­ o u s , " " l o y a l , " and so forth. It does appear that the ascription o f religious virtues t o these leaders serves primarily t o c h a r a c ­ terize the quality o f their leadership, their performance in of­ fice. T h e y are understood t o b e " v i r t u o u s " only in this respect.

Deeds W e can turn n o w t o t h e m o s t forceful aspect o f the poem. It is that great and glorious deeds are r e c o u n t e d in number. The

achievements o f these m e n have been recognized as

worthy o f praise. T h e p o e m is n o t simply a series o f portraits o f officials in their place and garb. T h e y are all m e n o f action, and the consequences o f their actions are significant—signifi­ cant as historical events. W h e n o n e seeks t o t r a c e these deeds t o m e n o f superior endowment, extraordinary skill, o r resolute strength, however, one quickly loses one's way, for the glorious deeds r e c o u n t e d are also typed according t o office. Prophets perform miracles and give prophecies; kings build temples and defend the city; priests minister and perform sacrifices; judges lead t o war; and Moses (an office sui generis, as w e shall see) teaches. T h e fa­ thers perform n o deeds at all. As with the virtues, characteriza­ tion is still determined by t h e function o f the office. ^ Because the p o e m draws upon the scriptural accounts for its data, there is great diversity in the description o f deeds from figure t o figure. This gives t h e reader the impression that indi­ vidual characterization is intended. T h e impression is n o t un­ important, for the variety o f specific deeds and special c i r c u m -

23

T H E PROFILE OF THE HERO

stances gives the p o e m c o l o r and t e x t u r e and allows the reader t o consider e a c h individual n a m e d on his o w n merits. T h u s the "sacrifice" o f Phineas, for lack o f other, m o r e

appropriate

data, is the slaying o f t h e Israelite with the Midianite woman. B u t all o f the deeds are typed, and all o f the deedtypes are related t o official functions. T h e great m e n are great perform­ ers only o f deeds appropriate t o their office. T h e p o e m is n o t in praise o f human figures w h o have w o n their right t o fame by personal achievements. T h e s e m e n are great because they have faithfully performed the functions o f those social offices o r ­ dained

in

divine

covenant

as

constitutive

for

the

"congregation." Historical

Setting

It n o w b e c o m e s clear w h y a figure's setting o r place in history is so frequently m e n t i o n e d . It t o o belongs t o the pat­ tern o f characterization. O n e might think that a brief descrip­ tion o f scene o r c o n t e x t would b e incidental t o the depiction o f an illustrious o n e in a series o f illustrious ones. B u t because these m e n are praised for the reasons they are, the people for w h o m the offices are ordained must b e in view. It is in relation t o the well-being o f the people that the performance o f the official functions can be judged. T h e social setting against which these leaders and their deeds have significance is always painted the same. It is the dark side o f Israel's h i s t o r y — t r i a l , sin, violence, enemies, destruction. It is the plight o f the p e o ­ ple and the bleak background o f threat that set the illustrious leaders off. T h e i r m o m e n t s o f greatness reconfirm the grand design o f the covenants and carry the reader through a study o f the official ministries.

Rewards T h e reader is therefore astonished t o find that the leaders are repeatedly said t o have been rewarded for their deeds and virtues. B u t t h e n it turns out that their " r e w a r d s " are ( 1 ) the b e s t o w m e n t upon t h e m o f their glorious offices, and ( 2 ) the h o n o r they receive from t h e people because o f that glory; so

TABLE 1. THE PATTERN OF CHARACTERIZATION

1. Office: 2. Election:

Father ( 4 ) found ( 2 )

1

2

Moses (1) found chosen

Priest (3)

Judge (6)

chosen (1) anointed (1)

24

formed (1) set apart (1) 3. Covenant: 4. Piety:

blessing/ promise righteous (1) faithful (1)

law

faithful strong

Prophet (8)

anointed (1) formed (2)

strong (2)

faithful (1) strong (1) zealous (1)

pious (1)

5. Deeds:

meek merciful teaching miracles

chosen (1) (anointed) (1) 3

kingship

priesthood

(strong) (1) (zealous) (1)

King (4)

truthful (1) teaching (1) sacrifice (3) miracles (1)

miracles (3)

strong (1) pious (2) obedient (1)

(i)

act of judgment/ salvation (2)

(defense/ restoration)

defense/ restoration

defense/ restoration

(2)

(3)

(3)

jealousy (1) sins (2)

sins (1)

(act of judgement/ salvation)

6. Setting/ Context:

act of judgment/ salvation (2)

destruction (1) trial (1)

(oppression)

25

enemies 7. Reward:

act of judgment/ salvation (S) visions/ prophecies (3)

inheritance (1) glory honor

inheritance (3) glory (3)

(1) land (2) honor (3)

Notes 1. Parentheses under "office" give number in the class. 2. Numbers in parentheses elsewhere give incidence of occurrence. 3. Parenthetical characteristics indicate ascriptions that may be incidental.

sins (3) enemies (2)

sins (3) enemies (2)

honor (3)

26

LITERARY ANALYSIS: H E R O E S AND HISTORY

the circle closes intact. T h e r e are n o rewards that c o m e from great personal achievements in pursuit o f a noble, h e r o i c ideal. B u t there is glory nonetheless, and glory in abundance. It is the glory invested in the offices o f Israel by God's design, decree, and continuing manifestation o n the o n e hand, and o n the other, it is the glory attributed t o the leaders in Israel by the people w h o recognize t h e fulfillment o f the covenantal pur­ poses in their leadership. This pattern o f characterization is summarized in table 1. T h e reduction o f c o m p l e x p o e t i c material makes it necessary to use brief designations. S o m e o f these are interpretive, giving a general t e r m t o c o v e r a variety o f descriptive details found t o be functionally similar. B u t m o s t are a shorthand reference t o the actual c o n t e n t o f t h e characterizations. Each office has been assigned a separate c o l u m n in order t o enable c o m ­ parisons among the several offices as subtypes o f the overall pattern. T h e significance o f these variations will be discussed below. T H E CONFIGURATIONS OF THE PATTERN

The Special Characteristics

of Each

Office

T h e discovery o f the general pattern o f characterization sat­ isfies certain questions with regard t o B e n Sira's notion o f greatness, but it is hardly sufficient i f one wants t o investigate the structure o f the h y m n as a whole. O n e is still left with a series o f heroes depicted similarly. In order t o discern the sig­ nificance o f the collection as a set, it will be necessary to have the particular profiles o f each office clearly in mind. T h a t is because the p o e m is given structure by the placement o f c e r ­ tain offices in a carefully w o r k e d out set o f relationships t o the others. Since each office is a subtype o f the general pattern o f characterization, it will be a simple m a t t e r to sketch o u t its particular profile. This will b e done, however, with an eye to peculiar o r n o t e w o r t h y attributions t o individual figures. P e c u ­ liar attribution o f an official characteristic is one o f the devices frequently used to give a distinctive place to an individual in the s e q u e n c e .

7

T H E PROFILE OF THE HERO

27

T h e Fathers T h e fathers include t h e figures o f Noah, Abraham, Isaac, and J a c o b . T h e y are " f a t h e r s " in t h e sense that they are under­ stood t o b e t h e progenitors o f certain g e n e r i c classifications o f humanity within w h i c h all people may b e c o u n t e d as descendents. T h e divine covenants o f promise w e r e established with them, t h e effect o f w h i c h is understood t o b e a continuing determination o f t h e classes o f humanity before G o d . B e c a u s e o f divine approval o f his righteousness and the divine promise t o spare humanity " f o r his s a k e , " Noah represents all h u m a n ­ kind as those w h o are privileged t o be alive without threat o f cataclysmic destruction. Abraham represents the division o f humanity into " n a t i o n s " for w h i c h t h e r e is a great potential t o find divine approval, understood on t h e basis o f Abraham's acts o f o b e d i e n c e and o f G o d ' s promise t o " b l e s s " t h e nations "in his s e e d . " Isaac represents t h e line in w h i c h God's promise t o Abraham is r e n e w e d , and in J a c o b a nation emerges that is understood t o b e t h e locus for t h e divine manifestation o f that blessing. O n l y in t h e case o f Abraham are any deeds r e c o u n t e d , and that is in keeping with his double function as father o f t h e covenant o f promise and as e x a m p l e o f o n e w h o accepts t h e law as t h e standard o f righteousness. O n l y with Noah and Abraham is t h e divine election based upon human

right­

eousness. Isaac receives t h e promise " f o r t h e sake o f Abraham his f a t h e r " ( 4 4 : 2 2 ) , and Israel is blessed without m e n t i o n o f a reason at all. T h e y are glorious as fathers o f the covenants o f promise, and their " r e w a r d , " o r " i n h e r i t a n c e , " is b o u n d up with t h e destinies o f their descendents and the continuing efficacy o f t h e promises. It is n o t said o f t h e m , as it is said o f others in t h e h y m n , that they received glory and h o n o r in their own times.

8

T h e Priests T h o s e n a m e d as priests are Aaron, Phineas, Samuel, and Simon. Samuel is a c o m p o s i t e figure w h o is designated as a priest because o f his a c t o f sacrifice, w h i c h occasioned a victo­ ry over t h e Philistines ( 4 6 : 1 6 ; cf. 1 Sam. 7 : 9 ) . His inclusion

28

LITERARY ANALYSIS: H E R O E S AND HISTORY

shows that B e n Sira saw the performance o f sacrifice as defini­ tive for the priestly office. It also shows that he wanted t o keep track o f the priestly office through t h e period o f Israel's transi­ tion from wilderness t o kingdom. Phineas's act o f "sacrifice" is the slaying o f the Israelite with t h e Midianite woman, that is, a curious combination o f priestly and warrior functions. This is an interpretation o f the statement in Num. 2 5 : 1 2 - 1 3 that b e ­ cause o f his deed, w h i c h " m a d e a t o n e m e n t for the people o f Israel," the " c o v e n a n t o f a perpetual p r i e s t h o o d " was given t o him. Taking Aaron, Phineas, and S i m o n t o g e t h e r as a class, it is possible t o see the particular pattern o f office B e n Sira had in mind. T h e priesthood is based upon a covenant made with Aaron; the special office o f high priest is established by c o v e ­ nant with Phineas. W i t h Simon that covenant is understood t o continue in force ( 5 0 : 2 4 ) . T h e primary priestly function is t h e performance o f sacrifice, and the sacrifice o f major significance is the making o f atonement. B e y o n d this, there is special in­ terest in the vestments as manifestations o f the divine bestowal o f office and glory. It is important that this glory is recognized by the people ( 4 5 : 2 0 ; 5 0 : 5 , 1 1 , 1 3 , 2 0 ) . Neither great deeds n o r special virtues appear t o be constitutive. T h e Prophets T h e prophets as a class are distinguished primarily by their great deeds, which manifest their peculiar function as agents o f the destinies o f kings and kingdoms. T h e y have a special form o f election ( " f o r m e d from t h e w o m b " ) and are zealous and faithful in character. T h e r e is n o prophetic covenant although, as will be shown, the line o f prophets is understood t o begin with Moses. T h e r e is m a r k e d interest in the prophetic function 9

o f "anointing" persons t o be priests, kings, and p r o p h e t s . O f particular significance is the e x t e n t t o which prophetic agency is understood t o have been t h e means by which the j u d g m e n t s o f history t o o k place. T o Samuel's prophecy is attributed the power " t o blot out iniquity" ( 4 6 : 2 0 ) ; Elijah " r e d u c e s " Israel ( 4 8 : 2 ) ; and Jerusalem is said t o have been laid waste (beyad) J e r e m i a h " ( 4 9 : 6 ) .

"by

T H E PROFILE OF THE HERO

29

T h e Kings T h e kings and rulers have as their primary function the defense o f t h e civil and religious institutions. T h e y are praised for temple building, fortification o f the city, and support o f the cult. A peculiarity o f the office o f kingship, in distinction t o all the o t h e r offices, is t h e fact that there are b o t h " g o o d " and " b a d " kings. T h e bad kings are n o t m e n t i o n e d by name, but they are m e n t i o n e d ; t h e g o o d kings are praised in contrast t o them. W i t h kings, then, t h e r e is the problem o f sin. Even t w o o f the g o o d kings are acknowledged t o have sinned. David's sin is said t o have b e e n "put a w a y " ( 4 7 : 1 1 ) ; but Solomon's sin "brought w r a t h upon his d e s c e n d e n t s " ( 4 7 : 2 0 ) . T h a t is why piety is so important as the appropriate virtue o f a king. T h e r e is a covenant o f kingship established with David, and S o l o m o n is said t o have succeeded him " f o r his s a k e " ( 4 7 : 1 2 ) . B u t there are conflicting statements as t o w h e t h e r and h o w this covenant is understood t o remain in effect for all time. In 4 7 : 2 2 , it appears that the line o f David will n o t b e cut off. B u t in 4 5 : 2 5 , there is a distinction m a d e b e t w e e n the covenant and inheri­ tance o f Aaron, w h i c h belongs t o all his descendents, and the covenant and inheritance o f David, w h i c h passes only t o a single son. W h a t this m a y m e a n exactly is n o t clear, but the general intention seems t o b e the superiority o f the covenant with Aaron and Phineas in respect t o its m o d e o f continuity and it assurance o f perpetuity ( 4 5 : 2 4 ) . Hezekiah is said t o have "held fast t o t h e ways o f D a v i d " ( 4 8 : 2 2 ) , but there is n o m e n ­ tion o f David o r a covenant o f kingship in the rest o f the hymn. Figures with Multiple

Office

T h e c o n c e p t i o n o f religious office is a determining factor in B e n Sira's patterns o f characterization, and many o f the indi­ vidual figures m a y b e classed quite easily as representatives o f a particular office. Nevertheless, several o f the m o s t important figures are characterized by designations and functions taken from m o r e than o n e office. T h e question is w h e t h e r such c o m ­ posite characterization can b e shown t o have purpose in terms o f B e n Sira's overall plan. Several o f the m o r e important c o m -

30

LITERARY ANALYSIS: H E R O E S AND HISTORY

posite figures will have t o be analyzed with this question in mind. Moses as T e a c h e r , P r o p h e t , and R u l e r Ben Sira has n o t n a m e d an office for M o s e s , and it appears that h e may have singled him o u t as o n e w h o holds an office sui generis. It is i m p o r t a n t t o ask about this. T h a t M o s e s is given a p r o m i n e n t place in t h e series is indicated by t h e fact that h e stands b e t w e e n t h e fathers "issuing from Israel" and the establishment o f t h e specifically religious offices in Israel. His virtue, piety, h o n o r , and glory are highly accentuated; h e is "beloved o f G o d and m e n " and " m a d e glorious as G o d " h i m ­ self ( 4 5 : 1 - 2 ) . H e is fully described in t e r m s o f t h e pattern o f characterization, with t h e e x c e p t i o n that a covenant is n o t mentioned. B u t in its place, t h e r e is an e x t r e m e l y detailed and explicit a c c o u n t o f t h e revelation o f G o d and t h e law M o s e s received. H e is the only o n e t o see G o d ' s glory himself and t o have had placed in his hands by G o d the " l a w o f life and understanding." T h i s determines his uniqueness in t h e series. It also accounts for t h e various functions that are ascribed t o him. T h e s e functions indicate that Moses was understood as teacher and prophet. His function as t e a c h e r is based upon t h e reception o f t h e law and is explicitly m e n t i o n e d at t h e conclusion o f t h e p e r icope in t h e s t a t e m e n t o f purpose: " t h a t he might t e a c h His statutes u n t o J a c o b , and His testimonies and j u d g m e n t s u n t o Israel" ( 4 5 : 5 ) . B u t i f this is so, o n e wonders what has b e c o m e o f the office o f t e a c h e r in t h e subsequent history o f Israel's great leaders. W e have already n o t e d that t h e typology o f t h e hasidim given in t h e p r o e m is n o t easily correlated with t h e series o f characterizations that follow in t h e hymn. In t h e p r o ­ em, it is clear that t h e literati hold a place o f honor. I f o n e includes t h e description o f t h e sage in 3 9 : 1 - 1 1 as an indication o f B e n Sira's high regard for t h e teacher, it is all t h e m o r e noticeable that o n e finds n o emphasis in t h e hymn o f praise o f those w h o fulfill t h e office o f t h e teacher-sage. S o l o m o n ' s wisdom is m e n t i o n e d , o f c o u r s e , but it had t o do with "song and story and riddle," through w h i c h h e b e c a m e famous and

T H E PROFILE OF THE HERO

31

by w h i c h he astounded t h e nations ( 4 7 : 1 4 - 1 7 ) . H e is n o t cast as a teacher. T h e r e is, however, m e n t i o n o f a teaching function for Aaron that agrees e x a c t l y with that described for Moses, and it is probably h e r e that o n e may see t h e beginning o f a resolution t o o u r problem. In Sir. 4 5 : 1 7 , it is stated that G o d "gave him His c o m m a n d m e n t s and invested him with authority over statute and j u d g m e n t ; that h e m i g h t t e a c h His people statutes, and judgments u n t o t h e children o f Israel." H e r e the function o f teaching has b e e n assigned t o t h e office o f t h e priesthood. Because this is understood, t h e r e is n o n e e d o r place for a separate office o f t h e t e a c h e r among those w h o define Israel's religious-institutional history. M o s e s is t h e t e a c h e r par e x c e l ­ lence, in t h e sense that he m a d e k n o w n t h e knowledge o f t h e law t o Israel at t h e beginning. B u t t h e office he founds in o r d e r t o institutionalize this function is n o t that o f t h e teacher, but that o f t h e priest. This is emphasized by B e n Sira in yet a n o t h e r way. At t h e beginning o f t h e section o n Aaron, it is G o d w h o raises up Aaron, M o s e s ' b r o t h e r , and bestows upon him the priesthood as a perpetual office ( 4 5 : 6 - 7 ) . T h i s is followed by the descrip­ tion o f Aaron's glorious investiture by G o d . B u t later o n ( 4 5 : 1 5 ) , t h e a c c o u n t o f M o s e s anointing his b r o t h e r t o t h e priesthood in Leviticus 8 is taken as t h e occasion w h e n the "eternal c o v e n a n t " with Aaron was established. T h u s it is clear that B e n Sira sees t h e priesthood itself as instituted by Moses. T h a t the priesthood assumes and continues M o s e s ' function as teacher is certainly in keeping with this view. T h a t M o s e s anoints Aaron m a y b e taken as a sign o f a n o t h e r official function attributed t o him, t h e function o f the prophet. F o r B e n Sira at least, anointing is something the prophets do. Besides this act, t h e r e are t h r e e o t h e r indications that M o s e s was understood t o stand at t h e beginning o f the line o f proph­ ets. His mighty deeds and his strength in the presence o f t h e king ( 4 5 : 2 - 3 ) are " p r o p h e t i c " functions. In Sir. 4 6 : 1 , J o s h u a is said t o b e a " m i n i s t e r o f M o s e s in t h e prophetic office." It is probable that G o d ' s revelation t o M o s e s has been aligned with the prophetic motifs o f vision and special knowledge.

32

LITERARY ANALYSIS: H E R O E S AND HISTORY

Less clear is w h e t h e r M o s e s is perceived t o fulfill the role o f king. In Sir. 4 5 : 3 , after the m e n t i o n o f his being e m b o l d e n e d in the presence o f t h e king, it is stated that " G o d put him in c o m m a n d (Siwwdh) o f t h e p e o p l e . " This certainly may refer t o the function o f a king-ruler. B e n Sira is conspicuously a m ­ bivalent about the office o f kingship per se and has c h a r a c ­ terized the rulers o f the restoration in terms used for the earlier kings. In the case o f Simon, the duty o f ruling is as­ sumed by the high priest. It appears, then, that B e n Sira may have seen the kings as holding an office that obtained for a chapter o f Israel's history, the function o f which, however, had its origins before that time in M o s e s and continued after that time in the office o f t h e high priest. I f this is so, M o s e s may have been understood t o incorporate in a single individual original aspects o f all the m a j o r o f f i c e s — p r o p h e t ,

priest-

teacher, and ruler. M o s e s ' " o f f i c e " then would be sui generis, for the revelation o f the law needed n o repetition, and the combination o f func­ tions h e represented do n o t define a single pattern o f c o n t i n u ­ ing office. T h e s e functions, however, w e r e not discontinued, but w e r e assigned t o o t h e r offices, which preserved

them

within the system o f official ministries. T h u s it is that M o s e s ' characterization is fully in keeping with the pattern o f c h a r a c ­ terization in general. It is c o m p o s i t e o n purpose; every e l e m e n t and function can be a c c o u n t e d for in relation t o the office theme. Phineas as Priest and P r o p h e t Phineas is problematic, since the story about him is hardly indicative o f the priestly role and has been described in terms that are m o r e appropriate t o t h e characters and deeds o f the prophets. B u t it is the story from scripture with which B e n Sira had t o work. It was important t o B e n Sira because o f its mention o f a covenant and its interpretation as "making a t o n e ­ m e n t for the people o f Israel" ( N u m . 2 5 : 1 0 - 1 3 ) . It was here too, possibly, that a scriptural and covenantal claim for a line o f high priests in B e n Sira's t i m e was founded (cf. 5 0 : 2 4 ) .

1 0

B e n Sira does praise Phineas for his zeal, strength, and piety

33

T H E PROFILE OF THE HERO

("his heart p r o m p t e d h i m " ) , aspects o f c h a r a c t e r n o t ascribed t o Aaron and Simon. B u t h e emphasizes t h e covenant o f a t o n e ­ m e n t and high priesthood that begins here. In the first distich, m o r e o v e r , Phineas is called " t h i r d [in his l i n e ] " ( 4 5 : 2 3 ) , w h i c h can hardly b e understood o t h e r than as a reference t o his being third in t h e series M o s e s - A a r o n - P h i n e a s .

11

I f w e take all fac­

tors into a c c o u n t , t h e c o m p o s i t e nature o f Phineas's c h a r a c ­ terization is understandable and does n o t s e e m t o detract from B e n Sira's consistent interest in t h e patterns o f particular offices. T h e Judges Joshua, Caleb, and t h e judges are very difficult t o align with particular patterns o f office. T h i s is probably because o f their roles as figures o f transition w h o take t h e people into t h e land. W i t h the prophets, they share in t h e deeds o f miracles; with the kings, in t h e designations o f piety; with the priests, t h e fact that they " t u r n away w r a t h from t h e assembly, and cause t h e evil report t o c e a s e " ( 4 6 : 7 ) . T h e c o m p o s i t e characterization did n o t hinder B e n Sira from saying that J o s h u a was a " m i n i s ­ t e r o f M o s e s in t h e p r o p h e t i c office" ( 4 6 : 1 ) , and it is clear that he has emphasized p r o p h e t i c characterization throughout. B u t the judges do n o t c o n f o r m t o t h e pattern o f prophetic office in their aspects as warriors, n o r in their leadership o f the people into the land. T h e s e t w o functions set t h e m apart, and it m a y be significant that in relation t o t h e description o f each o f these functions, B e n Sira has added a purpose: " t h a t all the d o o m e d nations m i g h t k n o w that t h e L o r d was watching over his people's b a t t l e s " ( 4 6 : 6 ) and " t h a t all t h e people o f J a c o b might k n o w h o w g o o d it is t o be a devoted follower o f t h e L o r d " ( 4 6 : 1 0 ) . T h e s e are singular statements and m a k e o f these figures t h e only " e x a m p l e s " t o b e found within the hymn. T h a t being the case, they d o n o t c o n t r i b u t e t o the de­ velopment o f t h e particular patterns o f t h e offices o f institu­ tional religion. W h e t h e r they describe an office in their o w n right and w h a t B e n Sira's interest in t h e m may b e — o t h e r than in terms o f his historical s c h e m a — a r e questions for w h i c h w e may n o t find an adequate answer. T h e y characterize a figure

34

LITERARY ANALYSIS: H E R O E S AND HISTORY

which appears t o have b e e n imitated in later hasidic and e s chatological m o v e m e n t s ; but t h e r e is little in B e n Sira's b o o k o f wisdom that would suggest that h e understood Israel t o be in need o f such leaders in his o w n time. Samuel as P r o p h e t , J u d g e , and Priest Samuel is a fully c o m p o s i t e figure, designated expressly as prophet, j u d g e , and priest ( 4 6 : 1 3 ) and described in t e r m s o f functions taken from each office. As judge, he is said t o have " c o m m a n d e d t h e c o n g r e g a t i o n " ( 4 6 : 1 4 ) ; as priest, t o have of­ fered sacrifice ( 4 6 : 1 6 ) ; and as prophet, t o have "established t h e kingdom," " a n o i n t e d p r i n c e s , " and "declared u n t o t h e king his w a y " ( 4 6 : 1 3 , 2 0 ) . His primary office is clearly that o f t h e prophet, and h e serves in t h e series as t h e o n e from w h o s e time t h e office o f t h e king emerges. Saul, however, t h e specific king o n e e x p e c t s in reference, is n o t m e n t i o n e d by n a m e , and it is therefore appropriate that in t h e figure o f Samuel s o m e form o f each o f t h e t h r e e classical offices be reflected, includ­ ing that o f t h e ruler. It is probably this interest in t h e c o n ­ tinuity o f official roles in t h e historical development o f Israel that has d e t e r m i n e d t h e c o m p o s i t e characterization. T h a t B e n Sira has n a m e d t h e t h r e e offices and ascribed t o Samuel func­ tions appropriate t o e a c h indicates the combination is pur­ posive. David as King and W a r r i o r In addition t o David's characterization as a king and praise for his p r o p e r stance t o w a r d t h e cult, a description o f him as a brave warrior is also given (defending the flocks against lions and bears; defending t h e people against Goliath [ 4 7 : 3 - 5 ; cf. 1 Sam.

1 7 : 3 6 ] ) . T h i s agrees with t h e scriptural a c c o u n t and is

appropriate t o t h e hymn. H e is t h e only king w h o is described as a warrior, b u t h e shares this function with his precursors, the judges, and thus represents t h e transition from conquest t o defense, preparing for t h e t i m e o f peace w h e n S o l o m o n can build the t e m p l e ( 4 7 : 1 3 ) .

35

T H E PROFILE OF THE HERO

Simon as Priest and King T h e last figure in t h e series is also composite in c h a r a c ­ terization, and it is h e r e that t h e purpose in ascribing several official functions t o a single figure m a y b e tested m o s t clearly. Simon is, o f course, t h e high priest, and t h e lengthy descrip­ tion o f his vestments and liturgical performance on t h e D a y o f A t o n e m e n t shows that his glory is related t o that office ( 5 0 : 5 2 1 ) . It is an exceptionally fine poetic narrative o f t h e

rite,

creating a brilliant picture o f t h e splendor o f Simon, sur­ rounded by t h e o t h e r priests, his " b r o t h e r s " and " s o n s , " also glorious, and in t h e p r e s e n c e o f t h e " w h o l e congregation o f Israel," w h o respond t o t h e t r u m p e t s by falling d o w n t o w o r ­ ship t h e L o r d and receive his blessing as Simon names t h e Name. B e c a u s e this blessing is t h e "pardon o f G o d " ( 5 0 : 2 1 ) , the depiction o f t h e high priest making a t o n e m e n t for t h e people w h o are g a t h e r e d around him in postures o f praise and worship provides a powerful c l i m a x t o t h e hymn. This resolves the question o f threat that has provided t h e p r o b l e m - c o n t e x t for the entire series o f figures from Israel's history. T h e n e x t question is w h e t h e r S i m o n ' s office also is understood t o c l i m a x the series o f religious offices and functions that the h y m n has developed. The

answer m a y b e found

in t h e introductory

section

( 5 0 : 1 - 4 ) and t h e concluding h y m n o f blessing ( 5 0 : 2 2 - 2 4 ) , which B e n Sira has used t o frame t h e a c c o u n t o f t h e high liturgical m o m e n t . In t h e introduction, Simon is identified as " t h e son o f J o h a n a n , t h e priest," in w h o s e t i m e several things are said t o have taken place. T h e y include t h e renovation and fortification o f t h e t e m p l e , t h e building o f the wall " w i t h tun­ nels for p r o t e c t i o n like a king's p a l a c e , " and digging a reser­ voir. It concludes by saying " H e t o o k thought for his people against robbers, and fortified t h e city from the e n e m y . " B e n Sira was careful n o t t o claim t h e office o f t h e ruler-king for Simon, but it is clear that h e wished his readers t o understand that t h e primary functions o f t h e k i n g — b u i l d i n g and defense o f the city and t e m p l e — w e r e t o be associated with him.

36

LITERARY ANALYSIS: H E R O E S AND H I S T O R Y

In the concluding h y m n o f blessing, it is also possible t o see allusions t o designations that w e r e important in t h e descrip­ tion o f earlier figures and offices. T h e blessing addresses G o d , " w h o exalts m a n from t h e w o m b , " a combination o f terms that the reader will associate with the idea o f election in general and with t h e prophets in particular ( w h o s e special form o f election is "from t h e w o m b " ) . Generalized and applied t o the people, t h e m o t i f appears n o w in a " d e m o c r a t i z e d " form. T h e prayer continues for " w i s d o m " and " p e a c e " within and among t h e people, qualities m e n t i o n e d as present in Isra­ el's history only during t h e t i m e o f Solomon. T h e n it concludes with the request that G o d ' s m e r c y be established with Simon and t h e covenant o f Phineas b e raised up for him forever. T h e evocation o f t h e reign o f S o l o m o n , a t i m e o f peace during which the office o f t h e p r o p h e t is not m e n t i o n e d , and t h e attribution o f t h e functions o f t h e kings t o S i m o n strongly suggest that t h e high priesthood is understood as the c o n t e m ­ porary and sufficient locus o f all o f Israel's religious offices. It seems clear that B e n Sira saw it as a c l i m a x and fulfillment o f Israel's glorious history as a whole.

The Structure of History

^

In t h e course o f t h e analysis, I have m a d e frequent reference t o various relationships among the offices and figures that suggest an overall structure t o the hymn. T h e series o f great m e n presented in the hymn is m o r e than a listing o f examples. It moves in strict chronological order with m a n y indications o f sequences and successions that appear t o b e o f significance for its development b o t h as a liter­ ary composition and as a reading o f Israel's history.

1

In this

chapter, t h e structure o f t h e h y m n will be outlined, its nar­ rative plot explored, and its view o f history discussed.

2

T H E STRUCTURE OF THE HYMN

T h e overall pattern o f the hymn has been oudined in table 2, enabling us t o make some general observations about its units, themes, structure, and sense o f development. T h e table c o n ­ sists simply o f a list o f t h e figures m e n t i o n e d in the h y m n according t o t h e s e q u e n c e in w h i c h they o c c u r . Headings indi­ cate the development o f certain t h e m e s in relation t o the of­ fices and can be organized in such a way as t o reveal the balanced structure o f t h e h y m n as a whole. T h e "history o f prophets and k i n g s " is presented in a double c o l u m n because 37

TABLE 2. THE STRUCTURE OF THE HYMN

Establishment of the Covenants Promises and Blessings Noah Abraham

4 Isaac

4 Israel The Law

4 ^Moses The Priesthood

1 Aaron

4 Phineas

The Conquest of the Land

(David)

\

History of Prophets and Kings Samuel (+ Nathan (+)

Joshua Caleb Judges (Saul) David '

(-) (+)

I Solomon

i Elijah

(-)

Elisha Isaiah

(-) (+)

Jeremiah Ezekiel Restoration

(Rehoboam) (Jeroboam)

(+ -) (-) (-)

(4) Hezekiah Josiah Kings of Judah

(-) (+) Zerubbabel Jeshua Nehemiah

Climax Simorf Prophets: 4- = saving function; — = judgmental or destroying function. Kings: + = honorable; — = dishonorable. —> = express mention of some form of succession. 38

(+> (+) (-)

39

T H E S T R U C T U R E O F HISTORY

o f the m a r k e d t e n d e n c y in t h e h y m n t o j u x t a p o s e a prophet and a king. The Establishment

of the Covenants

T h e first seven figures have in c o m m o n the t h e m e o f c o v e ­ nant and thus m a y b e seen t o constitute a literary u n i t .

3

It is

true that a covenant is n o t m e n t i o n e d for Moses, but as the recipient o f t h e revelation o f the law he is clearly assigned an essential position among the founding figures. An indication that B e n Sira has intended this series as a unit is the m e n t i o n o f the covenant with David at t h e e n d o f the unit ( 4 5 : 2 5 ) . This passage is o u t o f place chronologically and does n o t b e c o m e the occasion for David's description and praise, which follow in place later ( 4 7 : 1 - 1 1 ) . A t that later point, there is allusion t o his "rights o f royalty" ( 4 7 : 1 1 ) , but n o discussion o f the c o v e ­ nant. Covenant is m e n t i o n e d at 4 5 : 2 5 , immediately after the description o f Phineas and t h e covenant o f the high priest­ hood, b o t h as an a c k n o w l e d g e m e n t o f yet another covenant that is t o be included among " t h e c o v e n a n t s " (cf. "His c o v e ­ nant was with David also")

and as a statement o f contrast

between the covenants o f David and Phineas that ascribes 4

some superiority t o that o f P h i n e a s . A n o t h e r indication o f the literary closure o f the unit is t h e addition o f a prayer o f bless­ ing upon Phineas that his " p r o s p e r i t y " and " p o w e r " may nev­ e r cease ( 4 5 : 2 5 b - 2 6 ) . This may be c o m p a r e d t o the similar blessing o f Simon with w h i c h the h y m n is concluded ( 5 0 : 2 2 2 4 ) . W i t h the praise o f Phineas, then, the first major section o f the hymn c o m e s t o a close. It has t o do with the covenantal basis o f the divine promises and blessings and the e m e r g e n c e o f the special offices within Israel by means o f which those bless­ ings will be actualized. In M o s e s , the functions o f all the classi­ cal offices w e r e begun, but it is clearly t h e priestly office itself that enjoys the privilege o f being founded during this period o f covenant establishment. The Conquest of the Land Joshua, Caleb, and t h e judges are figures o f a period o f transition and are t o b e considered together. T h e t h e m e o f

40

LITERARY ANALYSIS: H E R O E S AND HISTORY

their sequence is o f Israel c o m i n g into its inheritance in the land. W e have seen that t h e c o m p o s i t e characterization o f Joshua and Caleb is in keeping with this historical function. T h e y are b o t h warriors and carriers o f the official functions from t h e earlier period o f foundation into the period o f the kingdom. T h e b r i e f m e n t i o n o f t h e judges as a class ( 4 6 : 1 1 — 12) may be taken as a conclusion t o this interim series and c o m ­ pared with t h e m e n t i o n o f the twelve prophets as a class that concludes t h e series o f t h e prophets ( 4 9 : 1 0 ) . The History of Prophets and Kings T h e second m a j o r b l o c k o f figures has t o do with t h e history o f the prophets and kings. T h i s is an exceptionally fine review o f the history o f Israel from t h e establishment o f the kingdom t o the postexilic restoration, and it manifests several significant narrative m o v e m e n t s . Seen as a unit within the series o f praised leaders, it manifests an overall structure as well. T h e r e is a m a r k e d t e n d e n c y t o correlate prophets and kings. In e a c h list, there are seven individuals and o n e collective designation (the twelve prophets; t h e kings o f J u d a h ) . Significantly, only four o f the kings are m e n t i o n e d by n a m e , those w h o are found t o be honorable and praiseworthy (David, Solomon, Hezekiah, Josiah). T h e o t h e r four are n o t m e n t i o n e d by name, presum­ ably because they w e r e found n o t t o be w o r t h y (Saul, R e hoboam, J e r o b o a m , kings o f J u d a h ) . O f the prophets, five are described as having performed functions that w e r e basically constructive (Samuel, Nathan,

Isaiah, Ezekiel, the twelve),

three as having performed functions that w e r e basically de­ structive (Elijah, Elisha, J e r e m i a h ) . O n e o f the prophets ( S a m ­ uel) and o n e o f t h e kings ( S o l o m o n ) c o m b i n e both positive and negative functions. T h e t w o lists may b e correlated and bal­ anced in terms o f the values that B e n Sira has assigned t o each o f the figures (see table 2 ) . The

Restoration

T h e period o f the restoration is prepared for by the positive function assigned t o t h e twelve prophets ( " w h o recovered

T H E S T R U C T U R E O F HISTORY

41

J a c o b t o health, and delivered him by confident h o p e " 4 9 : 1 0 ) m e n t i o n e d at the e n d o f t h e series o f prophets and kings. It consists o f t h r e e

figures

(Zerubbabel, Jeshua, N e h e m i a h )

whose glories and deeds restore those o f the honorable kings and w h o are correlated t o t h e t h r e e judges o f the period o f t h e conquest. The Climax T h e c l i m a x o f t h e h y m n sets t h e description o f Simon o f f as a unit by itself, w h i c h singularly concludes the series. T h e structure o f the series o f units as a w h o l e may b e visualized in the following numerical sequence: 7 -

3 -

7 + 1

~ 3 - l

7 + 1 This pattern o f literary units provides an e x t r e m e l y well-bal­ anced structure b o t h t o t h e h y m n as a composition and t o t h e history it recounts. It consists o f three m a j o r units (Establish­ m e n t o f the Covenants, History o f Prophets and Kings, Cli­ mactic H y m n in Praise o f S i m o n ) and t w o transitional units (Conquest o f t h e Land, R e s t o r a t i o n ) in chiastic o r c o n c e n t r i c correlations. It m a y b e viewed architectonically by regarding the first unit as a foundation, t h e last unit as capstone. It m a y also b e viewed in t e r m s o f narrative o r historical development with beginning, middle, and end. I f t h e beginning o f t h e story is understood as plan o r mandate, t h e middle history may b e seen as t h e struggle t o fulfill that mandate, and the ending as the resolution o r actualization o f the quest. In either case, aspects b o t h o f structure and o f narrative development are combined. T h i s n o t e w o r t h y combination o f pattern and m o v e ­ m e n t needs n o w t o b e explored. T h e place t o begin is w i t h those literary devices by w h i c h B e n Sira expressly relates t h e units sequentially. T H E CONCEPT OF SUCCESSION

W i t h i n the overall structure o f t h e hymn, as well as within the major literary units, t h e r e are repeated indications o f sig-

42

LITERARY ANALYSIS: H E R O E S AND HISTORY

nificant sequences and successions, which provide the hymn with a sense o f m o v e m e n t . In this section, several o f these indicators will be observed, and the principle o f succession determined. Serialization W e can begin with t h e observation that, within the larger literary units, t h e r e is frequently a serialization that links t o ­ g e t h e r several figures according t o a t h e m e . This serialization can be demonstrated for e a c h o f the five major literary units, but the discussion here will be limited t o the first unit o f seven figures and the middle unit with its history o f the prophets and kings. T h e first series o f seven figures is replete with developmen­ tal schemata. T h e m o s t obvious is t h e subseries from Abraham t o J a c o b . It is held t o g e t h e r by t h e t h e m e o f the promise o f blessing, which according t o B e n Sira is r e n e w e d with Isaac "for t h e sake o f A b r a h a m " and " c o m e s t o r e s t " o n J a c o b ' s head. I f o n e adds t h e figure o f Noah t o m a k e a series o f four and notes the express m e n t i o n o f the classes o f humankind in regard t o each, a second t h e m a t i c development may b e seen. It is the m o v e m e n t o f promise from all humankind t o all nations t o Israel. A t this point, M o s e s is introduced, t h e r e being n o r o o m in the first series o f seven for any o t h e r potentially signif­ icant figures b e t w e e n J a c o b and M o s e s (e.g., Melchizedek o r the twelve patriarchs). M o s e s is said t o "spring f r o m " Israel ( 4 5 : 1 ) and b e c o m e s the first o f a n o t h e r subseries o f three, which runs from him through Aaron t o Phineas (cf. 4 5 : 1 5 , where Moses anoints Aaron, and 4 5 : 2 3 , w h e r e Phineas is said t o be the "third in the l i n e " ) . T h u s there is a series o f seven, composed o f a single figure ( N o a h ) , plus t w o sets o f three, joined together by t h e m e s that m a k e o f t h e m a unit. T h e o b ­ vious t h e m e s are those o f covenant and office formation. T h e not-so-obvious but equally important t h e m e is the promise o f blessing. T h e negative promise ( " n o t t o destroy h u m a n k i n d " ) and the positive promise ( " t o bless t h e nations") c o m e t o rest, not only in Israel, but m o r e specifically in the office o f t h e high priesthood. T h e r e it is realized in t h e act o f making a t o n e m e n t

T H E S T R U C T U R E O F HISTORY

43

(cf. 4 5 : 1 5 , w h e r e Aaron's c o v e n a n t is " t o minister t o G o d , . . . and t o bless His people in His n a m e " ; and 4 5 : 2 3 , w h e r e Phineas's covenant is related t o his making " a t o n e m e n t for t h e p e o p l e " ) . T h e r e is thus a c o h e r e n t theology determining the composition o f this first unit. It has t o do with s o m e problem, some threat t o h u m a n well-being t o be resolved in the priestly office and lifted from t h e people in t h e priestly blessing (cf. 4 5 : 1 5 ; 5 0 : 2 0 - 2 1 ) . T h i s theology o f promise and blessing will be discussed below. Serializing does n o t play as significant a role in the s e c o n d major unit o n t h e prophets and kings, although the t h r e e h o n ­ orable kings are m e n t i o n e d as a unit in 4 9 : 4 , and the three rulers o f t h e restoration are handled as a unit in 4 9 : 1 1 - 1 3 . B u t there are o t h e r principles at w o r k that determine t h e se­ quences and t r a c e o u t a patterned m o v e m e n t . T h e primary t h e m e is t h e well-being o f Israel, focused in the c h a r a c t e r o f the king. T h e evil kings are n o t m e n t i o n e d by name, but they and their effect upon t h e people are clearly acknowledged at three places in t h e history: at t h e beginning, w h e r e the "iniq­ uity" that Samuel's p o s t h u m o u s p r o p h e c y "blots o u t " is a clear allusion t o Saul ( 4 6 : 2 0 ) ; in t h e discussion o f the series o f evil kings o f Israel that culminated in t h e destruction o f the N o r t h e r n K i n g d o m ( 4 7 : 2 3 - 2 4 ; 4 8 : 1 5 ) ; and in t h e passages o n the evil kings o f J u d a h w h o caused t h e destruction o f J e r u s a ­ lem ( 4 9 : 4 - 6 ) . Against this b a c k g r o u n d and within this history, the three g o o d kings and S o l o m o n are placed and praised. Correlating t h e prophets with this history, their functions as agents o f j u d g m e n t and salvation are given. Samuel is an agent b o t h for t h e establishment o f the king­ d o m and for j u d g m e n t s upon its enemies and first king. O f the rest, the t w o prophets associated with g o o d kings are r e c o g ­ nized as agents o f grace. Nathan served u n d e r David and, while his " s e r v i c e " is n o t described, his "putting a w a y " o f David's sin is ( 4 7 : 1 1 ; cf. 2 Sam. 1 2 : 1 3 ) . Isaiah "added life u n t o the king," Hezekiah, and

" c o m f o r t e d the m o u r n e r s

in Z i o n "

( 4 8 : 2 3 - 2 4 ) . B u t Elijah, Elisha, and J e r e m i a h are all understood t o have served u n d e r evil kings: Elijah and Elisha in Israel, J e r e m i a h in J u d a h (he is n o t associated with Josiah in the

44

LITERARY ANALYSIS: H E R O E S AND HISTORY

hymn). T h e i r function is therefore o n e o f judgment. Elijah " r e d u c e d " the n u m b e r o f Israel, "heard judgments o f ven­ geance in H o r e b , " and " a n o i n t e d kings for r e t r i b u t i o n " ( 4 8 : 2 8 ) . J e r e m i a h was t h e agent through w h o m the city was burned after the corrupt kings had given their glory t o a strong nation ( 4 9 : 5 - 6 ) . It may therefore be quite significant that in the m e n ­ tion o f Ezekiel and the twelve prophets that immediately fol­ lows ( 4 9 : 8 — 1 0 ) , a n o t e o f h o p e is sounded. O f Ezekiel it is related that h e saw a vision o f t h e chariot, an image appropri­ ate t o the exilic c o n t e x t and t h e t h e m e o f hope. And o f the twelve prophets it is said, " [ T h e y ] recovered J a c o b t o health, and delivered him by confident h o p e " ( 4 9 : 1 0 ) . T h a t the twelve prophets are deliverers is striking b o t h as a hermeneutical j u d g m e n t and as a conclusion t o the list o f prophets in the hymn. This passage is followed immediately by a description o f the deeds o f restoration by Zerubbabel, Jeshua, and Nehemiah. T h e r e is, then, a series o f prophets c o m p o s e d o f t h r e e w h o are clearly agents o f j u d g m e n t upon Israel (Elijah, Elisha, J e r e m i a h ) and t h r e e w h o are agents o f grace and h o p e (Nathan, Isaiah, Ezekiel). T h e series is headed by a prophet w h o c o m ­ bines b o t h functions (Samuel), and it ends with the twelve w h o " r e s t o r e " and " d e l i v e r " J a c o b . T h e balance is even, the c o r ­ relation with the series o f t h e kings and rulers clear, and the sequential development significant. In contrast t o the serializa­ tion o f the first seven figures o f t h e hymn, which c h a r t e d a constructive development c o m i n g t o climax in the covenant and office o f the high priesthood, the serialization o f the prophets follows a see-saw pattern that corresponds t o the narrative t h e m e o f failure/restoration in the quest t o actualize the covenant plan. T h a t t h e sequence o f positive and negative m o m e n t s c o m e s t o rest at the e n d on a positive and hopeful note indicates that the oscillations o f this interim series have not destroyed the potential for fulfillment. Sequence and Succession In addition t o serialization, w h i c h gives b o t h structure and m o v e m e n t t o the composition, t h e r e are several o t h e r devices

45

T H E S T R U C T U R E O F HISTORY

that B e n Sira has employed t o create a sense o f sequence and succession in t h e h y m n and t o unite its several literary units. Sequence is frequently n o t e d in terms o f chronological placement in the series. T h u s Nathan arose after Samuel ( 4 7 : 1 ) , Solomon after David ( 4 7 : 1 2 ) , and the kings o f folly after Sol­ o m o n ( 4 7 : 2 3 ) . T h e evil kings led the people into sin until Elijah arose ( 4 8 : 1 ) ; after he was taken, then Elisha was filled with the spirit ( 4 8 : 1 2 ) . T h e corrupt kings o f J u d a h forsook the law until they c a m e t o their end ( 4 9 : 4 ) , and so on. This type o f s e q u e n c ­ ing indicates that B e n Sira's view o f history is n o t devoid o f chronology, but it is used primarily t o place the principle fig­ ures o f the history in relation t o o n e another in a series o f significant sequences. T h e history is read only in relation t o these

figures-in-sequence

and does n o t b e c o m e a subject t o b e

recounted in and for itself. Sequence b e c o m e s succession w h e n certain notions o f c o n ­ tinuity are perceived. In the hymn, there are several such n o ­ tions at w o r k , all interrelated t o achieve an overall sense o f m o v e m e n t and purpose, for e x a m p l e , in the m e n t i o n o f a s u c ­ cession from father t o son. T h i s is expressed in the sequences Abraham-Isaac ( 4 4 : 2 2 ) , D a v i d - S o l o m o n ( 4 7 : 1 2 ) , and S o l o m o n and his sons ( 4 7 : 2 3 ) . It is assumed in the sequence Isaac-Jacob ( 4 4 : 2 2 - 2 3 ) , and M o s e s is said t o "issue f r o m " Israel ( 4 4 : 2 3 ) . T h a t this type o f succession can be understood t o transfer the p o w e r and promise o f the predecessor's office o n t o the s u c ­ cessor has been m a d e explicit in t w o ways. In the sequence Abraham-Isaac-Jacob, the promise itself has been objectified and passed along ( 4 4 : 2 2 - 2 3 ) . In t h e cases o f Isaac and Sol­ o m o n , there is explicit reference t o their important position being " f o r t h e sake o f (baabur)

their fathers ( 4 4 : 2 2 ; 4 7 : 1 2 ) .

" F o r the sake o f could simply be a justification for inclusion in the series, o f course. F o r Isaac neither deed n o r virtuous character is m e n t i o n e d , and S o l o m o n is the o n e king included in the list o f kings and rulers praised whose sin and its effect on Israel's history must b e m e n t i o n e d as well. B u t the phrase also o c c u r s in a statement about Noah's effectiveness for his descendents ( " F o r his sake there was a r e m n a n t "

[44:17]).

46

LITERARY ANALYSIS: H E R O E S AND HISTORY

Here it carries the c o n n o t a t i o n o f cause o r m e r i t (cf. the paral­ lel statement " A n d by reason o f the covenant with him the flood ceased"). It is difficult, therefore, not t o think that s u c ­ cession is being understood in t e r m s o f some c o n c e p t i o n o f effective promise o r influence that is determinative for the successors. T h e t e r m that has sometimes been translated as " s u c c e s s o r " (tahalip)

5

should also b e m e n t i o n e d h e r e . It is used as a desig­

nation o f N o a h ( 4 4 : 1 7 ) , Elisha ( 4 8 : 8 ) , and in parallel with "blessing" as the function o f t h e n a m e for judges that is in­ volved in m e m o r y for their children ( 4 6 : 1 2 ) . It does n o t appear as a noun in the H e b r e w scriptures before Sirach. T h e verb form in t h e Hifil (yahalip)

means " t o sprout again" (cf. J o b

14:7). F o r Noah, " r e n e w e r " o r perhaps " c o n t i n u a t o r " would be appropriate. B u t as used o f Elisha, the meaning is clearly " c o n t i n u a t o r " o r " s u c c e s s o r . " Elijah is told, " Y o u anointed kings for retribution, and a p r o p h e t as successor in jour (tahtejka).

place"

T h e double c o n n o t a t i o n o f successor (in relation t o

the predecessor) and effective agent (in relation t o c o n t e m p o ­ raries and descendents) is n o t e w o r t h y as an indication o f the principle o f p o w e r o r influence that is understood t o reside in the meaning o f succession itself. T h a t Elisha was " a n o i n t e d " t o be a successor alerts us t o another c o n c e p t that B e n Sira m a y have recognized as an indi­ cation o f succession. T h a t t h e prophets anoint kings (Samuel, 4 6 : 1 3 ; Elijah, 4 8 : 8 ) probably means for B e n Sira that the office o f the king is derived from and dependent upon the agency o f the prophet. This would b e in itself an important consideration for B e n Sira's understanding

o f kingship, but w h e t h e r o n e

should speak o f succession here is n o t clear. Succession is c e r ­ tainly the intention in the case o f Elijah-Elisha, o f course; but since it is the only instance o f such a relationship b e t w e e n t w o prophets, it is difficult t o generalize here too. T h a t Moses anointed Aaron, however, m o s t probably signifies succession ( 4 5 : 1 5 ) . It is the only m e n t i o n o f a relationship b e t w e e n t h e m and is followed later by the statement that Phineas was the "third in l i n e " ( 4 5 : 2 3 ) . It should be noted, though, that n o n e o f these conceptions

T H E S T R U C T U R E O F HISTORY

47

o f succession has b e e n used consistently in relation t o any series o f offices. It would b e difficult t o do so with the proph­ ets. It is possible that t h e r e is a c o n c e p t i o n o f a " l i n e " o f 6

p r o p h e t s . B u t e a c h is apparendy e l e c t e d individually, " f o r m e d in the w o m b , " and so derives his office and place in the s u c c e s ­ sion directly from G o d . W i t h t h e kings after Solomon, b o t h the ideas o f succession and descent seem t o evaporate. O n l y Hezekiah is placed in relation t o David, but in terms o f being strong "in t h e ways o f D a v i d " ( 4 8 : 2 3 ) , n o t in terms o f s u c c e s ­ sion o r covenant.

Divine Intention and Promise It is clear that B e n Sira has employed a variety o f m e c h a ­ nisms in o r d e r t o achieve t h e sense o f m o v e m e n t with w h i c h he has invested his hymn. T h e m a t i c patterns that govern the construction o f given series, temporal and genealogical s e ­ quences, and various indications o f succession all attest t o his express interest in sequential relationships that can guarantee the c o h e r e n c e and continuity o f t h e structured history as a whole. B u t n o n e o f these several mechanisms for achieving m o v e m e n t has b e e n used consistently o r developed programmatically. This means t h e principle o f continuity, i f indeed there is o n e , must b e discovered by an analysis o f the structure and m o v e m e n t o f the w h o l e , giving due consideration t o the pattern o f characterization itself as that which provides c o n ­ tinuity and the sequence o f t h e offices as that which provides for the sense o f development. This means the c o n c e p t i o n o f office itself can b e adduced in support o f the thesis that the idea o f succession was important for B e n Sira. T h e evidence is found in the particular patterns o f characterization for each o f t h e offices. T h a t an individual fig­ ure is described in t e r m s functionally similar t o those used o f others, produces the sense o f continuity o f an office, whose holder acts as a tradent, that is, o n e in a series o f successions. In tracing the derivation o r origin o f each o f the offices t h e m ­ selves, however, it is clear that e a c h is related t o a founding m o m e n t o f covenant o r election. This founding

moment,

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LITERARY ANALYSIS: H E R O E S AND HISTORY

moreover, does m o r e than m e r e l y inaugurate o r establish a significant social role o r function; it invests that function with divine purpose c o n c o m i t a n t with the divine intention for the well-being o f the people as an ordered community. Office b e ­ comes a given in o n e sense, a potentiality in another. Based upon divine covenant its status is quasiontological, that is, based " o u t s i d e " empirical-social history. It can be "filled" only when the divine intention is actualized by means o f it. T h i s means that the principle o f m o v e m e n t within the structure o f the hymn and its view o f history m a y actually be an assumed theologumenon. F o r B e n Sira, this divine intention appears t o be manifest in t h e promise o f blessing given at the beginning with the covenant with Abraham, and actualized at the end with the blessing o f the L o r d that Simon offers. I f this is so, as will be argued below, the principle o f continuity and m o v e ­ m e n t that gives the h y m n b o t h its architectonic structure and its sense o f dramatic purpose m a y be located ultimately in the conception o f t h e divine promise as that which can actualize the potentiality o f " o f f i c e " and " c o v e n a n t . " T h e notion o f promise is certainly not obvious as a narrative t h e m e in B e n Sira's hymn. B u t it is introduced at t h e beginning and appears t o b e foundational for the development o f the notions o f covenant, office, and their purposes. I f o n e sees that the notion o f promise mediates categories o f intentionality and actuality, b e c o m i n g a t e r m for potentiality, it can also b e seen that, as a historical and literary category, the idea may deter­ mine just such a developmental s c h e m a as w e have in B e n Sira's hymn. T h e promise given with the structure o f c o v e ­ nants and offices cannot be reduced either t o history o r t o ideality. It expresses, rather, a guaranteed potentiality-to-beactualized. T h e pattern o f the covenantal offices does not, o f itself, impell any historical o r literary development o f a dra­ matic o r " q u e s t " nature. B u t as a depiction o f divine intention and promise, it does call for construction o f the pattern (first unit), the agon o f actualization (middle unit), and the celebra­ tion o f fulfillment (final unit). It is n o w possible t o ask m o r e specifically about B e n Sira's understanding o f sacred history.

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49

T H E CONCEPTION OF SACRED HISTORY

The Recasting of the Scriptures T h e hymn reveals an impressive acquaintance with

the

scriptures and t h e major m o v e m e n t s o f Israel's history. It b e ­ gins with Noah but assumes even t h e n a prehistory. T h e n it follows the patriarchs, the events in the wilderness (with a brief allusion t o t h e E x o d u s ) , t h e e n t r a n c e into the land, the histories o f Israel and Judah, t h e exiles and the destruction o f Jerusalem, and the restoration. T h e order is strictly chronolog­ ical. T h e use o f the scriptural data is " c o r r e c t " in terms o f ascriptions, relationships, and settings being properly attrib­ uted. Nevertheless, n o n e o f the m a j o r events, periods, and devel­ opments is taken as a subject in its o w n right. T h e r e are large blocks o f material passed over without mention: the antedilu­ vian period, t h e twelve patriarchs, t h e Exodus story itself, and the return from exile. O t h e r m a j o r chapters o f the history are acknowledged but n o t developed: t h e wilderness is acknowl­ edged o n c e as t h e setting for t h e threat o f Korah's company t o Aaron ( 4 5 : 1 8 ) . B u t t h e r e is n o m e n t i o n o f the wilderness-way, neither Moses n o r Phineas is placed there, and the themes o f testing and miracles in the wilderness are n o w h e r e t o be found. T h e period o f t h e restoration is also only acknowledged in that Zerubbabel, Jeshua, and Nehemiah are praised. B u t there is n o m e n t i o n o f t h e historical period as one o f the r e s t o ­ ration o f anything lost o r destoyed and n o indication that their w o r k should b e understood in such a c o n t e x t . T h e reason for this apparent lack o f interest in many o f the major chapters o f Israel's history is, o f course, that B e n Sira proposes a h y m n in praise o f t h e great leaders, n o t a history o f the people. And yet, t h e series o f great leaders is a reading o f that history, and the people are always in view. This means the n e w reading that is achieved will recast the scriptural tradi­ tions, even in respect t o the history o f the people. I f the wellbeing o f the people is dependent upon the divine offices and the faithfulness o f their holders, their history will n o w b e given

50

LITERARY ANALYSIS: H E R O E S AND HISTORY

in the history o f these leaders. I f that history is intended as a history o f salvation, that is, as a development o f offices and t h e succession o f officers in w h i c h and t h r o u g h w h o m well-being has c o m e for t h e people, large portions o f the history o f the people themselves can n o longer b e relevant. T h u s t h e history m u s t begin with the promise t o Noah, and the antediluvian period can receive only an allusion as t h e c o n ­ t e x t o f trouble and threat ( c u r s e ) for humanity. O f t h e pa­ triarchs after Abraham, it is i m p o r t a n t only t o k n o w that t h e blessing is upon t h e m . T h e E x o d u s and the w i l d e r n e s s - w a y — understood either as significant chapters in the history o f t h e people o r as paradigms for salvation events—signify t h e test­ ing o f t h e people by Y a h w e h , and they therefore m u s t b e rein­ terpreted. O n l y t h r e e threatening events from t h e wilderness period c o m e into view. T h e first is t h e threat t o Aaron's office by Korah's c o m p a n y , w h o m B e n Sira calls " s t r a n g e r s " ( 4 5 : 1 8 ) . Here t h e test is put, n o t t o t h e people, but t o the office o f the priesthood. T h e s e c o n d is the n e e d for Phineas's " a t o n e m e n t " for the children o f Israel. T h e occasion for the action ( t h e Israelite taking a Midianite w o m a n ) is n o t r e c o u n t e d , and o f Phineas it is said that " h e stood in t h e breach for his p e o p l e . " H e r e t h e people are t h e recipients o f t h e benefits o f a priest's sacrifice o f a t o n e m e n t . T h e third instance is the response o f the people t o the r e p o r t o n t h e land (Num. 1 4 : 1 - 1 0 ) . T h e hymn says that t h e congregation rebelled ( 4 6 : 7 ) , w h i c h c e r ­ tainly puts t h e m in a bad light momentarily. B u t J o s h u a and Caleb " s t o o d firm," it says, " t o turn away wrath from t h e assembly, and t o cause t h e evil r e p o r t t o c e a s e " ( 4 6 : 7 ) . In t h e n e x t set o f t w o distichs it appears, m o r e o v e r , that they w e r e set apart from t h e people in o r d e r " t o bring t h e m into their i n h e r i t a n c e " ( 4 6 : 8 ) . T h e people o f t h e wilderness-way have been portrayed as a congregation w h o s e well-being is c a r e d for in the faithful fulfillment o f its offices by its leaders. I f w e w e r e t o c o m p a r e this finding with t h e history o f t h e prophets and kings that follows, it would be possible t o argue that the threat t o the people has b e e n transferred t o t h e later period and has b e e n focused upon t h e c h a r a c t e r o f its kings. It is n o t that t h e kings are described as being tested. B u t they are

T H E S T R U C T U R E O F HISTORY

51

the ones, o f all t h e figures in t h e hymn, w h o s e potential for failure is emphasized and w h o s e achievements have b e e n cast in terms o f t h e virtue o f piety. T h e y and their office are by definition u n d e r j u d g m e n t with regard t o piety and o b e d i e n c e ; they are symbols o f testing. And t h e consequences o f their unfaithfulness are shared fully by t h e people, b o t h in t e r m s o f characterization (sin) and destiny (destruction and exile). After Solomon, " w h o brought w r a t h upon his p r o g e n y " so that " t h e people b e c a m e t w o s c e p t o r s " ( 4 7 : 2 0 - 2 1 ) , t h e history is essen­ tially that o f t h e foolish and c o r r u p t kings " w h o sinned and made Israel t o s i n " ( 4 7 : 2 3 ) . T w o interludes o f prosperity are associated w i t h t h e g o o d kings Hezekiah and Josiah. B u t even here, t h e r e is a m a r k e d r e l u c t a n c e t o attribute salvation t o t h e king. Hezekiah is praised because h e fortified t h e city, but under seige it was t h e people w h o called u n t o G o d , w h o saved t h e m by t h e hand o f Isaiah ( 4 8 : 1 8 - 2 1 ) . Josiah was "grieved at o u r backsliding, and put an e n d t o t h e vain a b o m i n a t i o n s " ( 4 9 : 2 ) , b u t t h e r e is n o m e n t i o n o f a t i m e o f peace and pros­ perity u n d e r his rule. Instead, t h e history o f t h e kings o f J u d a h w h o "forsook t h e law till t h e e n d " is summarized, culminating in t h e burning o f t h e holy city ( 4 9 : 4 - 6 ) . T h e n e x t indication o f t h e well-being o f t h e people is in t h e m e n t i o n o f t h e twelve prophets w h o " r e c o v e r e d J a c o b t o health, and delivered h i m " ( 4 9 : 1 0 ) . T h e n follows the descrip­ tion o f t h e restoration builders, but without any reference t o the people. T h e y are clearly in view o n c e again, however, in the final picture o f Simon's ministry. " H e t o o k thought for his people against r o b b e r s " ( 5 0 : 4 ) , ascended t o t h e altar o f majesty "in the presence o f t h e w h o l e congregation o f Israel" ( 5 0 : 1 3 ) , and descending, "lifted up his hands upon t h e whole c o n ­ gregation o f Israel," w h o receive from him t h e blessing and pardon o f t h e L o r d ( 5 0 : 2 0 - 2 1 ) . I f the sacred history has b e e n moving t o this climax and t h e welfare o f t h e people is understood t o b e assured only by means o f t h e p r o p e r description and fulfillment o f the highpriestly office, t h e r e can b e n o r o o m for a restoration o f t h e c o m m u n i t y o n t h e basis o f t h e acts o f t h e rulers alone, n o r o n the condition o f t h e people's o w n o b e d i e n c e and righteousness

52

LITERARY ANALYSIS: H E R O E S AND H I S T O R Y

(cf. by way o f contrast t h e D e u t e r o n o m i c address, " I f . . . t h e n " ) . T h e history o f t h e people has been subsumed c o m ­ pletely in t h e history o f Israel's offices and leaders, with priests " u p " and kings " d o w n . " The Glory of Israels

Leaders

T h e t h e m e o f glory is o n e o f t h e m o s t consistently e n c o u n ­ tered and striking characteristics o f the hymn. Its source is surely t o b e found in t h e priestly traditions o f scripture and Second T e m p l e theology, w h e r e " g l o r y " (kabod)

is used as a

t e r m for t h e majesty and manifestation o f God. T h e glory o f the L o r d is manifest b o t h in creation and in events o f deliv­ erance in history, but its special locus in the priestly theologies was understood t o b e in the cult, especially as a t e r m for the divine presence in t h e t e n t o r temple. T h a t B e n Sira used this term t o express the grandeur o f the select leaders o f Israel's history is m o s t amazing. In t h e proem, B e n Sira may have anticipated the reader's reaction by the judicious statement that these m e n w e r e "great in glory, the M o s t High's p o r t i o n " ( 4 4 : 2 ) . T h e i r glory can b e a c c o u n t e d for, that is, in terms o f bestowal o r election and thus n o t appear out o f keeping with the divine aretalogical aspect o f t h e hymn. Nevertheless, that Yahweh's glory is n o w b e s t o w e d upon and manifest in the majesty o f these human figures indicates a m o m e n t o u s shift in the conceptuality o f history and anthropology. T h e glory in the Lord, traditionally manifest in t h e history o f the cult, is n o w t o be seen in the succession o f illustrious l e a d e r s — s p e c i a l m e n , set apart, through w h o m the salvation o f Israel is t o be a c t u ­ alized and t o w h o m it is n o w possible t o offer a hymn o f praise. History n o w revolves around t h e m and moves in the s u c c e s ­ sion o f their offices. It is a covenant history, marked by p r o m ­ ise,

actualization,

continuity,

and

glory,

manifest

in

the

ministries o f saviors. B u t what exactly is this glory and this ministry that moves and molds t h e people's history? The Blessing and the Promise W e have seen that the t h e m e o f t h e blessing appears t o have been developed creatively in t h e hymn. T h e priestly pardon

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53

can be identified with t h e priestly blessing in t h e conclusion, thus fulfilling t h e promise o f the blessing t o Abraham at the beginning o f t h e hymn ( 5 0 : 2 0 — 2 1 ) . W h a t are the consequences o f this for B e n Sira's view o f convenant history? T h e promise o f blessing given t o Abraham was found by B e n Sira in the c o n t e n t o f t h e Lord's covenant with him (cf. the sequence from 4 4 : 2 0 t o 4 4 : 2 1 and the " t h e r e f o r e " ) . It is this covenant and t h e covenant with Aaron that are the m a j o r foundations upon w h i c h Israel's history is t o b e constructed. The

covenant w i t h Noah is t h e negative statement o f the

promise and t h e c o n t e x t for understanding the significance o f that given t o Abraham. T h e covenant with David is criticized and c o m p a r e d unfavorably w i t h that o f Phineas, whose c o v e ­ nant is simply the special office within the priesthood o f Aaron, and t h e revelation o f t h e law t o Moses is n o t under­ stood expressly as a covenant. B y emphasizing and joining t o ­ g e t h e r the covenants o f Abraham and Aaron, B e n Sira an­ nounced a program. T h e blessing promised t o Abraham has t w o aspects. O n the o n e hand, it has t o do with t h e formation o f Israel from his seed. This aspect o f the promise is considered fulfilled w h e n the blessing rested o n J a c o b . H e was the "first b o r n " and from him c a m e t h e twelve tribes o f Israel ( 4 4 : 2 2 - 2 3 ) . O n the o t h e r hand, the promise has t o do with the resolution o f s o m e human dilemma, the negative statement o f which had been signified in Noah. This aspect is n o t as clearly expressed, but it is implied in t h e sequence from Noah t o Abraham. Nev­ ertheless, the promise t o Abraham is " t o bless the nations in his s e e d " ( 4 4 : 2 1 ) , and b o t h the immediate c o n t e x t and the subsequent development o f the t h e m e o f blessing as a t o n e m e n t indicate that this aspect is equally important for B e n Sira. Isra­ el thus b e c o m e s the place w h e r e the blessing resides, but h e r function is t o answer t o the problem o f sin and judgment. T h a t function is fulfilled in t h e final scene. The Theme of Location Following the development o f the history o f Israel with the t h e m e o f location in mind, o n e can chart its progress by draw­ ing a series o f c o n c e n t r i c circles, beginning with a large sphere

54

LITERARY ANALYSIS: H E R O E S AND H I S T O R Y

and moving t o w a r d a central focus. T h e story begins with all humanity and t h e w h o l e earth in view, and the promise t o Abraham's seed will be cast in t e r m s o f t h e eventual inheri­ tance o f t h e w h o l e earth as well ( 4 4 : 1 8 , 2 1 ) . " H e r e " it is, presumably, that Israel is f o r m e d ( 4 4 : 2 3 ) , M o s e s receives the law, Aaron and Phineas t h e covenants o f t h e priesthood. I f n o t " h e r e , " in t h e vaguely visualized totality o f the world, then nowhere, for t h e r e is n o o t h e r precise location o r setting given for these m o m e n t o u s events. A m o s t amazing space o r p l a c e — simply the people and their founders in focus against t h e dark background o f t h e w o r l d in its vastness. In t h e m e n t i o n o f t h e judges, " t h e l a n d " c o m e s into view, and here it will be that t h e history is first localized. B u t in t h e history o f t h e prophets and kings, it is clear that the city is t h e c e n t e r o f c o n c e r n , and at t h e c e n t e r o f the city, it is t h e t e m p l e and its cult upon w h i c h t h e m a j o r interest focuses. As the hymn concludes, then, t h e city has been fortified, t h e temple built, and the high priest has been placed in its precincts, " c o m i n g forth from the s a n c t u a r y " ( 5 0 : 5 ) , making "glorious the c o u r t o f t h e s a n c t u a r y " ( 5 0 : 1 1 ) , t o offer sacrifice and bless (pardon) t h e people. All Israel is gathered around as t h e c o n ­ gregation, as are the priests, the "sons o f Aaron in their g l o r y " ( 5 0 : 1 3 ) . " H o w glorious h e was w h e n he l o o k e d forth from the t e n t " ( 5 0 : 5 ) , and in t h e blessing, " h e glorified himself with the name o f the L o r d " ( 5 0 : 2 0 ) . H e r e o n e finds the people located in the land ( 5 0 : 1 9 ) , at the city, in t h e c o u r t o f the temple. H e r e one finds also t h e place w h e r e t h e office o f glory is performed. In the ministry o f that office, t h e pardon o f G o d in t h e blessing is central. T h u s b o t h aspects o f t h e promised blessing are ful­ filled in this scene. T h e people are " t h e w h o l e congregation o f Israel" ( 5 0 : 2 0 ) , that is, descendents o f Abraham, t h e children o f promise. T h e priests are t h e "sons o f A a r o n , " children o f the priestly c o v e ­ nant w h o "bless the p e o p l e " ( 4 5 : 1 5 ) . T h e high priest is a descendent o f Phineas ( 5 0 : 2 4 ) making a t o n e m e n t for t h e sins o f the people. T h e t h e m e s o f covenant, progeny, blessing, and office c l i m a x here. It is t h e c l i m a x t o w a r d which t h e entire history has b e e n moving. Its glory is manifest in the figure o f

T H E S T R U C T U R E O F HISTORY

55

Simon the high priest, w h o s e " p l a c e " is at the c e n t e r o f it all in the sanctuary, w h o s e office effects the formation o f the c o n ­ gregation o f Israel, and w h o s e deed mediates the promised blessing o f G o d t o the people. The

Fulfillment

I f this thesis is c o r r e c t , t h e r e is a strong sense o f historical fulfillment implied in t h e final scene. N o t only is the history o f Israel followed right into B e n Sira's o w n time, but the resolu­ tion o f all o f the m a j o r t h e m e s suggests that the history o f promise and formation finally is being actualized. T h e sense o f celebration and the m o t i f o f praise support this view. T h e scene reveals a very positive and optimistic assessment o f B e n Sira's Israel as the people o f G o d . T h e concluding hymn o f blessing shows that B e n Sira was n o t unaware o f the question o f the future with its potential threat t o the present arrange­ ment: " M a y His m e r c y b e established with Simon, M a y he raise up for him the covenant o f Phineas, M a y n o o n e be cut off from him, M a y it be t o his seed as the days o f h e a v e n " ( 5 0 : 2 4 ) . B u t from the future nothing m o r e need be hoped for than that which is already fulfilled here. T h e Israel that is actualized is, o f course, the congregation o f the temple cult. All o f t h e m a j o r motifs and themes in the hymn, as well as s o m e o f the elements in the pattern o f c h a r a c ­ terization, have been d e t e r m i n e d by cultic conceptions, c o n ­ cerns, and language. T h e t h e m e s o f glory, piety, sacrifice, and a t o n e m e n t are obviously derived from this c o n t e x t . T h e rela­ tion o f covenant t o office and the functions and formations o f the particular offices are also evidence for cultic concerns. T h e hymn and its interpretation o f Israel's history can in fact be understood as a reading o f t h e scriptures through the eyes o f one whose picture o f Israel-as-it-should-be is already given in the final scene. T h i s picture has determined the constructions that have been put upon t h e past. T h e result is e x t r e m e l y creative and startling in its n e w c o n c e p t u a l l y . It portrays the history o f the deeds o f G o d and the responses o f his people as a dynamic development o f cultic theocracy. T h e m o v e m e n t is highly structured and well balanced, showing that a single

56

LITERARY ANALYSIS: H E R O E S AND HISTORY

order has been superimposed o n t h e otherwise manifold and disparate events o f biblical history. T h e schema is organic in one sense, graphic in another. T h e r e is m o v e m e n t o r g r o w t h from beginnings that reveal intentionality (promise) and p o ­ tentiality ("to t e a c h , " "to b l e s s " ) , through a process o f forma­ tion and struggle t o realize t h e ideal image, t o a final achieve­ m e n t in w h i c h t h e m o d e l o f t h e cult is actualized. T h a t h u m a n figures stand at t h e c e n t e r o f this m o d e l and are invested with t h e glory o f its divine purpose, functions, and actualization is a n e w and daring c o n c e p t i o n . B u t this t o o can b e seen as a projection upon all t h e hasidim figuring in t h e history o f t h e special characterization o f t h e high priest h i m ­ self, through his role as high priest and especially with regard to his role o n t h e D a y o f A t o n e m e n t . H e it is w h o enters into the presence o f t h e L o r d , shares in his glory, and mediates his m e r c y t o t h e people. I f this reading is right, the h y m n may have functioned as a m y t h i c c h a r t e r for S e c o n d T e m p l e J u d a ­ ism. T H E H Y M N I C H I S T O R Y AS M Y T H

O u r thesis has b e e n that B e n Sira understood t h e c o n t e m ­ porary form o f S e c o n d T e m p l e Judaism as an

appropriate

climax t o Israel's covenantal history. O n l y so has it been possi­ ble t o a c c o u n t for t h e pattern o f characterization, t h e overall structure, and the express intentionality o f his hymn. W e have also seen that t h e history has b e e n cast in such a way that actualization o f its reality and a c k n o w l e d g m e n t by t h e c o m m u ­ nity can b e claimed for B e n Sira's o w n time. It is a strange view o f history indeed, without interest in sequential development at the level o f contingent social-historical event. E a c h event is described as a m o m e n t o f manifestation o f glory. B u t each event also has been given a m o m e n t o f promise o r potentiality that points t o a still m o r e comprehensive and c o m p l e t e m a n ­ ifestation. It is w h e n the several m o m e n t s are seen in relation t o o n e a n o t h e r that t h e full significance o f any particular event is realized. T h e h y m n i c history, then, is t o be taken as a whole, in the structure achieved.

o f w h i c h t h e c o m p l e t e d manifestation

is

T H E S T R U C T U R E O F HISTORY

57

Since the structure o f the h y m n is architectonic, each par­ ticular event o f manifestation takes its place within the whole as an elemental c o m p o n e n t . E a c h event is related t o each o f the o t h e r events in t w o ways, however, depending upon the level at w h i c h t h e reading takes place. I f o n e reads the s e ­ quences diachronically, disparate events can be related t o o n e another as an accumulation o f m o m e n t s leading t o the final manifestation. I f o n e reads t h e sequences synchronically, the several m o m e n t s can b e related t o o n e a n o t h e r as compatible and interchangeable signs in a single system o f signs that m a n ­ ifests completeness. Since b o t h o f these readings are appropri­ ate t o the history, it can be seen that any given event m a y be read as a sign o f s o m e m o m e n t o f actualization within the structure o f t h e c o m p l e t e d system o r as a sign o f a m o m e n t o f potentiality for m o v e m e n t t o w a r d completion. I f the c o m p l e t e system is the structure o f t h e covenant c o m m u n i t y with its arrangement o f institutions and offices organized around the temple cult and the role o f the high priest, the purpose o f the hymn appears t o b e given. It is a reading o f Israel's history in just such a way as t o disclose therein the evolutionary stages o f the actualization in human-social formations o f an essentially ahistorical theocratic-cultural ideal. This view o f Israel's histo­ ry can b e designated " m y t h i c . " The Synchronic View In o r d e r t o develop this suggestion, w e should look m o r e closely at the h y m n i c history as a c o h e r e n t synchronic s t r u c ­ ture. T h e point has already b e e n made that as a reading o f Israel's scriptural history, the hymn reveals a high degree o f intentional selectivity. It should b e emphasized that this selec­ tion is m a r k e d by an e x t r e m e efficiency. O n l y the figures and the n u m b e r o f figures w e r e chosen that w e r e necessary t o achieve the balanced structure intended. T h e figures w e r e chosen in keeping with their values as holders o f the offices that structure the covenant community. In this ideal configuration, t h e r e is a clear notion o f the c o m ­ munity itself as a people and congregation determined by a divine election and blessing. T h i s aspect o f the structure o f the

58

LITERARY ANALYSIS: H E R O E S AND HISTORY

covenant c o m m u n i t y is signified in t h e h y m n primarily in t h e fathers. T h e y are foundational figures b o t h for t h e h y m n i c his­ tory that begins with t h e m and for t h e image o f t h e t h e o c r a t i c structure t o be e r e c t e d . W i t h o u t t h e m and t h e special c h a r ­ acter o f t h e h u m a n c o m m u n i t y they represent, t h e superstruc­ ture o f t h e t h e o c r a t i c ideal would have n o place t o appear. W i t h four deft strokes, however, t h e covenant c o m m u n i t y does appear, carefully delimited and focused, emerging from the undifferentiated and c h a o t i c mass o f humanity, in t h e first four figures o f t h e hymn. T o t h e s t r u c t u r e o f t h e t h e o c r a t i c ideal belongs, also, t h e notion o f a m e d i a t o r w h o stands high above the people, providing for t h e m a central authority and access t o t h e tran­ scendent Divine. This structuring principle appears n e x t in t h e hymn in t h e figure o f M o s e s . As a c o m p o s i t e figure, h e r e p r e ­ sents t h e ideal archetype o f all those as yet undifferentiated offices that m u s t appear in t h e process o f t h e structure's a c t u ­ alization. T h r o u g h him, t h e c o m m u n i t y also receives t h e foun­ dational " t e x t " that will d e t e r m i n e its special character. T h i s appears in t h e revelation o f t h e law. W i t h t h e m e n t i o n o f t h e law, an aspect o f mediation c o m e s into view that acknowledges t h e potential disparity b e t w e e n the ideal and t h e empirical, a disparity that m u s t be resolved in the process o f actualization. It is t h e priesthood as t h e highest office within t h e people, and t h e high priesthood as t h e highest office within t h e priesthood, that will mediate that disparity. T h e priests are derived from t h e M o s a i c ideal. T h e y depict t h e form o f the office o f mediation that will b e appropriate t o the structure o f t h e c o m m u n i t y in its actuality, recognizable in its empirical manifestations. W i t h t h e presentation o f t h e priests, the essential c o m p o ­ nents o f the structure o f t h e covenant c o m m u n i t y are given. O n e is already able, therefore, t o anticipate t h e final s c e n e o f the hymn and t o recognize what is depicted there. T h a t o f course is exactly what t h e reader is e x p e c t e d t o do. B u t t h e full significance o f t h e correlation, its implicit verification o f t h e legitimacy o f t h e S e c o n d T e m p l e institutions, is realized only when it is seen that b o t h Aaron and Phineas belong still t o t h e

59

T H E S T R U C T U R E O F HISTORY

archetypal o r d e r o f ideality. W i t h t h e m , it is true, t h e office emerges that will d e t e r m i n e t h e shape o f t h e empirical and actualized c o m m u n i t y in a way that t h e offices o f t h e fathers and M o s e s d o not. B u t its significance h e r e is in its p l a c e m e n t in t h e foundational e p o c h o f covenants established with t h e first seven figures. T h e high priesthood has emerged, as w e have seen, as t h e final image in a series that has m o v e d through several shifts o f focus as t h e structure o f t h e covenant c o m m u ­ nity c o m e s into view. T h e unfolding o f this structure c o n ­ stitutes a founding e p o c h , b u t it is important t o see that t h e events o f this e p o c h take place in n o specific t i m e o r place. T h e picture c o m e s into view against t h e dark and undifferentiated background o f all t i m e and all space, w h i c h is t o say, " b e f o r e " involvement w i t h a particular history o r location. Its function, then, is t h e manifestation o f t h e formation o f t h e t h e o c r a t i c c o m m u n i t y , and t h e structure that it reveals is an essentially transcendent and eternal order. It is, in t h e language o f t h e phenomenology o f religion, t h e sacred o r d e r imagined by t h e religious c o m m u n i t y and narrated in its myths. T h a t t h e r e are j u s t seven figures c h o s e n for this narrative function

m a y n o w b e given additional

consideration.

The

n u m b e r seven, as is well k n o w n , functioned for t h e J e w s o f B e n Sira's t i m e as a c o d e for c o m p l e t i o n , b o t h in its c o n n o t a ­ tion o f quality (perfection) and in its connotation o f t i m e (full cycle). W e n o t e d in earlier discussions that t h e first seven fig­ ures form a unit by virtue o f t h e m a t i c development and formal periodizing. It can n o w b e suggested that this unit o f material is c o d e d as well by t h e n u m b e r seven, and in such a way as t o enhance its capacity as an expression o f ideality and c o m p l e ­ tion. It is balanced, as w e have seen, in t h e structure o f t h e hymn by t h e concluding s c e n e in w h i c h a r e - e n a c t m e n t o f this originary sacred o r d e r is depicted. T h a t t h e r e is only o n e such scene focused on only o n e official figure does n o t destroy t h e balance at all. In t h e e m e r g e n t image o f t h e sacred order, t h e focus finally c o m e s t o rest o n t h e figure o f t h e high priest as the holder o f t h e office that is t o structure t h e covenant c o m ­ munity in its empirical manifestation. S i m o n holds that office and is understood, therefore, t o actualize t h e entirety o f t h e

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sacred o r d e r manifest in t h e first seven figures. A t t h e level o f numerical c o d e , t h e balanced correlation o f the n u m b e r seven with t h e n u m b e r o n e achieves an additional significance. T h e n u m b e r o n e also represents t h e idea o f perfection, but in t e r m s o f unity o r singularity. T h u s t o c l i m a x t h e hymnic history with this scene, w h i c h suggests a fulfillment o f its covenantal inten­ tions, does n o t violate t h e numerical code. Still t o b e a c c o u n t e d for, however, are the middle sections o f the hymn. T h e s e consist o f t h r e e units, t w o units o f t h r e e transitional figures each and a large middle section that relates the history o f t h e prophets and kings. T h e balanced structure o f the h y m n as a w h o l e is clear from these observations, e s ­ pecially w h e n it is seen that t h e middle section itself is an internally balanced c o n s t r u c t i o n in w h i c h seven prophets and seven kings are placed against o n e another. W h a t do these units c o n t r i b u t e t o t h e overall structure o f the h y m n and its function as myth? T h e t w o units o f transition (judges and restoration

figures)

bracket the middle section and t h e r e b y c r e a t e a literary unit at the c e n t e r o f t h e hymn. T h i s middle unit holds t h e first and last units apart and mediates b e t w e e n them. If, as w e have seen, t h e first unit o f t h e h y m n creates the ideal image o f t h e covenant c o m m u n i t y and t h e final scene depicts its actualiza­ tion in t i m e and place, it is already possible t o anticipate t h e t h e m e o f t h e middle section. It will have t o do with t i m e and place and t h e process by w h i c h t h e ideal sacred o r d e r b e c o m e s actualized in human society. T h e t h e m e o f place is given i m ­ mediately in t h e first unit o f transition. It is " t h e l a n d " into which t h e judges lead t h e people. T h i s is given even g r e a t e r specificity in the ensuing section: in t h e land, it is t h e city with its temple that b e c o m e s t h e locus for t h e struggle for actualiza­ tion o f t h e ideal. T h i s struggle is, m o r e o v e r , within the arena o f human time o r history, thus introducing the second t h e m e . At the conclusion o f this section, in t h e s e c o n d transitional unit o f the t h r e e restoration figures, t h e resolution o f the process o f actualization has been achieved in respect t o specific h u m a n time and place, and t h e stage is set for t h e final ritual scene. W e have referred t o t h e middle section as t h e history o f t h e

T H E S T R U C T U R E O F HISTORY

61

prophets and kings, and it is clear that in terms o f narratve setting for e a c h o f t h e subunits, historical events are in view. B u t it has b e e n n o t e d also that certain events necessary for a full and continuous historical a c c o u n t are missing, and that a high degree o f selectivity and systematization is in evidence. T h e significance o f these findings for t h e hymn's synchronic structure can n o w b e suggested. T h e characterization o f t h e t w o sets o f transitional figures is composite in t e r m s o f office and ambiguous in terms o f t h e architectonic structure

o f t h e covenant c o m m u n i t y . T h e i r

functions are therefore appropriate only t o periods o f transfor­ mation from o n e e p o c h ( o f history), o r d e r ( o f reality), o r level ( o f structural systems) t o another. E a c h set carries a single aspect o f t h e process o f actualization t o completion (location in the land, security o f t h e city and t e m p l e ) . T h e r e are t h r e e named in each period o f transition, a numerical c o d e appropri­ ate t o reiterative fulfillment and t h e distribution o f effective function. T h e y are necessary b u t provisional figures, signifying only those t e m p o r a r y m o m e n t s at t h e beginning and t h e e n d o f the conflict c r e a t e d by t h e c o m i n g - i n t o - t i m e - a n d - p l a c e o f t h e ideal order. In t h e section o n t h e prophets and kings, then, this conflict is portrayed in t e r m s o f bifurcation within t h e structure o f t h e covenant c o m m u n i t y itself. Oppositions b o t h within it and in relation t o its external e n v i r o n m e n t are acknowledged and specified, and t h e dynamics by w h i c h these are t o be resolved are studied. T h e bifurcation is what o c c u r s in t h e e m e r g e n c e o f the t w o offices o f p r o p h e t and king. E a c h o f these may be understood t o b e an aspect o f t h e ideal mediator ( M o s e s ) , d e ­ rived from that figure by a process o f differentiation. T h e divi­ sion takes place immediately following t h e period o f transition in w h i c h t h e ideal pattern is m e r g e d with the o r d e r o f human time and place. It m a y be taken t o signify t h e dysfunctionality that o c c u r s b e t w e e n vision ( p r o p h e t s ) and h u m a n achievement (kings), o r b e t w e e n logos and praxis. It may be recalled that t h e r e w e r e n o deeds performed by t h e figures o f t h e foundational e p o c h , e x c e p t the sacrifice o f Phineas. In t h e first period o f transition (judges), on t h e o t h e r

62

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hand, it is precisely t h e grand and glorious deeds o f valor in war that are characteristic. W i t h t h e kings, deeds o f achieve­ m e n t c o n t i n u e t o b e normative, but they are n o w evaluated by a c o d e that distinguishes constructive deeds from destructive ones. T h i s c o d e , however, is n o t available t o t h e kings directly; it is rather t h e prophets w h o bring j u d g m e n t s t o bear upon their deeds and call for actualization o f the divine intentions. Thus t h e bifurcation o f vision and achievement sets up a d o u ­ ble system o f oppositions appropriate t o t h e t h e m e o f conflict b e t w e e n t h e ideal and t h e empirical. T h e first set o f opposi­ tions is that b e t w e e n prophets and kings and their significa­ tions; t h e s e c o n d is that b e t w e e n constructive and destructive m o m e n t s that o c c u r in t h e c o u r s e o f repeated encounters. T h e r e are seven prophets and seven kings in all, plus a c o l ­ lective designation for e a c h at t h e e n d o f t h e series. In t h e final collective designation o f t h e kings, they are seen c o m i n g t o their e n d ( 4 9 : 4 ) ; in t h e final collective designation o f t h e prophets, t h e n o t e o f h o p e and deliverance is sounded ( 4 9 : 1 0 ) . These statements d o n o t resolve t h e dialectic b e t w e e n t h e prophets and t h e kings as such, for b o t h are functional only within this unit o f t h e covenant history, and within it, t h e c o v e ­ nant c o m m u n i t y has n o t b e e n actualized. B u t t h e final state­ ments do allow t h e opposition t o c o m e t o rest with

the

prophets and their vision and hope. I f n o w , by means o f a second transformation (restoration), t h e hoped-for vision is r e ­ alized, t h e opposition then will b e resolved, and in such a way as t o e n h a n c e t h e meaning o f that realization as nothing less than t h e full integration o f t h e h u m a n social o r d e r with t h e transcendental ideal. T h i s can b e appreciated and celebrated the m o r e because t h e conflicts and potential divisions that a c ­ company that m e r g e r have b e e n disclosed completely and sys­ tematically, for t h e double series o f seven indicates c o m p l e t i o n and is structured systematically. T h e y have been disclosed as threats inherent within t h e c o m m u n i t y because the integration o f leadership functions requires an integration o f vision, in­ stitutional formation, and p o w e r difficult t o achieve. Outside the c o m m u n i t y , t h e r e are o t h e r c e n t e r s o f human p o w e r that, if it does n o t achieve its o w n integration, can destroy it.

T H E S T R U C T U R E O F HISTORY

63

In t h e s e c o n d transition and final scene, however, t h e inte­ gration is shown t o have been accomplished. T h e office that is crucial for this m o v e is t h e high priesthood. This office has been noticeably absent in t h e history o f t h e prophets and kings, j u s t as they are n o longer in evidence in the final forma­ tion. W e have seen the e x t e n t t o w h i c h the depiction o f S i ­ m o n , though singularly that o f t h e high priest, integrates nonetheless those aspects o f t h e o t h e r offices that continue t o be appropriate for t h e final configuration. T h e bifurcation o f leadership functions in prophets and kings has been o v e r c o m e , and the ideal that e m e r g e d in t h e foundational e p o c h has final­ ly been actualized within t h e o r d e r o f human history. Simon stands in t h e covenant o f Phineas and performs the sacrifice o f a t o n e m e n t in t h e intended place and at the intended time. H e wears t h e robes o f Aaron and thus displays t h e imagined glory o f the originary investiture. H e enters into the sanctuary and reappears before t h e people, an act o f mediation that embodies the ideal seen only in M o s e s ' glory. T h e promises t o t h e pa­ triarchs are manifesdy realized in the "presence o f the whole congregation o f Israel" ( 5 0 : 1 3 ) , which gathers to see the glory, hear the name, and receive the blessing and pardon o f the Lord. All o f this is included in t h e a c c o u n t , but only this. It is the precise function o f this s c e n e t o realize t h e originary plan in t h e s p e c ­ ified and central e n a c t m e n t o f the S e c o n d T e m p l e institutions o f B e n Sira's o w n time.

The Diachronic

Reading

T h e synchronic reading emphasizes b o t h the balanced s t r u c ­ ture o f t h e h y m n and t h e various interrelationships o f terms that this allows. B u t even as a system o f signs, it has b e c o m e clear that the h y m n is n o t at all a structure in stasis. Even the ideal image o f t h e structure o f t h e covenant c o m m u n i t y c r e ­ ated by the a c c o u n t o f the first seven figures evolves by a series o f moves that relate these figures t o o n e another, n o t merely as a construction o f disparate, accumulated parts, but generically. Each figure is seen t o b e derived from its precursors as a m a n ­ ifestation o f an aspect o f that w h i c h implicitly belongs t o t h e

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LITERARY ANALYSIS: H E R O E S AND HISTORY

covenant pattern c o m i n g into view. It is as i f this series o f moves was achieved by a set o f lenses, each with a p o w e r that enables a yet deeper and m o r e sharply focused penetration o f the reality t o b e disclosed. I f in t h e final figure a high priest (Phineas) and a specific a c t o f sacrificial a t o n e m e n t are settled upon, it does n o t m e a n that t h e preceding perspectives are n o longer in view. T h u s t h e structure o f t h e covenant c o m m u n i t y even as ideality contains within itself a dynamic m o m e n t . It is the structure o f a promise-that-will-be-fidfilled, a seed-thatwill-take-shape, a plan-that-will-be-constructed. In the overall structure o f t h e hymn, then, this dynamic works at a n o t h e r level. T h e evolutionary m o v e m e n t may be understood as t h e process by w h i c h t h e ideal (the dynamic) structure is actualized in t i m e and place. This assumes, o f course, a certain logic o f sequences, which introduces a diachronic aspect t o t h e structure. T h e structure continues t o be balanced in spite o f this; only so can t h e c o m p l e t e correlation o f the levels o f reality b e maintained structurally ( S e c o n d T e m ­ ple institutions/originary p a t t e r n / t h e literary structure o f t h e hymn itself). B u t it is a s t r u c t u r e - i n - m o v e m e n t . It is charged with an impulse that will generate, that wills the generation o f these correlations. It has t h e capacity t o sustain bifurcations and oppositions among its structural elements and t o resolve them in the drive toward concretization. It is this forward thrust that gives t h e h y m n its narrative quality and makes it possible t o include Israel's history in t h e claim being made for the S e c o n d T e m p l e institutions ( t h e full incarnation o f divine intentionality for J u d a i s m ) . O n e might even argue that it was t h e history itself, under­ stood in terms o f covenant and promise, that created t h e n o ­ tion o f a dynamic archetype. This, o f course, would be true, but it would not a c c o u n t fully for t h e creative reflection that must be posited for this achievement. T h e history may have imbued B e n Sira's c o n c e p t i o n o f pattern with the notion o f dynamic evolution, but it is his predeliction for structuring that has selectively systematized t h e history. His rereading o f the history has effectively erased t h e a c c o u n t and significance o f all events that intervened and has c o n n e c t e d those selected

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T H E S T R U C T U R E O F HISTORY

for inclusion in t h e hymn. F o r B e n Sira, t i m e is therefore n o t a continuous series o f contiguous events in t h e social history o f a people. It is seen only in t e r m s o f m o m e n t s in which the divine intentionality is manifest at s o m e point in its evolution toward concretion. History has b e e n structured and therefore spatialized. In this m o v e , a systematic correlation o f space and time has been achieved in a single grasp. It is this understanding o f o r d e r that marks B e n Sira's h y m n as myth. It is intended as an a c c o u n t o f those events that relate the evolution o f t h e coming-into-being o f the divine and e t e r ­ nal intentions for t h e structure o f t h e covenant c o m m u n i t y as it is constituted in B e n Sira's o w n time. It b e c o m e s the m y t h by means o f w h i c h that glory may be recognized as present in the ritual e n a c t m e n t o f t h e covenant and c o m m u n i t y on the Day o f A t o n e m e n t . T o participate in that ritual is t o celebrate the actualization o f t h e originary pattern. Given the conflicts necessarily suffered and o v e r c o m e in t h e process o f actualiza­ tion, as r e c o u n t e d by t h e m y t h , t h e claims that are implicitly made for this ritual m o m e n t are enormous. T h e act is taken t o be that t o w a r d w h i c h all t i m e has moved; the high priest, the o n e around w h o m all space has aspired t o be organized; the scene, as the final a c c o m p l i s h m e n t o f t h e divine intentions for human social structuring. B o r r o w i n g categories from M i r c e a Eliade, w e may understand t h e h y m n t o have achieved a c o n ­ ceptual, systematic correlation o f c o s m o s and h i s t o r y .

7

T h e h y m n began, as w e have noted, with a section praising God's works in creation. T h i s was followed by a recounting o f the manifestations o f his glory in Israel's history. In t h e final scene, it is therefore n o t insignificant that Simon is described, when he appears from t h e sanctuary in his glorious robes, as the very reflection o f creation's splendor: " L i k e the sun shin­ ing on the t e m p l e o f the M o s t High, and like the rainbow becoming visible in the clouds. Like a flower on the branches in the days o f t h e first fruits, and as a lily by the w a t e r - b r o o k s " ( 5 0 : 5 - 1 1 ) . T h e glory t o be seen is j u s t that this correlation has been a c h i e v e d — t h e glory o f G o d ' s works in the order o f c r e ­ ation reflected in t h e glory o f his purposes actualized in the order o f h u m a n history.

Rhetorical Considerations: Reading and Writing

Part2

Reading: In the Place of Praise

3 Two

patterns have e m e r g e d

in the course o f o u r analysis. T h e heroes have a profile; t h e history has a structure. E a c h pattern functions in relation t o the other, taking its significance from t h e o t h e r by means o f an interlocking system o f signs. U n e x p e c t e d l y , t o g e t h e r they form a m y t h i c foundation o n w h i c h t o imagine the edifice o f S e c o n d T e m p l e institutions. I f the study w e r e left at this point, however, it could easily be misunderstood as an e x e r c i s e in abstractions. I f the patterns are really t h e r e , and i f they do have social significance, it would be helpful t o a c c o u n t for that significance in s o m e o t h e r way. This can be done e i t h e r by demonstrating their exemplary sig­ nificance for s o m e structuralist t h e o r y o f culture o r by a fur­ t h e r exploration o f t h e h y m n ' s relationship t o cultural (liter­ ary) and social history. T o find t h e place o f the t e x t within its o w n cultural c o n t e x t , its relationship to o t h e r texts and sys­ tems o f signs needs to be determined. I f a sufficient n u m b e r o f intertextual relationships can be determined, this will serve b o t h as a clarification and verification o f t h e t e x t ' s literary structures and as an index to its significance as a particular translation, transformation, and articulation o f those systems

69

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RHETORICAL CONSIDERATIONS: READING AND W R I T I N G

o f signs already available in its cultural c o n t e x t . It is this ap­ proach that will be pursued in part 3. B u t t o c o m p r e h e n d t h e significance o f the t e x t in its c o n ­ text, an additional exploration is required. W e n e e d t o c h e c k o u r o w n reading o f t h e t e x t against plausible reconstructions o f the way it m a y have b e e n read by those whose t e x t it was. A way m u s t b e found t o imagine b o t h t h e a c t o f reading and t h e act o f writing it as m o m e n t s meaningful t o those w h o w e r e already well read in t h e systems o f signs fundamental t o their culture. B y imagining t h e t e x t ' s authorship and audience in a specific social setting, m o r e precision can be given t o questions about t h e way in w h i c h it gains significance in relation t o o t h e r texts. In this m a n n e r , t h e a c c u r a c y o f o u r literary analysis can be c h e c k e d . T h e question is w h e t h e r t h e t e x t can b e under­ stood as a plausible r h e t o r i c in its o w n c o n t e x t . I f w e find it possible t o position it in this way, a n o t h e r perspective o n t h e hymn's relationship t o o t h e r " t e x t s " will have been gained as well, because a precise social setting can itself be regarded as a system o f signs within t h e cultural c o m p l e x . Relationships e s ­ tablished h e r e will allow us t o r e c o n s t r u c t yet a n o t h e r " t r a n s ­ lation" o f signs and so d e t e r m i n e their meanings. DIDACTIC AND DEVOTIONAL MOMENTS

T h e r e are t w o features o f t h e h y m n that w e need t o a c c o u n t for and c o m b i n e in any assessment o f its social setting and function. T h e first m a y b e called its didactic character, evi­ dence for w h i c h is given in t h e s c o p e o f its historical review, the development o f t h e m e s , t h e descriptive m o d e o f m u c h o f its discourse, t h e patterning o f characterization, and the i m ­ plicit etiological purpose. T h e r e is great learning invested in this composition, and it is put forth clearly as a review and recitation o f familiar material with specific interpretive theses. T h e reader is asked t o listen, understand, and b e instructed. B u t t h e r e is a s e c o n d feature o f t h e h y m n that certainly may be called liturgical, that is, an invitation t o respond in postures appropriate t o public religious occasions. This is manifest in the incipit ( t h e a n n o u n c e m e n t o f intention for praise), t h e di-

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71

vine aretalogical form, its association with t h e preceding h y m n t o t h e Lord's creation, t h e language o f cult and piety through­ out, t h e m o v e m e n t t o a final s c e n e o f ritual celebration, and the inclusion o f t w o blessings, o n e o f w h i c h forms t h e c o n c l u ­ sion t o t h e h y m n itself. T h e r e is deep religious fervor here, and the reader is invited t o share in it. I f w e ask about t h e appropriateness o f this h y m n in c o r p o ­ rate worship, however, o r about its feasibility in a purely di­ dactic setting, w e can see immediately its limitations. A purely liturgical function is m a d e improbable by its descriptive style, length, and especially by its t h e m e — t h e glorification o f pious men. A purely didactic function is made improbable by its heightened sense o f assertion and authority, its manifestation o f religious certitude

and c o m m i t m e n t , and its

invitation

throughout t o h o n o r , glorify, and praise. W h a t , then, is its function and w h e r e is it placed? T h e combinations o f liturgical and didactic m o d e s o f speech in a poetic composition, a c o m b i n a t i o n reminiscent o f t h e di­ dactic Psalms, suggests a m o d e o f reflection that might b e called meditation. T h e r e is a sense o f distance from active and actual participation in c o r p o r a t e worship. Y e t t h e m o o d o f the worshipper, t h e m e m b e r o f t h e congregation, continues t o set the t o n e for b o t h t h e c o m p o s i t i o n and t h e appropriate reading o f this piece. T h e reflection is studied, focused, and controlled by this m o o d , and yet it is discursive. T h e r e is repeated invita­ tion t o pause, take n o t e , and c o m e again t o see and assent t o the glory o f this powerful history. It is a piece appropriate for religious meditation, perhaps as preparation for worship; it is literature o f reflection that invites b o t h understanding and praise. W e m a y thus b e guided in o u r a t t e m p t t o understand the way in w h i c h t h e heroes o f t h e h y m n are intended t o be taken and its structured history affirmed. T H E READER'S DISTANCE FROM THE HEROES

T h e discovery o f a general pattern o f characterization in t h e hymn raises t h e question o f its function for t h e

individual

reader. O n e is t e m p t e d t o think o f it as a m o d e l o f piety for

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personal emulation o r aspiration. B u t o u r study o f t h e pattern has shown that it is hardly appropriate as a model for indi­ 1

vidual a c h i e v e m e n t . It is a study in ethos limited t o leadership roles that are recognized as offices o f authority in t h e structure o f t h e religious c o m m u n i t y . T h i s does n o t m e a n that such depiction is incapable o f idealizing strengths and virtues t o which t h e average individual m i g h t also aspire. In t h e case o f Abraham, as w e have seen, a rite and sign o f o b e d i e n c e has been r e c o r d e d that is also required o f each J e w i s h male. B y extension, m a n y o f t h e o t h e r religious virtues m e n t i o n e d in t h e hymn would n o t be inappropriate for personal piety either. T h u s the reader would see in t h e figures descriptions o f piety that w e r e recognizable and highly valued as descriptions o f J e w i s h religious piety in general. B y yet a n o t h e r extension, o n e might even say that election itself could b e democratized in t h e reading and seen as a reflection in t h e heroes o f a determina­ tion effective for all J e w s . B u t j u s t at this point, it begins t o b e clear that i f read this way, t h e pattern o f characterization func­ tions as a s t a t e m e n t o f t h e religious identity o f t h e J e w i s h people as already c o n s t i t u t e d by divine election and covenant. Neither within t h e pattern itself n o r in t h e explicit m e n t i o n o f a relationship o f j l i e c o m m u n i t y t o these figures is t h e r e any possiblity o f seeing h o w o n e m i g h t c o m e t o achieve this ethos. It is simply and already given, expressed by their election. In the case o f t h e kings, t h e r e is a study o f t h e risk o f failure in terms o f impiety, and o n e suspects that a standard o t h e r than that o f election m a y b e in play. T h a t o t h e r standard may be indeed s o m e form o f T o r a h piety that t h e perceptive reader will n o d o u b t detect. B u t w e have n o t e d t h e e x t e n t t o w h i c h an ideal o f righteousness in this sense is simply n o t in evidence in t h e hymn, and in t h e function o f t h e office o f t h e king, it is the fate o f the people that is described as at stake, w i t h o u t any indication o f their responsibility o r c h o i c e in the m a t t e r . This leaves us with an idealization that functions paradigmatically, i f at all, for j u d g m e n t s o n e m i g h t m a k e about o t h e r holders o f high social office. T h e s e officers, then, are defined essentially in terms o f social and institutional roles. In every case, they are figures through

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w h o m t h e purpose and agency o f G o d for t h e constitution o f the t h e o c r a t i c c o m m u n i t y is m e d i a t e d t o t h e people. B e c a u s e the leaders are cast as mediators and benefactors for t h e wellbeing o f t h e c o m m u n i t y , t h e people are depicted consistently in relation t o t h e m as recipients o f their various ministries. This means that identity is understood in social, c o r p o r a t e , and institutional terms. T h e individual relates t o these great leaders as o n e w h o already belongs t o t h e congregation o f the people, a c o r p o r a t e entity w h o s e foundation and structure is c e l e ­ brated in t h e hymn. T h e leaders function at first and primarily as holders o f offices that d e t e r m i n e t h e shape o f t h e religious society. In reading t h e hymn, as B e n Sira suggests in t h e p r o ­ e m , the p r o p e r response t o t h e m e m o r y o f these great leaders is, therefore, t o h o n o r and t o praise t h e m ( 4 4 : 8 , 1 5 ) . T H E HEROES' EFFECT UPON THE READERS

B u t even i f this m u c h is s o — t h a t t h e heroization o f t h e leaders is n o t intended t o set up a m o d e l o f piety for personal emulation

and

achievement—questions

remain

about

the

nature and purpose o f t h e h o n o r t o be a c c o r d e d t o them. T h i s is especially troubling in light o f B e n Sira's explicit s t a t e m e n t that the hasidim c o n t i n u e t o e x e r c i s e an effective influence upon and for t h e people in his o w n time. T h e crucial t e x t is in t h e p r o e m at 4 4 : 7 and is cited h e r e in the translation o f B o x and Oesterley: 7

10 11 12 13 14

All these were honored in their generation, And in their days had glory. Nevertheless these were men o f piety, And their good fortune shall not come to an end; With their seed their prosperity remains sure, And their inheritence to their children's children. In their covenant their seed abides, And their children's children for their sakes; Their memory abides forever, And their righteousness shall not be forgotten; Their bodies were buried in peace, But their name lives unto all generations.

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RHETORICAL CONSIDERATIONS: READING AND W R I T I N G

15

The assembly recounts their wisdom, And the congregation declares their praise.

Several themes developed in t h e h y m n are announced here: honor, glory, progeny, inheritance, covenant, and piety. W h a t is n e w is t h e programmatic s t a t e m e n t o f the continuing influ­ ence o f these m e n within and for t h e c o n t e m p o r a r y c o m m u n i ­ ty. T h e t e x t consists essentially o f five ideas: their h o n o r and glory, their heritage, their covenants, their m e m o r y , and their praise. Their Honor and Glory T h e first s t a t e m e n t is that t h e fathers received h o n o r and glory in their generations ( 4 4 : 7 ) . T h i s is a c o m m e n t o n t h e past that may b e c o m p a r e d with t h e concluding statement about their being praised in t h e present ( 4 4 : 1 5 ) . This combination o f the t w o m o m e n t s o f praise creates a sense o f continuity. T h e t h e m e o f h o n o r and glory a n n o u n c e d in the p r o e m is traceable throughout the hymn. It o c c u r s mostly in keeping with the assertion

that

these

glorious

men

were

recognized

and

honored as such by their contemporaries. This is a very bold and striking interpretation o f t h e past. It combines an idealiza­ tion o f the past with a remarkable notion o f glory. Glory in this view is recognizable b o t h by the leader and by his c o n t e m p o ­ raries. W e might call it an objectification o f presence. Glory, according t o this view, is n o t t h e product o f a subsequent generation's idealization o f the past, as i f B e n Sira w e r e simply attributing glory and h o n o r t o these leaders. T h e glories o f the past are at first r e c o u n t e d as m o m e n t s o f full recognition "in their g e n e r a t i o n . " T h e reader is addressed as o n e looking on, called t o recognize that it was so. As the hymnic a c c o u n t moves into B e n Sira's o w n present, glory is indeed manifest for him in the office o f Simon ( 5 0 : 4 , 1 1 , 2 0 ) . T h e r e is a sense, then, in which glory itself is understood as an effective princi­ ple o f continuity within the history, for it has been manifest consistently throughout that history in the series o f special men. T h e response required o f t h e reader is therefore quite c o m -

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READING: IN T H E P L A C E O F PRAISE

plex. T h e notion o f glory itself is dialectical with regard t o the relationship it announces b e t w e e n h e r o and c o m m u n i t y ( o n e has glory only in being glorified) and is therefore unstable as a concept. T h e reader is asked, however, n o t only t o imagine such m o m e n t s occurring in the past, but t o understand as well that the recital o f these imaginative m o m e n t s in the present also constitutes a glorification o f t h e heroes. F o r B e n Sira t o make present the figures o f t h e past for the reader in the act o f glorifying t h e m , and at the same t i m e t o describe that past in m o m e n t s o f objective glorification, destroys the perception o f history according t o developmental schemata and substitutes the

notion

of a

continuous

(though

dynamic)

presence

throughout all time. It will b e important t o keep this in m i n d as o t h e r statements about t h e effective influence o f the pious are explored, statements that appear m o r e beholden t o an e m ­ pirical reading o f the history. Their

Heritage

T h e s e c o n d idea expressed in the p r o e m is that the g o o d fortune, prosperity, and inheritance o f the pious continue t o 2

exist as possessions o f their descendents ( 4 4 : 1 0 - 1 1 ) . I f taken literally, there is nothing in t h e hymn t o w h i c h this can r e f e r .

3

It expresses a view o f material reward for virtue that reminds one o f an earlier s t a t e m e n t in t h e p r o e m about "stalwart m e n , solidly established and at peace in their o w n e s t a t e s " ( 4 4 : 6 ) . T a k e n together, these t w o statements reflect a social and e c o ­ n o m i c c o n c e r n for the security o f property, a c o n c e r n that B e n Sira certainly m a y have shared. T o address this c o n c e r n , m o s t probably aristocratic and conservative but possibly political as well, by appeal t o legacy from the hasidim is a striking claim and may indicate the degree t o w h i c h B e n Sira understood the history and model o f S e c o n d T e m p l e Judaism t o include given social structures and e c o n o m i c institutions. H o w it might be that the e c o n o m i c form o f B e n Sira's society could be imagined as legacy from those praised in the hymn is difficult t o see. In the tradition o f t h e Hellenistic e n c o m i u m , it is true, a person's achievement o f goods and property was recognized as appro­ 4

priate for e u l o g y . B u t in the school traditions o f philosophical

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RHETORICAL CONSIDERATIONS: READING AND W R I T I N G

ethics, the relationship b e t w e e n goods (ta agatha)

and virtue

5

(arete) had b e c o m e exceedingly p r o b l e m a t i c . I f B e n Sira was influenced here by a Hellenistic convention, it has been c o m ­ bined with the J e w i s h idea o f inheritance. I f this combination o f ideas derived from a D e u t e r o n o m i s t i c c o n c e p t i o n o f the relationship o f piety t o the inheritance o f the land, a bridge might b e posited that could m a k e s o m e sense o f B e n Sira's assertions. B u t this sense is n o t expressed, and it would b e in any case difficult t o correlate with t h e kind o f piety attributed t o the leaders hymned. W e are left, then, with a simple claim o f legacy curiously unhelpful for o u r question about the m a n ­ n e r in which these special m e n c o n t i n u e t o exercise influence in the c o m m u n i t y . B u t it is clear that t h e effectiveness o f the sacred history ( n o t i c e the plural " t h e i r " at 4 4 : 1 0 - 1 1 ) is under­ stood in relation t o the social and e c o n o m i c structures o f the time. Their

Covenants

T h e third idea expressed is that the descendents o f these m e n continue in their covenants ( 4 4 : 1 2 ) . T h e t h e m e o f c o v e ­ nant is fully developed in the hymn, as w e have seen. As a theological idea, it contains within itself the notions o f origin­ ary m o m e n t and continuous promise. I f the effective influence o f these m e n has t o d o with t h e continuing validity o f t h e divine covenants with t h e m , the principle o f continuity and agency is ultimately that o f divine initiative and faithfulness. This is an e x t r e m e l y c o m p l e x notion in its o w n right, provid­ ing as it does, n o t only a certain view o f G o d , but a theological claim about a people's continuity in history. T h a t b o t h o f these notions are contained within t h e singular c o n c e p t o f covenant as that which continues makes it possible t o see h o w this c o n ­ cept can be correlated with that o f glory. T h e idea o f covenant is certainly at w o r k , and it is very important as an indication o f the essentially priestly theological frame within which B e n Sira stands.

6

B u t i f this is so, the effectiveness o f the m e n - s o -

praised in the hymn is qualified as functional t o this t h e ologumenon. This is fully in keeping with our discussion o f the pattern o f characterization.

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T h e claim m a d e at 4 4 : 1 2 is that the progeny o f these m e n do continue t o be c o u n t e d among those included in the origi­ nal intention o f t h e covenant. In c h a p t e r 2, it was argued that the t h e m e s o f covenant promise and genealogical descent an­ n o u n c e d in the first section o f the h y m n w e r e conjoined c r e ­ atively again in t h e concluding scene. T h i s agrees w i t h t h e assertion h e r e and lends further support t o o u r c o n t e n t i o n that B e n Sira's purpose in the h y m n was t o create a theological charter for a specific form o f Judaism in which the temple institutions stood at t h e c e n t e r o f a c o m p l e t e social system. B u t the phrase " f o r their s a k e s " ( 4 4 : 1 2 ) alerts us t o the fact that this c h a r t e r is n o t t o b e expressed e x c e p t in terms o f the efficacy o f those m e n o f glory with w h o m the covenants w e r e established and in and through w h o m they continued t o b e manifest and actualized. O u r question about the m o d e o f this effectiveness has b e e n answered theologically by t h e reference to covenant, b u t it has n o t b e e n answered in such a way as t o account for t h e form o f the hymn. Their

Memory

T h e fourth idea is that the hasidim continue and will c o n ­ tinue

to

be

remembered

(44:13-14).

Here,

finally,

we

e n c o u n t e r a s t a t e m e n t that m a y have direct relevance for o u r question about the function o f the hymn itself. T h e m e n t i o n o f burial, n a m e , and m e m o r y is t o b e understood at first as a c o m m o n form o f expressing a general J e w i s h aspiration. T h e aspiration has, o f course, deeply religious significance and grows out o f the theological c o n c e p t i o n o f the covenant p e o ­ ple. It has been understood traditionally as the J e w i s h analogue to Hellenic c o n c e p t i o n s o f apotheosis o r immortality. T o be r e m e m b e r e d implies the c o n t i n u a n c e o f the community. R e ­ membering itself is, in this specific sense, a m o d e o f perception characteristic o f h u m a n existence. As a category o f historical continuity and influence, then, m e m o r y can be understood t o function in analogy t o the c o n c e p t s o f glory, inheritance, and covenant. It is objectified here in B e n Sira's statement insofar as it is " t h e i r m e m o r y " that is said " t o abide forever." In t h e hymn, t h e r e is also repeated m e n t i o n o f this motif.

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R H E T O R I C A L CONSIDERATIONS: R E A D I N G AND W R I T I N G

T o have a n a m e and a m e m o r y is o n e way in w h i c h a glorious leader may b e said t o have received his reward. B e n Sira was also careful n o t t o m e n t i o n t h e names o f those found u n w o r ­ thy o f depiction as ideal leaders. T h i s carefulness alerts us t o the function o f the h y m n itself in t h e propagation o f t h e m e m ­ ory o f these glorious m e n and shows that B e n Sira was aware o f that c o n t e m p o r a r y function. As with their glory and c o v e ­ nants, so with t h e names o f these great men. T h e hymn's m o d e is that o f historical description, but its function is t o facilitate the leaders' m e m o r y in t h e present time. H o w exactly this m a y be intended is n o t indicated h e r e ( 4 4 : 1 3 - 1 4 ) , but in the i m m e ­ diately succeeding statements additional significant clues are given. Their Praise T h e fifth and final s t a t e m e n t that B e n Sira makes about the effective influence o f t h e m e n o f piety is that " t h e assembly recounts their wisdom, and t h e congregation declares their praise" ( 4 4 : 1 5 ) . H e r e it is that a c o n c r e t e setting (assembly, congregation) and specific actions (recounting, praise) are mentioned as particular occasion and means for the c o n t e m ­ porizing o f the m e m o r y o f the glorious men. This is very help­ ful

because it indicates a c o r p o r a t e and religious c o n t e x t

within w h i c h the a c k n o w l e d g m e n t o f the greatness o f these m e n takes place. I f w e w e r e able t o be m o r e precise about this occasion, and especially about the role that B e n Sira's hymn might play in relation t o it, o u r questions about the way the influence o f the great m e n was effected for the individual and the congregation could finally b e addressed. T h e problem with B e n Sira's statement is that, even i f w e take it literally, w e d o n o t k n o w t o what occasion it may have referred. Middendorp has analyzed the t w o terms for assembly in Sirach (gahal,

'edah) and c o n c l u d e d that b o t h are used t o

refer t o public gatherings o f the people in Jerusalem for essen­ tially political functions after t h e m a n n e r o f the Hellenistic 1

ekklesia.

H e notes that B e n Sira's grandson may have dis­

tinguished b e t w e e n the t w o , in that ekklesia is used t o translate gahal,

whereas synagoge

8

is used t o translate 'edah.

This would

READING: IN T H E P L A C E O F PRAISE

79

prove helpful, however, only i f w e had o t h e r evidence for the existence o f a synagogue-like institution in second-century Palestine, and i f w e k n e w also that the t e r m synagoge (instead o f proseuche)

was c u r r e n t in t h e second century in Egypt as a

technical designation for s o m e e x t r a - t e m p l e J e w i s h institution o f a religious nature, either in t h e Diaspora o r in Palestine. Neither bit o f information is available t o us, however, which means that B e n Sira's usage is probably in keeping with older scriptural usage in w h i c h n o distinction is made b e t w e e n the 9

t w o t e r m s . B u t is Middendorp's conclusion about the essen­ tially political nature o f these gatherings acceptable in the light o f 4 4 : 1 5 and 3 9 : 1 0 ? Reviewing t h e references t o these terms in Sirach as a whole, o n e is struck by t h e degree t o which it is one's wisdom that is said t o b e o f paramount importance in this c o n t e x t .

1 0

Middendorp understands the references t o wisdom t o refer t o the rhetorical demands for wise and considered speech appro­ priate t o a deliberative body. H e argues, n o t only for the p r a c ­ tice o f rhetoric appropriate t o t h e deliberation and jurispru­ dence o f these assemblies, b u t also for the practice o f e n ­ comiastic speeches in analogy t o Hellenistic declamation. F o r this period, Hellenistic influence o n t h e structure and political function o f such an ekklesia is, o f course, probable. B u t it is n o t at all clear, n o r probable, that J e w i s h practice would have therefore c o n f o r m e d in every way with Hellenistic analogues. T h e evidence from B e n Sira is that even a very open apprecia­ tion o f Hellenistic models o f social governance, education, c u l ­ tural forms, and thought has n o t destroyed essentially J e w i s h concerns for t h e o c r a c y , T o r a h , tradition, and wisdom. W e may assume, surely, that the J e w i s h practice o f rhetoric in jurisprudence, for instance, would have been determined by the particular nature and requirements o f J e w i s h law. Since the only evidence w e have for anything that can approximate the Hellenistic e n c o m i u m for this period is B e n Sira's hymn itself, e x t r e m e caution m u s t b e exercized in the question about the practice o f declamation strictly o n the G r e e k model. T h e hymn as w e have analyzed it does n o t correspond fully t o the form o f the Hellenistic encomiastic speech, n o r does it share in

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those cultural and anthropological assumptions that set t h e stage for declamation. B u t t h e telling consideration h e r e is that ultimately t h e congregation itself is said t o r e c o u n t t h e wisdom o f the pious and declare their praise. It is also t h e congregation that declares t h e praise o f t h e sage himself ( 3 9 : 1 0 ) . It is this corporate dimension t o t h e a c t that is n o t illuminated sufficiendy by Middendorp's thesis and that therefore calls for an­ o t h e r consideration.

T H E A S S E M B L Y AS T H E P L A C E O F P R A I S E

T h e r e are t h r e e aspects o f this occasion that m u s t be a c ­ c o u n t e d for and c o m b i n e d in any compelling thesis. T h e first has t o do with t h e nature o f t h e assembly itself; t h e second with t h e linguistic-literary form in w h i c h the pious are r e ­ called; the third with t h e nature o f t h e praise attributed t o them. E a c h o f these aspects is difficult t o determine, especially if taken up separately. B u t taken together, a plausible g r o u p o f settings can actually b e imagined. O u r task is t o relate t h e discussion about the assembly t o a consideration o f t h e nature o f the m e m o r y and praise made possible by the hymn. W e may begin with t h e observation that B e n Sira's h y m n is composed entirely o f biblical material. T h e assumption might be, therefore, that t h e primary occasion for r e m e m b e r i n g these historical figures would have o c c u r r e d in the reading o f t h e scriptures at certain times o f assemblage. It is unfortunate that we k n o w even less about t h e place and e x t e n t o f scriptural readings among the J e w s o f Palestine during this period than w e do about t h e forms o f religious assemblage themselves. T h e evidence from Nehemiah 8 and 9 has been taken t o indicate that T o r a h was read publicly during this period, at least on t h e days o f high festival and p i l g r i m a g e .

11

B e n Sira does n o t m e n t i o n

such an occasion. B u t it is clear from t h e evidence in Sirach itself that T o r a h was k n o w n , studied, and interpreted at this t i m e as a basis for J e w i s h e t h i c , jurisprudence, and i f Middendorp

is

correct, for constitutional law respecting S e c o n d T e m p l e in­ stitutions.

12

Certainly t h e biblical stories w e r e k n o w n as well,

recalled and retold in s o m e way by t h e people. It is probable

READING: IN T H E P L A C E O F PRAISE

81

also, that T o r a h was read as epic c r e d o in s o m e form o n certain religious occasions (cf. t h e h o m i l e t i c summary in Nehemiah 9 ) o r even within t h e course o f instruction in s o m e school setting. If so, the m e n t i o n o f these figures would have o c c u r r e d in t h e normal course o f t h e reading, and it would b e t o that occasion that B e n Sira refers. H e would n o t b e saying, necessarily, that it was the practice o f t h e c o m m u n i t y o n such occasions t o eulogize the heroes formally. N e i t h e r would his s t a t e m e n t have t o m e a n that the scriptural a c c o u n t s in w h i c h these m e n figured w e r e understood by t h e c o m m u n i t y as eulogistic in intention. H e would b e saying that it was o n these occasions that t h e m e m o r y o f these m e n was kept alive in t h e " c o n g r e g a t i o n " and that o n e might view t h e congregation's activity o n these occasions as "recounting their wisdom and declaring their praise." This would mean, o f course, that B e n Sira's statement would be taken, n o t as literally descriptive, but as an interpretive asser­ tion. Is this plausible? It has been argued that t h e didactic intention o f the h y m n determines its appropriateness as a meditation and preparation for worship. B y focusing n o w u p o n its midrashic character, w e can see that o n e aspect o f its didactic capacity has t o do with an interpretive rereading o f t h e scriptures from a certain point o f view. Insofar as m e m b e r s o f t h e people-as-congregation shared this interpretive reading with B e n Sira, a possibility given with t h e reading o f t h e h y m n itself, B e n Sira's statement about " r e c o u n t i n g their wisdom and declaring their praise" would b e apt. It would b e an assertion o f t h e influence o f the hymn o n those o t h e r occasions in w h i c h T o r a h was recited o r recalled. It would n o t have t o refer t o the use o f the h y m n itself as a c o m p o n e n t o f religious service, n o r o f any specific practice o f T o r a h reading as intentional eulogy. It would indi­ cate rather t h e effect c r e a t e d by t h e correlation o f the T o r a h and the h y m n in t h e m i n d o f t h e reader o n any occasion o f recitation o r recall. B u t i f this is so, t h e a c t o f praise t o w h i c h B e n Sira refers also m u s t be understood essentially as a response t o such a recitation, a response that therefore c o m b i n e s b o t h reflective and liturgical m o m e n t s . It m u s t also c o m b i n e appropriate c o n -

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RHETORICAL CONSIDERATIONS: READING AND W R I T I N G

siderations o f b o t h the h u m a n and the divine aspects o f the hymnic history. In b o t h its H e b r e w and G r e e k connotations, " p r a i s e " is capable o f expressing j u s t such a combination o f m o m e n t s . In the G r e e k (epainon,

epainein),

the notion is essen­

tially a designation o f eulogistic speech with reference t o worthy figures. In the H e b r e w (fhillah,

hillel), the appropriate

object is G o d and the divine manifestations. It is the H e b r e w connotation, o f course, that alerts o n e t o the need for thought­ ful consideration, lest o n e b e t e m p t e d t o take t h e t e r m in strictly

Hellenistic connotation.

As liturgical response

to

hymns and the reading o f the scripture, however, praise may merge in the H e b r e w with t h e n o t i o n o f blessing (barak).

Bless­

ing does o c c u r in this sense in Sirach b o t h at the e n d o f the creation hymn in c h a p t e r 3 9 ( 3 9 : 3 5 ) and at the end o f the hymn in praise o f the fathers ( 5 0 : 2 2 ) . This blessing ( 5 0 : 2 2 - 2 4 ) , which begins with reference t o G o d but continues as prayer for the continuity o f Phineas's covenant with Simon, follows immediately upon those verses in w h i c h the priestly blessing and pardon are described. H e r e the themes o f the promise o f God's blessing t o Abraham and the priestly functions o f bless­ ing and a t o n e m e n t w e r e found t o be conjoined in the climactic scene as Simon "glorified himself with the name o f the L o r d " (50:20). It may n o w be suggested that the daring shift in perspective in B e n Sira's composition, w h e r e b y the human figures o f Isra­ el's history can b e glorified and praised, probably t o o k place in the c o n t e x t o f priestly reflection about the c o n t e m p o r a r y cult. In this c o n t e x t , a correlation o f t h e notions o f glory, blessing, and praise was possible that, understood as a cultic m o m e n t o f divine manifestation, priestly office, and congregational r e ­ sponse, could mediate b e t w e e n ascription t o the divine and description o f the h u m a n exactly as w e have found it t o o c c u r in the hymn. T h e h y m n i c descriptions o f Israel's leaders as glorious would have been possible, according t o the view, as projections upon t h e m o f the glories o f the high priest himself in his performance o f high liturgical functions. It should be noted, though, that in the final scene, t h e p e o ­ ple do n o t actually praise Simon. It is B e n Sira w h o praises him

83

READING: IN T H E P L A C E O F PRAISE

in his description o f t h e scene. T h i s description does suggest that the people are in the p r e s e n c e o f Simon's glory, and t h e reader m a y c o n c l u d e that t h e people recognize it. B u t it is important t o see that this conclusion o c c u r s at the level o f the reading o f t h e hymn. T h u s B e n Sira's praise, b o t h o f Simon and o f all the leaders, is accomplished precisely in t h e composition o f the h y m n ( 4 5 : 5 ) . W h e n h e asserts in the proem, then, that the congregation declares their praise ( 4 4 : 1 5 ) , it must be praise in keeping with t h e function o f t h e h y m n i t s e l f .

13

T h e r e is, in

fact, a s t a t e m e n t m a d e within t h e c o n t e x t o f t h e hymn itself, at the end o f t h e p r o e m , that is intended t o attest t h e leaders' glory by asserting that it is recognized by the congregation. B u t the actual occasion o f t h e reading o f t h e h y m n takes place, n o t during congregational worship itself, but in a displaced setting o f instruction and meditation. I f the praise o f w h i c h B e n Sira speaks is j u s t that praise enabled by his hymn, it m u s t contain t h e m o m e n t o f reflection and assent that t h e hymn's interpretive and didactic functions entail. It is this m o m e n t that allows the t e r m t o be used at all in reference t o Israel's leaders and that gives the t e r m its c a ­ pacity t o evoke Hellenistic thought and practice. B u t it does not cease for this reason t o b e a fundamentally religious a c t that is d e t e r m i n e d by its pre-displacement setting in " t h e c o n ­ gregation," a religious c o m m u n i t y constituted liturgically. T h e reflective m o m e n t is what happens t o t h e heroes w h e n their m e m o r i e s are recalled by t h e c o m p o s e r and readers o f this hymn as m e m b e r s o f that congregation. I f t h e m o m e n t o f c o m ­ position and meditation takes place in s o m e setting o t h e r than that o f a temple l i t u r g y — i n , say, s o m e scholarly and instruc­ tional s e t t i n g — i t does n o t m e a n that t h e idea o f the congrega­ tion is n o longer applicable. T h e meditation itself is upon the structure o f t h e religious c o m m u n i t y and its history. T h e a c t o f praise is attributed t o t h e c o m m u n i t y precisely because the meditation c a n n o t take place outside it. T h i s means,

finally,

that the c o m m u n i t y effectively mediates t h e significance and glory o f t h e leaders t o t h e individual. T h i s is fully in keeping with o u r analysis o f t h e pattern o f characterization and s t r u c ­ ture o f t h e hymn. T h e heroes are depicted only in relation t o

84

RHETORICAL CONSIDERATIONS: READING AND W R I T I N G

the c o m m u n i t y and its history. T h e individual is n o t placed in direct relation t o these great m e n but stands at a distance from them as a m e m b e r o f t h e congregation. T h e act o f praise is possible only o n t h e basis o f incorporation within t h e c o m m u ­ nity, and t h e effectiveness o f t h e glorious ones is realized in t h e act o f praise, w h i c h acknowledges thereby t h e c o m m u n i t y ' s o w n t h e o c r a t i c foundation and existence. PRAISE AND POLITICAL H I S T O R Y

W e have e n c o u n t e r e d a rather c o m p l e x rhetoric in o u r at­ tempt t o understand t h e function o f B e n Sira's hymn. T o praise Israel's leaders as t h e h y m n suggests, o n e m u s t read t h e hymn, o f course. B u t for that reading t o w o r k its way, at least t w o o t h e r occasions m u s t b e in t h e picture. O n e is a public occasion for t h e reading o f t h e scriptures themselves. T h e o t h e r is t h e public occasion o f high-priestly performance. T o distinguish these t h r e e m o m e n t s in t h e act o f praise called for by the hymn is t o n o t i c e its essentially reflective nature. It is also t o n o t i c e the t e x t ' s dependency upon o t h e r systems o f signification, as well as its manipulation o f them. T h e purpose o f this recasting o f these prior " t e x t s " is t o c o m b i n e t h e m in another, m o r e comprehensive system o f signs, that is, t h e hymn's o w n system o f signs. T h u s T e m p l e and T o r a h have been integrated in a single version o f Israel's history by t h e text's careful selection o f details from each system. T h e a c t o f praise called for by t h e n e w vision requires s o m e perception on the part o f t h e reader o f this accomplishment. B u t is it possible that yet m o r e must be in view? I f o u r reading o f t h e h y m n is right, m o r e than Israel's epic histo­ riography

has been appropriated and m o r e than t h e high holy

Day o f A t o n e m e n t has been reflected upon. I f t h e hymn is a mythic c h a r t e r for S e c o n d T e m p l e Judaism, the function o f its invitation t o praise m a y b e m o r e c o m p l e x than w e have imag­ ined. W e m u s t therefore assess its significance in relation t o the larger c o n t e x t o f social and political history in the Palestine o f B e n Sira's time. Middendorp has e x p l o r e d B e n Sira's relationship t o t h e p o ­ litical structures and events in J e r u s a l e m during his t i m e and

READING: IN T H E P L A C E O F PRAISE

85

concluded that h e stood with those w h o favored the position o f Simon II over those w h o sought o t h e r configurations o f power.

1 4

Simon's position, briefly, was t o a c c o m m o d a t e the

foreign powers ruling J e r u s a l e m as long as J e w i s h institutions such as the gerousia, courts, and temple could continue t o function on t h e basis o f M o s a i c law. H e was therefore able t o support Antiochus III as p o w e r shifted from the Ptolemies t o the Seleucids. O t h e r s , however, represented by the Tobiads, at first t o o k the side o f the Ptolemies, with whose g o v e r n m e n t they had strong relations, then sought t o take advantage o f the Seleucids' desire t o Hellenize t h e political structures o f J e r u s a ­ lem in order t o e n h a n c e their o w n positions o f p o w e r within the international political and e c o n o m i c order. T h e i r political p o w e r in J e r u s a l e m is indicated by the fact that Onias III, successor t o Simon II, t o o k their position, thus setting the stage for the massive religious and political conflicts that c e n ­ tered on the temple and the office o f the high priesthood. Middendorp has argued convincingly that B e n Sira favored Simon's position. H e was partial neither t o the Ptolemies n o r t o the Seleucids. O f course, h e was n o t threatened by their rule as it had been e x p e r i e n c e d up until the time o f Simon II. T h r e a t would o c c u r only in s o m e m o v e t o integrate the r e ­ ligious and political powers o f the city on the basis o f a Hellenistic nomos. As for openness t o Hellenistic thought and culture in general, B e n Sira's b o o k reveals the marks o f an erudite cosmopolitan, confident in his ability t o a c c e p t and understand his world in a way that supported his deep r e ious p i e t y .

15

This position, dependent as it was upon the relative autono­ m y o f the temple institution as it was privileged t o exist at the turn o f the second century, could n o t have been maintained in the immediately subsequent decades. This being the case, the hymn must n o w appear as a preposterous claim made in the face o f all odds o f impinging historical vicissitude. I f he c o m ­ posed the hymn after Simon's death, as the descriptions in Sir. 5 0 : 2 - 3 would lead o n e t o believe, h e cannot have been un­ aware that the institution o f t h e high priesthood was in dan­ ger. W h a t then are w e t o m a k e o f such a composition?

86

R H E T O R I C A L CONSIDERATIONS: READING AND W R I T I N G

T h e thought that t h e r e m a y have been an e l e m e n t o f apolo­ gy, i f n o t political program, in t h e writing is difficult t o sup­ press. Middendorp has n o t found any evidence o f a political program as such in Sirach. B u t h e has n o t e d t h e curious lack o f expressly t h e o c r a t i c formulations in t h e b o o k and has c o n ­ cluded that B e n Sira was being e x t r e m e l y cautious in this r e ­ gard.

1 6

Kings are m e n t i o n e d throughout, o f course, as befits a

wisdom b o o k , and it does appear that for B e n Sira, a king is a king w h e t h e r in Israel's history o r among t h e nations o r as foreign sovereign in c o n t e m p o r a r y Palestine. T h e c o n c e p t is accepted, and t h e fact o f royal p o w e r acknowledged. B u t it is not justified o r glorified in any way, e x c e p t in t h e c o n t e x t o f the specific function assigned t h e king in t h e h y m n i c history. T h e wisdom sayings about kings in general, as well as about taking positions in t h e service o f t h e king, express a deep res­ ervation about t h e influence royal p o w e r has b o t h upon the society as a whole and upon its individual m e m b e r s .

1 7

T h e rule

1 8

is a c c e p t e d — " a s is t h e king, so are t h e p e o p l e " — b u t this is hardly a basis for hope, though it may allow for t h e inclusion o f traditional wisdom, w h i c h takes t h e form o f advice t o t h e king. It m u s t therefore appear all t h e m o r e significant that B e n Sira assigned t h e only royal function w o r t h y o f glory, t h e e s ­ tablishment and defense o f t h e c i t y - t e m p l e , t o t h e high priest Simon. I f this analysis o f t h e intention o f the h y m n is c o r r e c t , the t h e o c r a t i c ideal for t h e covenant c o m m u n i t y is fully c o n ­ stituted in this office and t h e r e is n o longer any n e e d for an­ o t h e r kind o f king as well. T h i s appears t o b e cheating a bit o n B e n Sira's part, in that t h e function o f t h e kings w h o w e r e actually ruling Palestine is missing from his picture. O n e would e x p e c t that u n d e r t h e c i r c u m s t a n c e s , this problem o f t h e bi­ furcation o f p o w e r would have t o b e addressed and reflected in the hymnic depictions. B u t t h e r e is n o indication in t h e hymn either that t h e high priest's p o w e r was, say, destined t o expand until o n e day kings in Palestine would be n o m o r e o r that the high priest's sphere o f authority was recognized t o b e limited t o a religious o r d e r separate from t h e king's. It is this, then, that creates t h e h y m n ' s anomaly.

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READING: IN T H E P L A C E O F PRAISE

Insofar as it glorifies t h e S e c o n d T e m p l e institutions r e p r e ­ sented by Simon, it could b e taken as a political program, o f course, but only within t h e c o n t e x t o f an internal J e w i s h de­ bate about t h e nature o f t h e high priesthood, and then only by making its point negatively, that is, by glorifying Simon's spe­ cifically religious significance w i t h o u t addressing t h e question o f h o w far his authority m i g h t b e imagined t o e x t e n d o u t into the e c o n o m i c and political structures o f t h e community. T h i s hardly would have b e e n sufficient as political manifesto, even though as a d o c u m e n t w r i t t e n

from

an implicidy political

point o f view, its m y t h i c claims would have registered an amazing degree o f seriousness and c o m m i t m e n t in its support. So the h y m n appears t o b e something m o r e , something else. It is in t h e office o f t h e high priest that all is at stake. T h e lack o f polemical overtones in t h e h y m n and the celebration and glorification that c l i m a x in t h e final s c e n e speak, then, for a piety that, even though t h e t r o u b l e s o m e problem o f kingship and kingdom was recognized as real, preferred t o see in t h e religious o r d e r a sufficient arena for c o v e n a n t - c o m m u n i t y a c ­ tualization. T h i s means from o u r point o f view that t h e m y t h i c claim was itself an idealization o f t h e S e c o n d T e m p l e institu­ tions. T h e y w e r e being glorified, n o t o n t h e basis o f t h e actual state o f affairs in Palestine, b u t in spite o f them. This achievement bespeaks deep piety and profound learn­ ing at t h e same time. It is t o b e understood as the w o r k o f o n e w h o had his place within t h e institutional structures o f t h e religious c o m m u n i t y as scholar and sage. T h e p o w e r o f its implicit claim is based upon its audacious affirmation and its intellectual achievement. A priest and scholar, schooled in t h e traditions o f T o r a h and wisdom, would be the

appropriate

office, a priestly school t h e appropriate c o n t e x t . It is perhaps, after all, a wisdom c o m p o s i t i o n , b o r n o f t h e strange capacity that J e w i s h wisdom teachers s e e m e d t o possess, t o affirm God's wisdom and t h e reality o f his c r e a t e d order-for-good in spite o f all evidences t o t h e contrary.

Writing: The Glory of the Scholar-Sage

4 I f o n e w e r e t o imagine B e n

Sira's view o f his w o r l d iconographically, the final scene from the hymn would probably d o m i n a t e t h e foreground. N o t high­ lighted in t h e picture, but acknowledged in o n e way o r an­ o t h e r by disclosures and assumptions, m o s t o f the obvious features o f J e w i s h social life would b e t h e r e in the background. Estates and libraries, assemblies and courts, priests and s c h o l ­ ars, c o m m e r c e and c o n f l i c t s — a l l o f it is there, assumed, and s o m e o f it is partially seen, bustling around the temple in t h e c e n t e r o f o n e ' s vision. W h a t B e n Sira does n o t have in t h e picture,

however,

is

any

clear

depiction

o f the

larger

Hellenistic world within w h i c h S e c o n d T e m p l e Judaism had t o fight for its e x i s t e n c e . In t h e first sections o f t h e hymn, t h e r e was a dark background against w h i c h t h e glorious figures and m o m e n t s w e r e painted. B u t in t h e final scene, and in B e n Sira's b o o k o f wisdom as a w h o l e , o n e has trouble catching sight o f the kings and c o m m a n d e r s , interests and ideologies, conflicts and intrigues that w e r e threatening t o destroy his social world. This shifts o u r attention t o t h e o t h e r side o f the rhetorical equation, away from t h e reader o f B e n Sira's p o e m and o n t o the author himself. I f h e invested t h e interest in the c o m p o s i -

89

90

R H E T O R I C A L CONSIDERATIONS: READING AND W R I T I N G

tion o f this h y m n that m a y be suspected from its rhetorical potential, w h e n c e t h e literary and mythological resources t o do so? W h e n c e the c o m m i t m e n t s and energies t o sustain its view in spite o f the realities o f its c o n t e x t ? Can it be that t h e r e is m o r e t o the h y m n than has b e e n discovered, something about it that could support its obvious invitation t o celebrate the glory it sings, even though o n e k n e w , surely, that t h e vest­ ments and foundations o f t h e high priesthood represented by Simon w e r e t h e subjects around w h i c h ruthless political forces raged? In short, w h e r e is t h e m y t h i c vision anchored? T h e suggestion has b e e n m a d e that B e n Sira's place was in a temple school. T h i s accords with a consensus o f scholarship, even though t h e r e is little evidence for such an institution at the time e x c e p t for B e n Sira's o w n b o o k o f w i s d o m .

1

It would

be helpful t o k n o w m o r e about this school, and about B e n Sira's activity as a scholar-sage at w o r k within this c o n t e x t — his haunts, his library, his desk and students, his place within the social structures, and his authority as o n e w h o could dare such a composition and h o p e for its hearing. I f o u r thesis about the hymn's intentionality is c o r r e c t , interest in its a u t h o r is n o t idle curiosity. I f it is possible t o see m o r e clearly the a u t h o r at his work, o n e might b e able t o see m o r e deeply into t h e hymn's promises and purposes. B u t it is n o t possible t o begin with t h e hymn for this investigation because, as w e have al­ ready noted, t h e role o f t h e teacher, though modeled at t h e beginning o f t h e h y m n by M o s e s , drops from sight in its subse­ quent study o f t h e social roles in Israel's illustrious history. This means that B e n Sira's role as t e a c h e r is not in view in t h e scene that sets t h e foreground for o u r picture o f his world. B u t though the t e a c h e r is n o t in view, h e is within hearing as t h e author w h o lets t h e reader stand beside him, looking on at that grand scene. So author, hymn, and religious occasion are inti­ mately conjoined. S o m e w h e r e outside t h e picture, t h e author takes his stand. W e n e e d t o find that place and t o locate it in relation b o t h t o t h e final s c e n e o f t h e hymn and t o the largerworld within w h i c h that scene takes place. T h e r e are t h r e e sets o f literary clues at o u r disposal for this exploration. O n e set has t o do with general observations from

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WRITING: T H E GLORY O F THE SCHOLAR-SAGE

B e n Sira's b o o k about his learning. A n o t h e r is given with a fine p o e m about t h e scholar-sage in Sir. 3 9 : 1 - 1 1 . T h e third is t h e relationship o f B e n Sira's picture o f the scholar-sage in Sir. 3 9 : 1 - 1 1 t o his depiction o f t h e hasidim in the p r o e m t o the hymn. T H E M A R K S O F B E N SIRA'S L E A R N I N G

B e n Sira's b o o k o f w i s d o m has long b e e n recognized as a c o m p e n d i u m o f rich learning. T h i s study c a n n o t be the place t o e n t e r into any detailed discussion o f its t h e m e s o r c o n t e n t , although aspects o f its teaching will b e taken up in t h e final chapter. B u t o n e point can b e m a d e that will advance o u r quest. An amazingly broad s c o p e o f literatures m u s t have been read and mastered by t h e a u t h o r o f this b o o k . T h e s e literatures include b o t h H e b r e w and Hellenistic t e x t s . B e n Sira's acquain­ tance with T h e o g n i s , as well as with Stoic and Cynic c o m ­ monplaces has b e e n s h o w n .

2

His knowledge o f Hellenistic

literary genres, including m a x i m collection, hymn, e n c o m i u m , biography, and history is in e v i d e n c e .

3

H e reproduced

and

reinterpreted a Hellenistic h y m n t o Isis, c o m b i n e d G r e e k m a x ­ ims creatively with H e b r e w proverbs, and found a way t o r e ­ 4

late wisdom mythology with t h e H e b r e w s c r i p t u r e s . T h e r e is less clarity a m o n g scholars about the b o o k ' s arrangement o f materials. Middendorp, especially, has argued for its loose ar­ rangement and its appearance in stages. B u t close reading d e ­ tects blocks o f material in t h e m e units, and t h e b o o k as a whole m a y b e structured by a sound organizational p r i n c i p l e .

5

It is quite possible that it is arranged o n t h e model o f a hand­ b o o k for teachers in t h e Hellenistic s c h o o l s .

6

B e n Sira's thorough knowledge and critical reading o f t h e H e b r e w scriptures also c a n n o t b e doubted. T h i s reading e x ­ tends far b e y o n d t h e literature o f H e b r e w wisdom and t h e T o r a h o f M o s e s , as t h e analysis o f t h e h y m n in c h a p t e r 5 will show. N o t only are t h e later historical writings in his library, but he uses language in t h e depiction o f t h e heroes that reflects the Psalms and Prophets as well. And in every case o f allusion, reminiscence, and appropriation o f t h e m e s , the author's c r e ­ ative hand is t o b e discerned.

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T h e impression o n e receives from reading the b o o k without consideration for t h e author's library, however, is that t h e compositions are his own. H e does not cite precursors; n o r does h e express his indebtedness t o o t h e r literatures in the normal course o f writing. His w o r k is set forth as his o w n wisdom, and it is m a r k e d by a mastery o f literary skills in the creation o f a fine poetry. B u t w h e n o n e takes n o t e o f the evidence for his extensive scholarship, his accomplishments as an author begin t o take o n another, r a t h e r exciting, dimension. H e n o w can be seen as a m a n o f letters upon whose desk a full range o f t h e literatures o f t h e Hellenistic age w e r e w e l c o m e . This openness t o Hellenistic culture expands t h e borders o f B e n Sira's world beyond t h e picture he paints o f it. It shows him t o have been a m u c h m o r e c o m p l e x person than w e may have thought, and it suggests that t h e texts that m e e t in his hymn o f praise may belong t o a cultural fabric m u c h m o r e intricately woven than w e have yet discerned. W e m u s t n o w trace o u t s o m e o f those textual appropriations in t h e c o m p o s i ­ tion o f t h e hymn. B u t first, w e n e e d t o see i f o u r suspicions are correct. W e n e e d t o k n o w i f B e n Sira would agree, i f h e has acknowledged anywhere t h e s c o p e o f his undertaking. H e may have d o n e that in a fine p o e m about the scribe, t o w h i c h w e n o w turn.

IN PRAISE O F T H E S C H O L A R - S A G E

In Sir. 3 9 : 1 - 1 1 , B e n Sira has given a description o f t h e scribe at w o r k that contrasts him with those w h o ply t h e trades. T h e t e x t is as follows, given h e r e in translation based upon that o f B o x and Oesterley:

1

2 3

Not so he that applies himself to the fear o f God And to set his mind upon the Law o f the Most High; W h o searches out the wisdom o f all the ancients, And is occupied with the prophets o f old; W h o heeds the discourses o f men o f renown, And enters into the deep things o f parables; Searches out the hidden meaning o f proverbs, And is conversant with the dark sayings o f parables;

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4

5

6

7 8 9

10 11

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W h o serves among great men, And appears before princes; W h o travels through the lands o f the peoples, Tests good and evil among men; W h o is careful to seek unto his Maker, And before the Most High entreats mercy; W h o opens his mouth in prayer, And makes supplication for his sins. If it seem good to God Most High, he shall be filled with the spirit o f understanding. He himself pours forth wise saying in double measure, And gives thanks unto the Lord in prayer. He himself directs counsel and knowledge, And sets his mind on their secrets. He himself declares wise instruction, And glories in the Law o f the Lord. His understanding many do praise, And never shall his name be blotted out: His memory shall not cease, And his name shall live from generation to generation. His wisdom does the congregation tell forth, And his praise the assembly publishes. If he live long, he shall be accounted happy more than a thousand; And when he comes to an end, his name suffices.

As t h e description unfolds, t h e scholar and his activity are introduced as taking place within t h e sphere o f piety. T h e t h e m e o f t h e scholar's piety frames t h e whole by the m e n t i o n o f his "fear o f G o d " at t h e beginning ( 3 9 : 1 ) and the h o n o r he receives in t h e congregation at t h e end ( 3 9 : 9 - 1 0 ) . Imbedded within t h e p o e m are additional notices about his prayer for m e r c y ( 3 9 : 5 ) , t h e divine s o u r c e o f his inspiration ( 3 9 : 6 ) , and his preoccupation with t h e law ( 3 9 : 1 , 8 ) . T h u s his piety is shown t o be t h e s o u r c e o f his wisdom and t h e controlling motivation that guides his activity as a scholar. This activity is outlined in a s e q u e n c e o f t h r e e general m o v e m e n t s . T h e first is his quest for understanding ( 3 9 : 1 - 5 ) ; t h e second is his r e c e p ­ tion o f t h e spirit o f understanding from G o d ( 3 9 : 6 ) ; t h e third is his transformation into o n e w h o is able t o provide for others the wisdom he has found ( 3 9 : 7 - 8 ) .

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This three-part s c h e m a is easily recognized as the quest for wisdom that ultimately c o m e s from G o d . In J e w i s h wisdom literature, t h e s c h e m a is found dramatized in several ways. W i s d o m may b e objectified, described as hidden and as the object o f human quest, o r it m a y b e depicted as seeking o u t 7

those w h o will recognize and receive i t . I f t h e focus falls upon the human figure, t h e quest itself may be dramatized o r the schema may simply take the form o f exhortations e m b e d d e d among o t h e r wisdom sayings and instructions " t o s e e k " after 8

w i s d o m . B u t t h e wisdom writings before Sirach are r e m a r k ­ ably cautious about depicting a s c e n e o f resolution t o the quest. In those cases in w h i c h wisdom is said t o be achievable, the m e r e assertion that it is so seems t o b e the point. H o w o n e actually c o m e s t o find it, however, is conspicuously absent from the earlier literature. T h a t in B e n Sira's hymn a resolu­ tion t o the question is claimed by the scholar must b e regarded as m o s t remarkable. H o w was it understood t o have been achieved? Research as the Quest for

Wisdom

In the scholar's quest for wisdom, t h e objects and means o f scholarly research are given. T h i s immediately shifts attention from the s c h e m a o f the wisdom m y t h and focuses it upon modes o f learning that are quite familiar. T h e scholar is p r e o c ­ cupied with the study o f literature o n the o n e hand and the accumulation o f observations about the political and social arena o n the other. T a k e n together, these activities define a Hellenistic c o m m o n p l a c e o n the learned man and thus appear too mundane as vehicles for the quest for divine wisdom. T h a t the scholar's research is n o t understood t o b e misguided, h o w ­ ever, is evident. N o t only is t h e first t e x t cited the law o f t h e M o s t High, the eventual result o f the research will b e n o n e other than the scholar's o w n c o m i n g - t o - s p e e c h as the author o f just such texts as h e has b e e n reading. T h e r e are several observations that can be made about those texts. First, there is a trace o f canonicity in the listing o f t h e m , noticeable initially in t h e priority given t o the law and by the mention o f the wisdom o f the ancients and the prophets. This

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has been taken t o refer t o an early classification o f J e w i s h 9

scriptures along t h e lines o f t h e later canonical v i e w . H o w e v ­ er, t h e list does n o t c o n c l u d e with these t h r e e corpora. It continues with t h e discourses o f famous m e n , specific forms o f wisdom composition, and t h e n moves easily into t h e category o f e x p e r i e n c e w o n in t h e international scene. T h i s s c e n e is also presented as a " t e x t , " that is, as an articulation o f " g o o d and evil among m e n " that t h e scholar also m u s t learn t o " r e a d " ( " t e s t , " 3 9 : 4 d ) . T h u s t h e scholar's c a n o n is n o t conceived as closed. T h e m o s t that o n e m i g h t say is that it is weighted at t h e top and devolves through layers o f o t h e r t e x t s o f lesser signifi­ cance. B u t this view t o o , though it might b e appropriate in s o m e respect, fails t o see t h e significance o f the range o f t e x t s as a whole. I f it ends with t h e h u m a n situation itself, t h e range o f texts is ultimately being d e t e r m i n e d by a notion o f t h e a r t i c ­ ulations that disclose that situation. This means that t h e " t e x t " o f the human situation has a fundamental place in t h e scholar's canon. T h i s should c o m e as n o surprise t o scholars o f t h e literatures o f wisdom. T h e n o t e w o r t h y p h e n o m e n o n is t h e combination o f observation, wisdom t e x t s , and T o r a h that B e n Sira's resources present. O n e needs t o n o t i c e also that t h e m a n n e r o f designation o f these texts is very general, n o t specific, with the e x c e p t i o n o f the " L a w o f t h e M o s t H i g h , " t o w h i c h w e shall return. T h e wisdom t e x t s , w h i c h scholars have taken t o refer t o J e w i s h wisdom literature, are called " t h e wisdom o f all t h e a n c i e n t s " ; the discourses are simply those " o f famous m e n " ; and t h e prophets are those " o f o l d . " It would n o t b e unthinkable that if indeed B e n Sira has intended these designations t o refer primarily t o t h e J e w i s h corpora, h e has purposefully phrased t h e m in such a way as t o allow association with Hellenistic classifications o f literary activity and g e n r e as well (legislation, philosophy, poetry, histories, collections o f aphoristic wis­ d o m ) . Nevertheless, h e has n o w h e r e acknowledged any in­ debtedness t o Hellenic authors. T h a t these o b j e c t s o f t h e scholar's investigation are under­ stood as authored t e x t s is also t o b e noted. T h e r e is specific mention o f " t h e a n c i e n t s , " t h e prophets, and " m e n o f r e -

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n o w n . " I f t h e subsequent m e n t i o n o f parables, proverbs, and riddles is m a d e w i t h o u t indication o f authorship, it does n o t mean that they are n o t perceived also as c o m p o s e d speech, that is, as authored t e x t s available for investigation. T h e a n o ­ nymity o f Hellenistic gnomological collections was n o t taken to m e a n that they w e r e n o t authored. T h e y w e r e , in fact, understood t o have b e e n a u t h o r e d by ( t h e ancient) sages. T h i s view o f texts as compositions, and its corollary that t h e scholar reads t h e m b o t h as e x e g e t e o f o t h e r s ' w o r k and as o n e w h o aspires t o take his place a m o n g o t h e r authors, introduces t h e conditions for a n e w and specific p r o b l e m in t h e transmission o f J e w i s h wisdom, indeed o f J e w i s h thought and literature as a whole. W i t h t h e consciousness o f authorship, the stage is set for the notion that culture is tradition, that questions o f au­ thority m u s t be resolved in t e r m s o f literary accomplishments. Only here, with t h e e m e r g e n c e o f t h e idea o f authorship, can one speak properly o f a " w i s d o m tradition." Before B e n Sira, as far as w e can tell, t h e r e was n o wisdom tradition in t h e sense o f scholars' awareness o f precursors as authors and o f t h e w o r k o f interpretation as t h e price for taking one's place in t h e line as tradent and a u t h o r in o n e ' s o w n right. N o w , with au­ thority recognized as authorship, tradition begins and struggle begins. T e x t s b e c o m e t h e field o f exploration and conflict. T h e y contain t h e wisdom that has b e e n found, but they belong to others w h o s e t e x t s they are until o n e has

appropriated

them. W h a t o n e seeks is their wisdom. B u t it m u s t be w r e s t e d from t h e m as from those w h o have captured a treasure and will n o t let it g o . A n o t h e r ' s wisdom is at first hidden from those w h o read his t e x t s , seeking t o understand them. T h u s these authored t e x t s are enigmatic, as is t h e human scene as t e x t . T h e scholar's task is t o search t h e m out, e n t e r into t h e m , converse with t h e m , and b e c o m e o c c u p i e d by them. W h a t he seeks t o find in t h e m is meaning, wisdom. T h i s meaning is hidden in their depths. As a critical reader, t h e scholar will a t t e m p t t o analyze these t e x t s and discover t h e wisdom that is beneath and beyond t h e m all. H e r e , then, is the hermeneutical program as well as t h e principle o f t h e scholar's canon. All o f these t e x t s are " w i s d o m t e x t s . " T h e y form a

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97

canon o f disparate genres held t o g e t h e r by the scholar's c o m ­ m o n investment in them. H e will study t h e m t o win a single vision. T h a t single vision, m o r e o v e r , will encompass the deep structure o f things that orders all reality from G o d and his world o f creation t o human g o o d and evil. I f he succeeds, h e will have o v e r c o m e . N o longer is he e x e g e t e and scholar m e r e ­ ly, interpreting t h e t e x t s o f others. H e will m a k e those words, those t e x t s , his o w n and find a voice for himself as an author. T h e result o f this research, then, overlooking for the m o ­ m e n t the hiatus o f inspiration, will b e that the scholar himself c o m e s t o speech. T h e forms in w h i c h this speech will b e c o m ­ posed are, m o r e o v e r , familiar t o us as forms o f wisdom speech: wise sayings, advice, knowledge, and instruction. In verse 7, the scholar is described "setting his m i n d on their s e c r e t s , " which shows the degree t o w h i c h his o w n wisdom is still un­ derstood t o b e related t o his reading o f t h e t e x t s o f others. T h e question is w h e t h e r h e will b e c o m e a critic o f o t h e r s ' texts o r an author in his o w n right. It appears that he will b e c o m e an author. T h e secrets o f his precursors are n o w his own. H e will " p o u r " t h e m " f o r t h " in speech. This speech b e c o m e s , as w e shall see, a n o t h e r t e x t , his o w n composition. The Spirit of

Understanding

W e m a y return n o w t o t h e middle section o f the p o e m , in which the scholar receives t h e "spirit o f understanding" from God. At first reading, this section appears t o emphasize the piety o f the scholar as it manifests itself in the midst o f the scholarly endeavor itself. T h a t o f course is so. B u t the nature o f this piety is m o s t unusual. I f w e c o m p a r e t h e marks o f the scholar's piety here with that depicted in the hymn in praise o f the fathers, w e can begin t o see its peculiar configuration. In the hymn, aspects o f piety w e r e attributed t o the great leaders in keeping with the functions o f their offices. In the p o e m about t h e scholar, it also appears that those aspects o f piety attributed t o him are cast in ways that will enhance his o w n special role and status. T h a t h e "applies himself t o the fear o f G o d " could b e taken as a c o m m o n p l a c e , o f course, until it is n o t e d that this m o t i f does n o t o c c u r in the hymn. It is proba-

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bly t o be understood as a formulation in keeping with his special status as wisdom's child. F o r t h e reader o f wisdom texts, t h e fear o f t h e L o r d is the "beginning o f w i s d o m . "

1 0

The

scholar's prayer for m e r c y also contrasts with t h e prayers r e ­ corded in t h e hymn. T h e r e t h e call upon G o d was for aid in the fulfillment o f high covenantal office for the people. It was motivated especially by t h e n e e d t o perform grand and glori­ ous deeds o f defence. H e r e t h e prayer is highly personalized, not mediated by covenantal office. It takes place immediately "before t h e M o s t H i g h " and is understood as a m o v e that m u s t be m a d e in o r d e r t o c o m e t o speech. T h e r e are t h r e e speech acts r e c o r d e d in verse 6 , and they o c c u r in a specific and significant sequence. T h e first is t h e prayer for m e r c y ; t h e s e c o n d is t h e speaking o f wisdom itself ( " i n double m e a s u r e " ) ; t h e third is t h e thanksgiving. This means that the prayer for m e r c y and the prayer o f thanksgiv­ ing frame t h e m o m e n t o f inspiration. W i s d o m speech is t h e r e ­ fore viewed as divinely inspired, as speech that is possible only in the c o n t e x t o f prayer. B e c a u s e this is so, the scholar's prayer is not merely t h e m a r k o f a general piety, but a personal claim t o inspiration. T h e same is t r u e o f his preoccupation with Torah. As a m a r k o f piety, orientation t o T o r a h is n o w h e r e t o be found in t h e hymn. Naturally, t o " s e t one's m i n d u p o n " T o r a h o r " t o glory in t h e L a w o f t h e L o r d " may b e taken as customary ways o f designating piety in general. B u t spoken o f this scholar, they m e a n something else. T h e y m e a n that t h e T o r a h belongs t o t h e scholar as his special domain. T h e scholar has invested T o r a h with canonicity, and thus his piety is p e c u ­ liarly that o f t h e sage. In that h e is filled with t h e spirit o f understanding as a benefaction from G o d , t h e scholar's piety is ultimately a special form peculiarly suited t o his vocation. B y means o f it, h e can lay claim t o immediacy o f vision, divine presence, and finally, t o wisdom. T h i s resolves t h e quest in and among t h e many enigmatic texts. Piety means that t h e scholar has prevailed and n o w will take his place a m o n g t h e sages. Clearly t h e r e are associations h e r e with older views o f inspiration by t h e spirit o f Yahweh. O n e thinks immediately about the prophets and p r o -

W R I T I N G : T H E G L O R Y O F T H E SCHOLAR-SAGE

phetic i n s p i r a t i o n .

11

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In the hymn, also, it was the prophet

whose vision was possible by t h e presence o f divine spirit. T h e t e x t that the prophet read, however, was the human situation; the logos that resulted had p o w e r t o create and t o destroy kings and p e o p l e s .

12

In the description o f the sage, vision is a

winning through t o the presence o f wisdom in and beyond the texts, and t h e spirit is designated as the "spirit o f under­ standing." T h e c o n c e p t o f prophetic inspiration has been recast in t w o ways. First, it has been evoked as a m o m e n t that o c c u r s in the c o n t e x t o f prayer for m e r c y , thus verifying the scholar's piety and making t h e claim for superior understanding. S e c o n d , this m o m e n t itself has been cast as the bridge b e t w e e n research and authorship. It has b e c o m e a claim t o having seen the divine wisdom e n c o d e d in the scholar's t e x t s that h e himself may n o w " p o u r f o r t h . " It would therefore n o t b e inappropriate t o think here o f the Hellenic poet's m u s e o r o f the r o m a n t i c sublime as phenomenological a n a l o g u e s .

13

B u t because the

m o m e n t is so clearly that o f the scholar engaged with t e x t s , the appeal t o divine inspiration at this point implicitly trans­ forms his relationship t o those texts. H e is, using the descrip­ tion o f Harold B l o o m , the " l a t e r p o e t . . . w h o opens himself t o what he believes t o b e a p o w e r in the parent p o e m that does n o t belong t o the parent proper, but t o a range o f being j u s t beyond that p r e c u r s o r . "

14

T h i s p o w e r is manifest in t w o ways:

he n o w understands, and n o w h e can speak. The Scholar as Author T h a t the scholar is said t o c o m e t o speech should n o t b e taken as evidence against his primary orientation t o texts. T o c o m e t o speech is a r e c u r r e n t t h e m e in the b o o k as a whole. It marks the highest achievement o f the scholar-sage and indi­ cates the proper m e d i u m for his o w n effective function within the c o m m u n i t y . Certainly it is true that as this function is described, it is understood as a m o m e n t o f living speech in which wisdom is disclosed. Y e t t h e r e is a curious failure in Sirach as a w h o l e t o distinguish b e t w e e n written and oral modes o f speaking. O n e n e e d only refer t o B e n Sira's introduc-

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tion t o the hymn o f creation, w h i c h follows this a c c o u n t o f the scholar's c o m i n g t o speech. H e promises himself t o m a k e his instruction "shine f o r t h " ( 3 9 : 1 2 ) and asks the pious (his read­ ers) t o " h e a r k e n " and lift up their voices with him ( 3 9 : 1 3 — 1 4 ) . T h e n follows the "living s p e e c h " poured forth as a carefully composed t e x t . At the end, he acknowledges that this is so: " W h e n I considered it, I set it down in writing" ( 3 9 : 3 2 ) . O n e way t o understand this would b e against the b a c k ­ ground o f the Hellenistic view o f t e x t s as scripts for reading and hearing. B u t t h e r e appears t o b e m o r e involved than this. In chapter 2 4 , wisdom is portrayed as coming t o speech and is identified with the " B o o k o f t h e Covenant o f the M o s t High God: the Law which M o s e s c o m m a n d e d " ( 2 4 : 2 3 ) . As t h e p o e m continues, t h e b o o k itself is described as "filling m e n with w i s d o m " ( 2 4 : 2 5 - 2 7 ) , and continuing the metaphor, the author says, " I will w a t e r m y garden, . . . again pour forth teaching as prophecy, and leave it for eternal g e n e r a t i o n s " ( 2 4 : 3 1 - 3 3 ) . T h a t the " I " here is n o longer referring t o the personified fig­ ure o f wisdom is made clear in t h e final lines: " L o o k and you will see that I have n o t labored for myself only, but for all those that diligently seek h e r " ( 2 4 : 3 4 ) . T h u s the scholar's texts, b o t h those over w h i c h h e has labored and those he has wrought, are wisdom t e x t s and thus inspired. As such, they are described in terms o f living speech. This notion is startling precisely because one o f the scholar's books, the T o r a h , is actually attributed t o the " M o s t H i g h . " W h a t this means for B e n Sira is n o t at all clear. H e n o w h e r e says expressly that h e understands the T o r a h t o have been written by G o d . B u t neither does he say, as Philo will later, that the five books w e r e written by Moses. In the hymn, B e n Sira says that G o d "placed in [ M o s e s ' ] hand the c o m m a n d m e n t (miswah),

even the law (torah)

o f life and discernment; that he

might teach His statutes u n t o J a c o b " ( 4 5 : 5 ) . This is midrash upon the story o f the tablets, t o be sure, and thus should n o t be used naively t o elucidate B e n Sira's view on the larger c o r ­ pus. B u t the designation "law o f life" (torat hayyim)

does ap­

pear to broaden the reference t o allow for the inclusion o f m o r e than t h e T e n C o m m a n d m e n t s . In Sir. 2 4 : 2 3 , the " L a w

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which M o s e s c o m m a n d e d " is called " t h e B o o k o f t h e C o v e ­ nant o f t h e M o s t High G o d . " In Sirach, neither t h e t e r m T o r a h n o r " t h e B o o k o f t h e C o v e n a n t , " can b e taken definitely as a specific reference t o t h e five books o f Moses as c a n o n .

1 5

But

o n e c a n n o t avoid t h e suspicion that s o m e close association is being m a d e h e r e b e t w e e n t h e T o r a h o f G o d given t o M o s e s and t h e b o o k s o f M o s e s that r e c o r d t h e epic B e n Sira has in his hands and that t h e wisdom song interprets. I f the scholar claims, therefore, t o read these b o o k s w i t h understanding, and then c o m e s t o speech himself, the status o f that speech, his o w n t e x t s , is given. H e is m o r e than a scribal interpreter. H e is o n e w h o s e wisdom, as B e n Sira says, "increases w i s d o m " ( 3 8 : 2 4 ) . W e shall want t o ask later o n what this might m e a n for the status o f his h y m n i c history as m y t h in relation t o t h e T o r a h itself. B E N SIRA AS T H E S C H O L A R - S A G E

T h e picture B e n Sira has given o f t h e scholar may be viewed as the portrayal o f an ideal type. T h e larger literary c o n t e x t ( 3 8 : 2 4 - 3 9 : 3 5 ) shows that t h e scholar's w o r k is a profession that may b e c o n t r a s t e d with t h e trades. T h e description itself focuses upon j u s t those m a t t e r s essential t o distinguish

the

profession and achieves a well-balanced profile o f the activity by which t h e c o m m u n i t y can recognize t h e superiority o f a given scholar within its midst. T h a t activity is defined as m a s ­ tery o f literary traditions and t h e composition o f wisdom writ­ ings. W e may call this scholar a sage. If w e b r a c k e t n o w those aspects o f the sage's piety that reflect distinctly J e w i s h c o n c e r n s , w e can see that the depic­ tion o f t h e scholar-sage includes m a n y features that invite comparison with Hellenistic analogues. T h e picture itself is B e n Sira's o w n c o n s t r u c t i o n , o f course, combining c h a r a c ­ teristics o f a n u m b e r o f Hellenistic types engaged in the trans­ mission o f philosophical, literary, and educational traditions. T h e resulting configuration m a y therefore be an idealization o f a scholarly function with J e w i s h provenance in mind. It might assume quite particular views o f canonicity, authorship, and ethics and wisdom instruction. B u t indebtedness t o Hellenistic

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modes o f learning is nevertheless t h e m o s t probable explana­ tion b o t h for the idea o f such an ideal type and for the e m e r g e n c e o f such a self-consciousness about social role within the educational institutions o f Judaism. T h e indebtedness t o Hellenism is indicated primarily in t h e express combination o f scholarship, authorship, and t h e offer­ ing o f i n s t r u c t i o n — a l l aspects highly prized in t h e Hellenistic culture o f literature and paideia.

T h e listing o f t h e scholar's

canon is an additional nuance o f Hellenistic consciousness about literary c o r p o r a .

1 6

T h e n o t i c e about "testing t h e g o o d

and evil among m e n " recalls a m o t i f particularly associated with Cynic p r a c t i c e .

17

It is, however, in t h e m e n t i o n o f rewards for the scholar's labors that the telling evidence for Hellenistic influence is given. T h i s is t h e h o n o r t h e c o m m u n i t y is said t o give t o the scholar-sage. Glory, fame, and memorial are deeply r o o t e d in the Hellenic tradition as the goals o f heroic endeavor and the reward for t h e achievement o f excellence. As the arena appro­ priate t o t h e achievement o f e x c e l l e n c e shifted from battlefield to the games, and on t o the polis and the gymnasium, t h e literary forms appropriate t o the depiction and praise o f the respective protaganists w e r e transformed as well. T h e moves can be traced from epic poetry through the odes o f the lyric poets t o the prose e n c o m i a o f historians and rhetoricians and on t o t h e biographers o f t h e e m p i r e .

1 8

T h e triad o f warrior,

king, and athlete as appropriate subjects for praise determined the early formation o f t h e encomiastic tradition and continued on through t o t h e lives o f kings and c o m m a n d e r s o f the R o ­ man era. B u t as the cultural ideals shifted first t o include, and then t o prefer, those w h o figured as embodiments o f paideia, philosophers, orators, and poets w e r e h o n o r e d with e n c o m i a as w e l l .

1 9

Praise and h o n o r w e r e involved always and, e s ­

pecially in t h e self-consciousness o f t h e lyric poets and t h e composers o f prose e n c o m i a , under a double aspect. T h e first aspect was t h e express purpose o f t h e composition t o achieve h o n o r for t h e person praised o r sung. T h e second, r o o t e d in the Hellenic penchant for c o m p e t i t i o n and t h e panegyric c o n ­ test as t h e occasion for such display, was the praise and h o n o r

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sought by t h e author himself. It is this development that sug­ gests a Hellenistic influence for B e n Sira's hymn o f praise for the scholar-sage. O n c e it is seen that this p o e m about t h e scholar-sage is motivated by t h e e n c o m i a s t i c m o t i f in verses 9 - 1 1 , t h e goal toward w h i c h t h e whole has m o v e d t o find its

appropriate

climax, B e n Sira's b o o k itself m a y b e read again in a n e w light. Especially noticeable n o w are, n o t only t h e sense o f authorial performance

in t h e exceptionally fine p o e t i c

compositions

throughout, a performance m a r k e d consistently by great care and t h e pride o f perfected a c c o m p l i s h m e n t , but also t h e fre­ quency with w h i c h t h e motifs o f praise, glory, and fame are used t o m a r k for his students that standard by w h i c h

the

seeker after wisdom will b e k n o w n t o have arrived. In t h e p o e m in praise o f t h e scholar, B e n Sira cannot, o f course, m a k e reference t o himself. B u t as w e have seen, h e moves immediately t o self-reference in t h e hymn in praise o f creation and concludes with a n o t i c e that it is his o w n written composition that h e has shared. T h r o u g h o u t the b o o k , his c o n ­ sciousness o f authority as scholar-sage is evident as well, e s ­ pecially in those cases w h e r e h e employs t h e first person for heightened claims t o wisdom o r for the introduction o f h y m ­ nic m a t e r i a l .

20

T h e apparent effacement o f self-reference in

the scholar p o e m should n o t b e taken, therefore, as an indica­ tion that B e n Sira did n o t understand himself t o have aspired t o , o r even achieved, the ideal. T h e fact that he created this ideal type as an e n c o m i u m o f t h e scholar-sage may m a r k a significant m o v e in t h e conscious conceptualization o f the scholar's role in his time. T h i s role probably should be seen as just coming into p r o m i n e n c e as a recognizable office within the structure o f J e w i s h society. Its idealization is achieved, n o t by archaizing, n o r by appeal t o ideational o r ontological invest­ ments, but by reduction t o and c o n c e n t r a t e d focus upon those aspects o f t h e scholar's m o m e n t that are seen t o be definitive. T h a t m o m e n t is, o f course, significant in its claim t o divine inspiration, and it is here, n o doubt, that B e n Sira's c o m f o r t ­ ableness

with

the

psychology

o f oriental

wisdom

comes

through. B u t t h e simple ease with w h i c h even this is depicted,

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R H E T O R I C A L CONSIDERATIONS: READING AND W R I T I N G

indeed t h e m a n n e r in w h i c h t h e w h o l e is blithely r e c o u n t e d , reveals t h e status o f this ideal as fully achievable. W e m a y take it, then, as B e n Sira's self-portrait. H e was conscious o f being an a u t h o r .

21

B E N SIRA A N D T H E H E R O E S

A striking feature o f t h e p o e m in praise o f t h e scholar m a y n o w be noted. It is t h e degree t o w h i c h it corresponds t o t h e proem o f t h e h y m n in praise o f t h e fathers. B o t h fall easily into t w o m a j o r parts c o n n e c t e d by a transitional section, and b o t h end with an a n n o u n c e m e n t o f m e m o r i a l in the assembly. In part 1 o f t h e p r o e m , t h e types o f those t o be praised are listed according t o their definitive virtues ( 4 4 : 3 - 6 ) ; in part 1 o f t h e poem, t h e scholar is depicted according t o his definitive virtue or occupation ( 3 9 : 1 - 4 ) . A transition is given in t h e p r o e m with the n o t i c e that t h e r e w e r e others w h o received n o m e m o r i a l ( 4 4 : 7 - 9 ) ; in t h e p o e m , a transition is given with t h e n o t i c e that the scholar prays and receives t h e spirit o f understanding ( 3 9 : 5 - 6 ) . It is this that constitutes t h e m a j o r difference b e ­ tween the sage and those w h o labor with their hands (cf. 3 9 : 2 4 , 3 1 - 3 4 ) . In part 2 o f t h e p r o e m , t h e lasting achievement o f the pious leaders is given ( 4 4 : 1 1 — 14). In t h e p o e m , the achievement o f t h e scholar-sage is a n n o u n c e d as t h e instruc­ tion he can give ( 3 9 : 7 - 8 ) . B o t h passages end, then, o n t h e t h e m e o f eternal r e n o w n , and t h e concluding distich for b o t h is the same: " T h e assembly r e c o u n t s his [ t h e i r ] wisdom; the congregation declares his [ t h e i r ] p r a i s e " ( 3 9 : 1 0 ; 4 4 : 1 5 ) . This literary c o r r e s p o n d e n c e is all t h e m o r e suggestive w h e n it is n o t e d that among those w o r t h y o f praise listed in the proem, t h r e e o f t h e six are distinguished by their wisdom. W e have had occasion earlier t o r e m a r k about this listing and t h e fact that the promise t o w r i t e only in praise o f these leaders did not seem t o be fulfilled in t h e h y m n itself. Such a discrep­ ancy should not b e taken as an indication o f literary failure, o f course. It is possible t o m a k e s o m e correlations b e t w e e n t h e hasidim o f t h e p r o e m and the figures praised in the hymn. In any case, t h e p r o e m is intended t o validate the notion that there are m e n w o r t h y o f praise, n o t t o offer a p r o g r a m m a t i c

W R I T I N G : T H E G L O R Y O F T H E SCHOLAR-SAGE

105

outline o f t h e typology t o b e followed in the hymn. Y e t t h e listing is strangely disproportionate in its emphasis upon those engaged in scholarly and literary activities. O f t h e t h r e e r e ­ maining types o f those w o r t h y o f praise, only t w o might fall under t h e category "kings and c o m m a n d e r s " ( 4 4 : 3 a , 4 a ) . T h e third, " m e n o f r e s o u r c e " ( 4 4 : 6 ) , appears t o have taken an e n ­ comiastic m o t i f and transformed it into a social role, a curious construction. B u t it also could refer t o t h e scholar. T h e e n ­ comiastic m o t i f itself m u s t have been very closely associated with t h e office o f t h e scribe-sage for B e n Sira. T h e r e f o r e it was in reflection about t h e scholar's w o r k and social significance that literary forms influenced by t h e Hellenistic e n c o m i u m could b e employed. B u t i f this is plausible, t h e social function o f t h e sage in Jerusalem, indeed t h e status o f B e n Sira and his b o o k o f wisdom themselves, m a y b e far m o r e significant for o u r u n d e r ­ standing o f t h e religious institutions o f t h e t i m e than his h y m n has disclosed thus far. W e m a y r e t u r n n o w t o o u r thesis about the hymn and its function as mythology o f t h e S e c o n d T e m p l e institutions structured around t h e office o f t h e high priest. In o u r analysis o f office and its significance for t h e narrative d e ­ velopment o f t h e hymn, w e n o t e d that among those m e n ­ tioned in t h e first series o f seven, M o s e s ' office appeared t o b e the archetype that c o m b i n e d and unified aspects o f all those offices later t o b e derived from it by processes o f differentia­ tion and bifurcation. It m a y n o w b e recalled that in the subse­ quent development o f those official f u n c t i o n s — f r a g m e n t e d in the history o f t h e prophets and kings but resolved in t h e r e e m e r g e n c e o f t h e high priestly office o f S i m o n — o n e aspect o f M o s e s ' office did n o t reappear. This was his role as teacher. Given o u r thesis about t h e etiological and mythical function o f the hymn, n o t only for t h e high priesthood, but for t h e structure and constitution o f t h e t h e o c r a t i c c o m m u n i t y itself, the failure t o include a m a j o r official function in t h e scene at the end is troublesome. T h i s might b e a c c o u n t e d for in t w o ways. O n e is that M o s e s and his office w e r e understood t o b e only originary and foundational, n o t re-enactable in t h e a c t u ­ alized c o m m u n i t y . T h e o t h e r is that t h e transference o f t h e

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RHETORICAL CONSIDERATIONS: READING AND W R I T I N G

responsibility t o t e a c h t h e statutes and j u d g m e n t s t o Aaron ( 4 5 : 1 7 ) was assumed t o c o n t i n u e in force as a priestly function in the S e c o n d T e m p l e institutions and thus needed n o reitera­ tion as long as t h e high priest was recognized as legitimate. B u t it appears that elsewhere in B e n Sira's b o o k and earlier, t h e reader will have already had ample opportunity t o ponder the glories o f the scribe-sage, undoubtedly a priest, in regard t o his place within t h e c o m m u n i t y . This displacement m a y b e o f s o m e significance. In g e n r e , force, and implication for t h e social structure o f t h e religious community, t h e p o e m in praise o f t h e scholar-sage belongs "in the p i c t u r e " that it is t h e intent o f t h e h y m n t o depict. B u t t h e poem does n o t o c c u r within t h e h y m n itself. Its place is o u t ­ side o f it in spite o f t h e fact that t h e Mosaic office is t h e absolutely pivotal configuration for t h e originary pattern o f t h e community, and that its o w n formation is based o n t h e m o ­ m e n t o f revelation and r e c e p t i o n o f t h e law as constitution for the c o m m u n i t y . W h e n , therefore, in B e n Sira's description it is his preoccupation with t h e law, r e c e p t i o n o f t h e spirit o f un­ derstanding, and subsequent role as t e a c h e r within t h e c o m ­ munity that m a r k t h e scholar-sage for praise, o n e can hardly avoid concluding that it is in t h e office o f Moses w h e r e t h e priestly scholar-sage is t o stand. This conclusion can be supported by a further considera­ tion. W e saw that in t h e office o f t h e prophet a c o u n t e r p o i n t t o the king was posited and that t h e marks o f t h e prophet were essentially a capacity for vision and powerful speech. I f now, in a form m o r e appropriate t o t h e cultic ideal, the s c h o l ­ ar-priest also is m a r k e d by vision and speech, the " p r o p h e t i c " aspect o f t h e office o f M o s e s continues in force. T h e c o u n t e r ­ point has b e e n transformed, as it w e r e , by a double effacement by the sage himself: ( 1 ) n o longer does h e stand in opposition to the ruling office, for he h i m s e l f is a priest, and t h e high priest is w o r t h y o f praise; and ( 2 ) h e n e e d n o t n a m e himself in any case because i f he achieves his end, his n a m e will be r e ­ m e m b e r e d by the congregation. Such effacement does n o t bespeak uncertainty about one's role. T h e r e are clearly t w o offices o f constitutive significance

W R I T I N G : T H E G L O R Y O F T H E SCHOLAR-SAGE

107

to be recognized by the c o m m u n i t y . B o t h are worthy o f praise and memorial. T h e praise o f the o n e is dependent upon the praise o f the other. F o r those w h o are ranked among B e n Sira's students and readers, the glory o f the high priest cannot be seen save through the sage's eyes and words. T h e didactic and meditative aspects o f the hymn, which create that sense o f distance from actual participation in t h e rite and allow it t o b e seen through its p o e t i c depiction, n o w gain their full import. T h e reader sees the scene, n o t as it is in its literality, but as the poet-sage says that it is. H e t o o is n o t in the picture but stands with the reader looking on, seeing t h e r e what he has seen by virtue o f his studies in texts and his wisdom and words. Simon is glorious only insofar as the wisdom and the words o f the sage m a k e him so, j u s t as the scholar's texts are enigmatic until the spirit o f understanding lets him produce another. B e n Sira has discovered the p o w e r o f a poetic t e x t and the glory o f authorship.

His rather objective m a n n e r o f describing

the

scholar's vocation should n o t mislead us. Acknowledgment o f the significance o f the sage's profound authority and its social implications are fully revealed in the displaced e n c o m i u m on the ideal scholar and the resulting double effacement o f B e n Sira's o w n authority as author within the community. T h e office o f the priestly scribe c a n n o t be considered t o have emerged only in B e n Sira's t i m e , o f course. B u t its transforma­ tion via Hellenism into t h e office o f t h e teacher-sage, whose authority rests ultimately on his scholarship, wisdom, and his way with words, m a y b e a novum indeed.

Hermeneutic: Text and Cultural Contexts

Part 3

The Hymn as Jewish and Hellenistic Text

5 W

e return n o w t o the h y m n

as a literary composition. Its obvious dependence upon t h e J e w i s h scriptures has been noted, as well as its selectivity with regard t o those figures and events helpful for its o w n purposes and its interpretive distance from t h e scriptures upon which it draws. It has been suggested that a study o f t h e t e x t ' s rela­ tionship t o o t h e r t e x t s m i g h t tell us h o w this was achieved and why. Something o f t h e w h y has been discovered by pursuing t h e text's relation t o its social c o n t e x t . B u t t h e h o w is still t o be explored. Perhaps a study o f t h e t e x t ' s relation t o its precursor texts will help with this question. In the description o f the scholar, features that could a c ­ c o u n t for a recasting o f a p r e c u r s o r literature w e r e noted. T h e scholar's literary canon, though c e n t e r e d in the T o r a h , was quite extensive, perhaps even including Hellenistic literatures helpful for t h e task o f instruction in wisdom ethics, religious values, and what m i g h t b e called their philosophical founda­ tions. B e n Sira's knowledge o f certain Hellenistic literary tradi­ tions has also b e e n m e n t i o n e d , and in t h e case o f the e n c o ­ mium, a g e n r e and its particular function has been identified as a probable influence on his c o n c e p t i o n o f the scholar and his

111

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HERMENEUTIC: T E X T AND C U L T U R A L C O N T E X T S

understanding o f his o w n work. W e must n o w focus upon the composition o f the h y m n itself. Specifically, those literatures read and studied by B e n Sira need t o be identified, literatures that may have had direct bearing upon the creation o f the hymn. W e shall begin with a consideration o f the H e b r e w t e x t s , then m o v e t o a discussion o f possible Hellenistic prototypes, and finally address the ques­ tion o f the role o f wisdom t e x t s as well. T h e effort is directed by the desire t o see m o r e clearly the particular lineaments o f the hymn as a purposeful poetic composition, t o m a r k its in­ debtedness t o precursor t e x t s , as well as t o determine its n e w conceptualizations and creativity. T h a t creativity can be d e ­ fined as a m o m e n t o f its intertextuality. PRECURSORS IN THE JEWISH TRADITION

T h e evidence from B e n Sira's b o o k as a whole is that, in addition t o his preoccupation with the b o o k o f Proverbs, he had read m o s t o f the H e b r e w corpus k n o w n t o us t o have been extant. F o r the hymn, however, direct dependency is limited almost entirely t o the P e n t a t e u c h and the historiographic liter­ ature. It is possible, therefore, t o limit the study at this point t o a consideration o f j u s t these texts. The

Pentateuch

T h e place t o begin is with B e n Sira's reading o f t h e P e n ­ tateuch. W e have n o t e d the p r o b l e m o f reference with respect to his use o f the terms " T o r a h " and " B o o k o f the C o v e n a n t " and the literature he intended t o designate by them. B u t this uncertainty need n o t k e e p us from pursuing our investigation. It is clear that B e n Sira did have what w e understand as the Pentateuch before him as t e x t o r t e x t s among o t h e r texts. This is d o c u m e n t e d in his use o f all five books in the composition o f the hymn (as well as elsewhere in his b o o k ) . W h e t h e r he un­ derstood these five b o o k as a unit and w h e t h e r it was that unit that was intended by the designation " T o r a h , " are matters that may o r may n o t be clarified t o our satisfaction. W e shall posit such a unit in order t o investigate it as a possibility. In asking about it, s o m e clarifications may emerge.

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T H E H Y M N AS J E W I S H AND HELLENISTIC T E X T

T h e r e are references t o T o r a h as ethical c o d e in B e n Sira's book. T h i s naturally raises t h e question o f a T o r a h piety in Sirach, a piety that m a y have b e e n based upon a certain view o f the books o f M o s e s . T h e D e u t e r o n o m i c redaction immediately c o m e s t o mind. M a r b o c k , h o w e v e r , has found that those refer­ ences t o T o r a h that could b e taken in t h e sense o f a D e u ­ t e r o n o m i c c o d e are few and that m o s t o f B e n Sira's ethical 1

instruction is put forth w i t h o u t appealing t o T o r a h at all. T h i s suggests that B e n Sira found s o m e way t o correlate T o r a h , piety, and wisdom e t h i c o t h e r than o n t h e basis o f t h e P e n ­ tateuch as a b o o k o f ethical instruction. T h e r e is n o evidence that he sensed any tension b e t w e e n what h e understood by T o r a h as wisdom e t h i c and what h e understood by proverbial and philosophical wisdom as ethical instruction. Because t h e r e is n o evidence for a D e u t e r o n o m i s t i c rationale for the P e n ­ tateuch as wisdom e t h i c , i f B e n Sira understood it as a founda­ tional d o c u m e n t at all, h e m u s t have done so in s o m e o t h e r way. This might have been as constitution and c o d e for the S e c ­ ond T e m p l e institution, w h i c h also would have m e a n t a read­ ing from a particular point o f view, in this case with cultic and constitutional interests in mind. F o r this, t h e b o o k o f Leviticus could have provided t h e m a j o r focus, supported o f course by indications o f cultic c o n c e r n s throughout the Pentateuch as a whole. T h e references t o t e m p l e , priesthood, t h e c o m m a n d ­ ments given t o Aaron ( 4 5 : 1 2 ) , and the importance o f cultic piety throughout t h e b o o k indicate that t h e Pentateuch was indeed understood essentially as cultic constitution. B u t even i f this is so, it is important t o see that B e n Sira has not appealed t o it expressly as such an authority n o r interpreted it primarily with cultic legal codes in mind. F r o m Leviticus is taken only ( 1 ) certain aspects o f t h e description o f Aaron and his office for use in t h e h y m n and ( 2 ) t h e c o m m a n d m e n t concerning love o f one's neighbor as an instance o f wisdom e t h i c in the earlier parts o f t h e b o o k .

2

As m a n y have n o t i c e d , B e n Sira has also

taken several specifically cultic operations, including sacrifice and a t o n e m e n t , and declared their efficacy t o be functional within t h e practice o f a wisdom e t h i c alone (cf. 3 : 2 8 b ; 3 4 : 1 - 4 ;

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HERMENEUTIC: T E X T AND C U L T U R A L C O N T E X T S

4 0 : 2 4 b ) . T h e P e n t a t e u c h , then, was for B e n Sira m o r e than a cultic c o d e . A third possibility presents itself. It is a reading o f the P e n ­ tateuch, but especially o f Genesis and E x o d u s , as epic liter­ ature. T h i s is suggested in t h e early accounts o f Adam ( 1 7 : 1 — 14; 1 5 : 1 4 - 2 0 ; cf. 4 0 : 1 - 1 7 ) , as well as in allusions t o t h e a c ­ c o u n t o f creation and o t h e r narratives o f Genesis and Exodus 3

throughout t h e b o o k . O n e has t h e impression that B e n Sira was intensely interested in this material as an a c c o u n t o f pri­ mordial events that d e t e r m i n e d and disclosed t h e basic c o n d i ­ tion o f human e x i s t e n c e . T h i s should n o t surprise us. T h a t is what t h e P e n t a t e u c h essentially is. Given B e n Sira's knowledge o f Hellenistic literature and learning, t h e probability is t h e r e ­ fore quite strong that h e recognized it as epic and regarded it as significant mainly as an epic. B u t as is t h e case with t h e study o f H o m e r i c epic in t h e Hellenistic schools, and especially among the S t o i c s ,

4

B e n Sira's reading o f t h e P e n t a t e u c h is

marked less by an interest in t h e narrative and historicaletiological features o f t h e epic than by a quest t o discover therein traces and reflections o f certain c o n t e m p o r a r y philo­ sophical and ethical c o n c e p t s . T h u s he merely assumed t h e epic nature o f t h e T o r a h . H e n o w h e r e indicates that it was o r should be read j u s t as narrative. Instead, it was t o be studied, and t h e c o n c e r n s that w e r e t o guide t h e study are manifest. T h e y have t o d o with ethical anthropology and the degree t o which a wisdom view o f t h e w o r l d and o f the human situation may be d e t e c t e d in t h e epic a c c o u n t o f the beginnings o f things. T h u s t h e foci o f interest, w e r e o n e t o m a r k t h e places in the P e n t a t e u c h taken up in Sirach for c o m m e n t , are those human figures, beginning with Adam, in whose events the human drama o f wisdom and ethics may b e discerned. This at least is clearly t h e c o n c e r n in B e n Sira's reflections upon Adam. In Sir. 1 7 : 1 - 1 4 , t h e divine bestowals upon t h e human creature are listed and c o m e t o c l i m a x in t h e gift o f a "heart t o understand" ( 1 7 : 6 b ) . T h i s gift corresponds t o t h e bestowal o f wisdom upon all flesh "in m e a s u r e " in the opening hymn o f t h e b o o k ( 1 : 1 0 a ) . It is this wisdom that allows the

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recognition o f G o d ' s glory in c r e a t i o n ( 1 7 : 8 - 9 ) . T h e n , h o w e v ­ er, t h e gift o f t h e covenant, " t h e law o f life," is m e n t i o n e d (17:11).

It is g r o u n d e d

in a n o t h e r m o m e n t o f revelation

( 1 7 : 1 2 — 1 3 ) , w h i c h corresponds in turn t o t h e gift o f wisdom " w i t h o u t measure . . . t o t h e m that love H i m " in t h e opening hymn ( 1 : 1 0 b ) . T h e ease with w h i c h t h e reflection upon Adam is expanded t o include t h e covenant, a combination o f motifs from Genesis and Exodus facilitated by a notion o f wisdom that comprises b o t h knowledge and ethical capacities, shows us that Adam is understood t o b e a symbol o f all humankind. His typological significance is even m o r e p r o n o u n c e d in t h e reflection in Sir. 1 5 : 1 4 - 2 0 . It m a y b e suspected t o have played a role in anthropological-ethical formulations throughout t h e book. In t h e h y m n in praise o f t h e hasidim, however, it is n o t Adam but N o a h w h o stands at t h e beginning. Given o u r thesis o f the epic nature o f t h e P e n t a t e u c h for B e n Sira and t h e fact that h e had devoted considerable study t o t h e significance o f Adam, h o w can w e explain t h e change? B o t h t h e depictions o f Adam and the characterizations in the h y m n s h o w that t h e epic figures have been cast as types. This is normal for t h e study o f e p i c literature in t h e Hellenistic period. B u t Adam is typed as t h e representative o f humankind, while t h e hasidim are typed in t e r m s o f special roles, w h i c h w e have called offices. T h i s distinction appears t o be important. I f it w e r e pressed a bit further, in keeping with o u r thesis about the function o f t h e offices for the structure o f the covenant c o m m u n i t y , t h e relation o f Adam t o t h e hasidim would be that o f all humankind t o t h e elect c o m m u n i t y . Noting that Noah is a bridge figure, and that t h e covenant with him o c c u r r e d in the "season o f d e s t r u c t i o n " as a sign that G o d would

"not

destroy again all flesh" ( 4 4 : 1 7 - 1 8 ) , w e can add the e l e m e n t " h u m a n p r o b l e m a t i c / d i v i n e s o l u t i o n " t o t h e general distinc­ tion b e t w e e n t h e t w o groups. It is true that B e n Sira has n o t developed t h e narrative o f Adam's sin expressly, preferring t o emphasize his h u m a n capacity for wisdom as a universal e n ­ d o w m e n t instead. B u t n e i t h e r has h e depicted Adam as a pri­ mal figure o f ideal type (e.g., as a royal figure) in w h o m t h e

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conditional aspects o f h u m a n e x i s t e n c e are o v e r c o m e . Adam does stand for the positive capacity o f human

beings for

wisdom and o b e d i e n c e ( G o d ' s yeser; 1 5 : 1 4 ) . B u t this does n o t guarantee that wickedness will n o t emerge, as indeed B e n Sira repeatedly acknowledges. Adam, in addition t o the gift o f c a ­ pacity for wisdom, is in n e e d o f t h e benefits the covenant (the c o m m u n i t y ) can provide ( 1 7 : 1 1 - 1 4 ) . T h e hymn in praise o f the hasidim is a reading o f t h e epic with this second benefit in mind and thus c a n n o t begin with Adam. In the hymn, only t h e first seven figures praised are taken from t h e Pentateuch, but they constitute a unit with a particu­ lar function within the development o f the hymn as a whole. T h a t function has t o do with t h e establishment o f t h e c o v e ­ nants in a founding e p o c h before history in t h e land begins. Can anything m o r e be inferred from this about the status o f the Pentateuch for B e n Sira? I f o n e correlates B e n Sira's desig­ nation o f T o r a h as the B o o k o f t h e Covenant ( 2 4 : 3 3 ) with the observation that t h e P e n t a t e u c h provided only those first seven convenantal figures for the hymn, the special status o f the Pentateuch for him is given. H e has read it as epic, t h e first chapter o f a genealogical history. T h e m y t h i c aspect o f the first section o f t h e hymn, t o g e t h e r with its internal development o f the covenants and their studied interrelationships, brings t o mind t h e theogonies and anthropogonies at the beginning o f 5

Hellenistic histories and e n c o m i a . T h a t B e n Sira treated the Pentateuch in j u s t this way indicates that, for him, its wisdom was a function o f t h e way in w h i c h it could be read as origin­ ary narrative o f the archetypal patterns o f human e x i s t e n c e and the divine intentions for human community. It thus b e ­ comes the J e w i s h analogue and counterpoint t o Hellenistic views o n the origins o f the human race. The Priestly

Redaction

It has been suggested that a reading o f the Pentateuch as epic literature should occasion for us no surprise. This obser­ vation may n o w be expanded t o suggest a place for B e n Sira in 6

a J e w i s h tradition o f epic historiography. T h e point o f depar-

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ture is the degree t o w h i c h his hymn highlights those c o n c e r n s known t o have determined t h e priesdy redaction o f the P e n ­ tateuch itself. In that redaction, Israel's epic was read o r r e ­ shaped as t h e history o f t h e covenants that founded Israel's cult. T h e covenant with Noah was understood as the promise and possibility for all humankind t o b e included in the e c o n o ­ m y o f divine favor. T h e promise t o Abraham was understood primarily in terms o f t h e land that his seed would inherit. B o t h the priestly w r i t e r and B e n Sira m e n t i o n as well the sign o f circumcision, w h i c h began w i t h Abraham. Moses was r e c o g ­ nized as having received t h e law by audition and vision, a m o d e o f revelation that K o c h sees as c o m i n g from an old theology o f the t a b e r n a c l e .

7

B u t in t h e priestly redaction, the focus is

rather on Aaron, w h o was ordained t o the priesthood, invest­ ed, and given authority for cultic orders. O n Sinai, Yahweh's glory was manifest in t h e sanctuary, and the first sacrifice was performed. T h e people w e r e viewed as obedient recipients o f the benefits o f these institutions, primarily the sacrificial means for forgiveness and cleansing. W i t h the establishment o f the cult at Sinai, institutional history began. T h a t B e n Sira's h y m n reflects a view o f the Pentateuch very m u c h like that o f t h e priestly r e d a c t o r indicates that the read­ ing must have c o n t i n u e d in priestly circles as a tradition. In some form, it b e c a m e available t o B e n Sira. In his reading, M o s e s ' i m p o r t a n c e has been expanded and emphasized, the covenants have b e e n interrelated systematically, the archaic epoch has been dehistoricized, and t h e subsequent history has been systematically interpreted as a t i m e o f struggle coming t o resolution and c l i m a x only in B e n Sira's o w n time. T h e s e o f course are the very features that distinguish his hymn as a n e w reading and indicate its provenance in a n e w time and place. The Histories and

Chronicles

F r o m the figure o f J o s h u a on, the h y m n shows dependence primarily upon the books o f J o s h u a , Samuel, and Kings. T h e r e is, however, occasional indication o f acquaintance with C h r o n ­ icles, especially in the descriptions o f David, Solomon, and

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S i m o n . It is probable, t o o , that B e n Sira k n e w t h e books o f Ezra and Nehemiah, as t h e m e n t i o n o f Zerubbabel, J e s h u a , and Nehemiah shows, even though t h e information about Z e r u b ­ babel and J e s h u a was available in Haggai as well. T h e question is w h e t h e r anything m o r e can b e said about t h e way in w h i c h he read them. T h e r e are four aspects o f B e n Sira's t r e a t m e n t o f Israel's history that c o m p a r e with Chronicles. T h e first is t h e way in which h e clearly distinguishes b e t w e e n t h e acceptable and the unacceptable kings. T h e s e c o n d is that David's significance is seen t o lie primarily in his c a r e for and ordering o f t h e liturgy o f the cult. T h e third is that his c o n c e p t i o n o f history includes a recounting o f events right up and into his o w n time. T h e fourth is that a rewriting o f t h e history o f Israel and J u d a h is undertaken in support o f a cultic-institutional view o f p o s t e x ilic Judaism. It is plausible, then, that B e n Sira shared in a traditional rereading o f t h e D e u t e r o n o m i c history o f Israel along t h e lines o f that achieved by t h e chronicler. B u t t h e differences b e t w e e n B e n Sira and the c h r o n i c l e r are also significant. B e n Sira's selection o f acceptable kings is smaller, numbering only three. S o l o m o n is important for B e n Sira because h e built t h e t e m p l e and was associated with wisdom. B u t h e is n o t included in the list o f faithful kings because o f his sin, w h i c h is also recounted. T h e c h r o n i c l e r avoids any m e n t i o n o f S o l o m o n ' s sins. T h e covenant with David, though m e n t i o n e d by B e n Sira, is devalued in favor o f the covenant with Phineas, w h i c h alone continues in force. F o r the chronicler, all t h e o c r a t i c institutional validation is t r a c e d t o the covenant with David. Chronicles is also m a r k e d by a nar­ r o w Levitical interest for w h i c h B e n Sira gives n o evidence, so that a totally different c o n c e p t i o n o f Israel's cult is revealed. B u t the scope o f history in Chronicles, from Adam t o N e h e ­ miah, as well as its cultic-ethiological intention, shows it t o be a precedent o f sorts for B e n Sira's hymn. Momigliano has dis­ cussed the g e n r e o f historiography k n o w n as c h r o n i c l e and 9

placed it in t h e Hellenistic p e r i o d . It cannot a c c o u n t for the grand design o f B e n Sira's hymn, but its availability as a r e c o g ­ nizable m o d e for recounting t h e history o f a local institution

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(e.g., a city o r t e m p l e ) may have provided a framework within which B e n Sira began t o work. Ezra-Nehemiah B e n Sira's knowledge and view o f Ezra-Nehemiah is m u c h m o r e difficult t o ascertain. I f h e t o o k the information about Nehemiah restoring t h e walls from this literature, which ap­ pears t o be t h e m o s t probable assumption, his failure t o in­ clude Ezra in the list o f great m e n and his apparent lack o f interest in t h e history o f t h e restoration as such must indicate some aversion t o this literature and these traditions. His failure t o include Ezra is particularly interesting in light o f Ezra's role as scribe and priest, exactly t h e role that B e n Sira praises and knows himself t o hold. B u t as w e have seen, there m a y have been reasons n o t t o include the scholar-sage among those praised in t h e hymn, and this m a y have been enough n o t t o have m e n t i o n e d Ezra. Nevertheless, t h e r e are several considerations that indicate m o r e may have been at stake. First, B e n Sira did n o t share in the exclusivist notion o f J e w i s h identity and ethic reflected in Ezra-Nehemiah. S e c o n d , t h e harsh j u d g m e n t upon the sins o f the fathers and t h e people and t h e call t o repentance and t o T o r a h piety that pervades this literature run c o u n t e r t o B e n Sira's view o f Israel's h i s t o r y .

10

Odil S t e c k has shown that the

covenant-renewal c e r e m o n y in Nehemiah 9 was shaped by a homiletical

program

based

teronomistic view o f h i s t o r y .

upon 11

what

he

calls

a

Deu-

H e has traced its influence as

living tradition through t h e period o f the S e c o n d T e m p l e and shown it t o have been pervasive in m u c h o f the literature in the form o f prayers, homilies, redactions o f the prophets, and o t h e r literary forms. In this tradition, the exile was understood as a j u d g m e n t o f Y a h w e h , deserved o n a c c o u n t o f the sins o f Israel during the pre-exilic period o f the kingdom. This judg­ m e n t continued in force u p o n the postexilic c o m m u n i t y and called for a collective confession o f sin, repentance, prayer for m e r c y , covenant-renewal, and obedience t o the law as p r e c o n ­ ditions for restoration. W i t h i n this schema, the pre-exilic prophets as a class w e r e considered t o be sent by Y a h w e h t o

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preach repentance, but they w e r e r e j e c t e d completely by t h e people. Steele theorized that this theology was at h o m e first in Levitical circles, t h e n among t h e later hasidim. M a r b o c k has suggested that B e n Sira also stood within the Deuteronomistic tradition.

12

H e argues this because B e n Sira

shares with t h e D e u t e r o n o m i s t t h e understanding o f T o r a h as instruction and wisdom ( D e u t . 3 3 : 1 ; 4 1 : 6 - 8 ) , as well as certain o t h e r t h e m e s , for e x a m p l e , election, inheritance o f t h e land, rest, t h e c o m m a n d m e n t t o love G o d , and so forth. It would indeed be surprising i f B e n Sira did n o t share s o m e views with D e u t e r o n o m i c traditions. H e correlated T o r a h with wisdom and righteousness, k n e w about j u d g m e n t upon sins, and could call for r e p e n t a n c e and t h e keeping o f t h e law. B u t his wisdom ethic does n o t reflect a specifically D e u t e r o n o m i s t i c T o r a h piety, and t h e telling point is that t h e c o n t e m p o r a r y form o f the tradition demonstrated in S t e c k ' s w o r k is n o t in evidence anywhere in B e n Sira's b o o k .

1 3

S t e c k ' s finding agrees with ours

that a n o t h e r view o f history is at w o r k in t h e hymn, w h e r e the sins that destroyed t h e kingdoms are attributed t o t h e kings. T h e prophets are n o t r e j e c t e d by t h e people (though J e r e m i a h is said t o have b e e n p e r s e c u t e d by t h e king [cf. 4 9 : 4 - 6 ] ) . T h e r e is n o place in B e n Sira's c o n c e p t i o n for a collective confession o f sins o r a T o r a h piety as preconditions for a restoration o f Israel. T h e conclusion m u s t b e , therefore, that he c o n s t r u c t e d his hymn without recourse t o a D e u t e r o n o m i s t i c view o f Isra­ el's history. In summary, t h e h y m n demonstrates a certain reading o f the H e b r e w epic and histories. It stands in the tradition o f t h e priestly redaction o f t h e P e n t a t e u c h and shows s o m e formal similarities t o t h e w o r k o f t h e chronicler. B u t its m o s t dis­ tinctive features have n o t b e e n clarified by comparison with these precursors. W e turn, therefore, t o a consideration o f possible Hellenistic influence. PRECURSORS IN HELLENISTIC LITERATURE

T h e r e are t h r e e forms o f Hellenistic literature with w h i c h Ben Sira's h y m n has b e e n compared: historiography, biogra­ phy, and the e n c o m i u m .

1 4

All t h r e e may be traced back well

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before the t i m e o f B e n Sira, and all three flourished during his time and t h r o u g h o u t the Hellenistic period. O n the evidence o f school handbooks, unfortunately e x t a n t m o s d y from later centuries, all t h r e e genres w e r e m i n e d for educational pur­ poses. It is plausible, therefore, that acquaintance with G r e e k paideia

in early s e c o n d - c e n t u r y Palestine would have involved

instruction in the reading o f these literatures. All share in the Hellenistic preoccupation w i t h social roles o f leadership, c h a r ­ acterization o f ideal types, and portraits o f personages. Each, as w e shall see, m a y have c o n t r i b u t e d something t o the c o m p o s i ­ tion o f the hymn. Historiography T h e question o f B e n Sira's indebtedness t o modes o f Helle­ nistic historiography is m a d e difficult by the fact that as a reading o f Israel's history, t h e hymn obviously continues a Jewish tradition. B u t w e have n o t e d its uniqueness within this tradition, and it is n o t improbable that s o m e features o f its composition w e r e crafted o n t h e model o f the literary c o n v e n ­ tions o f Hellenistic historiography. T h e evidence for a reading o f the Pentateuch as primordial e p o c h is very suggestive as a case in point. In b o t h the tradition o f e n c o m i a and in t h e development o f Hellenistic historiogra­ phy, it was n o t unusual -to begin with an a c c o u n t o f archaic origins.

15

T h i s section o f t h e history included mythological,

legendary, and genealogical materials that w e r e intended t o trace primordial origins. T o begin with originary accounts was understood n o t m e r e l y as a claim t o tradition, although it was occasionally articulated as such. It was also intended as defini­ tional, a sort o f historical diaeretic that anchored the person, the race, o r the culture. T h i s at least is evident in the later Hellenistic historians (e.g., Diodorus Siculus and Nicolaus o f Damascus, b o t h first c e n t u r y B.C.E.). F o r these later historians, philosophical considerations w i t h a generally Stoic c o n c e r n for universalistic anthropology, as well as reflection on the signifi­ cance o f the R o m a n ecumene and the question o f cultural plu­ rality, may have b e e n the m o s t immediate c o n c e p t u a l i t i e s .

16

B u t the p h e n o m e n o n o f archaizing is already in evidence p r o -

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grammatically in t h e early third-century w o r k o f Berossus; and it is present as well in t h e history o f Ephorus in t h e preceding century, even though h e himself may have understood his point o f origin, t h e r e t u r n o f t h e Heracleidae, t o b e n o t " m y ­ t h i c " but " h i s t o r i c a l . " B e n Sira's h y m n may be placed o n a trajectory s o m e w h e r e b e t w e e n t h e archaizing histories o f the fourth and third centuries o n t h e o n e hand and t h e universal histories o f t h e first c e n t u r y o n t h e other. H e did n o t share t h e programmatic purposes o f a Diodorus Siculus, for they presup­ pose t h e emerging R o m a n order. B u t similar predilections are already in evidence, especially in that B e n Sira has found Stoic anthropological and ethical c o m m o n p l a c e s helpful t o elucidate his J e w i s h wisdom ethic. T h i s , t o g e t h e r with his reflections upon Adam as definitional type for humankind, indicates a reading o f t h e P e n t a t e u c h very m u c h like that o f t h e s o m e w h a t later Hellenistic histories. Historiography itself, in its Hellenic and Hellenistic forms, was impelled from t h e beginning by cross-cultural e x p e r i e n c e , which evoked curiosity about o t h e r peoples as well as reflec­ tion about cultural values and t r a d i t i o n s .

17

W i t h i n this general

frame, even t h e so-called m i n o r histories o f local institutions, based upon chronicles and archives, c a m e t o be cast as c o m ­ memorative a c c o u n t s o f their o w n illustrious traditions. T h e consciousness o f cultural pluralism was the prevailing horizon for all histories o f t h e period, and even w h e r e n o t explicit, competition o f claims t o represent superior cultural values was present. T h e r e is little in t h e nature o f an overt cultural c o m ­ petitiveness in B e n Sira's b o o k . B u t t h e r e are aspects o f his hymn that appear as m i n o r historiography, and in this, a s e c ­ ond point o f comparison with Hellenistic h i s t o r i o g r a p h y liter­ ature may b e noted. His consciousness o f cultural pluralism is reflected elsewhere in the b o o k , especially in t h e sayings about kings and rulers; and his implicit claims for the archaic and divine origins, as well as for t h e illustrious history o f t h e high priesthood and its temple, bespeak a purpose n o t at all out o f keeping with this function o f t h e historiography o f t h e Helle­ nistic period. T h a t h e reviewed this history primarily in terms o f leaders

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and their contributions t o institutional history also is indicative o f Hellenistic influence, as is t h e degree t o which conflict, war, defeat, and victory provide t h e subthemes and arena for m u c h o f the history from J o s h u a on. Kings, c o m m a n d e r s , wars, and cultural conflict provided t h e basic and enduring ingredients for Hellenic and Hellenistic historiography from the beginning, even after topics and c o n c e r n s o f m u c h broader scope c a m e t o be included. B e n Sira has n o t cast his history in a narrative and descriptive m o d e , with discussions o f cultural conventions and depictions o f personages at w a r in strange lands. B u t it seems t o reflect a specifically Hellenistic assumption about rulers and m e n o f p o w e r as the m a j o r vehicles o f history and thus as the major figures o f historiography. W e may summarize, then, by saying that certain aspects o f B e n Sira's hymn do reflect acquaintance with Hellenistic historiographic literature and gain their significance by participating in the assumptions that gave this literature its purposes. T h e s e purposes include studied assessment and c o m m e m o r a t i o n o f the values o f a culture o r o f a subcultural institution in implicit comparison t o o t h e r cultures. History was helpful t o this end by providing descriptive data o f those leaders and functions illustrative o f an institution's e x i s t e n c e and tradition. Insofar as values could b e manifest in strong leaders and seen t o b e r e ­ peated throughout a history, b o t h a sense o f definition and a quality o f endurance could b e achieved. Tracing such a pattern back t o m y t h i c origins achieved even m o r e , namely,

the

grounding o f those values in t h e o r d e r o f things understood t o be originary, ideal, universal, o r divine. Historiography also presented a means for describing cultural conflicts, accounting for cultural change, and investigating cultural threats and o p ­ tions, as was evidenced already in the great histories o f the fifth century. F r o m this point on, b o t h epic and chronicles as prior modes o f recalling and recounting the past could be taken up into a n e w reflection, w h i c h might be called a cultur­ al anthropology. T h e definitional m o m e n t that was t h e object o f the quest is t h e Hellenistic notion o f arete. B e n Sira's hymn shares in these assumptions about histo­ riography and in this quest for cultural and humanistic defini-

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tion. B u t its particular pattern o f characterization, its a r c h i t e c ­ tonic structure, notion o f continuity, style o f description, and other features are n o t crafted on the Hellenistic model. T h e s e must b e a c c o u n t e d for s o m e o t h e r way. T h a t o t h e r way, it has been suggested, calls for comparison with Hellenistic biog­ raphic literature. Biography It is the m o s t obvious feature o f the hymn, namely, its m a n ­ ifest preoccupation w i t h characterizations o f the h u m a n agents o f Israel's history, that has called for comparison with t h e b i ­ ographic literature o f t h e Hellenistic period. In o r d e r t o gain some clarity here, it will b e necessary t o distinguish b e t w e e n the generally pervasive biographic interests in t h e historiographic and encomiastic literatures o n the one hand and the beginnings o f biographic literature in t h e n a r r o w e r sense with­ in the Aristotelian tradition on t h e other. Biographic literature in this sense appears t o have e m e r g e d within the arena o f competition among the philosophic schools o f the fourth c e n ­ tury and their c h i e f s p o k e s m e n .

18

It consisted initially o f a n e c ­

dotal material that highlighted t h e personal characteristics o f individual philosophers and teachers. It does n o t appear t o have been encomiastic. Indeed, m u c h o f it was gossipy o r even derogatory, designed perhaps at first as personal o r philosoph­ ical polemic. At s o m e point, h o w e v e r , this type o f material was recognized as being o f value for elucidating the relationship o f a particular philosophy t o a particular m a n n e r o f life (bios). T h e assumption was that a teacher's m a n n e r o f life should c o r r e ­ spond t o his philosophy. Stories about what h e had said o r done, t o g e t h e r with b r i e f accounts o f his habits, personal c h a r ­ acteristics, sayings, and relationships with others, could b e c o l ­ lected in a kind o f portrait o f the m a n k n o w n t o have espoused this o r that philosophical teaching. This emphasis upon per­ sonalia and espousal o f a teaching sets this literature apart from both historiography and e n c o m i a . In b o t h o f the latter, but especially in historiography, personal touches, anecdotes, and sayings might be used o n occasion. B u t the emphasis h e r e was rather upon the description o f strong actions and the delinea-

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125

tion o f qualities o f character, r a t h e r than upon personal philos­ ophy and the integrity o f o n e ' s m a n n e r o f life. T h e difference is due, n o doubt, t o t h e fact that historiography and e n c o m i a were focused primarily o n kings and c o m m a n d e r s , for w h o m deeds and achievements w e r e definitive; the biographies had as their subjects philosophers, principally, for w h o m teachings were definitive. As w e shall see, the items included in an e n ­ c o m i u m present a rather c o m p l e t e outline o f a person's life and achievements without recourse t o the anecdotal material characteristic o f t h e Peripatetic " l i v e s . " T h e s e lives w e r e n o t biographies in t h e sense o f a full accounting o f the course o f a person's life. T h e y w e r e at first merely collections o f disparate " b i o g r a p h i c " materials. T h e r e w e r e numerous examples o f this genre written t h r o u g h o u t t h e Hellenistic period, apparendy as a tradition quite distinct from that o f t h e e n c o m i u m . Its sur­ vival well into t h e R o m a n period is d o c u m e n t e d in the w o r k o f Diogenes Laertius. This tradition is n o t reflected in B e n Sira's t r e a t m e n t o f the great m e n h e praises. T h e r e are n o anecdotes, personal t o u c h ­ es, o r interest expressed in an individual's personal c h a r a c ­ teristics. O n l y those items useful for a characterization in keeping with official functions are included. T h e r e is, indeed, n o place within t h e conceptuality o f office in the hymn for consideration o f the c o r r e s p o n d e n c e o f one's espoused philos­ ophy and one's m o d e o f life. In the case o f the scholar-sage, the " o f f i c e " m o s t analogous t o the Hellenistic philosopherteacher, B e n Sira c h o s e n o t t o depict a specific scribe at all, but t o cast up an ideal type. Nevertheless, t h e r e is o n e aspect o f B e n Sira's hymn that compares with the biographic literature. It is the t h e m e o f succession, w h i c h is introduced repeatedly in a variety o f ways. Succession does n o t appear t o have been an important notion in Hellenistic historiography in g e n e r a l ,

19

but it did b e c o m e a

significant organizing principle for the biographic material when it c a m e t o b e treated historically. It surfaces as program in the title o f t h e w o r k o f Sotion o f Alexandria (Diadoche philosophon),

ton

written roughly at the same time as B e n Sira's

hymn, and determines the g e n r e from that point through t o

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HERMENEUTIC: T E X T AND C U L T U R A L C O N T E X T S

the w o r k o f Diogenes Laertius. In this tradition, " s u c c e s s i o n " refers t o t h e s e q u e n c e o f philosophers as heads o f schools and conies t o b e used for charting t h e assumed derivative s e ­ quences o f t h e philosophical schools themselves, from a point o f origin with Thales as t h e first sage o n through t h e entire history o f their leadership. It is therefore based upon t h e n o ­ tion o f philosophy as tradition and works primarily with t h e relationship b e t w e e n t e a c h e r and student, the student viewed as successor and tradent o f t h e philosophy, t h e school viewed as vehicle o f t h e tradition. B e n Sira did n o t achieve such a c o h e r e n t c o n c e p t i o n o f sequence as succession. N o r would this have been achieved easily, given t h e variety o f offices, events, and history h e needed t o integrate. It is therefore all t h e m o r e n o t e w o r t h y that he found a variety o f ways t o introduce t h e n o t i o n o f succession at telling points t h r o u g h o u t the hymn. Especially interesting in this regard is t h e s e q u e n c e from M o s e s through Aaron t o Phineas, " t h e third in l i n e " ( 4 5 : 2 3 ) , as well as t h e notice that J o s h u a was a " m i n i s t e r o f M o s e s in t h e prophetical office" ( 4 6 : 1 ) and t h e repeated emphasis upon t h e prophets as those involved in activities that d e t e r m i n e d t h e sequences o f leadership t h r o u g h o u t t h e h i s t o r y .

20

W e have had occasion t o w o n d e r about M o s e s ' office as teacher, and w h e t h e r B e n Sira's h y m n indicates any reflection about its continuation in t h e process o f t h e actualization o f t h e covenant c o m m u n i t y . T h e c o n c e p t i o n o f Moses as t h e first o f a line o f p r o p h e t - t e a c h e r s is n o t w o r k e d o u t expressly n o r c a r ­ ried through in t h e hymn, and t h e r e are several considerations that may a c c o u n t for its improbability as a m a j o r t h e m e o r organizing principle. O n e is t h e c o n t i n g e n c y that B e n Sira at­ tributes t o t h e period o f t h e prophets in keeping w i t h his mythic schema. T h i s militates against t h e t h e m e o f continuity, say, o f T o r a h teaching from M o s e s through t h e prophets and on into B e n Sira's o w n time. A n o t h e r is t h e difficulty o f super­ imposing t h e tradition upon prophets understood t o b e , n o t scholar-teachers, but visionaries. In that B e n Sira himself b e ­ c a m e conscious about what it means t o be an author and un­ derstood t h e process o f creative c o m p o s i t i o n t o be t h e result

T H E H Y M N AS J E W I S H AND HELLENISTIC T E X T

127

o f divine inspiration, his role falls s o m e w h e r e b e t w e e n that o f the prophet and that o f t h e scribe. His seriousness and creativ­ ity as a t h i n k e r lies in t h e fact o f his noticing t h e task o f t h e wisdom scholar and scribe as h e t o o k up such precursors as Moses (and his vision and b o o k s ) and t h e prophets (and their visions and u t t e r a n c e s ) . B u t t h e h y m n i c history did n o t p r o ­ vide B e n Sira with an opportunity t o study and trace this n e w c o n c e p t i o n o f office b a c k t o M o s e s adequately. I f it had, a rather painful reflection would have b e e n required in t h e at­ t e m p t t o distinguish t h e uniqueness o f M o s e s as author in rela­ tion t o B e n Sira h i m s e l f .

21

S u c h a reflection o n the relationship

o f scribal and M o s a i c authorities did eventually o c c u r , and it produced a m o s t creative solution among the Tannaim. B u t this resolution could n o t take place, could n o t be used t o r e ­ write t h e history, as long as t h e S e c o n d T e m p l e m o d e l for Judaism was dominant. Nevertheless, t h e ideas o f authorship, teaching as tradition, faithfulness t o a vision, and succession are all there in n u c e in B e n Sira's b o o k and are carried quite far even in t h e hymn as a m o t i f that underlines t h e i m p o r t a n c e o f sequence and c o n ­ tinuity in t h e series. T h i s m a y b e seen, therefore, as an early appropriation o f a c o n c e p t from Hellenistic biographic liter­ ature that was later t o be developed by o t h e r J e w i s h histo­ riographers.

22

As is well k n o w n , t h e principle o f a chain o f

tradition b e c a m e canonical with t h e Tannaim. In the tractate Aboth, t h e prophets are t h e link in t h e chain that carried T o r a h from M o s e s , J o s h u a , and t h e elders through t o t h e m e n o f t h e great synagogue and o n t o t h e T a n n a i m at t h e end. B i c k e r m a n n has argued convincingly that this s c h e m a is in­ debted t o t h e idea o f succession w o r k e d o u t in the schools o f philosophy and used t o organize t h e biographic literature in the Peripatetic t r a d i t i o n .

23

It n o w appears that B e n Sira also was influenced by this idea o f a succession o f philosophers, albeit at a very early point in its conceptualization, and that h e used it, though quite halting­ ly, as an organizing principle in t h e hymn. T h a t it o c c u r s at all in t h e h y m n indicates that h e was aware o f the importance o f Moses in ways analogous t o Hellenistic views o f the i m p o r -

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HERMENEUTIC: T E X T AND C U L T U R A L C O N T E X T S

tance o f the founders o f philosophical schools. T h e implica­ tions o f this for determining the point at which cross-cultural correlations began for t h e Hellenistic J e w i s h intellectual are clear. T h e first correlations b e t w e e n the cultures would have been discovered at the level o f paideia

and wisdom as literary

and educational enterprises. The

Encomium

T h e indications are, then, that B e n Sira was acquainted with Hellenistic historiography and biographic literature in s o m e degree and that certain general features o f the h y m n w e r e influenced by his knowledge o f this material. B u t m o r e than this cannot be claimed. As historiography, the h y m n is m o s t peculiar, and t h e r e is very litde in it analogous t o the Hellenis­ tic biographic genre. W i t h t h e e n c o m i u m , however, t o which we n o w turn, t h e results o f a comparison are quite different. Here o n e finds numerous and substantive parallels in style, form, c o n t e n t , and i n t e n t i o n — p a r a l l e l s sufficient t o warrant the thesis that m a j o r aspects o f B e n Sira's hymn have been crafted on the model o f this Hellenistic prototype. T h e e n c o m i u m can be traced from its origins in Hellenic epic, through significant developments in the lyric poetry o f the classical period and t h e prose o f t h e first sophistic period, and on through its flourishing as c o m m e m o r a t i v e speech dur­ ing the Hellenistic p e r i o d .

24

It was a form recognized as b o t h

literary and rhetorical, it was invested with formal and critical theory in the schools, and it was found useful b o t h for c o m ­ memorative public occasions and for educational exercises. Its purpose was t o praise the virtues o f persons and institutions worthy o f c o m m e m o r a t i o n as those w h o incorporated the c u l ­ tural ideals. Its subjects w e r e originally epic heroes and victors in the pan-Hellenic games; t h e n kings and c o m m a n d e r s , as those upon w h o m an entire cultural tradition rested and in w h o m its values w e r e o n c e again tested and reaffirmed; and eventually, rhetors also and poets, philosophers, and others with roles o f social significance w e r e taken up for eulogy, as were cities, cultural institutions, and cultural and ethical values

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T H E H Y M N AS J E W I S H AND HELLENISTIC T E X T

themselves. T h e e n c o m i u m articulated t h e Hellenic aspiration for e x c e l l e n c e , achievement, recognition, and reward. It was a basic vehicle for t h e

transmission

and

translation

o f the

Hellenic spirit during t h e Hellenistic period. Its formal c h a r a c ­ teristics and rhetorical expectations w e r e familiar t o a wide spectrum

o f e x p e r i e n c e d listeners

Hellenes

and

Hellenists,

in t h e

wherever

the

populace, institutions

both of

Hellenistic culture spread. It was a form for entertainment, but with serious implications as well, inculcating in those w h o lis­ tened t h e very virtues rehearsed in t h e c o m m e m o r a t i o n o f t h e important personage o r institution. It is n o t surprising, therefore, t o learn that B e n Sira was quite familiar with t h e e n c o m i u m as a specific genre o f r h e t ­ orical composition. W e have already n o t e d t h e e x t e n t t o w h i c h he c o m p o u n d e d t h e c o m m u n i t y ' s a c t o f praise by including t h e scholar-sage alongside all o f t h e great leaders o f t h e past and r e c e n t present as w o r t h y o f h o n o r and glory. This, as w e have seen, was reminiscent o f e n c o m i a s t i c tradition and practice. T h o u g h its ostensible purpose was obviously t o e n h a n c e t h e image o f t h e c o m m e m o r a t e d person, t h e e n c o m i u m was also understood t o b e an occasion for t h e display o f t h e rhetorical skills o f t h e speaker. T h a t B e n Sira's scholar-sage receives glory is fully in keeping with this convention. T h a t o n e o f his c o m ­ positions is an e n c o m i u m itself follows quite naturally. T h e purpose o f t h e h y m n and t h e purpose o f the e n c o m i u m are, at least formally, t h e same. T h i s is indicated clearly in t h e express intention o f t h e a u t h o r t o sing praise ( 4 4 : 1 ) , as well as in the repeated m e n t i o n s o f glory, fame, memorial, public r e c ­ ognition, acclaim, and festival occasions throughout t h e hymn. O n the surface, then, t h e h y m n is clearly encomiastic in its intention, and it is j u s t this feature o f the hymn that dis­ tinguishes it from its J e w i s h precursors. Probing a bit further, o n e can see that certain stylistic and compositional devices have been employed that w e r e c o m m o n in, and definitive for, encomiastic rhetoric. T h e use o f comparison, contrast, the claim t o being unsurpassed, and an illustrious genealogy in t h e depiction o f a person all a c c o r d with c o m m o n rhetorical p r a c -

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H E R M E N E U T I C : T E X T AND C U L T U R A L C O N T E X T S

tice. Rhetorical questions, hyperboles, and exclamations o f awe may also b e m e n t i o n e d as tropes especially appropriate t o the encomium. B u t the telling consideration is the degree t o ^vhich t h e biblical figures have been cast according t o a c o m m o n pattern. This indicates that t h e same c o n c e p t i o n o f the typical has been superimposed upon all o f t h e biblical accounts and has g o v ­ erned t h e way in w h i c h characterization has been achieved. Noting that t h e type reflected here is official, manifests its virtues in great deeds, and is responsible for the well-being o f the social order, w e can n o w suggest the source o f that pattern o f characterization. It was c o n c e i v e d along the lines o f the Hellenistic e n c o m i u m with its primary orientation t o social leaders, kings and c o m m a n d e r s especially, in whose deeds o f achievement t h e social o r d e r was understood t o have been defended and preserved. In order t o visualize t h e formal correspondence b e t w e e n the Hellenistic e n c o m i u m and t h e pattern o f characterization in B e n Sira's hymn, w e may summarize the main divisions o f the e n c o m i u m as they are set up in table 3. This summary is based upon discussions o f the e n c o m i u m in rhetorical (technai)

and the progymnasmata.

handbooks

It reproduces the major s e c -

TABLE 3. THE PATTERN OF CHARACTERIZATION AS

ENCOMIUM

ENCOMIUM

PATTERN OF CHARACTERIZATION

1. PROEM 2. BIRTH/GENEALOGY

2. ELECTION

3. ACHIEVEMENTS: A.

PURSUITS

1.

B. VIRTUES

4.

c.

5. 3. 6.

D.

DEEDS BLESSINGS

OFFICE PIETY DEEDS COVENANT SETTING CONTEXT

4.

CONCLUSION A.

DEATH

B. MEMORIALS

7. REWARDS

T H E H Y M N AS J E W I S H AND HELLENISTIC T E X T

131

tions o f t h e s p e e c h form that m a y b e shown t o have shaped t h e e n c o m i u m from t h e beginning, w e r e expanded upon during the Hellenistic period, and c o n t i n u e d t o provide its oudine for the R o m a n and Byzantine p e r i o d s .

25

A correlation with t h e pattern o f characterization in t h e hymn can b e achieved by assigning each item o f t h e pattern t o a corresponding t o p i c in t h e e n c o m i u m oudine. O n l y i t e m 6 in t h e pattern o f characterization ( " s e t t i n g / c o n t e x t " ) is difficult t o m a t c h . As discussed earlier, t h e setting is probably a func­ tion o f t h e historicism o f t h e h y m n r a t h e r than o f its e n ­ comiastic intention, and thus it does n o t have an analogue in the e n c o m i u m . B u t it is n o t o u t o f place, for the e n c o m i u m regularly included m e n t i o n o f social c o n t e x t and tradition at appropriate j u n c t u r e s t h r o u g h o u t t h e speech. T h e kind o f set­ ting depicted in t h e h y m n , consistently a threat o f moral and political destruction, is a t h e m a t i c m a t t e r related t o t h e hymn's specifically J e w i s h and religious provenance. T h e p r o e m o f t h e e n c o m i u m included m e n t i o n o f t h e per­ son's n a m e , t h e occasion for t h e speech, and the author's a c ­ c e p t a n c e o f t h e task o f eulogy. A p r o e m for each figure has n o t been included in t h e p a t t e r n o f characterization, but it is important t o see that it could have been. Each hymnic unit begins by introducing t h e person by n a m e with s o m e indica­ tion o f his praiseworthiness. T h i s makes it possible t o speak o f a formal c o r r e s p o n d e n c e w i t h t h e e n c o m i u m proem.

One

should n o t e also that t h e o t h e r items included in an e n c o m i u m proem, t h e s t a t e m e n t o f authorial intention and reference t o occasional assemblage, are present in the p r o e m o f t h e h y m n as a whole. T h e s e c o n d section o f t h e e n c o m i u m had t o do with a per­ son's birth and genealogy. T o p i c s appropriate for this section w e r e t h e illustriousness o f o n e ' s nation, city, parents, as well as one's genealogy, w h i c h could include legendary and divine an­ cestors. T h i s was expanded in the later Hellenistic and R o m a n periods t o include o n e ' s upbringing and education. In t h e hymn, t h e r e is little interest in these kinds o f material because there is little interest in t h e persons praised as individuals. B u t just because t h e figures praised in t h e hymn are important, n o t

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T H E H Y M N AS J E W I S H AND HELLENISTIC T E X T

as individuals, b u t as office holders, that is, as those w h o m a n ­ ifested the ideal type o f specific social functions, t h e t h e m e o f election ( t o office) m a y b e seen as t h e appropriate correlate t o the Hellenistic categories o f birth and genealogy. It represents the specifically Jewish-religious counterpoint in keeping with the hymn's larger m y t h i c and theological c o n c e r n s . In addition t o the t h e m e o f election, o t h e r h y m n i c material having t o do with one's birth, parentage, and genealogy belongs here also. T h e r e is a noticeable emphasis upon this t h e m e throughout the hymn, w h i c h does suggest a formal correspondence with the encomium. T h e third and m a j o r section o f t h e e n c o m i u m was t h e r e ­ hearsal o f qualities and achievements. T h e lists o f topics and their classifications vary s o m e w h a t from handbook t o hand­ book, as do the orders suggested for their development. A t an early time in the tradition, a distinction may b e n o t e d b e t w e e n a chronological arrangement o f o n e ' s achievements and a t o p ­ ical arrangement o f one's qualities o r virtues. L a t e r classifica­ tions

according

to

various

typologies—for

example,

the

distinction b e t w e e n physical qualities and external resources ( " g o o d s " ) — a l s o c a m e t o b e used, sometimes t o simplify, sometimes t o c o m p o u n d t h e p r o b l e m o f arrangement. B u t the four items m e n t i o n e d in table 3 (pursuits, virtues, deeds, bless­ ings) appear t o c o v e r the m a j o r c o n c e r n s and c o n t e n t o f the e n c o m i u m throughout t h e Hellenistic period. U n d e r t h e topic "pursuits" (epitedeumata),

attention c a m e t o be focused upon

what w e would call one's vocation. This was thought o f in terms o f roles such as " s t a t e s m a n , " "philosopher," and so on, and thus corresponds t o o u r category " o f f i c e . " Naturally, the offices o f significance for J e w i s h social history w e r e particu­ larized for B e n Sira. B u t o n e suspects even so that w h e r e it was possible t o m a k e a correlation b e t w e e n o n e o f these and s o m e Hellenistic role, the similarities w e r e explored. This is e s ­ pecially noticeable in the case o f the judges as c o m m a n d e r s and the kings. T h e item designated " p i e t y " corresponds readily with the delineation o f moral virtues in t h e e n c o m i u m . T h e repeated mention o f " s t r e n g t h " as a n o t e w o r t h y quality in the hymn is

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HERMENEUTIC: T E X T AND C U L T U R A L C O N T E X T S

especially reminiscent o f Hellenistic e n c o m i a , w h e r e physical prowess, spiritual courage, and vocational authority and p o w e r w e r e regularly m e n t i o n e d as w o r t h y o f praise. T h a t t h e form o f piety praised in t h e h y m n is essentially a capacity t o b e faithful t o o n e ' s calling-in-office, n o t a paradigm o f J e w i s h r e ­ ligiosity in general, supports t h e thesis that an e n c o m i u m p r o ­ totype is at work. T h a t characterization is achieved in t h e hymn mainly by means o f t h e recounting o f deeds is also an encomiastic trait. In the tradition o f t h e e n c o m i u m , in distinction from t h e b i o ­ graphic tradition, characterization was achieved primarily by means o f t h e narration o f deeds as achievements. S o m e o f t h e deeds m e n t i o n e d in t h e hymn, for e x a m p l e , t h e fortification o f the city, are Hellenistic c o m m o n p l a c e s in t h e encomiastic tradition.

26

Under

"blessings," natural

and

fortunate

endowments

could b e given as well as a listing o f resources, property, and o f all worldly signs o f success. It is n o t clear w h e t h e r these w e r e understood

primarily

as gifts

or

achievements, and

thus

w h e t h e r they should be discussed at the beginning o r at t h e end o f t h e main section; but that they w e r e signs o f a person's virtue, and thus praiseworthy, was n o t questioned. W e have seen that in t h e h y m n also, those items listed under the c a t e g o ­ ry " r e w a r d " are actually e n d o w m e n t s . Indeed, the tension here b e t w e e n reward ( o r a c h i e v e m e n t ) and e n d o w m e n t ( o r gift) is so dialectical that even t h e basic e n d o w m e n t o f blessing and covenant can b e described as w h a t o n e receives as reward for virtue o r virtuous deed. T h e dialectic is heightened by reading t h e h y m n against its J e w i s h precursors, with their t h e ­ ologies o f divine initiative and their anthropologies o f faithful obedience. B u t a clearly sequential relationship b e t w e e n hu­ man efforts and j u s t rewards was n o t characteristic o f t h e Hellenistic e n c o m i u m either. In this respect, t h e hymn shares what might b e called t h e mentality o f t h e e n c o m i u m , even though t h e specific items m e n t i o n e d as rewards (covenant, in­ heritance, land) are particularly J e w i s h values. At t h e e n d o f an e n c o m i u m o n e ' s m a n n e r o f death and memorials may b e m e n t i o n e d , as well as prayers offered. In the

134

HERMENEUTIC: T E X T AND C U L T U R A L C O N T E X T S

pattern o f characterization o f t h e hymn, " r e w a r d s " include memorials, glory, and honor. T h i s is a striking feature and the most explicit similarity with t h e Hellenistic e n c o m i u m and its ultimate purpose. D e a t h as a theological and philosophical is­ sue was troublesome for B e n Sira, as evidenced elsewhere in the book, and s o m e aspects o f that problem are n o doubt related t o the availability o f Hellenistic views and reflections on the q u e s t i o n .

27

B u t h e could b e comfortable with t h e c o n ­

cept o f memorial and, in the h y m n , has emphasized this aspect o f the death o f t h e p i o u s — a n idea in keeping b o t h with e n ­ c o m i u m practice and with J e w i s h anthropology. O n e also might m e n t i o n in this regard that t h e t w o blessings that c o n ­ clude the praise o f Phineas ( 4 5 : 2 5 c - 2 6 ) and Simon ( 5 0 : 2 2 - 2 4 ) correspond nicely t o t h e prayers that conclude many Hellenis­ tic encomia. In a r e c e n t dissertation, T h o m a s L e e reviewed the question o f B e n Sira's knowledge o f Hellenistic literary genres and c o n ­ cluded that it was the e n c o m i u m t o which h e was principally indebted. Lee's thesis is that t h e hymn was B e n Sira's e n ­ c o m i u m o n S i m o n II, written t o persuade Onias III t o continue in Simon's tradition. L e e presents an outline o f the m a j o r s e c ­ tions o f the e n c o m i u m with w h i c h t o c o m p a r e the structure o f the hymn. In his analysis, the e n c o m i u m can b e divided into four parts: t h e p r o e m , the genealogy (genos), the deeds

(praxeis),

and the epilogue. H e was able t o correlate the hymn's p r o e m and final blessing ( 5 0 : 2 2 - 2 4 ) with the p r o e m and epilogue o f the e n c o m i u m outline. T h e main body o f the e n c o m i u m , that having t o do with achievements, h e c o m p a r e d with the hymn section o n Simon ( 5 0 : 1 - 2 1 ) . T h i s left the bulk o f t h e p o e m t o be a c c o u n t e d for as the "genealogical" section. L e e could s h o w that aspects o f t h e depictions, especially o f M o s e s , Aaron, Phineas, and t h e kings, are indeed similar t o the description o f Simon and that s o m e c o n n e c t i o n was intended. H e showed also that a review o f one's ancient and historical ancestors did pertain t o one's glory and was thus relevant as an e l e m e n t in the Hellenistic e n c o m i u m . B u t in o r d e r t o understand the e x ­ tremely long series o f historical figures that the hymn gives,

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Lee had t o point t o a n o t h e r g e n r e , t o what has been called a Beispielreihe,

a series o r collection o f examples. H e was able t o

show that t h e e x a m p l e series was compatible with the function o f the genealogical section o f t h e e n c o m i u m , but the problem o f the disproportionate space given t o t h e "genealogy" in the hymn in relation t o t h e " a c h i e v e m e n t " o f Simon, h e could n o t answer. T h i s leaves o n e uneasy with his thesis as a sufficient explanation o f t h e structure o f the hymn. Nevertheless, Lee's w o r k is very important, and his thesis can b e a c c o m m o d a t e d . T h e e n c o m i u m pattern is in evidence in each o f t h e smaller units o f t h e hymn and provides an explana­ tion for t h e p r o e m at the beginning and t h e blessing at the e n d o f the p o e m as a whole. Lee's study also supports several o t h e r conclusions w e have reached. H e offers an additional explana­ tion for the panegyric occasion that plays so large a role in t h e final scene o f t h e hymn, a setting and description in agreement with encomiastic tradition. H e argues for the necessity o f in­ cluding the section o n Simon in t h e h y m n and sees the hymn as a whole t o have its intended c l i m a x there. H e observes that many o f t h e figures in the h y m n are described in ways that appear t o b e similar t o t h e description o f Simon. B u t j u s t h e r e the problem with Lee's thesis begins t o tell. T h e reason the " g e n e a l o g y " section o f the e n c o m i u m is c o m ­ patible with an e x a m p l e series is that b o t h o f these literary forms entail a review o f history for making their points. T h e genealogy does this in o r d e r t o e n h a n c e the illustriousness o f the personage eulogized. T h e e x a m p l e series seeks t o establish the credibility o f a certain kind o f h u m a n achievement. B e n Sira may have m o d e l e d his h y m n with an eye t o b o t h genres, but neither literary form really is sufficient t o a c c o u n t for t h e peculiar way in w h i c h his figures are characterized, linked, and used t o trace a c o m p l e t e , s c h e m a t i c history. T h e structure o f the p o e m w e have proposed indicates a larger purpose than an e n c o m i u m o n Simon. Simon is praised, t o b e sure. B u t the "genealogy" is n o t his alone, n o r is all o f it relateable t o him as a personage, certainly not, as Lee suggests, as a personage whose " c h a r a c t e r " is r e -

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in all o f t h e preceding examples o f "fidelity t o t h e

commandments."

28

It is r a t h e r his office that is in focus, n o t

simply as a given social role within a culture with a c o n ­ sistently paradigmatic history, but as a product o f that history that recounts t h e costs o f its c o n c e p t i o n and actualization within a c o m p l e x l y structured c o m m u n i t y . T h u s t h e p r o e m o f the hymn does n o t m e n t i o n its telos in Simon's appearance o n the great day. T h e p o e m begins with figures o f e x t r e m e l y broad significance, develops its t h e m e s dynamically, studies t h e interrelationships a m o n g t h e offices throughout Israel's histo­ ry, and moves t o w a r d a conclusion about what it is t o w h i c h all o f t h e history has b e e n purposefully moving. T h i s is m o r e than e n c o m i u m , even though features o f the e n c o m i u m are clearly in evidence throughout. Placed at t h e intersection o f H e b r e w and Hellenistic liter­ atures, B e n Sira's h y m n manifests an amazingly c o m p l e x intertextuality. W e have seen that B e n Sira was conversant with Hellenistic historiography, biography, and the e n c o m i u m , but that each provided models only for certain aspects o f t h e poem. F r o m the emerging g e n r e o f universal history, B e n Sira t o o k the notion o f t h e primeval e p o c h and read t h e early histo­ ry in Genesis and Exodus in its light. H e read t h e subsequent history o f Israel as a c h r o n i c l e o f events and leaders marking Jerusalem's destiny. H e m a d e his selections on t h e basis o f specific social roles and conflicts found t o be significant for the institution o f t h e t e m p l e cult. His characters w e r e portrayed on the pattern o f t h e e n c o m i u m and linked by t h e m e s taken from t h e biographic histories o f t h e Aristotelian tradition. T h e result is a p o e m with decidedly encomiastic traits. B u t it should not b e called simply an e n c o m i u m , any m o r e than a chronicle o r epic historiography. It is an epic p o e m that c a n n o t be reduced t o any o f t h e genres thus far noted as p r e c u r s o r literatures. Since that is t h e case, a n o t h e r look at the hymn's a r c h i t e c ­ tonic structure is called for. T h e key t o its c o h e r e n c e and mythic function has n o t yet b e e n discovered, that is, what it was that called for t h e correlation o f history and e n c o m i u m t o begin with. T h o u g h each p r e c u r s o r t e x t has been found t o

T H E H Y M N AS J E W I S H AND HELLENISTIC T E X T

137

contribute something t o t h e composition, n o n e has provided a rationale sufficient t o explain t h e hymn's evocative power. Perhaps t h e r e is yet a n o t h e r " t e x t " with which the h y m n can be c o m p a r e d , a t e x t that can clarify t h e particular configura­ tion B e n Sira has given t o his epic poem.

Wisdom as Text and Texture

6 Or

t h e partial alignments o f

hymn and p r e c u r s o r t e x t s t h a t w e have explored, n o n e has been able t o elucidate t h e particular s c h e m a o f ordered history that t h e h y m n presents, a s c h e m a that enabled the integration o f t h e many t e x t s in a single vision. T h e question is w h e t h e r the rationale for B e n Sira's creative intertextual and c r o s s cultural reading can be determined. W a s h e a reader o f yet another kind o f t e x t , a t e x t available t o us as well for o u r o w n exploration o f that rationale? T h a t o t h e r " t e x t , " I w o u l d argue, is a " w i s d o m " way o f viewing t h i n g s — a reading o f t h e w o r l d from a certain p e r ­ spective, d e t e r m i n e d and enabled by a certain way with words. Concretely, that o t h e r t e x t is B e n Sira's b o o k o f wisdom itself, and especially those p o e m s and hymns within it that achieve a marvelous and m y t h i c self-reflection. In t h e m , certain basic m o m e n t s in t h e m y t h i c p a t t e r n o f this particular reading o f t h e world are disclosed. In t h e m , t h e a c t o f perception o f t h e world has b e e n transposed i n t o m y t h and recited as a series o f events in t h e e n c o u n t e r o f a personified wisdom with the world. W e shall see that this p a t t e r n and this personification provide us with t h e t e x t w e seek and that t h e m y t h o f wisdom

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can a c c o u n t for t h e h y m n ' s m y t h i c structure and its t h e m e o f glory. T o read t h e h y m n as a wisdom m y t h is, o f course, a bit unusual. T h e r e is n o internal evidence, linguistic o r referential, that demands comparison with t h e wisdom hymns. O n t h e basis o f all t h e conventional scholarly views o n wisdom, t h e likelihood o f c o r r e s p o n d e n c e is n o t g r e a t .

1

In fact, it has al­

ways been a puzzle that a h y m n i c history was included in a b o o k o f wisdom at all. W i s d o m thought and language, insofar as it has b e e n understood t o delimit a given horizon o f in­ terests and c o n c e r n s within J e w i s h tradition, has n o t been as­ sociated with theologies o f history, preoccupations with m i d ­ rash, theories o f prophecy, defense o f t h e culture, and so o n — all obvious features o f t h e hymn. Nevertheless, o u r literary analysis o f t h e h y m n and o u r a t t e m p t t o a c c o u n t for its c o m ­ position o n t h e basis o f its r h e t o r i c , assumed setting, and intertextuality have n o t disclosed t h e impulse o r vision that guides its formation. N o r have they revealed that passion out o f w h i c h the hymn attributes glory t o t h e pious. W e will a t t e m p t n o w t o discover that passion and vision. I maintain that read as a wisdom t e x t , all features o f t h e h y m n c o h e r e and are clearly marked by a deep c o m m i t m e n t t o find a rational basis for human social organization. W I S D O M AS A M O D E OF T H O U G H T

W e have n o designation, o t h e r than the t e r m

"wisdom"

itself, for that place and function within J e w i s h society taken and played by a b o o k like B e n Sira's. It has been customary t o speak about a " w i s d o m tradition" as i f t h e r e w e r e a social institution o r literary tradition that traded mainly in wisdom as a body o f knowledge and transmitted it as such. B u t r e c e n t scholarship has found it necessary t o question the assumption 2

o f a wisdom tradition understood along these l i n e s . It has n o t been possible t o identify a specific class o f sages w h o func­ tioned primarily as tradents o f wisdom in any specific, c o n t i n ­ uous social setting within Israelite history. This means that the analogy o f t h e prophetic, priestly, and Levitical traditions, for instance, can n o longer b e used t o conceptualize t h e placement

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and transmission o f wisdom as a separate stream o f philosophi­ cal, theological, o r ideological thought as scholars have been w o n t t o do. T h e r e does n o t appear t o have been any such distinct and self-conscious program characteristic o f any par­ ticular social institution invested with the c o n c e r n s o f sages alone. As for t h e literature usually identified as wisdom t e x t s (Proverbs, J o b , Q o h e l e t , s o m e psalms, e t c . ) , they singularly lack placement and even c o n c e r n for placement in any specific nexus o f cultural o r subcultural activity o f preserving

and

transmitting wisdom itself. Until B e n Sira t o o k t h e m up as precursor t e x t s , m o r e o v e r , nothing like a literary canon seems t o have existed. N o author, seems t o have regarded previously c o m p o s e d wisdom writings as literary precursors in a tradition 3

o f wisdom discourse at a l l . T h i s does n o t m e a n that the p h e ­ n o m e n o n o f wisdom discourse and thought in ancient and ear­ ly Judaism is insignificant as a characteristic o f its culture. B u t it does m e a n that w e m u s t reconceptualize its function as a m o d e o f perception available t o (and perhaps determinative for) the culture as a whole, n o t a special class o f scholars. Gifted individuals in a variety o f settings and subcultural tradi­ tions w e r e capable o f using such discourse creatively and r e ­ flectively. B u t as a m o d e o f discourse, wisdom was probably m o r e pervasive in the culture than w e have imagined it t o be. T o speak o f a m o d e o f wisdom discourse is, however, al­ ready t o delimit the range o f reference t o the t e r m itself. W i s d o m (hokmah),

it should b e noted, can be used t o refer t o a

very broad range o f human skills, capacities, perceptions, and behavior. It is a g e n e r i c t e r m for " k n o w l e d g e " o r " k n o w i n g " and requires modification by attribution o r c o n t e x t in order t o gain any specificity at all. T h u s o n e might speak o f m a n t i c wisdom, craft wisdom, crafty wisdom, proverbial o r life wis­ dom, ethical wisdom, and so o n .

4

In each case, recognizable

experience and observable behavior might be understood as evidence, and certain linguistic formulations o r genres might b e c o m e customary for c o m m u n i c a t i o n and transmission o f the knowledge claimed. W h e n , then, in the literature under dis­ cussion, reference is m a d e t o wisdom, an e x t r e m e l y indetermi­ nate linguistic sign is employed. T h a t reference is made at all

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t o wisdom as an o b j e c t o f observation and thought is, o f course, t h e problem. T h e question for us is w h e t h e r w e can understand m o r e precisely what knowledge o r knowing in this m o d e may have been. W e may begin with t h e observation that at t h e basic level o f proverbial speech forms, wisdom refers t o s o m e skill in t h e assessment o f and response t o h u m a n and social circumstances. This skill has t o do with t h e correlation o f c i r c u m s t a n c e with convention in t h e interest b o t h o f preserving social c o n v e n ­ tions and o f achieving personal status and well-being within the social order. T h u s w e speak o f wisdom from e x p e r i e n c e , articulated in proverb and available for utterance o r e n a c t m e n t 5

upon an appropriate o c c a s i o n . T h e proverb itself is a product o f generalization from m a n y e x p e r i e n c e s and tends t o c h a r a c ­ terize human beings in t e r m s o f typical behavior. B u t t h e status o f the typical is quite p r o b l e m a t i c , at least for c o n t e m p o r a r y W e s t e r n mentality t o grasp, because it is merely descriptive and related t o " c a s e s " instead o f t o " c a u s e s . " T h e cases t h e m ­ selves, though forms o f broadly universal human experiences, are nevertheless culturally conditioned and assume a particular cultural stability and ordering o f social life. Insofar as a proverb distills what is at stake in t h e typical c i r c u m s t a n c e and refracts from

it options and c o n s e q u e n c e s , it itself is t h e

wisdom

intended in linguistic form. T h e wisdom available in a proverb can be taught and learned, provided that t h e social o r d e r r e ­ mains stable and t h e proverb's o w n linguistic occasions (for being said, recalled, r e - e n a c t e d , reaffirmed) remain c o n v e n ­ tional and functional. A collection o f proverbs, then, does represent an accumula­ tion o f wisdom that has b e e n w o n by means o f certain m e t h ­ ods o f observation, testing, and classification. T h e definition o f certain constants in a given social structure with its o w n pat­ terns o f human behavior is involved. Its linguistic formations are appropriate

t o t h e preservation and c o m m u n i c a t i o n o f

these insights. As a m o d e o f thought, speech, and action widely available t o a culture, proverbial wisdom can provide a way o f making sense o f things. It can provide a perspective and m e t h ­ od for reflection, capable, ultimately, o f encompassing all o r -

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ders o f perceived reality i f organized around t h e anthropologi­ cal focus and its c o n c e r n for well-being. U n d e r s t o o d in this way, wisdom thinking can provide an entire culture with an "intellectual" capacity capable o f being shared and understood by all. But this m o d e o f thinking is prescientific, existential, and humanistic. T h e r e is n o capacity o r interest h e r e for a radical analysis o r critique o f t h e m e c h a n i s m s that might guarantee o r a c c o u n t for t h e o c c u r r e n c e o f t h e typical, n o r a n e e d t o devel­ op a c o n c e p t i o n even o f that o r d e r o r structure o f things that is assumed implicitly in t h e program. W i s d o m is therefore d e ­ pendent upon t h e givenness o f a social o r d e r with its c o n v e n ­ tions. It m a y function in t h e formation, defense, and continua­ tion o f a culture's social values, b u t it is incapable o f radical o r scientific investigation for adjudicating competitive values o r for grounding a system o f values in a n o t h e r arena o f discourse. Should a shift o c c u r in a cultural tradition, o r should t h e r e be a major social change o r breakdown, t h e viability o f t h e accumulated wisdom will b e sorely t e s t e d .

6

Insofar as t h e

wisdom accumulated is knowledge about human e x p e r i e n c e , wisdom is t r a n s f e r a b l e from o n e social o r d e r and its particular conventions t o another. Insofar as t h e typical is a c i r c u m s t a n c e in which behavior determines t h e o u t c o m e (e.g., d e e d - c o n s e ­ q u e n c e ) , t h e r e is an understanding available t o t h e wisdom m o d e o f perception itself that can facilitate assessment o f c o n ­ tingent situations. B u t this is t r u e only up t o a certain point. T h e contingent can b e managed by wisdom only i f it is relative t o a set o f closely related, typical possibilities. T h e contingent then b e c o m e s at m o s t a sort o f mild surprise as t o w h i c h o n e o f the numerous typical occasions arises. I f t h e possibility o f the typical w e r e t o b e erased by drastic cultural changes, t h e possibility o f wisdom itself would be threatened. W I S D O M CRISIS AND THE EMERGENCE OF M Y T H

Conventional wisdom was threatened by social crises at o n e time o r a n o t h e r in all o f t h e cultures o f t h e ancient Near East. In each case, t h e agony registered in t h e literature marks t h e importance o f a people's wisdom as t h e intellectual fabric o f its

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social discourse and cultural etiquettes. A series o f questions and reflections set in about t h e status o f wisdom in t h e situa­ tion o f social confusion. T h e s e reflections t o o k m a n y forms, governed as they w e r e by t h e full range o f human attitudes toward cultural chaos, from despair and cynicism, through a range o f rationalizations, t o imaginative endeavors t o m a k e sense o f things again in spite o f it all. O n e o f these endeavors resulted in t h e creation o f a m y t h i c figure. T h e personification o f wisdom as a m y t h i c figure e m e r g e d in H e b r e w thought and literature m u c h before the t i m e o f B e n Sira. It is customary t o regard Proverbs 1—9 as the earliest evidence for this p h e n o m e n o n , and it is t h e r e that w e can discern the result o f what m u s t have been a daring self-reflec­ tion. N o t only did t h e crisis o f conventional wisdom force an honest assessment about its inability t o function as before, its own critical capacities w e r e called upon t o give an a c c o u n t o f its failure and t o broach s o m e solution. T h i s social-intellectual crisis for wisdom, m o s t probably t o b e set in the exilic o r early postexilic despair over t h e end o f Israel's monarchies, has n o t been thoroughly e x p l o r e d in t h e scholarship. V o n R a d e x a m ­ ined the way in w h i c h later scholars (e.g., B e n Sira) discovered the logical limits beyond w h i c h a wisdom m o d e o f inference and deduction could n o t g o . H e concluded that this effort was made possible by turning t h e logic implicit within

wisdom

thinking in u p o n itself. H e was quite right about t h e c o u ­ rageous dialectic o f this self-reflection, but h e did n o t explore sufficiently t h e social conditions that impelled it o r t h e full range o f intellectual activity that accompanied it. This is b e ­ cause h e viewed wisdom thinking o n the model o f t h e history o f ideas and could find n o way t o relate its discourse t o social history o n c e t h e b o n d o f conventional wisdom with everyday life was b r o k e n by cultural crisis. N o r could he a c c o u n t for t h e e m e r g e n c e o f the m y t h i c figure o f wisdom itself. A careful study o f t h e e m e r g e n c e o f this figure shows, h o w ­ ever, that it was o n e o f t h e primary results o f the crisis that tore the social fabric away from t h e knowledge about

the

world that wisdom discourse o n c e represented. In this case, m o r e clearly than in t h e case o f later analyses on t h e limits o f

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wisdom logic, t h e full e x t e n t o f t h e crisis can be reconstructed. T h e m y t h i c figure stood as an a t t e m p t t o give an answer t o t h e many questions forced by the crisis. B u t it was n o t a simple, intellectual p r o d u c t o f t h e investigation o f these questions. Critical thought had t o b e given t o every aspect o f the crisis in order even t o imagine such an answer. T h e r e must have b e e n a serious a t t e m p t t o conceptualize t h e system o f etiquette c o n ­ ventional wisdom represented as system. T h i s would have b e e n forced upon thinkers by t h e rupture b e t w e e n conventional wisdom as a way o f recognizing the familiar patterns o f h u m a n behavior in a stable society and t h e breakdown o f its social orders. T h e distinction b e t w e e n wisdom as a system o f k n o w l ­ edge and society as a vulnerable structure, then, would have been the first agonizing a c k n o w l e d g m e n t . B u t t h e desire t o m a k e sense o f things would have required o t h e r distinctions as well, explorations o f t h e tenuous relations b e t w e e n what w e have learned t o call t h e orders o f things: t h e divine, t h e natu­ ral, the social, and the ethical. T h i s forced analysis would have been very difficult, because conceptual categories would have t o be c r e a t e d in o r d e r t o imagine these " o r d e r s " as distin­ guishable c o m p o n e n t s o f w h a t was o n c e viewed as a totality. Conventional wisdom, dysfunctional in the wake o f the de­ struction o f its assumed social stabilities, would need t o b e rethought as well. O n e way o f rethinking was t o acknowledge t h e dislocation o f wisdom from t h e social fabric, but t o affirm that its insights and c o n c e r n s w e r e valid nevertheless. Such a process o f reflec­ tion could result in t h e m y t h i c personification o f wisdom that w e have in Proverbs 1 —9. It should b e regarded as a

first-level

abstraction o f t h e enduring value o f t h e system o f conventional wisdom. This system was n o w c o n c e n t r a t e d in a single symbol that stood over t h e social arena. H o w e v e r , t h e social arena had lost its capacity for conventional wisdom discourse, and so the figure o f wisdom was imagined n o longer t o be related t o c o n t e m p o r a r y social discourse. It was cast, rather, as coming t o speech for itself, and its speech was t h e call for social sanity o f a figure imagined n o t t o belong t o society any longer, having its location in t h e divine ordering o f t h e natural world.

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W i s d o m n o w was imagined as belonging t o G o d , related in some way t o t h e a c t and o r d e r o f creation, appearing only epiphanically in t h e streets and public places o f t h e city, and calling out t o t h e foolish t o a c c e p t h e r teaching (Prov. 1:20— 3 3 ) . T h e desire t o affirm t h e p r e s e n c e o f a wisdom n o longer at h o m e in society is obvious h e r e , as is t h e a t t e m p t t o affirm its reality by means o f a m y t h i c projection upon the larger screen o f the w o r l d o f creation. T h i s was apparently t h e only " o r d e r " o f things actually imaginable any longer (Prov. 8:25—31). B e ­ cause t h e o t h e r " o r d e r s " w e r e n o t yet imaginable as orders, the m y t h reduced t h e m also t o agents w h o could represent them: G o d , t h e resistant m a r k e t place, t h e fool. W i s d o m was imagined as an agent in o r d e r t o relocate the stability it r e p r e ­ sented in t h e n e x t larger o r d e r o f things imaginable, t h e natu­ ral order. T h a t wisdom b e c a m e a m y t h i c figure, an abstraction in a prophetic call for realignments o f t h e orders, was n o t p o e t i c fantasy. It was t h e result o f a deliberate reflection about a real state o f affairs. W i s d o m had t o be imagined this way because that was all that was left o f i t — a n absent agent, hoping t o claim authority for s o m e system o f o r d e r and sanity in the world in o r d e r t o survive at all. B u t t h e " r e a p p e a r a n c e " and " a c c e p t a n c e " o f wisdom within t h e sphere o f h u m a n life was required as an additional m o m e n t o f perception. T h u s t h e p r o ­ j e c t i o n o f wisdom upon t h e larger world as an " o r d e r " o f creation was an assertion about wisdom and o r d e r previously unexplored.

7

W i s d o m b e c a m e a n a m e for that passionate desire t o retain some notion o f the social sense o f things. B u t that could b e done only by anchoring it, n o t in t h e social order itself, but in the structure o f t h e world. T h e social order was g o n e and, though the c o n c e r n was t o see it ( o r a n o t h e r social o r d e r ) reinstated, its absence d e t e r m i n e d that t h e projection o f o r ­ derliness, only n o w imagined as a category at all, be upon the universal screen. T h e assumption o f a societal o r d e r was c a n ­ celed o u t in t h e very process o f thinking o f " o r d e r " itself. Human well-being had t o b e imagined first in relation t o a cosmic o r d e r o f things.

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It may b e , o f c o u r s e , that s o m e m y t h i c correlation o f c o s m i c and social orders (e.g., M a a t ) was t h e p r o x i m a t e source o f t h e idea that wisdom was still present, i f only in t h e realm o f creation. T h e m y t h i c c o n c e p t i o n o f wisdom was partly a dis­ covery and disclosure o f structures implicit t o and originally merely assumed by wisdom thought, partly a n e w linguistic creation. T h e desire t o retain t h e sense o f things in spite o f t h e breakdown o f a society's structures is, o f course, understand­ able. T h a t it was achieved by abstracting, projecting, and p e r ­ sonifying wisdom, however, marks a profound

and

tragic

e x p e r i e n c e o f despair and indicates j u s t h o w important

a

culture's wisdom actually was. T h e picture that first resulted did n o t include wisdom in t h e social order. It depicted t h e figure o f wisdom at creation (i.e., " l o c a t e d " outside b o t h t h e social and natural orders), claiming involvement in creation and seeking re-cognition in society. It was undoubtedly due t o a social crisis and its threat t o a body o f conventional wisdom that such a self-reflective m o ­ m e n t o c c u r r e d within J e w i s h cultural history. W i t h the possi­ ble e x c e p t i o n o f Proverbs 1 0 - 3 1 , all o f t h e literature normally designated as wisdom writings bear t h e marks o f this process. T h e separation b e t w e e n t h e wisdom o f t h e social o r d e r ( n o w threatened with destruction) and t h e wisdom p r o j e c t e d upon the created o r d e r ( n o w affirming its p r e s e n c e ) was radically experienced. B u t t h e m y t h that resulted from this reflection was strong, as strong as t h e desire t o find wisdom in the world again, and as strong as t h e G o d with w h o m wisdom was j o i n e d at the beginning o f t h e world. According t o this myth, wisdom is that w h i c h orders o r even creates t h e world, articulates o r even guarantees its typ­ icalities (and those values that derive from orderliness, such as lightness, equality, and p e a c e ) , and is available o r even desires t o b e k n o w n o r manifest (in t h e social order). In t h e process o f mythologization, n e w linguistic formations

were

produced

(e.g., t h e naming and m y t h i c characterizations o f t h e person­ ified figure o f wisdom itself), conceptual categories w e r e c r e ­ ated (e.g., t h e idea o f " c r e a t i o n by w i s d o m " ) , narrative s c h e ­ mata w e r e imagined (e.g., t h e " a p p e a r a n c e " o f wisdom in t h e

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world), and additional literary genres w e r e requisitioned (e.g., dialogue, prophetic address, h y m n ) . I f w e look closely at this m y t h , w e can see that it represents the process by w h i c h wisdom can b e reappropriated. B u t inso­ far as it was c o n c e r n e d t o answer t h e question o f wisdom's absence, it inverts t h e sequences o f t h e process by w h i c h wisdom was w o n in t h e first place. T o acquire conventional wisdom there was ( 1 ) t h e drama o f t h e human quest for learn­ ing about wisdom and t h e typical in the social arena, ( 2 ) its articulation in proverbs so that transmission and repetition could o c c u r , and ( 3 ) t h e assumption about t h e goodness o f the order in things. T h e m y t h , in contrast, narrates first t h e c r e ­ ation o f o r d e r by wisdom, t h e n its e n t r a n c e into t h e human arena and its speech o f p r e s e n c e , and finally its invitation t o the listener t o a c c e p t it. T h e c o n c e p t i o n o f wisdom and its o r d e r in the world, relat­ ed though it was t o older naivetes in t h e structure o f wisdom thought, was n o t an abstraction o f older wisdom views about the world; n o r was it a c o n c e p t i o n about the world that had been w o n by s o m e investigation o f it that ascertained its prin­ ciples o f regularity and order. It was a n e w view o f wisdom, a linguistic and imaginative a c h i e v e m e n t born o f t h e desire for, the will t o affirm, w h a t ultimately had t o be a divine (i.e., e x t r a h u m a n ) knowing and ordering o f the world. T h i s hap­ pened in such a way as t o m a k e it possible t o call for an ordering o f human society that corresponded t o t h e divine will. T h e passionate p r o j e c t i o n is a profound and beautiful af­ firmation

o f what had t o b e so in t h e face o f social e x p e r i e n c e

that told otherwise. B u t it is e x t r e m e l y important t o see that it is a m e r e abstraction, a naming o f that w h i c h is n o t k n o w n , without reference t o any empirical, logical, o r philosophical data t o serve as its grounding. In t h e Hellenic tradition o f philosophy, the a t t e m p t was made t o discover t h e physical basis for natural and social o r ­ dering. T h e Hebraic c o n c e p t i o n o f a wisdom ordering o f c r e ­ ation was n o t based upon such a m o v e . It was n o t argued but affirmed. T h u s it stood for t h e tenacity o f t h e desire for social order in t h e m o m e n t o f its lack. It called, not for an investiga-

W I S D O M AS T E X T AND T E X T U R E

149

tion o f the verifiability o f a certain kind o f order in creation, that is, a " w i s d o m k i n d , " but for a renewal o f social ordering and stability itself. Nevertheless, o n c e this thought had been achieved, namely, that t h e w o r l d was ordered by wisdom and that this was t h e reason and m o d e l for human social ordering, a kind o f logic was given t o t h e quest for social ordering and a powerful r h e t o r i c could e m e r g e t o call for it. B u t t h e r h e t o r i c needed additional rationalization in o r d e r t o persuade. O n e further observation needs t o be m a d e about t h e wis­ d o m m y t h before asking about B e n Sira's reflection upon it. It is that t h e narrative s e q u e n c e w e have given, w h i c h begins with G o d at creation, m o v e s into and through the natural order, and ends in t h e city w i t h wisdom's call, is o u r o w n reconstruction, a c o m b i n a t i o n o f motifs presented separately in Proverbs 1 - 9 . T h i s r e c o n s t r u c t i o n is justified on the basis o f comparative mythology closely associated with t h e wisdom lit­ erature o f Israel's neighbor Egypt, a mythology that has been shown t o provide t h e imaginative stimulus for many details o f Israel's m y t h i c wisdom. B u t it has n o t been set forth in j u s t this way in any early J e w i s h wisdom writing. T h e narrative depictions remain episodic, exploring aspects o f the m y t h at certain critical m o m e n t s . T h e s e m o m e n t s are invariably at t h e rifts and seams b e t w e e n t h e several orders o f reality that wisdom m u s t reunite: G o d - w o r l d , G o d - c i t y , world-city, wisefool, and so on. At each j u n c t i o n , wisdom personified stands in the gap b e t w e e n t w o orders, representing t h e desire t o link t h e m t o g e t h e r again, t o see t h e m related. B u t that is all. T h e r e is n o narrative logic o t h e r than desire t o any o f the episodes o f mediation, though they are hauntingly attractive as images. T h e y invite, in fact, further reflection o n the problem o f h o w o n e might see things integrally related again. All subsequent wisdom mythology can be understood in j u s t this way, as j u n c t u r e s e x p l o r e d in t h e interest o f working out the p r o b l e m o f fragmentation (Prov. 8 : 2 2 ; J o b 2 8 , 3 8 ; Sirach 1, 2 4 ; W i s d o m 9, 1 0 ; e t c . ) . B u t t h e m y t h i c episodes themselves do n o t relate h o w t h e gaps actually are t o b e bridged. T h e y cannot do this until three conditions are m e t : ( 1 ) A full narrative logic m u s t b e discovered that can relate t o g e t h e r again all o f the orders

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n o w apart; ( 2 ) t h e orders m u s t b e conceptualized structurally, systematically, and in such a way that they can be c o m b i n e d in a single c o m p l e x system; and ( 3 ) a n e w social o r d e r m u s t b e actualized and rationalized in a c c o r d a n c e with t h e

wisdom

myth. W e are n o w ready for B e n Sira. W I S D O M M Y T H AND THE Q U E S T FOR A LOGIC

B e n Sira's b o o k o f wisdom is a m a j o r witness t o intellectual endeavor accomplished in a wisdom m o d e . It is replete with a broad s p e c t r u m o f wisdom genres, engages a wide range o f basic issues in J e w i s h ethical and religious thought, makes a proposal with regard t o t h e purpose o f creation and h u m a n existence, and argues for a certain view o f J e w i s h cult and piety by claiming that they are supported by t h e m o s t p r o ­ found manifestations o f wisdom itself. His b o o k is clearly n o t a product o f s o m e "precrisis n a i v e t e " about t h e validity o f c o n ­ ventional wisdom and t h e stability o f a given social order. T h e great catastrophes that brought an e n d t o t h e pre-exilic m o n archial orders w e r e still vividly in m e m o r y , and t h e c o n s e ­ quences o f these events for t h e culture's accumulated wisdom were known. B e n Sira does n o t acknowledge expressly t h e possibility o f skepticism and cynicism that could and emerge in postexilic reflections about

did

t h e reliability o f a

wisdom view o f things, but it c a n n o t b e that h e was unaware of them.

8

His o w n position, w h i c h was positive in its affirma­

tions about wisdom, appears on a first reading t o b e put forth in a quite straightforward m a n n e r . In actuality, it is highly rhetorical and apologetic in purpose, dealing in hyperbole, generalizations, and attempts t o g r o u n d t h e case for wisdom by observations that m o v e beyond t h e customary limits o f wisdom discourse. T h i s indicates that B e n Sira w o r k e d within and against t h e c o n t e x t o f conscious and articulate critique o f conventional wisdom and t h e adequacy o f its logic. In o r d e r t o c o u n t e r this critique, t h e wisdom m y t h was at hand. B u t m e r e l y t o c o n t i n u e t o r e c i t e t h e m y t h in t h e face o f its critics would have b e e n inadequate. A further rationaliza­ tion was required, as w e have indicated, t o explicate its nar­ rative logic, reimagine its symbols, and w o r k out its correla-

W I S D O M AS T E X T AND T E X T U R E

151

tions with s o m e social o r d e r within w h i c h a n o t h e r wisdom discourse c o u l d m a k e sense, instruction could b e given, and human well-being achieved. It was j u s t such an effort that B e n Sira invested in t h e wisdom m y t h . H e did this in t h e interest o f what might b e called a wisdom theology for S e c o n d T e m p l e Judaism. T h e narrative logic was w o r k e d out by correlating t h e m y t h with Israel's history o n t h e o n e hand. O n t h e o t h e r , the narrative episodes w e r e taken as occasions t o reflect on several categories o f mediation capable o f bridging the gaps b e t w e e n the orders o f things. T h e symbols representing t h e several o r ­ ders w e r e e x p a n d e d and diversified in o r d e r t o find aspects o f t h e m that could b e correlated, t h e notion o f system was i n t r o ­ duced and refined, and S e c o n d T e m p l e Judaism was idealized and grasped as a c e n t e r e d structure in o r d e r t o see within it the reflections and manifestations o f t h e glorious arrangement o f G o d ' s intentions for t h e world. This intellectual a c h i e v e m e n t needs t o b e e x a m i n e d m o r e closely. O u r analysis and discussion will lead eventually b a c k t o the hymn, w h i c h it will b e argued, m a y b e o n e o f t h e

finer

achievements o f B e n Sira's intellectual efforts in a wisdom m o d e , even though t h e figure o f wisdom n o longer appears there. B u t o t h e r hymns and p o e m s in his b o o k show him always at t h e larger task as well. W e n e e d t o e x p l o r e these, for t h e r e it is that B e n Sira's struggle for a firm foundation on w h i c h t o build his rationalized o r d e r o f things can b e discerned. In this explora­ tion, as w e shall see, his interest in Hellenistic modes o f thought will finally b e explained. It was n o t a flirtation with a culture s o m e h o w m o r e attractive than his own. It was a quest for logos, for another, supplemental abstraction with w h i c h t o undergird his m y t h o f wisdom, and it was absolutely crucial t o his e n t e r ­ prise. T h e n e w assertion o f wisdom's presence in society and t h e world had t o be g r o u n d e d by arguments and considerations from o t h e r , e x p a n d e d fields o f observation and reflection on the nature o f things. T h e claim t o find wisdom in a given social order in t h e postcrisis situation and u n d e r cynic critique r e ­ quired m o r e than t h e identification o f a social c o n c r e t i o n with a m y t h i c abstraction. T h e abstraction still would be only an e m p t y cipher for t h e desire that t h e r e b e an ordering o f things in the

152

HERMENEUTIC: T E X T AND C U L T U R A L C O N T E X T S

world. S o unless additional considerations w e r e forthcoming about t h e rationality o f t h e m y t h , o n e would b e left with m e r e assertion, capable only o f t h e r h e t o r i c o f desire. T h e first need, n o t e d above, was t o w o r k o u t t h e narrative logic o f the m y t h i c episodes. It can b e seen that B e n Sira has explicated t h e narrative capacities o f t h e wisdom m y t h in c e r ­ tain significant ways. O n e is that wisdom has b e e n depicted as a creation o f t h e C r e a t o r himself, w h o " p o u r e d h e r o u t upon all His w o r k s , " as well as " u p o n all flesh" ( 1 : 9 - 1 0 ) . T h i s m y ­ thic datum theologized t h e wisdom o r d e r in terms familiar t o Jewish conceptuality and in such a way as t o indicate that there was a basic correlation b e t w e e n t h e world and

the

human capacity for understanding it, a n c h o r e d in divine inten­ tion and activity. I f left h e r e , o f course, this would add m e r e l y another assertion t o t h e assertion about wisdom itself, and thus will require s o m e further substantiation. B u t t o bridge t h e gaps b e t w e e n C r e a t o r and creation, as well as b e t w e e n c r e ­ ation and humankind by means o f t h e single narrative image " p o u r i n g " is already helpful. A n o t h e r expansion o f an older mythic episode o c c u r s in t h e narrative o f wisdom's quest t o find a h o m e in t h e world among a particular people. T h e nar­ rative ends w h e n t h e C r e a t o r tells wisdom t o settle d o w n in Jerusalem ( 2 4 : 8 - 1 2 ) and she obeys. T h i s localizes wisdom and claims h e r presence within t h e social institutions o f Judaism. T h e relationship b e t w e e n these t w o expansions o f t h e m y t h (manifestations o f wisdom in creation as well as in t h e h u m a n order o f things) is that b e t w e e n capacity o r potentiality t o recognize wisdom and its actualization in a social construct. T a k e n together, they give a simple narrative logic, and b o t h expansions are capable o f further elaboration, as will b e c o m e clear. A n o t h e r r e q u i r e m e n t n o t e d above, identification o f wisdom with a social order, is also already in t h e process o f being worked out. It can be seen that B e n Sira has recast t h e story o f wisdom's origin and quest with a particular objective in mind. T h a t objective is t o identify S e c o n d T e m p l e Judaism as t h e flowering o f all G o d ' s w o r k s o f wisdom in creation and history. T h e constitutive elements m a y n o w be n a m e d that play s o m e

153

W I S D O M AS T E X T AND T E X T U R E

specific role in t h e discovery, articulation, codification, and manifestation o f wisdom's p r e s e n c e in that society. F o r B e n Sira, these are t h e T e m p l e ( 2 4 : 1 0 ) ; t h e B o o k ( 2 4 : 2 3 ) ; t h e sys­ t e m o f jurisprudence and e t h i c ; t h e intellectual achievements o f t h e scholar-priest ( 3 9 : 1 - 1 1 ) , his p o e m s , hymns, and ethical instructions; t h e piety t o t h e faithful ( t h e "fear o f the L o r d " ) ; and t h e manifestation o f t h e C r e a t o r ' s glory in the office and ritual occasion o f t h e high priest. T h i s is a fairly comprehensive grasp o f t h e religious structure o f t h e society and a daring claim. B e n Sira has apparently found it possible t o bless this religious o r d e r as an arena within w h i c h wisdom can be learned and taught again. H e m a y in fact have seen aspects o f this social o r d e r as especially compatible with t h e implicit needs and desires o f a wisdom view o f things. T h e nature o f authority; t h e privilege g r a n t e d t o repetition, ritual, and typ­ icality; conventional

binary

ethical c a t e g o r i e s — t h e s e

and

o t h e r aspects o f t h e religious mentality o f a temple society could have b e e n found w o r t h y o f wisdom's blessing. B u t t h e assertion that wisdom was t o b e found h e r e was made w i t h o u t recourse t o such considerations, because as a n a m e for a means and way o f creating order, wisdom really had n o c o n t e n t until it had an occasion t o identify and t o b e identified with t h e society itself. Theoretically, any n u m b e r o f h u m a n social orders could be claimed for wisdom, so t h e heightened sense o f claim that B e n Sira's rehistoricizing necessitates m u s t b e noted. B e n Sira m u s t say, t o say anything at all about t h e wisdom o f a social order, that this manifestation o f wisdom is nothing less than t h e Creator's intention from t h e beginning. T h e various orders in need o f correlation (creation, society, h u m a n beings) have been unified narratively, therefore, by ascribing t h e m y t h t o divine purpose and relating it t o Israel's history as intentional. T h e identifications among t h e orders w e r e m a d e quite simply at t h e narrative level by using wisdom as a m a j o r m e t a p h o r t o val­ orize and unify t h e J e w i s h o r d e r and history. B e n Sira's asser­ tion was m a d e at first m e r e l y o n t h e basis o f a m y t h i c claim. This claim would have t o b e validated, however, by considera­ tions from a philosophical assessment o f t h e world. O n l y so

154

HERMENEUTIC: T E X T AND C U L T U R A L C O N T E X T S

could t h e logic o f the narrative claim be recognized and ra­ tionalized, only so could it persuade. This explains, o f course, the great attraction o f Hellenistic thought for B e n Sira. It p r o ­ vided the conceptual categories t o rationalize the myth. B e n Sira has n o t provided a full a c c o u n t o f a correlation o f the wisdom m y t h with Hellenistic philosophic systems, as in fact o c c u r r e d in subsequent reflections (e.g., W i s d o m o f Sol­ omon, Philo). B u t he sensed t h e n e e d t o do so and began the process in a n u m b e r o f telling ways. F o r one, he set up the t w o readings o f the m y t h in such a way as t o create the dialectic between potentiality and actuality (wisdom available t o Adam in creation, wisdom available t o Israel in h e r history). This is a logical relationship. It corresponds also with the contrast b e ­ tween the universal o r g e n e r i c and the particular o r ethnic classifications o f the human, also a firmly e n t r e n c h e d applica­ tion o f Hellenic logic; and it is grounded in the schema o f creation/culture, a J e w i s h version o f a basic and longstanding G r e e k philosophical exploration (physis/nomos).

T h e very c r e ­

ation o f these dialectic and diaeretic sehemata is significant as an indication that B e n Sira sought a logic o f correlation. W h e n , then, the c o n c e p t o f totality o c c u r s in the c o n t e x t o f a creation hymn (kol, to pan [ 4 3 : 2 7 ] ) o r the idea o f an original e n d o w ­ m e n t for perception o c c u r s in the c o n t e x t o f a midrash o n the creation o f Adam ( 1 7 : 7 ; cf. 1 7 : 5 : nous),

he is marshalling

Hellenistic philosophical categories for the explication and conceptualization o f the various schemata o f correlation. Middendorp and others have shown that B e n Sira was a c ­ quainted

with and

influenced by Hellenistic philosophical

commonplaces. H e " e q u a t e d " sin and hybris, wisdom

and

arete, and regarded t h e passions as t h e cause o f unseemly b e ­ havior, for instance. M o r e difficult t o document, but m o r e important for o u r thesis, is the possibility o f seeing the various schemata

by w h i c h

B e n Sira

articulates

correspondences

among the several orders o f reality as Hellenistic as well. I f the schema cosmos-polis-anthropos

o r physis-nomos

stood behind and

gave structure t o B e n Sira's mythology o f creation and culture, a possibility given with t h e influence o f Hellenistic thought itself, the logics o f classification and correspondence inherent to these systems would have been at w o r k as well. T o t h e

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W I S D O M AS T E X T AND T E X T U R E

degree that they w e r e , a Hellenistic philosophical foundation would have been gained as a thought and discourse capable o f providing external validation for B e n Sira's primary narrative claim that the S e c o n d T e m p l e institutions w e r e anchored in a creation o r d e r governed by gracious and philanthropic design. The

correlation

with

Hellenistic

philosophical

categories

would allow that claim t o b e translated as follows: the J e w i s h polis is based upon a nomos identical t o the natural order (physis) o f the world (cosmos).

T o see the logic (logos) o f this arrange­

m e n t (taxis) o f t h e orders o f reality is wisdom (sophia),

the

perception o f things that m a k e s possible t h e achievement o f human e x c e l l e n c e (arete)—an relation o f nomos and physis—in

imitation (mimesis) o f the c o r ­ human life (anthropos,

bios).

Such a translation could shore up the wisdom m y t h and imagery against t h e threat o f emptiness by providing another, reasonable perspective on t h e narrative categories. T h e very discovery that the translation was possible would have p r o ­ vided the primary p o w e r and impulse for B e n Sira's claim and may have been t h e basic reason for the cross-cultural intellec­ tual adventure in the first place. T h e m e r e fact that a given notion (e.g., a " w i s d o m o r d e r in c r e a t i o n " ) might be r e n a m e d (as cosmos) would strongly suggest that the referential reality intended was assured. M o r e important, however, is that the n e w n a m e c a m e with the force o f that logic inherent in the Hellenistic system o f philosophical thought. As c o n c e p t s w o n in the intellectual endeavors o f definition, classification, and quest for the g r o u n d and interrelationships o f phenomena, the Hellenistic categories served t o rationalize the imagery with which wisdom had been expressed. T h e process may b e under­ stood as making explicit in discursive terms what was im­ plicitly intended via narrative and metaphor. T h e translation would, in itself, have been a significant step in conceptual r e signification. B u t w e should n o t overlook the important factor o f the additional perspective that was w o n in this translation process, t h e sense that t h e thing n a m e d actually was s o m e ­ thing. T h i s notion c a m e with t h e n e w n a m e as a philosophical c o n c e p t belonging t o a system o f conceptuality that offered a reasonable a c c o u n t o f t h e world. W i t h B e n Sira, t h e correlation o f wisdom imagery and c a t e -

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gories with Hellenistic philosophical conceptions has n o t b e e n carried out systematically, at least n o t at t h e level o f philo­ sophical terminology. H e w r o t e , after all, in H e b r e w and c o n ­ tinued t o w o r k with proverbial and p o e t i c genres. B u t t h e evidence is that he was broadly conversant with and deeply influenced by Hellenistic learning. T h a t h e continued t o e x ­ press his reflections, wisdom, and literary achievements for t h e most part in t e r m s o f recognizable wisdom m e t a p h o r reveals both t h e limits o f his Hellenization and t h e seriousness o f his creativity. N o simple identification o r a c c o m m o d a t i o n o f the t w o systems was being made. T h e m o m e n t s o f translatability have n o t o c c u r r e d arbitrarily, n o r by merely speculative in­ terests, n o r as playful experimentation. F o r B e n Sira, wisdom was the language o f t r u t h and its correlation with Hellenistic philosophy was intended t o serve its o w n claims, n o t t o r e c ­ o m m e n d Hellenistic learning and culture as a superior option. JEWISH W I S D O M AND HELLENIC PAIDEIA

It is important n o w t o see that t h e point at w h i c h J e w i s h culture could begin a conversation with Hellenism was given with the p h e n o m e n o n o f wisdom itself. Among scholars, t h e customary approach t o t h e question o f Jewish-Hellenistic syn­ cretism has b e e n t o discuss cultural identities in t e r m s o f par­ ticularizing theologies, pieties, and practices, t o set up

a

pattern o f c o m p e t i t i o n , t h e n t o n o t e the degree t o w h i c h any acceptance o f t h e other's cultural constructs a c c o m m o d a t e d the traditions. It is, however, n o t insignificant that t h e m a j o r translations in t h e Hellenization o f J e w i s h religious and cultur­ al traditions, those at least intended t o b e constructive, w e r e made precisely at t h e level o f an e x c h a n g e o f wisdom. T h i s o f course is hardly a surprising discovery, indicating as it does that a process o f thought, a linguistic translation, was required as t h e basis for understanding a n o t h e r culture's conventions in any respect at all. W h a t w e have n o t understood, though, is the degree t o w h i c h it was J e w i s h wisdom that provided t h e intellectual fabric o f J e w i s h culture and so could b e t h e vehicle for such an exchange. B y intellectual fabric, m o r e m u s t b e m e a n t than that i m -

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plied in t h e usual study on intellectual and philosophical ideas. It has been customary, for instance, t o m a k e a comparison between J e w i s h hokmah

(as a t e r m for theological knowledge)

and Hellenic sophia (as a t e r m for philosophical knowledge). T o stay at this level o f investigation confines the study t o an e x ­ change among elites and treats J e w i s h wisdom as a subcultural phenomenon, that is, as a distinct tradition cultivated by a class o f intellectuals. W h a t m u s t n o w b e considered is the e x t e n t t o which wisdom gave Judaism its o w n cultural c o h e r e n c e on terms equal t o the challenge o f cross-cultural dialogue and competition in t h e Hellenistic period. O f far m o r e significance than the correlation with t h e sophia undoubtedly that with paideia

o f the philosophers was

as a system o f learning itself.

9

Here it must have b e e n that t h e basis was found, n o t only for the cross-cultural conversation in the first place, but for the consciousness within Judaism o f the institution that must carry the day in the n e w time. W e are n o t able yet t o trace the history o f education in Israel and early postexilic Judaism, and m u c h o f what eventually surfaces for us t o see already is stamped heavily by Hellenistic m o d e s o f learning. B u t the basis for this receptivity surely was already given with the materials and conventions called wisdom. H e r e in quite recognizable forms was t o be found the J e w i s h analogue t o a whole range o f elements constitutive for the Hellenistic culture o f paideia:

the

proverbial wisdom o f the sages as the first texts for learning reading, then writing; the use o f such material t o inculcate the virtues and values o f t h e cultural tradition; the methods o f teaching and learning ( r o t e memorization, the authority o f the rod, the promise o f eventual success in society); the schema o f the sequence w o r k - r e w a r d t o motivate learning and rationalize socialization via education; t h e comfortable combination o f r e ­ ligious and humanistic e t h i c s — a l l pedagogical conventions easily assimilated by wisdom thought and practice. H e r e , then, m u s t have been the m a t r i x for endeavors in teaching and in learning that could take up the values o f the Jewish legacy in a self-conscious way under the question o f their transmissability, translatability, c o h e r e n c e , and c o m p e t i ­ tive status. H e r e it would have been understood that J e w i s h

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wisdom could assume a p r o m i n e n t role in the conceptual orga­ nization and rationalization o f t h e constitutive elements o f Jewish tradition. T h e B o o k and t h e books could b e read n o w in a different light, as w e have seen. S o could the religious cult, the system o f ethics, its anthropology, and so forth, as w e have also seen. H e r e , t o o , w h e t h e r subtly o r m o r e self-consciously, the Hellenic patterns o f logic and rationalization assumed in the enterprise o f paideia

would have been learned m o s t natur­

ally. O n e o f these logics would have b e e n the pedagogical and rhetorical (logical, argumentative, persuasive) values o f histor­ ical e x a m p l e s — e x a c t l y w h a t w e have found t o determine t h e composition o f t h e h y m n .

1 0

W e n e e d n o t argue that B e n Sira

had read Aristotle on the paradigm, o r even that h e had pur­ sued Hellenistic paideia

t o t h e level o f specifically rhetorical

training o r theory. T h e paradigmatic principle was e m b e d d e d in the Hellenistic t e x t s and their readings from the earliest encounters with t h e m . A J e w i s h sage would have been a per­ ceptive reader indeed o f those materials set forth as containing the way and wisdom o f t h e G r e e k s . T h a t it would have o c ­ curred t o him t o read his o w n history paradigmatically t o o is, not only possible, but probable. It thus seems likely that, should t h e hymn in praise o f the hasidim turn out t o b e structured and t e x t u r e d by wisdom myth and m e t a p h o r , t h e wisdom m y t h is t h e t e x t and t e x t u r e that can a c c o u n t for t h e J e w i s h - H e l l e n i c intertextuality o f t h e hymn.

W i s d o m as educational and

intellectual

enterprise

would have been t h e bridge across w h i c h t h e e x c h a n g e o f those ideas o c c u r r e d that can a c c o u n t for the h y m n as a syncretistic p h e n o m e n o n . As a J e w i s h sage, B e n Sira would have learned m o r e than philosophical options t o J e w i s h ideas o f God and creation from t h e wisdom o f t h e Greeks. H e would have learned about texts and poetics and rhetoric, discovered the humanistic assumptions within his o w n intellectual system, and gained t h e p o w e r o f Hellenic skills and consciousness t o read (i.e., t o r e w r i t e ) his o w n t e x t s with a certain rhetorical goal in mind. T h a t goal had t o do with t h e affirmation, elucida­ tion, and memorialization o f t h e J e w i s h ethos as a culture with

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159

an originary m o m e n t , a c o m p l e t e history, a glorious

an­

thropology, and a h u m a n e approach t o social and religious ethics. T h e logic that underlay this program was a creative combination

o f Hellenistic learning

and

Jewish

wisdom.

W i s d o m is n o t m e n t i o n e d in t h e h y m n expressly as a m a j o r t h e m e . B u t , as will n o w b e argued, it would have b e e n B e n Sira's thoughts about wisdom in a Hellenistic frame o f refer­ e n c e that m a d e it possible t o c o n c e i v e o f t h e hymn. Because it trades in Hellenistic forms o f r h e t o r i c , o n e might even say that with t h e h y m n a logic was given for t h e wisdom m y t h itself. THE

H Y M N AS A W I S D O M T E X T

T h e h y m n is placed at t h e e n d o f B e n Sira's b o o k o f wisdom. Its p r o e m promises t o list t h e great hasidim in their generations t o w h o m , as t h e reader has j u s t b e e n told in t h e final distich o f the preceding h y m n o n t h e creation, t h e C r e a t o r has given wisdom. Since t h e question o f t h e presence o f wisdom in t h e world has b e e n a m a j o r c o n c e r n throughout t h e b o o k and t h e quest for and discovery o f w i s d o m has b e e n a recurring t h e m e , t h e promise t o praise those w h o have b e e n granted wisdom does not strike t h e reader as strange. B u t in t h e reading, it b e c o m e s clear that t h e t h e m e o f wisdom itself is missing. T h e hasidim are characterized w i t h o u t reference t o t h e quest for wisdom and, as it turns out, are depicted in s e q u e n c e as carriers o f a history within w h i c h a primal cultic intentionality is narrated. T h e problem for t h e reader is n o t that t h e didactic e x p e c t a t i o n has n o t b e e n m e t . Indeed, t h e " i n s t r u c t i o n " that unfolds is m u c h m o r e profound and powerful than o n e might have e x p e c t e d . But t h e t e r m s in w h i c h t h e e x p e c t a t i o n s have b e e n m e t are, as w e n o w k n o w , n o t those for w h i c h t h e reader thought t o b e prepared. O u r question has b e e n w h e t h e r in t h e h y m n B e n Sira has introduced categories and considerations extraneous and irrelevant t o his enterprise o f instruction in wisdom. W e have argued that with t h e hymn, those anthropological and s o ­ ciological assumptions basic t o t h e structure and c o n c e r n o f wisdom thinking have in fact achieved an articulation. T h e articulation is w o r k e d o u t in relation t o a specific social system as t h e arena for t h e c o n c r e t e manifestation o f wisdom. T h i s

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claim is arbitrary in a sense, and that a c c o u n t s for t h e particular c o n c e p t i o n o f office along J e w i s h institutional lines, t h e peculiar form o f virtue depicted, t h e general lack o f recognizable m a n ­ ifestations o f conventional forms o f wisdom. B u t the way in which t h e study u n f o l d s — i t s patterns, structures, and develop­ m e n t o f t h e m e s and p l o t — m a y indeed be, n o t only a p r o d u c t o f wisdom thought, but an expression o f its logos as a realized myth. W e may begin by noting that certain aspects o f t h e h y m n reflect a perspectival reading o f Israel's history o f w h i c h a sage would have b e e n capable. T h e expressly anthropological focus is the first and perhaps m o s t obvious o f these. T h e h u m a n situation and t h e typicalities o f h u m a n behavior s t o o d at t h e c e n t e r o f a wisdom view o f t h e world. I f n o w the typical is cast in high-mimetic characterization and placed at the c e n t e r o f a mythic reading o f history, t h e level and scope o f t h e picture have changed, but n o t t h e way it is organized around t h e h u ­ man figure. T h i s figure is, m o r e o v e r , still being depicted through devices reflecting categories o f wisdom thought: clas­ sification by opposites, single-case exemplifications, rhetorical use o f praise and blame ( o r s h a m e ) , attribution o f virtue ( c h a r ­ acter) o n the basis o f behavior (deeds), and so on. B e c a u s e each o f these conventions has obvious analogues in t h e Hellenistic rhetoric and literature o f anthropological depiction, it would have been t h e sage's training in wisdom that enabled their employment. T h e expansion o f vision t o include the social order, a t h e ­ matic and constitutive m o m e n t o f t h e hymn, is also indicative o f the structure o f wisdom thinking. A t first assumed, then seen as necessary frame for t h e continuing viability o f a wis­ dom anthropology, t h e social o r d e r m u s t be affirmed. T h e problem for traditional wisdom thought, w h i c h w o r k e d induc­ tively from individual cases t o t h e typical, is that without o p ­ portunity and m e t h o d for a comparative sociology, t h e c a t e ­ gory o f t h e typical c a n n o t b e used in this case. T h e solution was t o seek an even larger frame o f reference, namely, that o f the world itself, within w h i c h t o place the social order. Sta­ bility n o w could be affirmed o n t h e basis o f regularity in t h e

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world o r d e r and any correlations o r associations that might b e seen b e t w e e n t h e creation o r d e r and t h e social order. T o achieve a higher level o f argumentation, t h e problem o f the several social orders possible (nomos) and t h e nature (physis) o f the c o s m o s would have t o b e addressed, as indeed it was among t h e G r e e k s . W i t h i n t h e limits o f wisdom thinking itself, this was n o t possible, b u t B e n Sira sensed t h e problem and addressed it along Hellenistic lines. T h e items used t o desig­ nate t h e social o r d e r in the h y m n i c depictions are those m o ­ m e n t s o f legislation that c r e a t e t h e legal fabric o f the c o m m u ­ nity (covenant, law, and office). T h e claim is that these are established by G o d , an intellectual appeal t o tradition that i m ­ plicitly addresses and solves t h e question o f correlation b e ­ tween nomos and physis, if, that is, t h e G o d in question is also understood t o b e t h e c r e a t o r o f t h e natural order. T h a t h e is has b e e n m a d e clear in t h e h y m n t o creation ( 4 2 : 1 5 - 4 3 : 3 3 ) , w h i c h is intended as t h e preface o r first section o f the hymn. B y reading it with t h e hymn, the schema wisdomi n - c r e a t i o n / w i s d o m - i n - t h e - s o c i a l - o r d e r can be discerned. This schema belongs t o t h e wisdom m y t h and, used here t o suggest the correlation o f creation and society, indicates that wisdom thought has been at work. I f t h e wisdom m y t h itself is struc­ tured narratively in a way similar t o t h e m y t h i c history in t h e hymn, then t h e narrative categories o f wisdom thought p r o ­ vided t h e intellectual m a t r i x for t h e m e r g e r o f J e w i s h and Hellenistic textualities in the hymn. T h e problem o f t h e ra­ tionalization and defence o f t h e c o n t e m p o r a r y J e w i s h religious society would have been understood primarily in wisdom terms. This would a c c o u n t for t h e otherwise surprising presence in B e n Sira's b o o k o f wisdom o f a whole range o f topics having t o do with J e w i s h social history n o t normally understood t o fall within t h e provenance o f wisdom interests and poetry. T h e example m o s t frequently cited is t h e so-called identification o f the m y t h i c figure o f wisdom w i t h t h e law. This p h e n o m e n o n has been called since Rylaarsdam the

"nationalization" o f

wisdom. B u t it m a y have been the o t h e r way around. W i s d o m thought may have been used t o conceptualize the basis and structure o f t h e religious society. Again, wisdom

thinking

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would have been the bridge for t h e exploration o f Hellenistic categories helpful for this task. It is n o t improbable that the conception o f T o r a h as law, for instance, a truly foundational m o m e n t for Judaism, t o o k place in just this exchange b e t w e e n Jewish wisdom thought and Hellenistic paideia.

It was in any

case the H e b r e w epic as t h e B o o k o f the Covenant that B e n Sira invested with wisdom in o r d e r t o begin his h y m n i c histo­ ry. This also can be explained as a logical m o v e o n the part o f a Jewish sage in t o u c h with Hellenistic learning. O n e o f t h e great discoveries o f the wisdom-paicfeia e x c h a n g e was that a nation's history could b e read in order t o disclose its logos. W i t h this discovery, t h e sage could take up t h e history as paradigmatic and understand it as elucidation o f the princi­ ple that constituted and ordered t h e social structure itself. T h i s B e n Sira has done, using for his o w n p u r p o s e s — f o r wisdom c o n c e r n s — t h e rhetorically effective forms o f encomiastic his­ toriography. If, then, the paradigmatic history turns out t o have a plot that can b e recognized as that o f the wisdom myth, we will have found the precursor t e x t w e seek. T H E HYMN AS WISDOM M Y T H

B e n Sira's reading o f the wisdom m y t h is given in c h a p t e r 24.

1 1

It is sung as a hymn by and t o wisdom, whose destiny is

recounted from the beginning o f creation t o its full incarnation in the temple cult o f Jerusalem. T h e hymn falls easily into three sections, w h i c h can be taken as strophes, and includes b o t h an invitation t o a c c e p t wisdom's story and the instruction that it is available in M o s e s ' B o o k o f the Covenant, the T o r a h . T h e T o r a h is said t o be wisdom's " m e m o r i a l " ( 2 4 : 2 0 ; t h e e n ­ tire section is 2 4 : 1 9 - 2 7 ) . In the first strophe ( 2 4 : 3 - 7 ) , wisdom tells o f h e r origin from the m o u t h o f the M o s t High, h o w she " c o v e r e d " the earth, described the great circles o f o r d e r in creation, and thus achieved sovereignty over all that she had created. At the end, however, a t h e m e is a n n o u n c e d that will impel the narrative forward. This t h e m e is o f wisdom's quest for a place t o dwell among a people. I f t h e strophe had ended with an assertion instead o f a question about wisdom's location, it would have

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163

agreed with t h e basic plot o f t h e wisdom m y t h as seen in Proverbs 8 and t h e Egyptian prototypes o f wisdom mythology in general. T h i s plot is simply t h e narrative form o f t h e s e ­ quence wisdom-in-creation/wisdom-in-the-social-order noted o n o t h e r occasions. T h a t t h e final lines invert the m o m e n t o f wisdom's establishment in t h e social order, making o f it a question, reflects t h e postcrisis sense o f wisdom's absence, that is, " h o m e l e s s n e s s . " T h e h u m a n quest for wisdom has, h o w e v ­ er, been taken up into t h e m y t h itself as a part o f wisdom's o w n quest for dwelling and is thus m a d e part o f the m y t h i c answer t o t h e social p r o b l e m a t i c . As a narrative t h e m e , t h e quest sets up t h e story for a series o f events in which resolu­ tion is t o be e x p e c t e d . T h e s e c o n d strophe ( 2 4 : 8 - 1 2 ) relates that t h e " C r e a t o r o f all t h i n g s " c r e a t e d wisdom before t h e world and c o m m a n d e d h e r t o take up h e r dwelling in Israel. W i s d o m did this, t o o k r o o t among an h o n o r e d people, and ministered in the sanctu­ ary at Jerusalem. B e t w e e n this and t h e first strophe, t h e r e is a significant bit o f narrative slippage. Instead o f merely taking up the story at t h e point o f wisdom's quest, t h e author has chosen t o recast t h e first episode, that is, t h e creation o f t h e world, as an a c t o f Y a h w e h . W i s d o m n o w b e c o m e s a creature t o o and can b e told w h a t t o do. T h e c o m m a n d m e n t o f strophe 2 does answer wisdom's question at t h e e n d o f strophe 1 and thus provides its sequel. B u t because strophe 2 recasts t h e creation episode, it ends up containing all t h e m a j o r m o m e n t s o f t h e m y t h as well. T h e third strophe ( 2 4 : 1 3 - 1 7 ) finds wisdom singing a song o f exultation. H e r " r o o t a g e " in Israel has g o n e well. She has "flourished" t o t h e point o f producing all she could have e x ­ pected. As a result, she can n o w invite all those w h o desire h e r t o c o m e t o h e r ( 2 4 : 1 9 - 2 3 ) . She is, she says, there, available, and ready t o b e possessed. I f w e understand wisdom's question in t h e first strophe and Yahweh's c o m m a n d m e n t in t h e s e c o n d t o belong t o a single m o m e n t , that is, t h e quest, t h e narrative as a whole consists o f four moves: creation, quest, location, and exaltation. In table 4 , these have b e e n given as t h e narrative outline underlying t h e

TABLE 4. THE STRUCTURE OF THE HYMN AS WISDOM MYTH

The Wisdom Myth (Sir. 24: 3 - 1 7 ) Strophe 2 Strophe 1 (8-12) (3-7) 1. Creation Yahweh creates wisdom. Wisdom is enthroned in creation. 164

2. Quest Wisdom seeks a dwelling among a people. 3. Location

The Hymn (Sir. 4 4 - 5 0 ) Strophe 3 (13-17) 1. Establishment The order of the covenants is designed in a primeval age. 2. Conquest and History The quest is to actualize the order in Israel.

Yahweh commands a dwelling in Israel.

3. Restoration The order is actualized in the temple cult.

Wisdom takes root among an honored people; she ministers in the temple in Jerusalem. 4. Exaltation Wisdom glories in her exaltation in Jerusalem.

4. Climax Simon is exalted and glorified.

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165

hymn in c h a p t e r 2 4 , with w h i c h t h e m y t h i c history o f t h e hymn in 4 4 - 5 0 m a y n o w be c o m p a r e d . In t h e hymn, t h e design for t h e covenantal order is estab­ lished in t h e a c c o u n t o f t h e first seven figures. Its place as "preland," and therefore " p r e h i s t o r y , " has been n o t e d as a mythic m o m e n t that casts t h e o r d e r thus established as a r c h e ­ typal, ideal, and perhaps transcendent. It is also here that t h e foundational activity o f G o d is m o s t manifest in the hymn, suggesting that t h e e p o c h is originary and creative. It c o r r e ­ sponds t o t h e m o m e n t o f creation in t h e wisdom myth, t h e covenantal o r d e r itself taking t h e place o f wisdom as t h e m a n ­ ifestation o f t h e o r d e r o f things that t h e C r e a t o r intends t o be actualized in h u m a n society. T h e s e c o n d m a j o r section o f t h e hymn, the history o f the prophets and kings, corresponds t o wisdom's quest and Y a h weh's c o m m a n d m e n t . W e have n o t e d t h e quest aspect o f this section as having t o d o with t h e actualization o f t h e design in the specific place o f t h e t e m p l e in Jerusalem. In the wisdom hymn, Y a h w e h c o m m a n d s wisdom t o m a k e h e r dwelling in J a c o b (Israel), in t h e tabernacle ( Z i o n ) , in the Holy City ( J e r u ­ salem). In t h e final section o f t h e hymn, w h i c h praises Simon, the actualization o f t h e design has b e e n achieved and t h e high priest is exalted. This corresponds b o t h t o the location o f wisdom in t h e J e r u s a l e m t e m p l e and t o h e r exaltation there. T h e imagery used t o describe t h e flourishing is identical: t h e magnificence o f t h e ( c o s m i c ) t r e e and t h e glory o f the ( t e m p l e ) incense. T h e c o m b i n a t i o n o f m e t a p h o r s makes t h e point: t h e integration o f t h e natural and social religious orders. T h u s t h e structure o f t h e hymn in praise o f t h e hasidim does c o r r e s p o n d t o that o f t h e wisdom myth. W e may be justified, then, in reading it as a c o m p o s i t i o n enabled by t h e wisdom t e x t . T h e process o f reflection and creative c o n c e p ­ tualization necessary t o m o v e from t h e m y t h t o the hymnic history is e x t r e m e l y c o m p l e x , necessitating t h e conscious c o r ­ relation o f wisdom imagery with Hellenistic conceptualities in order t o take up t h e J e w i s h social history in j u s t this way. B u t the imaginative, intellectual process can be a c c o u n t e d for in

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terms o f o u r thesis, and t h e p o w e r t h e composition gains from its intertextual correlation o f precursors can b e imagined. O n e aspect o f this literary a c h i e v e m e n t should be n o t e d in passing. It is t h e way in w h i c h t h e post-Pentateuchal history has b e e n read, especially in relation t o t h e P e n t a t e u c h itself. T h e wisdom m y t h provided a narrative structure for a reading o f the history as a w h o l e . B u t t h e correlation o f its episodes with t h e biblical materials resulted in their classification a c ­ cording t o distinctively valorized readings. T h e P e n t a t e u c h has been read t o c o r r e s p o n d w i t h t h e first episode o f t h e m y t h , that o f t h e establishment o f o r d e r in t h e presocial w o r l d at large. It is important t o see that this reading was n o t at all a m a t t e r o f arbitrary superimposition o f t h e m y t h i c valence o n resistent materials. T h e priestly redaction and reading o f t h e epic was quite congenial t o this n e w construction, and t h e Hellenistic notion o f an archaic period at t h e beginning o f a national o r universal history added its support. O n e suspects Hellenistic influence, also, in t h e tightly knit development o f the covenants with t h e first seven figures as a sort o f genealogy o f the o r d e r o f things that was t o determine human history. B u t that this reading o f t h e P e n t a t e u c h could t h e n b e j o i n e d systematically t o a reading o f t h e sequel history was a m a j o r achievement attributable mainly t o t h e m y t h i c t e x t that has guided t h e whole. T h i s sequel history, t h e entire history from Joshua's t o B e n Sira's t i m e , has b e e n read as a single " m o ­ m e n t " o f the myth. Valorized as " q u e s t " and rationalized by Hellenistic c o n c e p t s o f history, paradigm, and testing, J e w i s h history has b e e n assigned a function quite compatible with wisdom thought. It is a remarkable achievement, making sense o f t h e w h o l e by seeking o u t a logic capable o f bridging t h e times from t h e Pentateuchal a c c o u n t s t o t h e present. T h e sense that is m a d e o f it is, o f c o u r s e , wisdom's own. T h e r e is n o development at all, n e i t h e r o f ideas, n o r o f social history, n o r o f great acts that redirect t h e c o u r s e o f history itself. T h e great design is predetermined, and " h i s t o r y " is n o w t h e lesson about h o w important it is t o see t h e design and t o structure the social o r d e r accordingly. History has been structured sys­ tematically as a m o m e n t in a m y t h about structure itself.

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G L O R Y AS THE PRESENCE OF W I S D O M

W e hope n o w t o have discovered t h e t e x t that can a c c o u n t for the hymn's overall structure. W i t h that t e x t c o m e s also a particular c o n t e x t o f thought, sensibility, and c o n c e r n . Assum­ ing this as t h e literary and intellectual m a t r i x o f the hymn, w e are able t o see m o r e clearly t h e several rationales for the c o m ­ plex literary combinations from w h i c h the hymn has been composed. W h a t w e have n o t seen yet is the presence o f any reference t o wisdom itself within t h e hymn capable o f provid­ ing a recognizable t e x t u r e . T h e r e is perhaps n o reason t o e x ­ p e c t any sign o f wisdom's presence in Israel's history at the surface level o f t h e t e x t . T h e purpose o f the hymn would have been achieved for t h e sage in its a c c o u n t o f the covenant order itself. T h e shift in ethos from t h e wisdom m y t h t o the m y t h i c history o f t h e covenantal o r d e r may in fact preclude references t o conventional wisdom in that account. B u t the question per­ sists precisely because t h e sensibility o f the sage seems t o invite it. M a y t h e r e n o t be, t h e question goes, s o m e aspect o f t h e covenantal order, its offices, and especially o f the character o f its pious leaders throughout history that can serve as a sign for wisdom's presence? I would suggest that the repeated m e n t i o n o f glory throughout t h e h y m n has as o n e o f its functions the evocation o f t h e sense o f wisdom's presence in the history from t h e beginning. T h e use o f t h e t e r m " g l o r y " (kdbod) is, in any case, o n e o f the m o s t startling features o f t h e hymn. Its affinities t o r e ­ ligious c o n c e p t s o f t h e holy and t h e transcendent m a r k its attribution t o t h e hasidim as bordering on profanity. Y e t it is used, emphatically and repeatedly, t o claim for t h e m a surpass­ ing excellence. T h i s e x c e l l e n c e , it is said, could n o t but b e recognized by t h e people. It is this usage o f this t e r m that gives the history its continuity and t h e h y m n its texture. T h e preceding h y m n t o creation has as its t h e m e the "glory o f Y a h w e h , " w h i c h is " o v e r all His w o r k s " ( 4 2 : 1 7 ) . This glory is visible in t h e c r e a t e d o r d e r and indeed is celebrated in t h e hymn. Y a h w e h himself c a n n o t b e seen, but he can b e praised because o f t h e manifestation o f his glory. T h e n the hymn in

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praise o f t h e hasidim is introduced. Again the t h e m e is glory, the glory that they had as t h e M o s t High's portion ( 4 4 : 2 ) . It is visible in these m e n b o t h t o their generations and t o t h e read­ ers o f t h e hymn. Glory, h o n o r , dignity, memorial, exaltation, b l e s s i n g — t h e s e are t h e notes sounded throughout. M o s e s is made "glorious as G o d " ( 4 5 : 2 ) ; Aaron is blessed with majesty and glory ( 4 5 : 7 , 1 2 ) ; Phineas was glorious ( 4 5 : 2 3 ) ; and J o s h u a , " H o w glorious h e w a s " ( 4 6 : 2 ) . T h e litany ebbs and throughout

flows

t h e history o f t h e prophets and t h e kings and

c o m e s t o c l i m a x in t h e portrayal o f Simon: " H o w glorious h e was w h e n h e looked forth from t h e T e n t . . . . W h e n h e w e n t up t o t h e altar o f majesty, and m a d e glorious t h e c o u r t o f t h e sanctuary" ( 5 0 : 5 , 1 1 ) . B e n Sira's c h o i c e o f this t e r m t o give his p o e m brilliance and t h e sense o f holy presence offers us a precious c h a n c e t o see t h e sage at w o r k with words. T h e t e r m itself is capable o f being read in relation t o the

fundamental

concerns and purposes o f e a c h o f t h e hymn's precursor texts. T h u s it is able in itself t o organize and integrate t h e m r o u n d a common theme. T h e t e m p l e cult as that social o r d e r toward w h i c h t h e m y ­ thic history moves is t h e primary s o u r c e and locus for t h e t e r m " g l o r y , " o f course. In this c o n t e x t , glory refers t o t h e presence o f G o d in t h e sanctuary. T h i s c o n n o t a t i o n o f t h e divine pres­ e n c e is clearly in evidence throughout t h e hymn, but especially so in t h e final scene. B u t even here, t h e t e r m is n o t used expressly o f t h e presence o f G o d , b u t o f a quality o f t h e pres­ e n c e o f t h e h u m a n figure w h o performs perfectly his high office. It is this usage that at first profanes the t e r m , but it is precisely t h e profane sense that is appropriate t o t h e o t h e r set o f t e x t s read into t h e h y m n from t h e Hellenistic tradition. Glory is t h e purpose o f t h e e n c o m i u m and t h e encomiastic history. It t o o is being acknowledged and evoked. W e m a y understand t h e G r e e k and Syriac translations o f 4 4 : 2 , that t h e glory o f the hasidim was " c r e a t e d f o r " o r "alloted t o " t h e m by the M o s t High, as an a t t e m p t t o mediate t h e tension this c r e ­ ates b e t w e e n t h e contrasting views o f t h e human and d i v i n e .

12

This sense o f t h e m a t t e r would b e right, for as w e have seen, the pattern o f characterization contains n o m o m e n t o f h u m a n

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aspiration o r achievement, and t h e great deeds are carefully balanced by t h e c o u n t e r t h e m e o f divine purpose and will. B u t the tension remains nonetheless, and it is created and held in tension mainly by t h e t e r m " g l o r y . " W e m u s t b e careful, h o w e v e r , n o t t o cast the dialectic e n ­ tirely in cross-cultural terms. T h e reason for this is that t h e t e r m has t h e capacity t o e v o k e yet a n o t h e r arena o f discourse, that o f the m y t h o f wisdom itself. R e s p e c t , h o n o r , and glory are deeply r o o t e d in traditional wisdom and m a r k a m a j o r value and motivation for t h e teaching-learning enterprise. G l o ­ ry also b e c o m e s t h e sage, and wisdom c o m i n g t o speech is said t o praise herself and receive h o n o r b o t h a m o n g the people and in t h e presence o f t h e M o s t High ( 2 4 : 1 ) . T h e t e r m , then, belongs as well t o t h e linguistic field o f wisdom discourse and thus alludes t o wisdom itself throughout the hymn at t h o s e j u n c t u r e s w h e r e t h e intertextuality is t h i c k ­ est and t h e syncretistic purposes m o s t c o m p l e x . Its usage is t h e primary device by w h i c h t h e p r e c u r s o r texts and their p e r ­ spectives o n t h e h u m a n s c e n e are brought t o focus in a n e w vision. T h e vision is tensive and dialectical with respect t o exactly w h o s e glory is manifest o r o n what basis t h e h u m a n figures actually m a y b e said t o b e w o r t h y o f glorification. T h e mediation b e t w e e n t h e glory o f t h e radically transcendent G o d on t h e o n e hand and that o f t h e m a n o f superior achievement on the o t h e r , a mediation m a d e possible by t h e wisdom an­ thropology o f t h e sage, leaves little r o o m for questions about the conditions and possibilities o f glory. Glory is simply posited and allowed t o draw upon all o f its significations in older c o n ­ texts for t h e newly t e x t u r e d manifestation. T h i s layeredness is the genius o f t h e n e w image and perspective and provides t h e hymn as a w h o l e w i t h t h e t e x t u r e and t o n e that distinguish it from all precursors. T h e t e r m " g l o r y " is peculiarly capable o f receiving and c o n ­ taining diverse and tensive manifestations o f e x c e l l e n c e b e ­ cause, like t h e t e r m " w i s d o m , " it really has n o c o n t e n t o f its own, depending for that upon its c o n t e x t . This is m o s t strange, because as a t e r m for p r e s e n c e , it is energized by t h e notion that it creates its o w n c o n t e x t — a s aura, as manifestation. T h i s

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redundancy charges the t e r m with the radicality o f presence. It is the full manifestation o f itself. Nothing really is revealed in a m o m e n t o f glory e x c e p t glory itself. It b e c o m e s a hyperbole for presence, at the same t i m e so highly charged with fullness that one cannot bring t o it any o t h e r thought o r consideration and so e m p t y o f any specific c o n t e n t that it can b e filled with anything.

13

It marks that space in the human

imagination

where terms can b e substituted for o n e another o r conjoined, transformed, o r destroyed. In the glory o f the final s c e n e o f the hymn, n o t only are such specific and contrasting terms as " G o d " and " h u m a n " c o m b i n e d , but basic categories o f differ­ entiation are transcended and entire and diverse schemata for the organization o f human e x p e r i e n c e are merged. It is a p o w ­ erful word, used t o open out e a c h o f the linguistic traditions o n t o the others. It does create for the reader the sense o f climax and fulfillment. W i s d o m is present here as t h e m a n ­ ifestation o f divine intention ( w i s d o m ) , what o n e has seen o f creation's glory, k n o w n o f history's r h y m e and reason, and considered the height o f human piety, excellence, and achieve­ ment. It is there in t h e social order, the religious blessing, and the high m o m e n t o f c o m m u n i t y e n a c t m e n t and celebration that stops t h e flow o f t i m e in the kairos o f the present. This o f course was t h e goal t o w a r d which the sage was moving all along. It was an audacious thought and claim, but one that was apparently required i f a solution was t o b e found for the postcrisis dilemma o f wisdom itself. B e n Sira at least understood that it was the actual social-religious structure that needed blessing, that this blessing had t o b e gained by a p r o ­ cess o f m y t h i c rationalization. H e realized this in his wisdom poetry, drawing upon t e x t s that could b e helpful for these ends. F o r his time, the presence o f wisdom could b e seen, then, and his w o r k as t e a c h e r and scribe secured. It was a marvelous achievement in imagination and words. T h e poetry was strong and g o o d enough t o last. Alas, it was n o t t o be so for the temple and the priest. T h e poetic vision B e n Sira achieved in the quest for a humanizing social order had t o travel free and disembodied, seeking o t h e r homes. B u t those

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are o t h e r stories for o t h e r times. W e conclude here with the thought o f B e n Sira's o w n glory, for t h e glory seen in the high priest's m o m e n t is really t h e r e only because o f B e n Sira's o w n glorious act o f giving praise.

Conclusion

This

study has followed

a

certain course and arrived at t h e sense o f an ending. T h a t sense is related t o t h e discovery o f t h e wisdom m y t h as o n e o f t h e hymn's precursors, indeed t h e m o s t important o n e because by exploring its patterns and logic, t h e many structural c o m p o ­ nents o f t h e h y m n can be imagined as a system, and its m a n y signs and symbols can be integrated in a c o h e r e n t , conceptual image. T h e h y m n makes sense structurally and thematically, the logic o f its purpose can b e seen, and its composition can b e regarded as t h e p r o d u c t o f an intellectual w h o k n e w what h e was doing. This sense o f conclusion is illusory in a way. All o f t h e precursor t e x t s in B e n Sira's library have n o t been identified and explored. T h e Psalms are a case in point. Neither have all o f the traits, t h e m e s , and conceptualities belonging t o

the

p o e m been seen o r discussed. O u r examination o f its i n t e r t e x tual relationships has only t o u c h e d t h e surface o f things, m o v ­ ing along quickly t o s k e t c h in t h e main outlines o f the picture. Nevertheless, enough has b e e n n o t i c e d t o g e t t h e

picture

straight, d e m o n s t r a t e t h e relationship o f t h e p o e m t o its p r e ­ cursors, c a t c h sight o f t h e a u t h o r at w o r k in its composition,

173

CONCLUSION

174

and identify the essential thrust o f its rhetorical intention and power. An understandable reading has been proposed. Discretion requires the admission that this understanding is our own. Considerable labor has b e e n invested in t h e a t t e m p t to imagine t h e composition and reading o f the hymn in its o w n social setting, effected by its o w n salient history. B u t t h e n o ­ tion o f a structural system, w h i c h has allowed us t o delimit what would otherwise b e c o m e an unending series o f observa­ tions on textual relationships, belongs t o o u r o w n mental m a ­ chinery. T h e same is true for t h e sense o f a c e n t e r , s o m e t h e m e or image o r c o n c e p t around which t h e system o f signs r e ­ volves. T h e n there is t h e question o f the capacity o f that c e n ­ tered system o f signs t o " r e f l e c t " upon what is k n o w n o f the world in o t h e r ways and t o suggest a way t o see it all t o g e t h e r through

its lens. E a c h o f these intellectual sensibilities is

evoked in the proposal that w e n o w understand the p o e m and need n o t c o n t i n u e t o press t h e search further. O u r study has certainly relied on t h e way in w h i c h w e m a k e sense o f things ourselves. N o injustice has been d o n e t o t h e poem. W e may n o t have seen all there is t o see about it, but what w e have seen is really there. B e n Sira also w o r k e d with structures, systems, centers, essential themes. H e strove t o encompass all the knowledge there was about all the worlds k n o w n in a single poetic reflec­ tion. It was t h e possibility o f demonstrating this aspect o f B e n Sira's labor that has enabled o u r study t o unfold as it has. F o r him also it was important t o t o u c h upon and bring t o g e t h e r all o f the orders o f perceived reality in an integrative v i s i o n — creation and history, social o r d e r and human life. B y evoking Hellenic logic about the orders o f things (cosmos,

polis,

an-

thropos), he rationalized his wisdom m y t h and focused a reading o f Israel's history in a single, glorious image. T h e image c e n ­ tered o n a figure and an e n a c t m e n t , but it reflected, and r e ­ flected upon, all o f t h e orders o f things imaginable. S o in the case o f B e n Sira, w e w e r e lucky. O u r categories for making sense o f things w e r e apparently m u c h like his as well, and his book was big enough, and rich enough, t o let us discover what they were.

CONCLUSION

175

B u t n o w that t h e study has c o m e t o an ending, o n e wonders about t h e difference it m i g h t m a k e . T h i s is a n o t h e r kind o f question, t o b e sure, a nagging kind that frequendy leads t o t h e chasing o f chimeras. B u t t h e question is important nevertheless and should at least b e acknowledged. O n e wonders, o n t h e o n e hand, w h e t h e r t h e writing o f such a p o e m m a d e any difference in B e n Sira's t i m e , and o n t h e o t h e r , w h e t h e r t h e reading w e have managed makes any difference now. T h e s e t w o questions are interrelated in a very strange way. W h e t h e r B e n Sira was justified in glorifying Simon's reign and w h e t h e r his glorification o f it was an effective factor in subsequent social history are simply unanswerable questions. B u t t h e r e are t w o things about t h e relation o f B e n Sira's p o e m t o its social c i r c u m s t a n c e s that can be noted. T h e first is that the p o e m was written while t h e political situation was still relatively stable. T h e o t h e r is that t h e picture B e n Sira painted o f Simon's glorious m o m e n t did survive b o t h Simon and B e n Sira himself. T h e p o e m was strong enough t o last. It is still here for t h e reading, having b e e n t u c k e d away in that c o l l e c ­ tion o f hidden t e x t s k n o w n n o w as the Apocrypha. It was primarily its inclusion in t h e larger set o f texts that determined a certain history o f its readings, and it was that history o f its readings, mainly, that brought it t o m o d e r n scholars' desks. Taking it up n o w for a n o t h e r reading is t o take up the entire history o f its readings. This history has b e e n bumpy. It was treasured by t h e J e w i s h sages o f the n e x t t w o o r t h r e e centuries; as the many additions, changes, and versions o f Sirach show, it spawned a very fertile manuscript tradition. B u t it did n o t m a k e t h e rabbis' selection o f H e b r e w t e x t s for normative reading, though they did cite Sirach frequently, at least until the medieval period, w h e n it looks as i f B e n Sira was forgotten for a while. T h e G r e e k trans­ lation has a n o t h e r story. Included in t h e Septuagint by t h e J e w i s h scholars in Alexandria, Sirach popped up in the C a t h o ­ lic canon, w h e r e it has since been cherished as a b o o k for Christian devotion, ethical instruction, and

theology. T h e

Protestants w e r e t h e ones w h o decided against it again, b e ­ cause they couldn't find it in t h e H e b r e w Bible. B u t it has been

176

CONCLUSION

read by Protestant theologs as well, o n occasion, as all forbid­ den books are r e a d — w i t h a sense o f trespass, daring, caution, and titillation. Its readings have b e e n varied, d e t e r m i n e d for the m o s t part by those prior j u d g m e n t s about t h e status o f t h e b o o k among t h e several collections o f books. It is difficult t o say i f B e n Sira would be pleased. H e w a n t e d to be read, and h e w a n t e d t o be r e m e m b e r e d . H e understood something about t e x t s , t o o , and about t h e fuzziness t h e r e al­ ways is b e t w e e n t h e acts o f reading and writing. H e thought his poems w e r e able, as h e said, t o " i n c r e a s e w i s d o m . " S o in a sense h e shouldn't mind. B u t wisdom for him was o n e thing and wisdom for t h e fathers o f t h e c h u r c h has been another. Reading B e n Sira t h r o u g h a Christian lens has repeatedly dis­ torted t h e pictures h e painted in ways h e would n o t recognize. An entirely o t h e r set o f interests and c o n c e r n s phrased t h e questions w i t h w h i c h those readers t o o k his p o e m s up. N o w another reading has b e e n done, with yet a n o t h e r set o f ques­ tions as its guide. B u t t h e r e is n o claim t o wisdom h e r e , n e i t h e r an increase o f B e n Sira's wisdom n o r an e x t r a c t i o n from it o f the wisdom theologians seek. T o a c c o u n t for the sense o f t h e p o e m in its o w n time, t o enlarge o u r picture o f its h u m a n scene, t o c a t c h sight o f a p o e t reading and writing his w o r l d — that has been o u r goal. B u t t h e history o f t h e o t h e r readings has n o t been lost sight of. T h e s e readings c o m e with t h e t e x t , a kind o f patina, o r an invitation t o certain attitudes as o n e handles it again. B e n Sira's heroes, times, and t e x t belong t o o u r cultural history, it seems, from a period w e call formative. W e d o n ' t k n o w h o w t o talk about t h e way in w h i c h it still affects us, t o be sure, o r why. B u t the G r e c o - R o m a n age is still important t o us. W e do keep trying t o g e t t h e history straight. It was then that certain c o n ­ structions w e r e put upon things, certain patterns o f thought were w o r k e d out, and certain social notions e s t a b l i s h e d — a l l o f which set s o m e courses for t h e ensueing history o f the W e s t . R a b b i n i c Judaism and Christianity b o t h w e r e born then. T h e inquisitive ones a m o n g us have always w o n d e r e d

how

each c a m e t o be. In the tradition o f Christian readings, B e n Sira's h y m n has

CONCLUSION

177

been thought i m p o r t a n t mainly for o n e reason, that is, t h e way in w h i c h t h e figures o f t h e H e b r e w epic w e r e recast as heroes o f religious faith and o f t h e destiny o f Israel. It has b e e n r e ­ garded as a very early instance o f w h a t was t o b e c o m e an intense p r e o c c u p a t i o n w i t h h e r o e s , ideal figures, and m y t h o ­ logical imagery during t h e n e x t t h r e e h u n d r e d years. M u c h o f the scholarly energy devoted t o exploring this p h e n o m e n o n has been g e n e r a t e d by t h e question o f t h e origins o f C h r i s ­ tianity, especially t h e origins o f t h e Christ myth. All o f t h e many m y t h i c configurations in J e w i s h t e x t s o f t h e period have been studied largely with this question in mind. T h e favorite figures, those that have b e e n classed as " m e s s i a n i c , " t e n d t o be singular depictions o f mediation, at first displaced from social history, about w h i c h patterns o f destiny and salvation seem t o accrue. B e n Sira's heroes have therefore n o t been c o u n t e d among t h e m , appearing t o o m u n d a n e for comparison with the grand pattern o f c o s m i c destiny imagined for the Christ. B u t the p o e m has always b e e n in t h e peripheral vision o f Christian scholars, lying o n t h e early fringes o f t h e significant period. I f not immediately helpful for t h e Christological question, then, perhaps t h e p o e m relates t o t h e p h e n o m e n o n o f t h e " h e r o e s o f t h e faith," a c o r r e l a t e n o t i o n o f ideal types, understood t o function by calling for imitation. T h u s t h e alternative in­ terpretation has b e e n posed. Uneasy about that retrospective lens, I thought t o have an­ o t h e r look. I c h o s e B e n Sira's h y m n because it seemed a m a n ­ ageable t e x t , a t e x t w h o s e a u t h o r was k n o w n and about w h i c h something o f literary, cultural, and social setting had been de­ termined. T h e questions I have asked o f it, and t h e nature o f the understanding sought, have b e e n critical in t h e sense that any human sciences approach t o religion, literature, and soci­ ety is critical. A n d they have b e e n implicidy critical o f the history o f t h e theological readings. I tried t o set aside that history with its theological c o n c e r n s , and t h e study unfolded as it did. B u t n o w it appears that an assessment o f what w e may have learned about t h e t e x t requires comparison with that history o f its readings. Certain assumptions about ideal figures appear t o have guided t h e interpretations o f those readings.

178

CONCLUSION

M y reading does n o t b e a r t h e m out, so something should b e said about t h e novelties that surface in this study. Several proposals have b e e n m a d e about t h e composition o f the t e x t that are n e w t o t h e public discourse o n Sirach. S o m e o f these m a y appear strange, and all will require testing by others. T h e thesis about a p a t t e r n o f characterization is o n e example. It has n o t b e e n c u s t o m a r y t o m a k e so m u c h o f a compositional outline, m u c h less infer from it an author's e m ­ ployment o f a set o f techniques fully articulated and

ra­

tionalized in a rhetorical t h e o r y o f literature. T o discover such a pattern is t o see t h e a u t h o r at his craft? T h e discernment o f an a r c h i t e c h t o n i c structure t o t h e h y m n is also new, as is t h e thesis that this structure intended a c o m ­ plete reading o f t h e epic history. B e n Sira would n o t have called this h y m n i c history a m y t h i c etiology for S e c o n d T e m p l e Judaism, as w e m u s t d o in o r d e r t o understand its function, but t h e intention I have theorized would have b e e n recognized by him in his o w n terms. T h a t reading o f t h e history and B e n Sira's view o f S e c o n d T e m p l e society belonged t o g e t h e r in his mind. T o propose this is t o suggest that B e n Sira's p o e t i c c o n ­ struction was ultimately that o f an ideal social history and world. T h a t h e achieved this correlation by imaginative m a n i p ­ ulation o f t h e m y t h o f w i s d o m is also a n e w thesis, o n e that scholars o f t h e wisdom traditions in Israel and Judaism m a y find farfetched. It is proposed, however, with u t m o s t se­ riousness. O n l y by means o f s o m e such thesis can w e imagine B e n Sira as a sage, thinking things through clearly and c o u ­ rageously, in t h e interest o f making sense o f his society. Novelties such as these should b e amenable t o debate, h o w ­ ever, given t h e resources available t o scholars in t h e traditions o f literary criticism. Conventional notions about

"traditions

history" n e e d n o t be given up entirely w h e n t h e set o f p r e c u r ­ sor texts is expanded as I have pursued them. Certain assump­ tions about t h e history o f ideas and t h e monolinear develop­ m e n t o f genres will have t o g o , t o b e sure. B u t that shift has already happened in t h e scholarly guild, and the p h e n o m e n o n o f multiple relations with o t h e r " t e x t s " should c o m e as n o surprise. T h e p r o b l e m n o w for t h e literary critic is, n o t t o find

179

CONCLUSION

enough t e x t s for comparison, but t o limit the n u m b e r o f c o m ­ parable t e x t s and argue for their sufficiency. Sufficient would b e a set o f t e x t s c o m p l e x enough t o reflect upon a h u m a n social setting and its labors. B u t what about t h e characterizations achieved by this p o e t i c means? In t h e c o u r s e o f o u r study, t h e t e r m s "hasidim" and " h e r o e s " have b e e n used t o refer t o t h e figures B e n Sira c r e ­ ated. B u t n e i t h e r t e r m is adequate as a g e n e r i c designation, especially n o t in t h e c o n n o t a t i o n s each possesses in c o n t e m p o ­ rary usage. B e n Sira's

figures

are certainly n o t heroes o f

achievement. N e i t h e r are t h e y heroes o f faith, n o r ideal types 1

o f personal piety o r righteousness. T h e y are n o t saviors. T h e y have n o t been invested with any ontological o r soteriological significance, as i f t h e a c t o f praising t h e m might b o r d e r on awe o r veneration. T h e y are t o b e r e m e m b e r e d , and their glory noted u n d e r a single aspect only. T h e y are ideal figures o f official functions, t h e very functions requisite t o a social c o n ­ struction o f Israel's history. W e should pause h e r e in o r d e r t o explore m o r e fully t h e significance o f this finding. T h e proposal is that history was understood in j u s t t h e way it was in o r d e r t o e r e c t a m y t h i c foundation for a social construction. T h e m y t h i c claims inher­ ent in the p o e m therefore do n o t apply t o the heroes as indi­ viduals o r as types, but t o t h e structure o f the society itself. N o t even S i m o n can b e said t o be invested with glorious being in any sense. H e is m e r e l y an officiant in t h e line o f officials w h o c e n t e r t h e picture o f t h e essential nature o f Israel. This ideal picture, m o r e o v e r , was imagined, reasoned out,

and

crafted in o r d e r t o m a k e a s t a t e m e n t about a very real society in the author's o w n t i m e , his o w n society. T h e claim is as­ tonishing. T h e lack o f fit b e t w e e n the idealization and the real­ ity should be kept in mind, b u t that disjunction only casts into higher relief t h e t r e m e n d o u s investment B e n Sira was willing t o m a k e in t h e society in w h i c h he lived. T h u s the h y m n is marked, n o t by any interest in the idealization o r glorification o f the h u m a n c o n c e i v e d as individual persons, but by what might be called a studied investment in a social anthropology. It is important t o see that t h e investment o f intellectual and

180

CONCLUSION

poetic energy and skill was called for by t h e desire t o m a k e social sense of, t o see t h e wisdom in, that social system. Its idealization was n o t a p r o d u c t o f whimsy, fantasizing, mystic vision, o r wishful thinking. T h e scholarly labor required t o craft such a p o e m is evidence that this c a n n o t be t h e case. B u t because the social sense o f t h e society required rationalization, could n o t be w o n by m e r e description, t h e social notions that were involved in its organization needed t o be p r o b e d

and

assessed. T h e result was a conservative assessment, in spite o f the liberal learning used t o achieve it. It called for t h e c o n t i n u ­ ance o f the system even as it claimed t o have discovered in the past t h e reasons for that c o n t i n u a n c e . This call t o see t h e structure c e n t e r e d in t h e office o f Simon was celebrative. B u t by only slight shifts in t h e social c o n t e x t s o f its reading, t h e poem could serve as p o l e m i c as well, polemic against o t h e r interests and o t h e r views that threatened t o tarnish B e n Sira's picture. It could b e c o m e t h e basis for a political program, an ideology. W e c a n n o t tell w h e t h e r B e n Sira's p o e m was used that way, or w h e t h e r it made any difference o f the kind for w h i c h he may have hoped. B u t w e can n o t e that a change in social circumstances forced o t h e r kinds o f reading. Already in t h e G r e e k translation rendered by B e n Sira's grandson, S i m o n ' s name was deleted in t h e final blessing o f t h e hymn, and t h e r e is no longer any trace t h e r e o f t h e petition that " n o o n e ever be cut off from the covenant o f P h i n e a s " ( 5 0 : 2 4 ) . In c h a p t e r 3 6 , a petitionary p o e m was added t o B e n Sira's b o o k by a later hand. It contains still t h e vision o f "all t h e tribes o f J a c o b " gathered in Jerusalem at t h e t e m p l e w h e r e G o d ' s glory is, but t h e peti­ tion

is n o w

born

o f despair,

and

the

projection

is e s -

chatological. N o w t h e vision can only be imagined in a n o t h e r time and place, though t h e guarantors for it are still t h e p r o p h ­ ets and the promises o f t h e past ( 3 6 : 1 1 - 1 7 ) . T h u s a n o t h e r time brought a n o t h e r c i r c u m s t a n c e , and with it a radical dis­ placement o f B e n Sira's m y t h i c vision. W i t h names erased, and the lines n o longer drawn d o w n and o u t into an actual society, the ideal image floated free. T h e question is w h e t h e r such freefloating images, t h e p o e t i c visions that burgeoned in t h e c e n -

CONCLUSION

181

t u n e s after B e n Sira, can still be understood as intellectual achievements. D i d t h e difficult history force an abandonment o f the kind o f social labor w e have found t o be true o f B e n Sira's reflections? T h e r e is t h e possibility, t o b e sure, that another, m o r e m i m ­ etic reading a c c o m p a n i e d s o m e o f these ideal depictions. Even B e n Sira's vision could have b e e n taken as a c h a r t e r for what had t o b e done in m o r e difficult times. T h o u g h w e c a n n o t b e sure, popular leaders m a y have w a n t e d t o start over again with B e n Sira's J o s h u a s o m e h o w in mind. T h e Hasmonean leaders may have sought t o claim his high priest's glory. O t h e r s still, worried about t h e lack o f fit b e t w e e n t h e glorious vision and the world, m a y have tried t o take t h e vision with t h e m , away from the city, t o build a m o d e l in t h e desert o n its lines and prepare for a n o t h e r restoration. F o r all o f these, in any case, the model o f t h e S e c o n d T e m p l e society was the way t o think Israel. S o m e t h i n g like B e n Sira's p o e m may have furnished t h e rationale. B u t t h e times w e r e tough o n S e c o n d T e m p l e models. T h e social history was m a r k e d by t r e m e n d o u s efforts t o establish a stable sovereignty in J u d a e a in t h e face o f foreign powers. In­ ternal conflicts o v e r h o w that sovereignty was conceived and h o w best t o g o about achieving it e r r u p t e d and t o o k their toll. Alternative social formations b o t h in Judaea and in t h e D i ­ aspora w e r e c r e a t e d as well. It was a period that, eventually, did not s u c c e e d in its designs for Jerusalem. T h e literatures reflect t h e agony o f all o f this for t h e sages. N o poet after B e n Sira's t i m e could afford t o m a k e t h e claim h e made, write another p o e m like his. B u t others did step into his shoes, tak­ ing up t h e poet's task, t o w r i t e yet o t h e r poems. W a s t h e imaginative labor o f t h e same kind? M y suspicion is that m a n y o f t h e p o e m s in the subsequent period, p o e m s depicting ideal figures, w e r e born o f the same concerns that p r o d u c e d t h e h y m n in praise o f t h e fathers. T h e so-called messianic figures, t h e ideal types and mythological configurations in t h e wisdom literatures, the various figures o f the apocalyptic visions, t h e m y t h i c elaborations o f t h e epic h e r o e s — a l l might be seen as scholarly labors in the interest o f

182

CONCLUSION

rethinking Israel. T h e y would b e t h e poet's way o f probing t h e grounds for legitimation, reflecting on t h e social structures, and seeking t h e locus o f Israel's authorities. T h e intellectual investments would b e t h e same as B e n Sira's. T h e p o e t i c ide­ alization would have o c c u r r e d similarly. T h e revisioning o f t h e history would have been achieved by the same methods. T h e focus on official figures would have been for the same reasons. T h e difference would b e that n o claim t o actualization in t h e present would have b e e n possible. T h e separation o f t h e ideal from t h e realities o f history would b e painfully acknowledged in the very fact o f t h e ideal's p l a c e m e n t in imagined t i m e and order. B u t that displacement n e e d n o t consign the m y t h i c vi­ sions t o fantasy. T h e y m a y have reflected a very astute and serious assessment o f t h e social realities under review as inadequate. T h a t a singular figure o f high o f f i c e — a priest, a scribe, a warrior, o r a k i n g — c o u l d be used t o c o n c e n t r a t e a reflection on the ideal social structure o f Israel as a whole is n o w plausi­ ble, given t h e evidence from B e n Sira. W e might n o t e that, in general, these m y t h i c figures o f the period represented

the

functions and qualities essential for t h e social formation o f Is­ rael. This can be seen in t h e selection o f e n d o w m e n t s

and

functions attributed t o these figures. T h e y are exactly and only those that w e r e under discussion throughout this period as problematic. Piety, p o w e r , place among t h e nations, guarantee o f social j u s t i c e , system o f governance, legal basis o r constitu­ tion, and what t o do about internal diversity w e r e all issues needing resolution in t h e struggles t o conceptualize, actualize, and defend t h e notion o f Israel in t h e many forms o f Judaism that w e r e a t t e m p t e d during this time. F o r these imaginary figures, also, a formal pattern o f c h a r a c ­ terization seems t o have been used, m u c h like that used by B e n Sira. T h e pattern was filled in by selecting t h e combination o f carefully nuanced features that could b e integrated in a single configuration. T h i s configuration solved imaginatively certain political issues o f c o n s e q u e n c e . A particular slant t o t h e defini­ tion o f office, a careful selection from among the m a n y notions o f legitimation, the m o d e o f p o w e r proposed and its c o n -

CONCLUSION

183

straints, perspectives o n piety, definitions o f justice, and stance toward conflict, enemies, and the law o r traditions reflected decisions m a d e about Judaism and its constitution in G r e c o R o m a n times. E a c h ideal figure put t h e pieces t o g e t h e r in a particular way, working o u t the troublesome issues in a sin­ gular image. T h e y appear t o have been organizing centers for reflection on social construction, studies in the intersection o f the forces in play in social formation. In the absence o f a single comprehensive and acceptable social system, they could serve as Archimedean points o f intellectual leverage for gaining per­ spective on the situation. T h u s they could be used t o solve certain problems theoretically that s o m e g r o u p was struggling t o rationalize. T h e y appear t o have been imaginative labors in the interest o f analyzing, understanding, recommending, and facilitating particular social m o d e s o f being in the world. W e would do wrong t o think that an ontology o f the ideal was intended. B u t our suspicion requires testing. T h e texts are many, and the configurations diverse. T h a t placement o f each t e x t must be found that determined its c o n t e x t s , that intersection o f s o ­ cial and cultural history w h e r e it was composed. O n l y by find­ ing that point and then exploring the texts used in c o m p o s i ­ tion will it be possible t o ask in each case about intention. As the circumstances changed throughout the history o f this peri­ od, texts and traditions and interests o t h e r than those available t o B e n Sira e n t e r e d the intellectual arena. T h e s e have t o be identified as well. T h e r e w e r e , however, s o m e constants in the contextual equations throughout t h e period for J e w i s h writers, and these deserve special attention. T o r a h and wisdom and Hellenic paideia continued t o describe t h e volatile cultural m i x in g e n e r ­ al for the n e x t three centuries. And it was the social history o f the S e c o n d T e m p l e state that was constantly under review. Taking a clue from B e n Sira, then, for w h o m these texts and concerns w e r e basic t o o , the m e t h o d s employed by the schol­ arly poets might have run s o m e w h a t as follows. A j u d g m e n t would have been m a d e on t h e state o f affairs in keeping with traditions held dear. M a n y o f these judgments appear t o have

CONCLUSION

184

been critical. . T h e n e e d t o assess t h e reasons for the lack o f social sense t h e n turned t h e scholar t o the texts. T h e c o m m o n texts o f m o s t i m p o r t a n c e w e r e the H e b r e w epic and the an­ cient histories. Researching t h e m as c h a r t e r d o c u m e n t s , Isra­ el's wisdom could again b e seen, idealized as foundational pattern. T h e ancient models settled upon could then b e j u x ­ taposed t o t h e times. Ideal images could be used t o assess j u s t where it was that things w e n t wrong and t o suggest what must happen t o set t h e m right again. T h e y could also b e used as charters for polemic o r programs. T h e rule might b e that the greater the displacement o f an image from the times ( w h e t h e r in the c o s m o s , in t h e future, o r in the realm o f ideas), the harsher the assessment o f the actual state o f affairs in J e r u s a ­ lem. Such p o e t i c madness would n o t have been without its logic. T o reread t h e past as critique o f the present and propose an ideal for reflection upon it, that would b e t o call for m o s t serious discussion. A certain remythologization o f history would b e involved, as would b e the logics o f narrative, r h e t ­ oric, and philosophy. T h e narrative would simply be the tri­ partite sequence o f archaic promises, failure, and the road t o resolution. In contrast t o B e n Sira's narrative, t h e present would still b e perceived as the period o f struggle, forced t o look b a c k and ahead t o models and ideals quite different from itself. T h e r h e t o r i c would

simply marshal the

commonly

agreed upon traditions for a proposal in keeping with their intent. Philosophical logic would involve the reasonableness with which, in the ideal image as configuration, the set o f c o m p l e x factors requisite t o social functioning w e r e arranged, interrelated, and positioned w i t h regard t o the world scene. W i s d o m and paideia

would also have participated in m o s t o f

these efforts, and with t h e m t h e literatures that m a d e those intellectual traditions available t o the sages. B e n Sira would n o t have been, then, the only wise, scholarly poet o f the times using poetry t o think big thoughts. His ideal figures would n o t have been the only mythologies generated in the m a t r i x o f social conflict and formation. O u r reading c o m e s around t o the point at which w e began. I hope the n e w questions have formed a set, have represented

185

CONCLUSION

adequately c u r r e n t scholarly desires t o c o m b i n e critical and historical approaches t o t h e interpretation o f literature, and have b e e n asked rigorously e n o u g h t o enable a strong alter­ native t o t h e traditional reading o f Sirach. T h e difference this analysis might m a k e for o t h e r studies has b e e n suggested n o w , mainly in regard t o a long-standing scholarly discourse o n t h e origins o f t h e Christ myth. I f m y reading o f B e n Sira is right, that quest has assumed s o m e things about t h e nature and func­ tion o f mythological figures in J e w i s h literatures o f the period that are very misleading. I h o p e t o have suggested a n o t h e r and b e t t e r way t o understand t h e m . I do n o t c o n s i d e r t h e question about t h e value o f the study exhausted with these thoughts, however. T h e r e are o t h e r liter­ ary p h e n o m e n a o f t h e period for w h i c h B e n Sira's way with texts m a y provide s o m e fresh approaches as well. A b r i e f m e n ­ tion m a y b e m a d e o f t w o o f these in closing, t w o that o c c u r quite frequently in a very wide range o f early J e w i s h and Christian literatures. O n e is k n o w n as a series o f examples. B e n Sira's h y m n has often b e e n classed with this genre. It is, in fact, just this literary form w i t h w h i c h it has b e e n c o m p a r e d w i t h greatest regularity by scholars, as t h e numerous instances o f 2

t h e citation o f parallel t e x t s s h o w . W h e t h e r all o f t h e parallels usually c i t e d belong t o t h e class is questionable, but s o m e o f these t e x t s do appear t o b e based o n Hellenistic p r o t o t y p e s .

3

In o u r study, however, B e n Sira's h y m n has n o t b e e n found t o function paradigmatically, as t h e G r e e k series do. T h i s means that his p o e m m a y be helpful in t h e a t t e m p t t o understand these o t h e r t e x t s , but mainly as a contrastive example. An investigation o f t h e G r e e k g e n r e itself is required, and each instance o f its apparent usage in J e w i s h and Christian literature needs t o b e l o o k e d at carefully in regard t o its intention. T h i s would n o t b e an insignificant investigation, for it probably would involve clarifying t h e notions o f repetition and imita­ tion, notions that would put t h e J e w i s h and Christian t e x t s in question m u c h closer t o G r e e k ways o f thinking than w e have 4

found t o b e t h e case with B e n S i r a . T h e difference this would m a k e for social r e c o n s t r u c t i o n s m i g h t be very important t o understand. T h e s e c o n d type o f serialization that also needs t o be b e t t e r

186

CONCLUSION

understood appears t o unify a relatively small n u m b e r o f fig­ ures in genealogical relation t o form an " e p o c h . " A clear e x ­ ample o f t h e type is found in c h a p t e r 1 0 o f the W i s d o m o f Solomon. T h e names o f t h e seven great figures from Adam t o Moses have b e e n erased and a singular typology has b e e n su­ perimposed. Seven times it happens that " t h e righteous o n e " is " s a v e d " by wisdom. T h e epic history in Genesis was o b ­ viously understood t o b e an a c c o u n t o f t h e primeval age. T h i s aspect o f t h e t e x t reminds o n e o f B e n Sira's view o f t h e epic as primeval history with its seven figures related t o t h e c o v e ­ nants. In t h e W i s d o m o f S o l o m o n , however, history is n o t rehearsed d o w n t o t h e present t i m e . O n c e t h e primal e p o c h has b e e n imagined, it b e c o m e s a m o d e l for t h e significance o f saving events in all times. T h e midrash o n t h e Exodus story in W i s d o m 11 — 19 has added a c l i m a c t i c m o m e n t t o t h e primeval epoch, interpreted t h e E x o d u s in t e r m s o f eschatological imag­ ery, and transformed it into a timeless event o f salvation itself. O n e suspects that t h e effacement o f individual characteristics such as proper names has b e e n called for by this m o v e . O n e suspects, also, that a wisdom m o d e o f reading t h e P e n t a t e u c h as primal and archetypal history has enabled t h e modeling. This would b e t h e same as B e n Sira's reading o f t h e P e n t a t e u c h and his c o n s t r u c t i o n o f t h e first seven figures o f t h e h y m n as constituting a foundational e p o c h . W i t h B e n Sira, however, it was the e l e c t i o n - c o v e n a n t t h e m e that predominated; in t h e W i s d o m o f S o l o m o n , it is t h e figure o f wisdom herself that provides t h e genealogical c o n n e c t i o n s . T h a t t h e figure o f wisdom has b e e n introduced expressly into a reading o f t h e epic history m u s t b e seen as a n o t h e r daring and audacious m o m e n t . W i t h it, t h e way is prepared for a fully allegorical interpretation o f the scriptures that searches out those textual signs (e.g., Sarah) with w h i c h t h e figure o f wisdom m a y be identified. Finally, a suggestion about t h e possible significance o f B e n Sira's awareness o f w h a t it m e a n t t o be an author should be given. T h i s is certainly o n e o f t h e m o r e remarkable traits about him. In contrast t o t h e authorship o f J e w i s h works before his time and t o the pseudonymity o f m u c h o f the literature after his time, B e n Sira's consciousness and a c k n o w l e d g m e n t o f

CONCLUSION

187

being an a u t h o r is a strange and wonderful anomaly. It was n o doubt t h e result o f his learning about t e x t s , education, and authorship o n t h e m o d e l o f t h e G r e e k s . T h i s c o n c e p t i o n o f authorship e x p e c t e d that t h e a u t h o r b e responsible for his ut­ terances, and it rewarded h i m for their sagacity. T h e author knew, also, that t h e t e x t s o f others belonged t o t h e m , their product and property. T h e potential for c o m p e t i t i o n was real, b o t h with regard t o precursors and w i t h regard t o c o n t e m p o ­ raries. B e n Sira probably had n o t confronted t h e problem o f his relationship t o t h e authority o f M o s e s , t h e author w h o s e t e x t h e r e w r o t e . B u t o n c e t h e c o n c e p t i o n o f authorship was there, c o m b i n e d as it was for B e n Sira with an e x t r e m e l y high view o f M o s e s ' place in t h e hierarchical structure o f Israel's mythic paradigm, t h e tension b e t w e e n t h e t w o authorities could hardly have b e e n avoided. If, as t h e evidence indicates, M o s e s ' position in this and o t h e r respects b e c a m e a widely pervasive notion in t h e late Hellenistic and early R o m a n periods in Judaism and C h r i s ­ tianity, it m a y well b e that his authority simply was found t o b e overpowering. Readers o f his t e x t s , unable t o claim peerage in authorship as B e n Sira implicitly did, would have t o offer some disclaimer in o r d e r t o w r i t e anything n e w at all. T h e r e seem t o have b e e n t h r e e options. T h e e x e g e t e could a c k n o w l ­ edge t h e superiority o f t h e scriptural t e x t s by offering his o w n views as c o m m e n t a r y upon t h e m . T h e author o f pseudony­ mous works could c o m p o s e w i t h o u t these constraints, but at the cost o f self-effacement and t h e attribution o f his writings t o figures o f t h e past. O r o n e m i g h t yield at t h e point o f poetic claims t o special authority and be c o n t e n t , n o t t o write an inspired piece, but t o set forth reasoned and prosaic history, as for instance, J o s e p h u s did. B u t n o w t h e discourse has really taken us t o o far afield. W i t h M o s e s o n t h e rise, acknowledged author o f the founda­ tional t e x t s , a n o t h e r age dawns and a n o t h e r authority c o m e s t o take B e n Sira's place. It is best t o return, then, for o u r last remarking, t o B e n Sira's o w n t i m e and t o conclude with his o w n glory in mind. I trust that m y reading has n o t tarnished its brilliance.

Appendix A The Proem and the Hymn to Creation

Several scholars have drawn attention to the introduction of the theme of praise in 4 2 : 1 5 and noted the appropriateness of the hymn in praise of the C r e a t o r ( 4 2 : 1 5 - 4 3 : 3 5 ) as an introduction to the hymn in

praise of the fathers. B u t the relationship has not been thor­ oughly explored, and most have focused their attention upon chapters 4 4 - 5 0 as a literary unit in itself, taking 44:1 as the introduction of a new theme. I would argue that the two hymns of praise are meant to be taken together, and that the thematic development that results provides a significant per­ spective on the purpose of the hymn in praise of the fathers. There are some obvious indications of a literary nature that the two hymn sections were composed as a unit. T h e first is the striking similarity of the first lines: " N o w I will remember God's works"; " N o w I will praise pious men." T h e differences between them are easily accounted for in terms of the respec­ tive themes. That each is introduced by an announcement of the poet's intention in the first person, however, is a signal to the reader of their close relationship. O n e may wonder, too, whether there may not be an element of intentional juxtaposi­ tion in the slight degree of linguistic inversion in the choice of 1

189

190

APPENDIX A

the verbs. E i t h e r o f t h e t w o words ( r e m e m b e r , zdkar; praise, hillel) could be used in either o f the t w o a n n o u n c e m e n t s , o f course. B u t o n e might have e x p e c t e d the t e r m for praise t o be a bit m o r e appropriate for t h e hymn t o the Creator's works, and the t e r m for r e m e m b e r t o b e m o r e appropriate for the " d e e d s " o f the fathers ( w h e r e t h e m e m o r y o f their n a m e b e ­ comes an obvious t h e m e ) . B y interchanging these t e r m s a sub­ tle nuance is c r e a t e d that allows the subject m a t t e r o f the t w o hymnic sections t o b e taken together. T h e " r e c i t a l "

(zikkaron)

begins with the hymn t o t h e Creator. The

transition from t h e first section t o the second also

shows literary continuity. Following the description o f the glorious works o f G o d in t h e creation ( 4 3 : 1 - 2 6 ) , the t h e m e s o f human inability t o c o m p r e h e n d G o d ' s works and o f G o d ' s un­ fathomable majesty are c o m b i n e d in an exhortation for a heightened form o f praise ( 4 3 : 2 7 - 3 2 ) . This is on the o n e hand a return t o the inability o f the " h o l y o n e s " themselves t o r e ­ count the Lord's wonders fully ( 4 2 : 1 6 ) , and thus forms a peri­ od o f the first hymnic section (cf. also 4 2 : 1 5 , " W h a t I have seen I will r e c o u n t , " and 4 3 : 3 2 , " B u t few o f his works have I seen"). B u t it is also a preparation for the following hymnic section ( 4 4 - 5 0 ) and sets the stage for the final distich: " I t is the Lord w h o has m a d e all things, and he gives wisdom t o the pious" ( 4 3 : 3 3 ) . This is a fitting conclusion t o the hymn in praise o f God's works, resolving as it does the tension that has been created b e t w e e n the manifestation and hiddenness o f God's glory by means o f the gift o f wisdom t o the pious. B u t it is clear that the statement functions as a transition as well, the m o v e m e n t being n o w t o a consideration o f these pious ones: " N o w I will praise pious m e n " ( 4 4 : 1 ) . Little m e n t i o n has b e e n m a d e o f the fact that each hymnic section begins with a p r o e m o f approximately equal length, nor o f the fact that the proems exhibit comparable features and perform similar functions in relation t o the subsequent hymnic descriptions. T h e similarity in the pattern o f t h e m e development m a y be seen in the outline in table 5. Each p r o e m forms a nice period, with the concluding line returning t o a m e n t i o n o f the intention announced at the first,

191

T H E P R O E M AND T H E H Y M N T O C R E A T I O N

TABLE 5. T H E T W O PROEMS

SIR. 4 2 : 1 5 - 2 5 ANNOUNCEMENT OF HYMNIC

SIR. 4 4 : 1 - 1 5 THEME:

TO REMEMBER GOD'S WORKS

TO PRAISE THE HASIDIM ( 4 4 : 1 )

(42:15) THE DIVINE ORIGINATION: FORMED BY GOD'S WORD,

THE MOST HIGH'S PORTION

DECREE ( 4 2 : 1 5 )

(44:2)

BRIEF SUMMARY CLASSIFICATION OF WORKS/HASIDIM: THE SUN, ALL HIS WORKS

THE TYPES OF THE HASIDIM

(42:16) THE HUMAN

WORTHY OF PRAISE ( 4 4 : 3 - 7 )

LIMITATION:

ONLY GOD KNOWS THE

SOME MEN HAVE LEFT NO

MYSTERY FULLY ( 4 2 : 1 7 - 2 0 )

MEMORIAL ( 4 4 : 8 - 9 )

AFFIRMATION NONETHELESS OF ABIDING GLORY: GOD'S CREATIVE POWER AND WORKS ABIDE FOREVER

THE GLORY OF THE HASIDIM ABIDES FOREVER ( 4 4 : 1 0 - 1 4 )

(42:21-25) MENTION OF THE APPROPRIATE RESPONSE: TO BEHOLD THE BEAUTY OF CREATION ( 4 2 : 2 5 )

TO PRAISE THE MEMORY OF THE HASIDIM ( 4 4 : 1 5 )

thus providing a fresh point o f departure for the descriptions that follow (cf. 4 2 : 2 5 ,

u

W h o can see enough o f their splen­

d o r , " with 4 2 : 1 5 , " W h a t I have seen I will r e c o u n t " ; and 4 4 : 1 5 , " A n d t h e assembly proclaims their praise," with 4 4 : 1 , " N o w I will praise"). E a c h forecasts briefly the c o n t e n t o f t h e hymn t o follow. In t h e first case, t h e list o f God's works is an onomasticon o f natural p h e n o m e n a from t h e heavens d o w n t o 2

the w a t e r s . In t h e s e c o n d case, t h e list o f t h e hasidim is based upon a selective chronological reading o f t h e great m e n o f Israel's history. In b o t h p r o e m s , t h e h y m n i c intention t o ren­ der praise is heightened by reference t o s o m e difficulty having 3

t o do with t h e recognition o r acquisition o f g l o r y . B u t in each instance this is o v e r c o m e by a strong affirmation o f the abiding reality o f the glory that c o m e s from G o d . As summary state­ ments that introduce t h e hymns proper, each p r o e m provides the reader with a theological lens through which the subse­ quent descriptions are t o b e viewed. T h e c o m m o n t h e m e is t h e

192

APPENDIX A

manifestation o f G o d ' s glory; t h e intention is t o affirm its m a n ­ ifestation b o t h in creation and in history. This m o v e m e n t from reflection o n creation t o a considera­ tion o f the human situation o c c u r s frequently in Sirach. T h e sequence and m a n n e r o f reflection in this m o v e m e n t is a t h e ­ ological s c h e m a traceable t o wisdom thought. T h e o c c u r r e n c e o f this schema in t h e sequence o f t h e t w o hymns is therefore a further and telling argument for taking t h e m t o g e t h e r as a compositional unity. It may b e helpful t o n o t e that although wisdom itself is n o t a t h e m e in e i t h e r o f t h e t w o hymns, each proem does contain express m e n t i o n o f wisdom t h e m e s . T h e problems o f t h e limits o f wisdom and d e a t h - w i t h o u t - m e m o r y , for instance, have been used t o set the scene for t h e great affirmations o f those things that endure. T h i s reflects B e n Sira's grappling with t h e basic issues o f wisdom theology o f his time, that is, t h e possibility o f t h e knowledge o f G o d and the 4

problem o f t h e o d i c y . B e n Sira's position b o t h here and in t h e book as a whole is affirmative in t h e question o f the knowledge o f G o d , and he makes a brave a t t e m p t t o resolve t h e problem o f theodicy o n its terms. H e does so by affirming the wisdom o f G o d by w h i c h t h e w o r l d was c r e a t e d and claiming t h e in­ stitutions o f Israel's religion ( T o r a h , T e m p l e , Jurisprudence, Piety) as loci for its manifestation. T h i s is intended t o undergird an optimism about J e w i s h p i e t y — i t s basis in divine and cosmic s t r u c t u r e s — t h a t can answer the questions o f theodicy and cynicism. I f in these concluding hymns t h e locus o f wisdom in J e w i s h ethos is t o b e celebrated in a review o f t h e glorious saints o f Israel's history, t h e novelty is that t h e " h u ­ man s i t u a t i o n " — a category congenial t o wisdom t h o u g h t — i s n o w being understood in t e r m s o f its past history. T h i s means that B e n Sira had found a way t o unite a wisdom view o f t h e pious o n e with t h e category o f Israel's sacred history. T h e hymn's place at t h e conclusion o f t h e b o o k may indicate s o m e ­ thing o f a c l i m a x b o t h for t h e literary composition o f t h e b o o k and for the development o f wisdom categories it achieves. T h e r e is o n e additional observation t o be made in support o f the unity o f the t w o hymnic sections in question. S o m e o f t h e psalms in praise o f Y a h w e h ' s deeds in Israel's history have been

193

T H E PROEM AND THE HYMN TO CREATION

noted as examples o f possible literary precursors for B e n Sira's hymn in praise o f t h e fathers (Psalms 7 8 , 1 0 5 , 1 0 6 , 1 3 5 , 1 3 6 ) .

5

Such a recital o f G o d ' s deeds n e e d n o t include m e n t i o n o f the human agents o f t h e history, as Psalms 1 3 5 , 1 3 6 , and o t h e r oracular and narrative examples s h o w (Ezekiel 2 0 , Nehemiah 9, J u d i t h 5 ) . B u t in Psalms 7 8 , 1 0 5 , and 1 0 6 , o n e sees that mention can be made, for e x a m p l e , o f Abraham, Moses, and David, in t h e course o f t h e recital o f the great events in Israel's history. In Psalms 1 3 5 and 1 3 6 , t h e praise o f Yahweh's creative works precedes t h e recital o f his actions in history. W h i l e n o n e o f these examples depicts t h e great figures o f Israel's history as subjects w o r t h y o f t h e praise appropriate t o the hymnic form, it is helpful t o see t h e e x t e n t t o w h i c h Sirach 44—50 may be a development o f this type o f psalm. Its transformation would have o c c u r r e d because o f the glorification o f the great

figures,

but it may n o t have ceased entirely t o be a celebration o f Yahweh's deeds as well. T h i s would m e a n that the divine aretalogical aspect o f t h e h y m n in 4 4 - 5 0 is quite compatible as a sequel t o t h e h y m n in praise o f G o d ' s works in creation in 42:15—43:33. T h e scheme o f wisdom-in-creation/wisdom-in­ human-ethos correlation.

may

be

suspected

to

have

enabled

the

Appendix B The Conclusion in Praise of Simon

A

curiosity o f the scholarship

on Sirach 4 4 - 5 0 is that a discussion o f t h e final section in praise o f S i m o n has b e e n avoided rather consistently. It has even been said expressly that this h y m n c a n n o t belong t o t h e 1

hymnic series in praise o f t h e fathers. T w o reasons have been articulated and t w o others probably play a role in this judg­ ment. T h e reasons given are ( 1 ) that Simon cannot have been understood t o have belonged t o " t h e fathers" o f Israel and ( 2 ) that t h e section on E n o c h , J o s e p h , S h e m , Seth, E n o s , and Adam ( 4 9 : 1 4 - 1 6 ) forms a conclusion t o t h e hymn proper. I suspect t h e t w o unarticulated assumptions are ( 3 ) that as a c o n t e m p o r a r y figure Simon m u s t have been distinguished from all the others for w h o m t h e r e w e r e memorials in written tradi­ tions and ( 4 ) a certain lack o f scholarly appreciation of, and understanding for, t h e obvious cultic interests that t h e hymn in praise o f S i m o n exhibits. B e c a u s e B e n Sira engaged in an ethical " c r i t i q u e " o f certain forms o f t h e cult elsewhere, his glorification o f a ritual s c e n e in c h a p t e r 5 0 has been difficult for s o m e t o understand. I would argue that these reasons are not convincing and that the praise o f Simon, not only belongs

195

196

APPENDIX B

t o the series as a whole, but in fact is intended t o conclude that series as its c l i m a x .

2

T h e argument that Simon c a n n o t have been included in a listing o f " t h e fathers" is based upon the m e n t i o n o f the fa­ thers in 4 4 : 1 ( o r perhaps on the assumption that the heading "Praise o f the F a t h e r s " was original). Because the listing has been taken as a generic designation that limits the classification o f those t o be praised, it has been found difficult t o see h o w Simon could have been included. T h e r e are t w o problems with this. T h e first is w h e t h e r B e n Sira has intended a g e n e r i c desig­ nation as a technical definition at all. T h e second is w h e t h e r such a designation can be shown t o have provided a principle o f classification appropriate for all o f the descriptions that fol­ low. A closer look at the p r o e m shows that while the idea o f ancestry is certainly involved, the c o n c e r n is rather t o establish other categories o f characterization, categories that will be the basis for the fathers' praise. T h e r e are three such categories given in addition t o their identification as ancestors. T h e first is that they w e r e m e n o f piety ( 4 4 : 1 , 1 0 ) ; the second is that they were m e n o f great power, wisdom, and achievement (twelve classifications are given, 4 4 : 3 — 6 ) ; the third is that a certain " c o v e n a n t " and " p r o s p e r i t y " that belongs t o t h e m continues to be effective n o w and forever among their descendents. It has frequently been n o t e d that the listing o f the twelve state­ ments about great m e n is difficult t o correlate with the subse­ 3

quent descriptions o f those praised. T h e designation hasid is only infrequently found in subsequent characterizations. T h e idea o f covenant does b e c o m e t h e m a t i c in the descriptions, including that o f Simon ( 5 0 : 2 4 ) , and is certainly appropriate for certain figures, but it can hardly be understood as a classifi­ cation in the tehnical sense for all o f the figures praised (in­ cluding prophets and postexilic statesmen). T h u s it appears that the characterizations presented in the p r o e m are serving some o t h e r literary function than that o f delimiting the selec­ tion o f figures t o be praised. This does not mean that the designation " f a t h e r s " is without significance for the collection. Indeed, the c o n c e p t i o n o f ancestry is basic t o the composition.

THE CONCLUSION IN PRAISE OF SIMON

197

B u t it should be clear from o u r study that the reason for m e ­ morializing t h e ancestors would n o t have precluded similar praise t o a c o n t e m p o r a r y high priest. Indeed, it may j u s t b e the case that it was t h e glorification o f t h e high priest that resulted in the glorification o f t h e fathers themselves. T h e argument that 4 9 : 1 4 — 1 6 forms a conclusion t o t h e hymn in praise o f t h e fathers, t o wjiich the praise o f Simon has been added as an appendix, c a n n o t b e convincing precisely because the relation o f this section t o t h e original composition raises several very difficult questions. It is argued in appendix C that it was probably a later addition. I f it is deleted, t h e transition from Nehemiah t o S i m o n would be quite under­ standable and n o m o r e difficult than o t h e r transitions b e t w e e n literary units in t h e hymn. T h e c o n t e m p o r a n e i t y o f Simon has been n o t e d as a p r o b l e m at t h e level o f g e n e r i c classification o f these figures. B u t at a n o t h e r level, it raises the question o f B e n Sira's view o f t h e scriptural traditions from which the descrip­ tions o f all but S i m o n have been taken. Can B e n Sira have dared t o add t o his review o f heroes memorialized in t h e scrip­ tures his o w n h y m n in praise o f a contemporary? T h e answer seems t o be yes. T h e m o v e m e n t from wisdom research J o wisdom c o m p o s i ­ t i o n — a m o v e m e n t that does acknowledge a kind o f hiatus o f i n s p i r a t i o n — w h e n c o m b i n e d with t h e express m e n t i o n o f t h e wide range o f resources from w h i c h wisdom is t o be w o n , provides an exceptionally clear and c o h e r e n t rationale for t h e kind o f creativity involved in t h e composition o f the hymn in praise o f the fathers. In a c c o r d a n c e with this rationale, B e n Sira would have seen n o p r o b l e m in t h e transition from writing hymns in praise o f t h e ancients based on wisdom research t o the composition o f a h y m n in praise o f a c o n t e m p o r a r y w h o manifested t h e same glory. T h e suspicion that a certain embarrassment about the e x ­ press interest in living cult in Sirach 5 0 has been a factor in the lack o f scholarly discussion about this section need only be m e n t i o n e d here. In o u r analysis, it b e c o m e s clear that it is precisely the priestly covenant and its manifestations in S i m o n

198

APPENDIX B

as the high priest that interest B e n Sira, provide a significant t h e m e o f continuity in the series o f praised m e n , and allow us to see t h e setting within w h i c h t h e intention o f t h e h y m n o f praise as a w h o l e can be understood. W i t h o u t the inclusion o f the praise o f Simon, this would hardly be possible.

Appendix C Later Additions to the Hymn

One

o f the problems in the

study o f t h e hymn's literary structure has t o do with the scope and arrangement o f its subsections. T h e r e are t h r e e places where serious questions have been raised about the inclusion o f material in the original h y m n o n the basis o f textual and exegetical considerations. Significantly, t w o o f these loci are also o f critical i m p o r t a n c e for t h e question o f the hymn's b e ­ ginning and conclusion, and all t h r e e are o f importance for t h e question o f t h e development o f themes. T h e y are the m e n t i o n o f E n o c h in 4 4 : 1 6 ; t h e description o f Elijah in 4 8 : 9 - 1 1 ; and the section o n E n o c h , J o s e p h , S h e m , Seth, Enos, and Adam in 4 9 : 1 4 - 1 6 . In m y opinion, all t h r e e o f these passages are addi­ tions t o the original h y m n that o c c u r r e d in the course o f t h e exceedingly

rich and

c o m p l e x history o f the

manuscript

tradition. T h e b r i e f m e n t i o n o f E n o c h in 4 4 : 1 6 is fraught with e x ­ egetical difficulties. N o t only do t h e H e b r e w ( B ) and G r e e k texts n o t agree in substance, they reflect independent

mid-

rashic traditions. T h e only thing they have in c o m m o n is that E n o c h is m e n t i o n e d h e r e in b o t h t e x t s , and that can be e x ­ plained on t h e basis o f a later redaction o f o n e in terms o f the

199

200

APPENDIX C

other. W h i c h manuscript tradition introduced t h e figure o f E n o c h t o t h e o t h e r is difficult t o ascertain. Telling, however, is that neither t h e Masada t e x t n o r t h e Syriac version contains a reference t o E n o c h here. W e are therefore justified in c o n ­ cluding that t h e original h y m n did n o t begin with E n o c h , but with N o a h ,

1

In 4 8 : 9 - 1 2 , Elijah's translation and eschatological function is mentioned. Middendorp has argued that this is a later e m ­ 2

bellishment o f t h e Elijah-Elisha section o f the h y m n . A j u d g ­ m e n t here is n o t crucial t o t h e question o f w h e t h e r Elijah was included at all in the r o s t e r o f those praised, o f course, but it does have s o m e bearing upon t h e questions o f characterization and t h e m e . Middendorp's argument has t o d o with t h e view o f eschatology expressed in 4 8 : 9 — 1 2 , w h i c h is difficult t o r e c o n ­ cile with B e n Sira's optimistic views o f creation, history, and cult. T h e r e is only o n e o t h e r passage in the whole b o o k that expresses a similar eschatology ( 3 6 : 1 - 1 7 ) , and Middendorp ar­ gues convincingly o n textual and philological grounds that it too is a later addition t o B e n Sira's b o o k o f w i s d o m .

3

It should be m e n t i o n e d that B e n Sira certainly has offered clear points o f departure for a later apocalyptic reading and redaction o f his work. His interest in t h e prophets is clear, as is his understanding o f p r o p h e c y as privileged information about the future. B u t it is questionable w h e t h e r B e n Sira understood such wisdom t o be o f apocalpytic c o n t e n t . N o t only does he name as " p r o p h e c y " inspired wisdom-instruction ( 2 4 : 3 1 ) , he also uses the ascription o f t h e knowledge o f the future t o G o d , t o support his c o n t e n t i o n o f G o d ' s eternal unchangeableness as creator o f a g o o d universe ( 4 2 : 1 8 - 2 5 ) . T h a t B e n Sira has r e ­ flected about the p r o b l e m o f Israel's future is clear, but t o conclude that he sought t o resolve it in terms even o f a p r o toapocalypse is t o short-circuit a quest for his overall under­ standing o f history. T h r e e o f t h e five studies that have ad­ dressed t h e h y m n in 4 4 - 5 0 directly have been sidetracked by raising t h e eschatological question o f B e n Sira's messianology.

4

O u r study makes clear that t h e figures o f Israel's past are un­ derstood t o e x e r c i s e still a powerful and determining influence in B e n Sira's t i m e , but not at all in an apocalyptic sense.

LATER ADDITIONS TO THE HYMN

201

T h e section in Sir. 4 9 : 1 4 — 1 6 is t h e m o s t troublesome o f all the disputed sections. W e d o n o t have, unfortunately, a t e x t from Masada after 4 9 : 1 7 t o help us with a j u d g m e n t in this case, and though t h e r e are significant variations among t h e H e b r e w , G r e e k , Syriac, and Latin manuscripts, they all do agree in placing a m e n t i o n o f E n o c h , J o s e p h , S h e m , Seth, E n o s , and Adam here. T h e a r g u m e n t for excluding it from t h e origi­ nal hymn is thus based o n considerations o f its lack o f appro­ priateness t o t h e t h e m e s and structure o f t h e hymn as a whole.

5

It will be n o t e d that with t h e e x c e p t i o n o f J o s e p h , these are all antediluvian figures. T h e r e is at first glance n o particular reason why B e n Sira could n o t have included t h e m in his r o s ­ ter o f heroes. B u t t h e reasons given for their glorification, c o m b i n e d with t h e observation that this would be the only instance in w h i c h the a u t h o r has b r o k e n from historical c h r o ­ nology, begin t o m a k e o n e suspicious. Adam is t h e only figure o f the five with which B e n Sira has w o r k e d elsewhere in t h e book.

6

T h e r e it is clear that for B e n Sira, Adam symbolizes

universal humanity. Adam does have a potential capacity for wisdom, t o be sure, but this capacity is only t o be actualized by means o f a decision t o a c c e p t G o d ' s will (wisdom as the law o f life) in obedience. T h e r e is in e a c h o f the t h r e e descriptions o f Adam a rapid movement-from his m e n t i o n as the first m a n t o a discussion o f t h e human situation in general, and there is n o evidence o f interest in Adam's chronological priority o r any privileged position h e m a y have had. T h i s being the case, it is very difficult t o understand t h e significance o f t h e statement in 4 9 : 1 6 that " t h e splendor o f Adam was above that o f every living t h i n g " as c o m i n g from B e n Sira himself. O n e m u s t also question w h e t h e r t h e heightened glorifica­ tion o f the o t h e r figures in this section is compatible with B e n Sira's pattern o f characterization and intentions in the hymn as a whole. It appears that in e a c h case, interests in these figures are manifest that B e n Sira did n o t share. E n o c h is ascribed exceptional status because o f his special destiny. W e have al­ ready discussed t h e m e n t i o n o f E n o c h in 4 4 : 1 6 as secondary o n the basis o f textual evidence. H e r e it is t h e literary location and

202

APPENDIX C

the reason for his glory that are telling. B e n Sira reveals n o interest in t h e question o f t h e destiny ( m u c h less special des­ tiny) o f any o f his heroes. T h i s is fully in keeping with t h e fact that he does n o t ascribe t o any idea o f p o s t m o r t e m destiny in t h e rest o f t h e b o o k . T h e inclusion o f J o s e p h in this section also appears t o reflect s o m e interest in the m o t i f o f special destiny, since his uniqueness has t o do with the transportation o f his body from Egypt t o Palestine after death as a "visita­ t i o n . " Nothing else is m e n t i o n e d in t h e H e b r e w t e x t and the statement is otherwise curiously o u t o f place. S h e m and Seth and Enos are merely m e n t i o n e d with n o reason given for their glory. B u t it is clear from o t h e r m i d rashic traditions that they w e r e important as genealogical s u c ­ cessors w h o guaranteed t h e continuity o f certain blessings from their fathers (Adam, N o a h ) t o subsequent generations. Ben Sira was n o t uninterested in questions o f succession and the historical continuity o f blessings. B u t it is very doubtful that h e would have found t h e parochial and slightly esoteric aspects o f even t h e earlier forms o f those traditions congenial. Certainly he had n o need^of a Sethian principle, given his un­ derstanding o f Adam, and in t h e case o f Noah, it is Noah himself w h o is the " c o n t i n u a t o r , " o r " r e n e w e r " ( 4 4 : 1 7 ) . T h e purpose o f this for B e n Sira, however, is the survival o f all flesh, and it is posited o n t h e basis o f Noah's righteousness and God's covenant with him. T h e r e is n o m e n t i o n o f S h e m in the hymn at t h e chronologically appropriate place ( 4 4 : 1 7 - 1 8 ) , n o r is there any reason t o m e n t i o n him. T h e n e x t named is Abra­ ham, whose i m p o r t a n c e is also related t o a covenant c o n c l u d e d with him. T h i s indicates a s c h e m e for succession and historical continuity that would have n o n e e d for glorification o f S h e m o r Seth. Reasons for t h e m e n t i o n o f Enos in 4 9 : 1 6 are less clear. As Seth's son, h e was important in certain midrashic traditions for the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f t h e genealogy o f election from Adam t o Noah, o f c o u r s e ; and as a figure about w h i c h t h e scriptural a c c o u n t did include a curious bit o f information ( " A t that time m e n began t o call upon the name o f t h e L o r d " ) , his m e n t i o n provided later interpreters with occasion for r e ­ flection 49:16.

and debate. B u t nothing o f this is indicated in Sir.

LATER ADDITIONS TO THE HYMN

203

It thus appears that all o f t h e figures in this section w e r e important for reasons o t h e r than those in w h i c h B e n Sira o t h ­ erwise shows interest. T h e i r inclusion here appears t o reflect midrashic c o n c e r n s with remarkable origins and destinies, e s ­ pecially o f t h e antediluvians, and in keeping with s o m e g e n e a ­ logical s c h e m e that ran from Adam through Seth, Enos, and E n o c h t o N o a h and Shem. T h e i r insertion into B e n Sira's h y m n at j u s t this point would n o t be difficult t o understand. After the m e n t i o n o f N e h e m i a h and before t h e praise o f Simon would have b e e n a covenient place t o add a brief m e n t i o n o f biblical figures o f interest n o t found in t h e rest o f the hymn. Because it reflects genealogical interest and in some r e s p e c t moves backward from E n o c h t o Adam (Joseph, S h e m , and Enos disrupt this o r d e r h o w e v e r ) , t h e illusion o f periodizing, a return t o t h e beginning, is created. This can hardly reflect B e n Sira's purpose, however, and without it, t h e conclusion o f the series b e c o m e s m o r e appropriately t h e praise o f the high priest Simon.

Appendix D The Pattern of Characterization

The

express m e n t i o n o f a fig­ 1

ure's office o c c u r s in o n e half o f t h e c a s e s . It is not included in descriptions o f t h e kings, but it is clearly implied, as 4 9 : 4 shows. O f t h e t h r e e prophets not so designated (Nathan, Elis­ ha, and Ezekiel), it is clearly implied as well. T h e office o f priesthood is m e n t i o n e d for all priestly figures e x c e p t J e s h u a , w h o is listed as o n e o f the t h r e e leaders o f t h e restoration without official designations. T h e office that w e have called " t h e fathers" is t h e least clearly expressed o f t h e m all. This may have t o do with t h e function o f these figures as p r e Mosaic founders o f t h e covenants upon which the later s p e c ­ t r u m o f offices in the n a r r o w e r sense c o m e s into being. Nev­ ertheless, Abraham is called " t h e father o f a multitude o f n a t i o n s " ( 4 4 : 1 9 ) ; Noah

" t h e r e n e w e r " o f the human race

( 4 4 : 1 7 ) ; and J a c o b " t h e

firstborn,"

that is, Israel ( 4 4 : 2 3 ) — a l l

designations o f their function as " f a t h e r s " o f certain generic classifications o f and within t h e h u m a n race. Moses is n o t given an office, presumably because his function is sui generis. But his office could be designated as t h e " s e e r - t e a c h e r , " and all subsequent offices are derived from h i m in s o m e way. The

designation o f office for J o s h u a , Caleb, Zerubbabel,

205

APPENDIX D

206

Jeshua, and Nehemiah is problematic. J o s h u a is assigned by Ben Sira t o the prophetic office ( 4 6 : 1 ) , and he does share in the attributes ascribed t o the prophets. B u t he is cast also as a warrior and ruler and thus may b e understood as a c o m p o s i t e figure w h o , along with Caleb and the judges, is appropriate t o the period o f conquest. T h e t h r e e figures o f the restoration are described chiefly in t e r m s o f functions that B e n Sira has at­ tributed t o the earlier kings, building, defense, and restoration o f the city and the temple. B u t these functions are also associ­ ated with the priest Simon ( 5 0 : 1 - 4 ) , indicating that B e n Sira understands certain aspects o f the royal office t o have been performed in t h e restoration and S e c o n d T e m p l e periods by leaders o t h e r than kings. It seems best, therefore, t o correlate the three figures o f the restoration (Zerubbabel, Jeshua, and Nehemiah) with the earlier figures o f the judges as leaders o f composite functions appropriate t o the t w o periods o f transi­ tion in the a r c h i t e c t o n i c m o v e m e n t o f the history. T h e idea o f election o r selection for office is clearly e x ­ pressed for figures in all categories and may therefore be in­ cluded in the pattern o f characterization. Nevertheless, the terminology differs appropriately from office t o office; and with the e x c e p t i o n o f the prophets, three o f w h o m are said t o have been " f o r m e d " ( " f r o m t h e w o m b " ) , the ascription is lim­ ited t o founding figures with w h o m covenants w e r e estab­ lished. T h u s Noah was masa',

" f o u n d , " blameless ( 4 4 : 1 7 ) , and

Abraham was " f o u n d " faithful ( 4 4 : 2 0 ) . O f Moses it is said that God bahar,

" c h o s e , " him o u t o f all flesh ( 4 5 : 4 ) , and o f Aaron

that G o d " c h o s e " him out o f all living ( 4 5 : 1 6 ) . David was muram,

"separated," out from Israel ( 4 7 : 2 ) . F o r the prophets

Joshua, Samuel, and J e r e m i a h , s o m e form o f the idea " f o r m e d from the m o t h e r ' s w o m b " is used ( 4 6 : 1 ; 4 6 : 1 3 ; 4 9 : 6 ) . It is significant that the idea o f election is n o t used for kings s u c ­ ceeding David, n o r priests succeeding Aaron. Covenants are expressly m e n t i o n e d in relation t o founding figures in each category o f office e x c e p t that o f the prophets. Each o f the several covenants is clearly defined and dis­ tinguished from the others. T h e covenant with Noah was " n o t 2

to destroy [again] all flesh" ( 4 4 : 1 8 ) . T o Abraham, with w h o m

207

THE PATTERN OF CHARACTERIZATION

the covenant o f circumcision was established, the promise o f the blessings upon his seed and t h e nations was given ( 4 4 : 2 0 2 1 ) . T o M o s e s t h e law was given ( 4 5 : 5 ) , and for Aaron the priesdy ministry b e c a m e " a n eternal c o v e n a n t " ( 4 5 : 1 5 ) . T h e covenant with Phineas was that t h e office o f the high priest­ h o o d would

belong t o him and

his descendents

forever

( 4 5 : 2 4 ) . T h e covenant with David was t h e kingship ( 4 7 : 1 1 ; cf. 45:25). Religious virtues are ascribed t o m a n y o f the figures span­ ning all categories o f office. W e are therefore justified in c o n ­ cluding that a designation o f religious virtue belongs t o the pattern o f characterization. B u t ethical virtues having t o do with wisdom, o b e d i e n c e , and righteousness do n o t predomi­ nate. T h e only figure characterized as " w i s e " is S o l o m o n ( 4 7 : 1 2 ) , and h e turns o u t t o b e an ambiguous figure whose sins offset his wisdom and introduce the sorry history o f the divid­ ed kingdom. T h e only figure called " r i g h t e o u s " is N o a h ,

3

and

that is taken from t h e scriptural a c c o u n t , as is the designation " b l a m e l e s s " (tdmim,

4 4 : 1 7 ; cf. Gen. 6 : 9 ) . O b e d i e n c e is m e n ­

tioned expressly only o n c e , in regard t o Abraham ( 4 4 : 2 0 ) , but the c o n t e x t shows that the reference is t o circumcision as a sign o f the covenant m a d e w i t h him. T h e majority o f the designations o f character are midrashic, that is, taken directly from t h e scriptural accounts o f the fig­ ures. This is so for M o s e s ' meekness ( 4 5 : 4 ; cf. Num. 1 2 : 3 ) and Aaron's holiness ( 4 5 : 6 ; cf. N u m . 1 6 : 3 - 7 ) . Scripture is also the source for t h e ascriptions o f zeal t o Phineas ( 4 5 : 2 3 ; cf. Num. 2 5 : 1 0 - 1 3 ) and Elijah ( 4 8 : 2 ; cf. 1 Kings 1 9 : 1 0 , 1 4 ) . In all o f these cases, therefore, it is e x t r e m e l y difficult t o discern any specific c o n t o u r o f a pattern o f virtue t o which B e n Sira m a y have intended t o give expression. In regard t o t h e ascriptions o f faithfulness, strength, and piety, w e are in a s o m e w h a t b e t t e r position t o m a k e an assess­ m e n t o f B e n Sira's c o n c e r n s . N o t only does h e use these desig­ nations repeatedly and in relation t o several o f the figures, but the midrashic process involved is also a bit m o r e c o m p l e x , thus reflecting a special interest. " F a i t h f u l " ('amon)

is used t o de­

scribe Abraham ( 4 4 : 2 0 ) , M o s e s ( 4 5 : 4 ) , Samuel ( 4 6 : 1 5 ) , and Is-

208

APPENDIX D

aiah ( 4 8 : 2 2 ) . T h e r e is a very natural

scriptural

point o f

departure for the ascription o f faithfulness t o M o s e s (Num. 12:7: " H e is entrusted

with all m y h o u s e " ) . This o c c u r s , t o o , in

close proximity t o Num.

1 2 : 3 , from w h i c h the designation

" m e e k " is taken. B o t h are m e n t i o n e d together in Sir. 4 5 : 4 . O n e wonders w h e t h e r the terminology o f "faithfulness' in the hymn indicates a m o v e m e n t in the direction o f c h a r a c ­ terization in terms o f virtuous qualities instead o f in terms o f office o r performance. T h e same consideration could apply t o the ascription o f faithfulness (reliability) t o Samuel, w h i c h m a y be based on the s t a t e m e n t in 1 Sam. 9 : 6 that "all that he says comes t r u e . " Isaiah, however, is said t o have been "faithful in his vision" ( 4 8 : 2 2 ) , and Abraham was "found faithful in trial" (a reference t o the binding o f Isaac in Genesis 2 2 ) . H e r e the ascription o f faithfulness is clearly B e n Sira's contribution, but the aspect o f performance o r narrative c o n t e x t that is retained shows that the designation does n o t emphasize a quality o f character descriptive o f the person as an individual. It is n o t mainly that these m e n w e r e trustworthy; it is that their perfor­ mance was true o r reliable. T h e i r faithfulness is manifest in events that are o f significance for the office. In all four cases, there is an e l e m e n t o f election t o agency in the divine activity by which Israel's history is understood t o be directed, and the term "faithful" is therefore understood t o b e important only in this c o n t e x t . The strength

same seems t o b e true o f B e n Sira's ascription o f t o several o f the

figures:

Moses (45:2),

Phineas

( 4 5 : 2 3 ) , J o s h u a ( 4 6 : 1 , 7 ) , Caleb ( 4 6 : 7 ) , and Hezekiah ( 4 8 : 2 2 ) . Even though various H e b r e w t e r m s are employed, the idea o f strength is clearly o f interest t o B e n Sira, an added emphasis t o the scriptural accounts. M o s e s is said t o have been m a d e strong by G o d in his "awe-inspiring deeds"; Phineas was strong in his act o f slaying the Israelite w h o had taken a Midianite w o m a n , that is, in "making a t o n e m e n t for the children o f Israel" (Sir. 4 5 : 2 3 ; cf. Num. 2 5 : 7 - 8 ) ; J o s h u a was strong as a warrior and, with Caleb, as o n e w h o " s t o o d firm" in r e c o m m e n d i n g an entrance into the land; and Hezekiah was "strong in the ways o f David," that is, performed properly as a king. In each case,

T H E PATTERN OF CHARACTERIZATION

209

strength has t o do with t h e quality o f performance o f deeds in keeping with t h e offices held. T h e reiteration o f t h e idea does produce t h e effect o f making strength a n o t e w o r t h y quality o f Israel's leaders, however, and c o m b i n e d with the idea o f faithfulness, it begins t o give s o m e shape t o B e n Sira's notion o f virtue. U n d e r t h e rubric " p i e t y , " several ascriptions o f e x c e l l e n c e may be classed t o g e t h e r that appear t o be o f s o m e significance for B e n Sira's c o n c e p t i o n o f leadership. O f Joshua it is said that " h e fully followed after G o d , and did an act o f piety in t h e days o f M o s e s " ( 4 6 : 6 ) . T h e designation "following G o d " is taken from t h e a c c o u n t in N u m . 1 4 : 2 4 and J o s h . 1 4 : 8 , 9 , 14. B u t the m e n t i o n o f an act o f piety is added. T h i s is n o t e w o r t h y in that t h e p r o e m has a n n o u n c e d that t h e figures t o be praised w e r e "pious m e n " (Sir. 4 4 : 1 , 1 0 ) . In t h e hymn, n o o n e is expressly described as a pious o n e , but t h e r e is this m e n t i o n o f Joshua's act o f piety, and it is said o f Josiah that he "gave his heart wholly t o G o d , and . . . h e practiced p i e t y " ( 4 9 : 3 ) . T h e association o f practicing piety with the ideas o f " f o l ­ lowing G o d " and "giving o n e ' s heart wholly t o G o d " alerts o n e t o t h e significance o f t w o o t h e r ascriptions o f religious devotion. O f s o m e o f t h e judges, it is said that their "hearts w e r e n o t beguiled" and they did n o t turn back from "follow­ ing after G o d " ( 4 6 : 1 1 ) . O f David it is said that he "loved his M a k e r with his w h o l e h e a r t " ( 4 7 : 8 ) . W e see here a set o f descriptions o f religious piety that have been brought t o g e t h e r by association. In t h e case o f t h e ascription t o David, it is difficult n o t t o think that D e u t . 6:5 o r D e u t . 1 0 : 1 2 has n o t been influential. I f so, t h e same may be true for the statement about Josiah giving his " h e a r t wholly t o G o d . " In D e u t . 1 0 : 1 2 , the m e t a p h o r

o f walking in G o d ' s way is also employed,

providing a link t o t h e " f o l l o w i n g " m e t a p h o r used o f J o s h u a and then o f t h e judges. T h e cluster as a w h o l e indicates at first a type o f piety that reminds o n e o f t h e religious loyalty called for in t h e D e u t e r o n o m i c tradition. It is probably significant that it is attributed t o Josiah and David, kings w h o are praised as defenders o f t h e religious institutions and whose piety is disclosed in those deeds o f defence. J o s h u a ' s act o f piety refers

210

APPENDIX D

t o his e x h o r t a t i o n t o t h e people t o e n t e r the land. Loyalty t o the religious codes o f Israel is also t h e point o f praise with t h e judges. I f Hezekiah w e r e added t o this list, the r o s t e r o f p r e exilic rulers w h o are c o m m e n d e d would b e c o m p l e t e . O f him it is said that h e "did that w h i c h was g o o d and was strong in the ways o f D a v i d . " T h i s is hardly a clear description o f Hezekiah's " p i e t y , " but it is a s t a t e m e n t o f c o m m e n d a b l e per­ formance in keeping with t h e kind o f piety ascribed t o t h e o t h e r rulers. In summary, it may b e said that t h e r e is a clear t e n d e n c y in the hymn t o praise and characterize various figures in t e r m s o f traits o r qualities o f religious significance. Especially important appear t o b e "faithfulness," " s t r e n g t h , " " z e a l , " and

"piety"

( = loyalty). T h e y are easily c o m b i n e d in a c o h e r e n t picture o f religious virtues. T h e y are strikingly conservative and, used as they are t o express approval for religious leaders in t h e perfor­ m a n c e o f their offices, serve primarily t o characterize t h e qual­ ity o f their leadership. As o n e might e x p e c t , t h e h y m n in praise o f the pious m e n is replete with a c c o u n t s o f grand and glorious deeds. T h e y can be classified according t o types, and t h e r e is s o m e correlation between the types o f deeds and t h e offices o r functions o f the leaders t o w h o m they are ascribed. All are taken from t h e scriptural a c c o u n t s , o f course, so that the ascription o f deeds appropriate t o t h e various figures and their offices is at first glance simply given by t h e tradition and determined by t h e " a r c h a i c " distinctions. B u t t h e selection o f material is B e n Sira's o w n , and t h e r e is considerable evidence o f a strong in­ terest in developing a rather consistent typology o f deeds and leadership functions. Before moving t o a discussion o f those deeds that are e s ­ pecially appropriate t o t h e performance o f a specific office, mention should be m a d e o f w h a t might be called "deeds o f piety." It is n o t e w o r t h y that references t o actions o f religious and ethical piety in general are so few. I f these are found t o be placed judiciously, it may be that B e n Sira has succeeded t o some e x t e n t in combining t w o paradigmatic functions, o f " o b e d i e n c e " and o f " o f f i c e . " It has already been pointed out

211

THE PATTERN OF CHARACTERIZATION

that t h e r e is only o n e reference t o keeping t h e law in t h e entire hymn, and that is t o Abraham's a c t o f circumcision. T h i s refer­ e n c e is doubly n o t e w o r t h y because h e is also the only father for w h o m any deed is r e c o u n t e d at all. T h e function o f the fathers as founders o f t h e covenants o f promise is primarily the reception o f t h e blessings. B u t in t h e figure o f Abraham, B e n Sira relates t h e promise o f these blessings t o his act o f o b e ­ dience by combining it with a reference t o the binding o f Isaac (which is t h e occasion in t h e Genesis a c c o u n t for the blessings, as B e n Sira k n e w [ 4 4 : 2 0 b — 2 1 ] ) . Since circumcision would be an appropriate act and symbol o f o b e d i e n c e t o the law for all, Abraham is an appropriate figure t o c o m b i n e models b o t h o f obedience and o f office. O f h i m it is also said that " h e did n o t tarnish his g l o r y " ( 4 4 : 1 9 ) . Since S o l o m o n did "tarnish his g l o ­ r y , " reference t o his taking o f m a n y foreign wives ( 4 7 : 1 9 - 2 0 ) , it is probable that in this regard, t o o , Abraham is intended t o serve as a m o d e l o f o b e d i e n c e for J e w i s h religious e t h i c in general. T h e r e is only o n e o t h e r deed ascribed t o any o f the

figures

that might b e taken as a m o d e l for general religious piety. It is the reference t o prayer. "Calling upon G o d " is ascribed t o Joshua ( 4 6 : 5 ) , Samuel ( 4 6 : 1 6 , 1 9 ) , and, interestingly enough, t o the people u n d e r attack by Sennacherib during Hezekiah's reign ( 4 8 : 2 0 ) . David is said t o have "given thanks in all that he d i d " ( 4 7 : 8 ) . It is quite possible t o see h e r e a reflection o f r e ­ ligious piety appropriate t o all t h e people. This would b e in keeping with t h e few o t h e r instances in t h e hymn o f reference t o performance by t h e people themselves. Usually, however, the response o f t h e people is s h o w n t o b e determined by t h e quality o f their leaders. T h e r e is reference t o the

daughters

singing David's praise ( 4 7 : 6 ) , t h e progeny o f S o l o m o n dis­ tressed over his sins ( 4 7 : 2 0 ) , Israel's sins caused by t h e evil kings ( 4 7 : 2 3 - 2 4 ) , t h e people's failure t o repent at the message o f Elijah and Elisha ( 4 8 : 1 5 - 1 6 ) , and t h e people gladly receiving the blessing from S i m o n ( 5 0 : 1 7 - 2 1 ) . In contrast t o t h e paucity o f references t o deeds o f o b e ­ dience and piety in general, deeds appropriate t o t h e offices o f the leaders are r e c o u n t e d in n u m b e r . W e may distinguish five

APPENDIX D

212

types: ( 1 ) t h e miracles and prophecies that belong t o t h e p r o ­ phetic office, ( 2 ) t h e w o r k o f building the temple and t h e restoration and defense o f t h e city that belong t o kings, ( 3 ) t h e teaching ministry that begins with M o s e s , ( 4 ) t h e ministry o f the priestly office, and ( 5 ) t h e c o n q u e s t o f enemies that b e ­ longs t o the warrior-ruler. Miracles are ascribed t o M o s e s ( 4 5 : 2 - 3 ) , J o s h u a ( 4 6 : 4 ) , Samuel ( 4 6 : 2 0 ) , Elijah ( 4 8 : 3 - 5 ) , Elisha ( 4 8 : 1 2 - 1 4 ) , and Isaiah ( 4 8 : 2 3 ) . All o f t h e miracles m e n t i o n e d are ascribed in o n e way or a n o t h e r t o t h e prophets as agents o f G o d . S o m e are miracles o f healing (Isaiah) and deliverance ( M o s e s ) , others o f victory over enemies (Joshua, Elijah). S o m e are merely " s i g n s " (Elis­ ha), and t w o are miracles o f continuing t o prophesy after death (Samuel, Elisha). T h e s e miracles serve in general t o image the power o f t h e prophets in their w o r k as agents o f t h e j u d g m e n t s and restorations by w h i c h t h e history o f Israel has moved. T h e i r prophecies had t h e p o w e r " t o d e s t r o y " and " t o estab­ lish" t h e kings and their kingdoms (Jeremiah, 4 9 : 6 ; J o s h u a , 4 6 : 6 ; Samuel, 4 6 : 1 3 c , 1 8 ; Elijah, 4 8 : 2 , 8 ) . Although Samuel is called " s e e r " ( 4 6 : 1 5 ) and Ezekiel is praised for his vision o f the chariot ( 4 9 : 8 ) , Isaiah is t h e only o n e o f w h o m it is said that he had a vision o f t h e future ( 4 8 : 2 4 - 2 5 ) . T h e deeds for w h i c h t h e kings and ruler are praised, on the o t h e r hand, consistently have t o do with constructive acts r e ­ lated t o the city, temple, and institutions o f the cult. David ordered the calendar and ordained t h e musical forms o f liturgy ( 4 7 : 9 - 1 0 ) , S o l o m o n built t h e t e m p l e ( 4 7 : 1 3 ) , Hezekiah for­ tified and defended t h e city ( 4 8 : 1 7 ) , Josiah cleansed t h e cult ( 4 9 : 2 ) , Zerubbabel and J e s h u a built t h e temple ( 4 9 : 1 2 ) , and Nehemiah restored t h e city walls ( 4 9 : 1 3 ) . W i t h Moses and Aaron, t h e functions o f teaching priestly ministry are understood

and

t o have begun. T e a c h i n g

draws its glory from t h e " l a w o f life and d i s c e r n m e n t " that is its c o n t e n t ( 4 5 : 5 ) . M o s e s ' glory as t e a c h e r is described in terms, n o t o f what h e did, but o f what happened t o him, what was revealed t o him. H e was given the law " t h a t h e might t e a c h " ( 4 5 : 5 ) . Aaron, t o o , really performs n o deed. H e is chosen, invested, exalted " t o m i n i s t e r " ( 4 5 : 1 5 ) and given t h e

213

THE PATTERN OF CHARACTERIZATION

c o m m a n d m e n t s " t h a t h e might t e a c h " ( 4 5 : 1 7 ) . Here the idea o f "great d e e d s " has been transformed into the idea o f the grandeur o f religious office itself. It is important t o n o t e the e x t e n t t o which the descriptions o f these figures do include explicit reference t o setting. N o t all do, t o be sure. Isaac and J a c o b are n o t placed in any c o n t e x t . O f Moses it is said only that G o d m a d e him bold "in t h e presence o f the k i n g " ( 4 5 : 3 ) . T h e judges are m e n t i o n e d as a class without narrative o r historical c o n t e x t , as are the twelve prophets ( 4 6 : 1 1 - 1 2 ; 4 9 : 1 0 ) . Ezekiel also is not placed ( 4 9 : 8 9 ) . B u t for all the rest, t h e r e is express m e n t i o n o f s o m e c o n ­ t e x t in relation t o which deeds o r office derive significance. Noah b e c a m e the r e n e w e r "in the season o f d e s t r u c t i o n " ( 4 4 : 1 7 ) , and Abraham was found faithful "in trial" ( 4 4 : 2 0 ) . T h e r e is no reflection about the cause o r nature o f these threatening situations, and they appear at first merely t o be descriptive background. B u t with the descriptions o f Aaron and Phineas, it is clear the " j e a l o u s y " and sin among the p e o ­ ple establish the c o n t e x t for their office, and with Joshua, it is a "hostile p e o p l e " without ( 4 6 : 6 ) . Tracing references t o setting throughout the hymn from this point on, one can determine that it is given repeatedly in t e r m s o f these t w o t h r e a t s — s i n s within, enemies without. W i t h these threats, a background o r c o n t e x t is given that belongs t o the pattern o f characterization. It is the social-historical setting within which the leaders and their deeds have meaning and against w h i c h they are seen t o be glorious. T h e question o f reward is raised by statements that indicate certain bestowals o f covenants, status, and inheritance on the basis o f virtue. After the statement that Abraham was found faithful in trial, for example, it is said "therefore (al ken) h e promised him with an oath t o bless the nations in his s e e d " ( 4 4 : 2 1 ) . O f J a c o b it is said that G o d "gave him his inheritance, and set him in t r i b e s " ( 4 4 : 2 3 ) . Moses "found favor . . . and H e made him glorious as G o d " ( 4 5 : 1 - 2 ) . After Aaron's office was threatened by Korah, G o d "increased his glory and gave him his i n h e r i t a n c e " ( 4 5 : 1 9 - 2 0 ) .

Because Phineas

demon­

strated his zeal, " t h e r e f o r e (laken) for him, t o o , H e established

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APPENDIX D

an ordinance, a c o v e n a n t " ( 4 5 : 2 4 ) . Caleb was "given s t r e n g t h " and cause " t o tread upon t h e high places o f t h e l a n d " because he stood firm ( 4 6 : 8 - 9 ) . Office and ministry belong t o g e t h e r conceptually, and in t h e descriptions o f t h e hasidim w h o founded and fulfill these of­ fices, t h e r e is repeated m e n t i o n o f t h e effects o f their ministry both upon their descendents o r successors and upon t h e p e o ­ ple they serve. N o a h is t h e r e n e w e r o f a remnant, t h e sur­ vivors, and t h e occasion o f a promise that affects all h u m a n ­ kind. T h e promise t o Abraham b e c o m e s a blessing passed o n t o the twelve tribes o f Israel. M o s e s ' ministry is t o t e a c h t h e statutes, testimonies, and j u d g m e n t s o f t h e law t o Israel. Aaron is t o minister t o G o d and " t o bless His people in His n a m e " ( 4 5 : 1 5 ) . Phineas' great deed is that h e " m a d e a t o n e m e n t for the children o f I s r a e l " ( 4 5 : 2 3 ) . J o s h u a and Caleb " t u r n e d away wrath from the a s s e m b l y " ( 4 6 : 7 ) . N o n e o f the entire r o s t e r o f these illustrious m e n is praised for personal achievements. All are great because o f effective ministry t o and for t h e people.

Notes

INTRODUCTION

1. A date o f ca. 180 B.C.E. can be established for Sirach. For this and other introductory matters, see the recent summaries in Nickelsburg, Jewish Literature, 5 5 - 6 9 ; Crenshaw, Old Testament Wisdom, 1 4 9 - 7 3 , 283. 2. Maertens, Veloge des peres; Jacob, "L'histoire"; Siebeneck, "Sir­ ach's Praise"; and te Stroete, "Van Henoch tot Simon"; Lee, "Studies." 3. The monographs by Haspecker, Marbock, Middendorp, and Rickenbacher are examples. 4. The hymn as a rewriting o f Israel's history has been empha­ sized by Maertens, Jacob, Siebeneck, Noack, and Janssen. Siebeneck contrasts the new view with those o f the Yawhist, Elohist, priestly writer, and Deuteronomist ("Sirach's Praise," 4 1 5 ) . In the schol­ arship, frequent reference is made to Psalms 7 8 , 105, 106, 135, 136, Nehemiah 9, and Ezekial 20 as precursor texts to Sirach 4 4 - 5 0 . The most recent discussion is found in Lee, "Studies," 2 1 - 2 6 , where, however, the dissimilarities are emphasized. On the hymn's reflec­ tion o f cultic interests, see especially Jacob; Middendorp, Stellung, 1 6 2 - 1 7 4 ; Hengdjudaism, 1:133; Lee, "Studies," 9 - 1 9 . Since Maertens references to the genre De virus illustribus have been customary (L'eloge des peres, 11). Thus Siebeneck, "Sirach's

215

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Praise," 4 1 4 ; Pautrel, "Ben Sira," 5 4 1 ; Hengel, Judaism, 1:136. The earliest extant text o f this genre is from Cornelius Nepos ( 9 4 - 2 4 B.C.E.) and is a development o f the Hellenistic biographical tradition. Lee argues that comparison o f Ben Sira with the earlier Hellenistic "lives" by Hermippus, Satyrus, and Sotion would be o f more value than with the later Roman development o f the genre ("Studies," 5 2 - 5 5 ) . W e shall discuss this question in chapter 5. 5. On the value o f the Greek version ( G l ) , see Vattioni, Ecclesiastico, xxiii; Middendorp, Stellung, 2, 1 0 0 - 1 1 2 ; and the introduction to Patteson, "Study." For the Hebrew text, see Yadin, Masada; Levi, Hebrew Text; Riiger, Text und Textform; and The Book of Ben Sira (Jerusa­ lem, 1973). There is now a concordance to the Hebrew text by Barthelemy and Rickenbacker. CHAPTER ONE

1. There are five occurrences o f the sequence wisdom-in-cre­ ation/wisdom-in-human-history: (a) 1 : 1 - 8 / 1 : 9 - 1 8 ; (b) 1 6 : 2 4 30/17:1 - 1 1 ; (c) 24:1 - 7 / 2 4 : 8 - 2 1 ; (d) 3 9 : 1 2 - 3 5 / 4 0 : 1 - 1 1 ; (e) 4 2 : 1 5 4 3 : 3 5 / 4 4 - 5 0 . The sequence is given with the wisdom myth, but its theological significance is based on a logic seen in the narrative. This borders on systematic concern. See Mack, Logos, 3 1 - 3 2 , 1 5 0 - 5 3 ; Marbock, Weisheit, 6 8 - 7 4 , 1 3 1 - 3 3 . The wisdom theme is discussed at length in chapter 6. For an exegetical demonstration that the two hymns have literary links, see appendix A. 2. See Box and Oesterley "Book o f Sirach," 4 7 9 - 8 1 ; Snaith, Ecclesiasticus, 216. The twelve descriptive statements might be reduced to six types if one takes the parallelisms together. But one is then left with composite characterizations such as warrior-king (44:3) and prophet-sage (44:3), which while reflective o f some persons de­ scribed in the hymn, do not appear to have been developed there as types per se. The next six statements ( 4 4 : 4 - 5 ) are even more diffi­ cult to combine typologically, each having to do with aspects o f the leader-sage as instructor and author. No one in the hymn is ex­ pressly described in these terms, although aspects o f Moses' office and Solomon's activity are partially comparable. The final distich (44:6) about "men o f resource . . . living at ease" is curiously inap­ propriate as a type characterization, especially for those praised in the hymn. It is best, then, to regard this list o f statements, not as a typology itself, but as a series o f commendable leadership qualities and functions worthy o f praise. It does provide the reader with a kind of lens through which to interpret what follows, but it is sin-

NOTES TO PAGES 1 5 - 2 7

217

gularly deficient as a comprehensive statement about the types or offices o f those men to appear in the hymn. Particularly telling is the omission o f any reference to the cultic functions o f the priests. For the opposing view, that 4 4 : 3 - 6 does intend a typology o f those to be praised in the hymn, see Lee, "Studies," 2 6 7 - 6 8 . A very suggestive study by Skehan, "Staves and Nails," shows that most of the phrases used here are poetic and metaphoric descriptions that draw upon scriptural language, and that they were apparently at home in a postexilic scribal ethos in which the connection had been made be­ tween "leaders" and "scholars." He shows that a later pesher from Qumran (CD. vi. 3 - 1 1 ) made explicit many o f the allusions still implicit in Sirach. His study lends support to our thesis in chapter 4 that Sir. 4 4 : 3 - 6 is heavily weighted with allusions to the ideal schol­ ar-scribe and is not intended as a comprehensive typology o f ideal leaders as such. 3. A distinguishing characteristic o f the hymn is the regularity o f its meter (4 + 4 ) . Sirach 3 - 4 3 does not reveal such a regular pat­ tern, following the proverbial model instead. Cf. Stanislav, "Vorarbeiten"; Rickenbacher, Weisheitsperikopen, 6 7 - 6 8 . 4. Ben Sira's anthological and interpretive use o f scripture has been noted and studied by a number o f scholars, including Koole, Snaith, Middendorp, and Sheppard. 5. See Middendorp, Stellung, 3 5 - 9 1 . 6. I used the following procedure to determine the pattern. First, I made detailed lists o f the significant items in the description o f each figure named. I then arranged the lists as a set and compared them. Seven features emerged as common characteristics in a recur­ ring pattern. Some figures are not fully described according to this pattern, but most are. Where figures are not fully described, the details o f their descriptions still seem to fall within the list o f the seven common features. 7. The units o f description range from thirty-six distichs to a single distich. Using this as a scale o f interest, it can be seen that attention has been focused upon Simon (with 36) and Aaron (with 32). The kings follow: David ( 1 7 ) , Solomon ( 1 6 ) , Hezekiah (10). Others granted extensive description are Joshua and Caleb (together 18), Samuel (13), Elijah (12), Phineas (10), Moses (9), Elisha (9), and Abraham (6). These are in fact the figures of greatest significance for Ben Sira's view o f the history he has developed. 8. This is because, though the fathers represent the divisions o f humanity into nations, "the people" as a technical component o f the

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218

social structure cannot be mentioned until the offices have been established. It is the office itself that determines the concept o f the congregation in the hymn. This is indicated clearly in the depiction of Moses, with whom the structure o f office emerges, as "issuing from Israel" and having "charge o f His people" ( 4 4 : 2 2 , 4 5 : 3 ) . 9 . Anointing is mentioned for Moses ( 4 5 : 1 5 ) , Samuel ( 4 6 : 1 3 ) , and Elijah ( 4 8 : 8 ) .

1 0 . Jaubert does not think that this reflects any position-taking with regard to competitive genealogical traditions among priestly classes or parties during this period (La notion d'alliance, 3 8 — 3 9 ) . On this question see de Vaux, Ancient Israel, 3 9 4 — 4 0 3 . 1 1 . Since this line is partially destroyed in MS. B , there have been several attempts to reconstruct it, but all retain the mention o f "the third" in keeping with the Greek (tritos eis doxan). Lee agrees that "the reference here seems to be to the trinity o f Moses, Aaron, and Phineas" ("Studies," 2 4 9 - 5 0 ) . CHAPTER Two

1. The mention o f David in 4 5 : 2 5 is the only instance o f a devia­ tion from chronological arrangement. It is to be accounted for in terms of the covenant theme that governs the sequence only o f the first seven figures and requires that the covenant with David be mentioned here if at all. 2. There has been very little work done on the structure o f the hymn. Baumgartner could find no principle o f continuity in it ("Gattungen," 1 7 4 ) . Jacob, "L'histoire," finds neither a chronologi­ cal plan nor any apologetic system that gives the hymn structure. Maertens, L'eloge des peres, divided it into three "cycles": (a) pa­ triarchal, (b) paschal, (c) royal. His insight has not been followed up, but there are remarkable points o f similarity with my thesis. Maer­ tens did not develop his division o f the hymn as a literary moment o f significance, and a curiosity o f his work is the failure to include the poem in praise o f Simon in the hymn. Haspecker divides the hymn into two parts: (a) 4 4 : 1 - 4 5 : 2 6 with its theme o f covenant; (b) 4 6 : 1 5 0 : 2 4 with its theme o f piety (Gottesfurcht, 8 5 , n. 9 4 ) . The most recent attempt to assess the hymn's compositional structure is that of Lee, to be discussed in chapter 5 . 3. Haspecker has also noted the covenant theme that governs the first section o f the hymn and makes o f it a unit (Gottesfurcht, 8 5 , n. 9 4 ) . Maertens first groups the patriarchs together as a set then dis-

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NOTES TO PAGES 3 9 - 7 5 u

cusses the figures from Moses through the judges as l e cycle pas­ cal." There is neither thematic nor literary justification for these groupings. Lee sees 44:15—49:16 as a single unit corresponding to the genos o f the Hellenistic encomium, and he thus does not investi­ gate its subunits ("Studies," 2 6 5 ) . 4. See also Jaubert, La notion d'alliance, 39. Priest sees this verse as evidence for the idea o f a dual authority in the community analogous to the two messiahs in Qumran ("Ben Sira 4 5 : 2 5 " ) . I have not found his arguments convincing. See below chapter 3. 5. Hengel (Judaism, 1:136) singles out this term as special evi­ dence for a "principle o f succession" in the hymn, which he sees as a Hellenistic notion. Lee argues against this because its usage in the hymn reveals several notions at work, each o f which may be ac­ counted for as midrashic ("Studies," 72—78). Lee is correct in seeing that a singular "principle o f succession" is not in evidence as pro­ gram in the hymn, but he has overstated the case with regard to midrashic derivation as a sufficient basis for its repeated occurrence. His point is that the Hellenistic genre to which Hengel refers (Sotion's Diadoche ton philosophon) is not the model upon which the hymn has been constructed. My own position is more pliable. See chapter 5. 6. The notion o f a succession o f the prophets is o f course attested for later writers. Cf. Eupolemos in Jacoby, FGr Hist, 3C.723.F2b,F5; Josephus, Contra Apionem, 1.41. 7. On this correlation o f primal pattern and ordered history from a history o f religions point*of view, see especially Eliade's Cosmos and History. CHAPTER THREE

1. Haspecker has seen clearly that the hymn does not address the individual in the same way as do the earlier portions of Ben Sira's book: "Tatsachlich weicht Kp 44—50 in zweifacher Richtung vom Hauptteil des Buches ab. Formal verlasst es ganz den Raum der Individualparanese and wendet sich einem Kollektiv zu . . . Wichtiger ist, dass in diesen Kapiteln als Hauptthema der Gottesbund behandelt wird, der sich seinem Wesen nach an ein Kollektiv (Bundesempfanger und seine Nachkommen) richtet" (Gottsefurcht, 85, n. 9 4 ) . 2. For the term "good fortune," I have retained the reading o f MS. B as given by Vattioni, but it should be noted that the Masada

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NOTES TO PAGES 7 5 - 7 6

text contains another reading. The manuscript is damaged beyond the first two letters, but these are ws instead o f wt. Vattioni recon­ structs to s[dqtm], which is apparently what the Greek (dikaiosynai) and the Syriac read, that is, "righteous deeds." It is probable, there­ fore, that sidqatam stood in the original text. If so, the distich 44:10 presents a separate idea, namely, that the righteous deeds o f the hasidim themselves "shall not come to an end." This would be fully appropriate as proem to the hymn, where deeds are recounted in number, but the manner in which these deeds continue to be effec­ tive is not yet clear. In a private conversation I had with Richard Weis o f the Ancient Biblical Manuscript Center at the School o f Theology at Claremont, he noted that the scribe responsible for the reading in MS. B had apparently understood the context o f these verses to have to do with memory (zdkar, 44:9, 13). Weis pointed to Sir. 38:21 (B) where memory (zdkar) and "hope" or "good fortune" (tiqwdh) occur together in the advice about grief: "Remember him not, for he has no hope." In 4 4 : 8 - 1 0 , the hasidim are being con­ trasted with those "who have no memorial, so that there was an end of them where they came to their end." The word field tiqwdh = zdkar is thus in play, and it is this that has apparently influenced the change from sidqatam to tiqwdtdm. The new meaning ("their good fortune") correlates nicely with "prosperity" and "heritage" in the next distich (44:11) and thus is not obtrusive. If we take this scribe's lead as to the importance o f the memory theme in this section o f the proem, a significant clue will have been won for our question about the manner in which the legacy o f these men in all o f its aspects ultimately becomes effective. This will be discussed below. 3. The Greek encourages the more literal connotation by trans­ lating tubdm with agathe (as modifying kleronomia) and ndhdldtdm with kleronomia. It is possible, o f course, that Ben Sira intended a more metaphorical nuance in keeping with notions o f covenant theology. In that case, the "good portion," "lot," or "legacy" these men re­ ceived and passed on would be that which accrues by being included in the covenant community itself. It is difficult, however, to avoid completely the thought that this heritage is understood to include contemporary social and empirical realities in some sense. 4. On ta agatha as theme in the encomiastic speech, see Rhetorica Alexandrum 35.1440b. 15; Theon, Progymnasmata (Walz, Rhetores, 1.227); Hermogenes, Progymnasmata (Rabe, Hermogenis, 1 6 . 1 2 - 1 3 ) . 5. A discussion is available in Rist, Stoic Philosophy, 1 - 2 1 . One wonders whether the Greek translator may not have been troubled

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by this problem and thus transformed the noun tubam into an adjec­ tival modifier o f the term for inheritance: agathe kleronomia. 6. Jaubert, La notion d'alliance, emphasizes throughout the "sacer­ dotal" ingredient in the idea o f covenant for our period. 7. Middendorp, Stellung, 1 5 5 - 6 2 . 8. Ibid., 1 5 5 - 5 6 , 159. 9. See Hengel, "Proseuche and Synagoge." He demonstrates that proseuche is the earlier and normal designation for a Jewish place o f worship in the Diaspora. The term synagoge does not occur in this sense until around the first century c.E. 10. O f the twenty verses in which these terms occur, only two clearly refer to the assembly as a place where legal judgments are rendered (Sir. 7:7 and 23:24; in Sir. 1:30 the Lord may "cast down" in the assembly). There are three references to Israel o f the biblical period as an assembly (Sir. 24:23; 46:7; 46:14). In four cases, the term is used to refer to a godless company, presumably not within Israel (Sir. 16:6; 21:9; 41:18; 45:18). The assembly gathered for ritual occasions is mentioned two times (Sir. 50:13, 20). Caution in the assembly is advised twice, presumably having to do with a wisdom ethic o f speech (Sir. 4:7; 7:14). The remaining six occurrences have to do with some form o f wisdom speech in the assembly (Sir. 15:5; 24:2; 31:11; 33:19; 39:10; 44:15). This spectrum o f usages hardly supports Middendorp's thesis. 11. See Liebreich, "Impact o f Neh. 9 : 5 - 3 7 " ; Hengel, "Proseuche and Synagoge," 165, n. 30, with further references. In Hoenig's fas­ cinating article "The Ancient City-Square," there are references to appropriate scriptural readings on ritual occasions in certain cities with designated "stations" (maamadot) for lay assembly. Those were occasions during which the local "priestly watch" was on duty in the temple and served, apparently, as services o f worship by means of which those at a distance from the temple could participate in its cult. This is helpful as an indication o f the public reading o f the scriptures during the Second Temple period. But the scriptures read appear to have been only those related to the ritual-festival occa­ sions, and the cities with maamadot appear to have been only in Galilee or the Diaspora, not in Judea. 12. Middendorp, Stellung, 1 6 2 - 6 4 . 13. Note that the praise offered by the congregation (44:15) cor­ responds to the author's intention to write a hymn o f praise (44:1) and forms in fact the inclusio for the proem. If the author's intention to praise connotes more the Hellenistic element, the congregation's

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act reflects more the Jewish and liturgical components. The correla­ tion of encomiastic and liturgical praise is thus achieved artfully for the reader before the hymn itself actually begins. 14. Middendorp, Stellung, 1 6 7 - 6 9 . 15. This reading o f Ben Sira's political stance and openness to Hellenism sees him as decidedly less polemical than is true o f the reconstruction offered by Hengel, Judaism, 1:131-53. Nickelsburg is in agreement with my position (see Jewish Literature, 6 4 ) . 16. Middendorp, Stellung, 1 3 7 - 7 4 , especially 1 4 2 - 4 3 , 149, 1 5 8 59, 164, 166. 17. For a list o f references see ibid., 1 4 0 - 5 4 . 18. Sir. 1 0 : 2 - 3 . CHAPTER FOUR

1. Hengel reviews the evidence for "the development o f the J e w ­ ish school" and notes that Sirach marks a new development under Hellenistic influence (Judaism, 1:78-83). Both Segal, Sever Ben Sira, and Roth, "Gnomic-Discursive Wisdom," find that the organization of the book reflects systematic concerns appropriate to a schoolinstructional setting. 2. On Ben Sira's knowledge and usage o f Theognis, see Midden­ dorp, Stellung, 7 - 3 4 (with summary statement at 2 4 - 2 5 ) . On CynicStoic philosophical commonplaces in Sirach, see Pautrel, "Ben Sira et le Stoicisme"; Hengel, Judaism, 1:146-50, 1 5 9 - 6 2 ; Marbock, Weisheit, 1 4 3 - 4 5 ; Middendorp, Stellung, 7 - 3 4 . 3. The collection o f maxims in blocks or literary units according to theme, a characteristic o f Sirach accented by the insertion o f appropriate theme titles in the later manuscript traditions (Marbock, Weisheit, 168), reflects a common Hellenistic practice. On Sirach 24 as a Hellenistic hymn, see Conzelmann, "The Mother o f Wisdom"; Hengel, Judiasm, 1:158-59; Marbock, Weisheit, 4 8 - 5 4 ; Mack, Logos, 4 0 - 4 2 . On Sirach 4 4 - 5 0 as encomium, see Lee, "Studies," and the discussion below in chapter 5. 4. On Sirach 24 and the Isis aretalogies, see Conzelmann, "The Mother o f Wisdom"; Marbock, Weisheit, 4 9 - 5 4 ; Mack, Logos, 3 8 - 4 9 . One o f the more significant theses put forth by Middendorp is that Ben Sira crafted maxims that could allude to both Jewish and Hellenic gnomological traditions (Stellung, 7 8 - 8 4 ) . This is a particu­ larly skillful technique, a special case o f literary finesse in the overall syncretism that marks his work. On the relation o f wisdom my­ thology and Hebrew scriptures, see chapter 6; cf. Sheppard, Wisdom as a Hermeneutical Construct.

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5. Theme units were recognized early on in the manuscript and translation traditions, as is shown by the addition o f chapter head­ ings in B and especially in the Greek version (cf. Marbock, Weisheit, 168). Several scholars have seen the wisdom hymn in chapter 24 to mark either the ending o f the first half or the beginning o f the second half o f the book. A discussion is given in Marbock, Weisheit, 4 1 - 4 4 . Building upon this notion, Nickelsburg is able to trace themes and associations in chapters 1 - 2 3 that may be governed by the two large poems about wisdom in chapters 1, 2, and 24 (Jewish Literature, 5 6 - 5 9 ) . A suggestion by Middendorp is that the wisdom poems in chapters 1, 2, 4 , 6, 14, 24, and 51:13ff. may be related to successive compilation o f school materials (Stellung, 141, n.2). The alternative would be to see these poems as providing the organiza­ tional principle o f the book by introducing themes around which blocks o f ethical maxims have been collected. Marbock has seen this possibility (Weisheit, 1 5 - 1 6 ) . See also the excellent studies by Segal (Seper Ben Sira) and Roth ("Gnomic-Discursive Wisdom") on the arrangement o f the book according to themes for instructional pur­ poses. Roth suggests that section 2 4 - 5 1 is composed o f three addi­ tions by Ben Sira himself to the earlier handbook o f wisdom in 1—23. The later additions are marked by authorial consciousness and offer the creative contributions o f the mature scholar. 6. On the place o f religious hymns in the Hellenistic curriculum, see Marrou, History of Education, 164, 1 8 9 - 9 2 . On the relation o f the Hellenistic school to the religious calendar and life o f a city, cf. Nilsson, Hellenistische Schule, 6 1 - 7 5 . An example o f an anthology for use in instruction is found in Gueraud and Jouguet, Un line d'ecolier. It includes an encomium. On Meleager o f Gadara as the creator o f the Greek anthology, see Hengel, Judaism, 1:84-85. Advice to the teacher o f rhetoric at the progymnasmata level on composing one's own anthology o f instructional materials from classical texts is given by Theon (Walz, Khetores, 1 : 1 5 8 - 7 2 ) . Middendorp has argued that Sirach is a school textbook for instruction at an advanced level (Stellung, 3 2 - 3 3 ) . It should be noted, though, that its high degree o f literary creativity and compositional organization set it apart from the teachers' handbooks in the primary and secondary schools, as well as from the handbooks o f the higher rhetorical and technical schools. A better analogy may be the protreptic or introductory lec­ tures customary in the higher schools o f philosophy in combination with thematic collections o f the school's own philosophical writing (see Marrou, History of Education, 2 8 3 , 2 8 4 - 8 5 ) . If so, Ben Sira com­ bined aspects o f several literary forms customary in the Hellenistic

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tradition o f education in order to achieve a creative and program­ matic book. Its value as an instructional vehicle would still be recog­ nizable, but its status as authored work would enhance its value as a literature in its own right. The manuscript traditions, with their additions, emendations, glosses, and versions, show the degree to which Sirach was used in ways that reflect this anomaly—a prized text to be interpreted itself, as well as a compendium o f traditional wisdom ethic. 7. See Mack, Logos, 2 1 - 2 9 , 3 1 - 3 2 . 8. In Sirach, cf. 4 : 1 1 - 1 9 ; 6 : 1 9 - 3 1 ; 1 4 : 2 0 - 1 5 : 8 ; 5 1 : 1 3 - 3 0 . Cren­ shaw gives some good examples o f exhortations to wisdom and sug­ gests that they are a definitive characteristic o f the sapiential tradition (Old Testament Wisdom, 5 8 - 6 5 ) . 9. So, for instance, Box and Oesterley, "Book of Sirach," 4 5 5 ; Spicq, Ecclesiastique, 767; Lebram, "Aspecte der Kanon bildung," 1 8 2 - 8 3 ; Koole, "Bible"; Marbock, Weisheit, 89. Other scholars have avoided this difficult question (e.g., Haspecker, Gottesfurcht, 328) or expressed themselves more cautiously (e.g., Lee, "Studies," 47: "That Sirach had before him the materials which would become those of the Hebrew canon."). The more cautious position is cer­ tainly called for, especially in light o f the exceedingly wide range o f reference Ben Sira gives to the term "Torah" itself (cf. the survey by Marbock, Weisheit, 8 6 - 9 6 ) . Given the range o f nuances for Torah, which in its connotation as wisdom is understood to be present in the creation order from the beginning, the references in Sir. 39:1 to the "Torah o f the Most High" and in 24:23 to the "Book o f the Covenant" are clearly special cases in which specific scriptures are taken up under a broader rubric. It is in this sense that von Rad's thesis about the relationship o f wisdom and Torah in Ben Sira can be helpful: "It is not that wisdom is overshadowed by the superior power o f the Torah, but, vice versa, that we see Sirach endeavoring to legitimatize and to interpret Torah from the realm o f understanding characteristic o f wisdom" (Wisdom in Israel, 245). Sheppard discusses the problem o f postulating a "closed" canon of scriptures according to the later threefold division for Ben Sira's period but decides then in favor o f the value o f the term "canon" to indicate both "the Torah" and "the Prophets" as already being "authoritative books" and "canonical divisions" by this time (Wisdom as a Hermeneutical Construct, 1 4 - 1 5 , n. 6 1 ) . He does this, apparently, in the interest o f his thesis about wisdom hermeneutics as scriptural interpretation. Later he argues that the reference to the Book of the Covenant in

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Sir. 24:23 is a canonical expression that refers to the Torah as "the five books o f Moses" (p. 6 2 ) . I wish to proceed without making these assumptions. Thus the notion o f canon that informs my usage o f this term is taken, not from its later technical sense in Jewish and Christian views o f the scriptures, but from its much more fluid connotation in current literary criticism. In literary-critical discourse, canon refers to those precursor texts that have influenced greatly a given author or liter­ ary tradition and are acknowledged as "strong" or "classic" texts. By introducing this perspective, I do not intend a resolution o f the complex question of Jewish scriptural canon formation and function. The suspicion is that factors other than those involved in the forma­ tion o f literary canons must also come into play. These probably have to do with the value o f the writings for the religious communi­ ty as a whole as it seeks to determine its identity against other cultures. There can be no question about the existence of the liter­ atures later to be canonized as Torah, Prophets, and Writings during Ben Sira's time. His own reading and usage o f them is well attested. The question is whether he took them up because he understood them to be "authoritative" for reasons similar to those later to be articulated. It is possible to use the term "canon" in its literary-critical con­ notation because Ben Sira's own reading o f the Jewish writings takes place as a literary event in his work as a scholar and author. Only by assessing how he has read all o f his precursor texts, including Hellenistic texts, can we even begin to press the question about the special nature o f the authority o f Torah for him or for others in his time. Our study will not be able to resolve this question fully. But clues will emerge in subsequent chapters. Anticipating the conclu­ sions in chapter 5 and 6, it may be suggested that the authority o f the Jewish scriptures for Ben Sira is a function o f their capacity to be read as wisdom texts. I cannot find that Ben Sira has reflected on the question of what it is about them that results in this capacity. This means that the question about canon that theologians wish to ask may not find a satisfactory answer here. 10. Cf. the programmatic statement in Sir. 1:14. 11. One o f the more important ideational developments in Sirach is the resignification o f the notion o f prophet and prophecy. Biblical scholars will know that the concept o f the prophet in the subsequent period is quite different from that o f the Hebraic period, and that following the so-called prophetic tradition into this later period is

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fraught with difficulties. The evidence from Ben Sira is thus o f con­ siderable value, documenting as it does a reinterpretation o f "in­ spired wisdom" as the provenance o f the scholar-sage. The motivations for this correlation o f prophet and sage have not been studied and are extremely complex. One factor that must be consid­ ered, however, is the recognition o f the prophets as those who came to speech by name, that is, as authors. This alone would have marked them and their writings as distinctive among the traditional scriptures and would have evinced appreciation for them along the lines o f Hellenistic views o f authorship. A second consideration might be the extent to which the Jewish notion o f prophetic inspira­ tion was analagous to the Hellenistic view o f poetic inspiration. The idea of the hiddenness o f wisdom that prevailed at this time required some such view for anyone who aspired to knowledge. I suspect that Ben Sira understood the sage on the model o f his view o f the Old Testament prophets. In Sir. 24:33, he himself comes to speech in the statement "Yet again will I pour forth teaching as prophecy, and leave it to all future generations." Other evidences o f prophetic genres and roles in Sirach are discussed in a fine section in Hengel, Judaism, 1:134-38. 12. This is something o f an oversimplification, even as an in­ terpretation o f Ben Sira's views. The "vision" o f the prophets is repeatedly emphasized in the hymn, as we have seen, and functions as a " t e x t " on the basis o f which their judgments are given. But the "textuality" o f their vision is not elucidated in Ben Sira, and he would not have understood it in any case as modern scholars now do. W e know that the prophets were well read in the sacred tradi­ tions known as Mosaic or Zionistic, and that they "read" the human situation against these. See the study by Sanders, "Hermeneutics in True and False Prophecy." Ben Sira has perhaps equated the proph­ ets' inspiration (vision as experience, audience) with their view (vi­ sion as content) o f the theocratic ideal, an approach formally comparable to modern views o f the prophets' use o f sacred tradi­ tions. When Ben Sira evokes the prophetic model for the sage, then, a new "content" is given to the vision itself. It is being understood as "wisdom," that is, the religious-ethical ordering o f creation and history according to the wisdom myth. W e shall see in chapter 6 that this myth can be used to "visualize" a "sacred tradition" too, in this case, the priestly tradition o f a covenantal community with cultic history. It is important to note that it is the power o f the word that has

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fascinated Ben Sira about the prophets. This is closely related to the notion o f authorship that emerges in Sirach, one correlate o f which is the recognition o f the rhetoricity o f composed speech. If Ben Sira no longer understands the prophet-sage to be an overt agent o f change in the political arena, it does not mean that he has resigned before the task o f influencing cultural configurations. W e have al­ ready noted the rhetoricity o f the hymn as mythic creation in sup­ port of an institutional position. W e have now to see that the arena of the scholars' influence is in literary instruction and creation, a setting that may account in part for the prophetic displacement and effacement in Ben Sira's vocation. The "power o f the word" was a Hellenic theme articulated clearly already by Gorgias (Helena, 8—14). There is a fine discussion o f the question o f the effectiveness o f speech when combined with various philosophies, lifestyles, and vo­ cations (i.e., praxis) in Cicero, De oratore, 3 . 5 6 - 7 1 . 13. See Fletcher, Prophetic Moment. 14. Bloom, Anxiety of Influence, 15. Bloom's concept o f "belatedness" is given expression in Sir. 33:16—18: "I indeed came last o f all, as one that gleans after the grape-gatherers." This verse is noted by Crenshaw as o f significance for Ben Sira's self-understanding (Old Testament Wisdom, 1 5 9 - 6 0 ) . 15. The references to Torah in Ben Sira are collected and dis­ cussed by Marbock, Weisheit, 8 8 - 9 2 . See also above note 9. 16. Hengel notes that canon formation in Ben Sira's time would have been impelled by an anti-Hellenistic polemic (Judaism, 1:135). The corollary is that a consciousness o f a corpus as literary canon was itself a Hellenistic idea. The establishment o f the Hellenic "clas­ sics" no doubt took place within the Hellenistic schools. See Mar­ rou, History of Education, 2 2 4 - 2 8 . An important aspect o f the Hellenistic formation was apparently a selection o f texts understood to be manifestations o f traditional (cultural) aesthetic and ethical values (cf. ibid., 2 3 4 - 3 5 ) . This corresponds to the somewhat later idea about caution in selecting authors to be read because o f the mimetic influence o f their words. Cf. Theon, Progymnasmata, in Walz, Rhetores, 1 . 1 5 1 . 1 1 - 1 5 2 . 1 ; Seneca, Epistle, 11.8, 52.8, 71.7, 94.40; Plutarch, How the Young Man Should Study Poetry. 17. Cf. Epictetus 3.22, " O n Cynicism," 2 3 - 2 5 , 6 9 - 7 2 , 77. These are late reflections on the Cynics from a Stoic point o f view, but they do correspond to Cynic practice as documented in the Cynic epistles for the last century B.C.E. and the first o f the next era. Cf. Malherbe, Cynic Epistles, also Plutarch, Moralia, 1.70C—D.

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18. A fine historical survey o f this tradition is given by Lee, "Studies," 1 2 8 - 2 4 4 . 19. The classic study is Jaeger's Paideia. The move from warrior culture to scribal culture is a basic theme as well in Marrou's History of Education. The subsequent manifestations include the emergence o f biography as a literary genre with its dependence upon chreiai as telling characterizations, the Stoic ideal o f the sage, and the social prominence o f poets, teachers, and rhetors. A recent article by Lefkowitz, "The Poet as Hero," traces the beginnings o f this shift to a "pattern o f autobiographical fiction" employed by fifth-century poets in the interest o f a new heroic morality critical o f the Homeric tradition. This autobiographical fiction became the source for subse­ quent biographies o f the poets themselves. It is significant that the earlier poets, for example, Pindar, developed their new heroic mo­ rality as sages in the context o f literary competition with other poets and especially with precursors. It is significant, also, that this o c ­ curred with the emergence o f the polis and the demands that cre­ ated for facility in rhetoric and the "democratization" of arete. With this move, the stage was set for the culture of paideia as the system o f values, conventions, and literary achievements that fostered and car­ ried the Hellenic anthropology into the Hellenistic period. On the encomia, see Lee, "Studies," 1 7 2 - 7 3 . He notes that Philiscus o f Miletus wrote an encomium on the orator Lycurgos; Speusippus and Clearchus wrote encomia on Plato; and Demetrius o f Phaleron wrote one on Socrates. 20. Self-references in Sirach: 2 4 : 3 0 - 3 4 ; 3 3 : 1 6 - 1 8 ; 3 4 : 1 1 - 1 2 ; 39:13, 32; 42:15, 27, 32; 41:1; 50:27; 5 1 : 1 3 - 3 0 . On this topic see Roth, "Gnomic-Discursive Wisdom." 21. Consciousness o f authorship has been noted as a clear mark of Ben Sims' Hellenistic learning: for instance, Hengel, Judaism, 1:7879, 112; Crenshaw, Old Testament Wisdom, 1 5 9 - 6 0 ; Roth, "GnomicDiscursive Wisdom." CHAPTER FIVE

1. Marbock, Weisheit, 8 5 - 9 2 . 2. Sir. 45:14 (Lev. 22:12); Sir. 45:16 (Lev. 16:34); Sir. 50:9a (Lev. 16:34); Lev. 19:19 (Sir. 31:15; cf. Sir. 6:10; 37:2). See Middendorp, Stellung, 6 0 . 3. References by Middendorp, Stellung, 5 1 - 6 0 . 4. On Homer as the classic text o f Hellenistic education, see Marrou, History of Education, 226—27. One o f the first sentences used

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in the writing lesson was "Homer was not a man, but a god," and in the later exercises on selected passages the incipit epe (epic verse) is given. The phenomenon o f allegorization is closely related to the study o f Homer. See Heinemann, Allegoristik; Pepin, Mythe et allegorie, 8 5 - 1 2 4 . The Stoics were particularly interested in using allegoriza­ tion to correlate philosophical and ethical ideas with the writings of Homer. See Pepin, Mythe et allegorie, 1 2 5 - 7 2 . 5. See below, pp. 1 2 1 - 2 2 , and note 15. 6. Cf. the intriguing suggestion made by Hengel that "a kind o f priestly historical writing . . . can be demonstrated from the Priestly Writer, the works o f the Chronicler, Eupolemos, I Mac­ cabees and the anti-Herodian source o f Josephus himself' (Judaism, 1:99). It is possible now to place Ben Sira within this tradition. 7. Koch, Priesterschrift, 9 9 - 1 0 0 . 8. The references to Sir. 4 6 : 1 ; 4 7 : 9 - 1 1 ; 48:17; 50:17 may be found in Box and Oesterley, "Book o f Sirach." Smend bases a similar judgment upon Sir. 47:8ff (Weisheit, 414). Middendorp does not dis­ cuss Ben Sira's use o f Chronicles, but references given in his index show that with only one or two possible exceptions elsewhere, the use o f Chronicles is limited to the inauthentic section in Sirach 36 or to the level o f Greek translation (Stellung, 1 3 0 - 3 1 , 176). 9. See Momigliano, "Tradition," 171. The reference is not to the older practice o f keeping archives in local institutions or royal houses in the Orient (and in Rome), but to the composition o f a local history based upon such archives and other lore. He dis­ tinguishes this Hellenistic genre from the classical "historians o f change." 10. See Hoffken, "Sirach uber Ezra," who comes to the same conclusion about Ben Sira's aversion to the Levitical-Ezra tradition. 11. Steck, Israel, 1 4 6 - 4 7 . 12. Cf. Marbock, Weisheit, 7 3 , 9 5 - 9 6 , 1 7 6 - 7 7 . See also Sheppard, Wisdom as a Hermeneutical Construct, 6 3 - 7 1 . Sheppard's thesis is that Sirach 24 reflects significant allusions to the book o f Deuteronomy and may be considered an interpretation o f it. This is possible and does not disagree with Steck's finding that the later Deuteronomistic theology o f history is not present in Sirach. 13. Steck, Israel, 1 4 6 - 4 7 . 14. Most older studies recognized that Sirach 4 4 - 5 0 presented a new view o f Israel's history but compared it only with other forms of earlier Jewish historiography. See above Introduction, n. 4. But Hengel places the hymn in the context o f his fine discussion o f

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121-26

Greek and Jewish historiography o f the Hellenistic period as an early example o f Hellenistic influence (Judaism, 1 : 8 8 - 1 0 6 ) . On the hymn as biography, see above, Introduction, n. 4 . On the encomium, see Lee, "Studies." 1 5 . A brief discussion o f this component o f the encomium from Pindar on is given in ibid., 1 3 8 - 4 1 . As a component o f Hellenistic historiography, cf. Hengel, Judaism, 1 : 8 8 — 9 0 . The Anonymous Sa­ maritan, a contemporary o f Ben Sira, rewrote the Genesis account o f primal history by combining with it motifs from Hesiod (the Titans), Berossus (the foundation o f Babylon by the god Bel), and Babylonian cosmogonies. A comparison o f Ben Sira's view o f history with the Babyloniaka o f Berossus might prove to be o f some interest. Jonathan Z. Smith argues for the inclusion o f the astrological material at­ tributed to Berossus as the final section o f his history: "taken to­ gether they reveal an overall pattern that closely approaches the apocalyptic: a history o f a cosmos and a people from creation to final catastrophe dominated by astrological determinism. . . . the Babyloniaka appears to have described the history o f the world from its creation to its final destruction and offers a periodization o f the history o f Babylonia which stretches in between" ("A Pearl o f Great Price," 1 0 ) . W e may outline this history as follows: ( 1 ) Archaic Period, ( 2 ) History o f Babylonia, ( 3 ) Final Catastrophe. Ben Sira's hymn may then be outlined as ( 1 ) Archaic Period, ( 2 ) History o f Israel, ( 3 ) Final Actualization. Do we have here an early instance o f a wisdom alternative to apocalyptic? Instead o f astrological determin­ ism, a wisdom interpretation o f the covenants provides the rationale. 1 6 . See Momigliano, "Tradition," 1 6 8 . 17. Cf. Momigliano, "Eastern Elements," 2 9 - 3 0 , 3 3 . In his arti­ cle on tradition and the classical historian, Momigliano distinguishes clearly between the chronicles o f local traditions with their antiquarianism and the histories o f the great historians o f the fifth and fourth centuries. The latter focused upon recent events o f conflict between peoples and were dominated by a sense o f change. They had no sense o f being "in the grip o f the past" ("Tradition," 1 7 3 ) . According to Momigliano's distinction, Ben Sira's hymn shares more with the tradition o f chronicles than with the purposes o f the "his­ torians o f change." 1 8 . A survey o f this early biographic literature is found in Lee, "Studies," 5 2 - 7 8 .

1 9 . See Momigliano, "Tradition," 1 6 6 . 2 0 . Middendorp suggests an allusion to the political concept o f

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diadoche (Stellung, 54). This connotation was certainly familiar during Ben Sira's time and may have played a role in its usage by him. This may also be true for the notion o f a succession o f kings and prophets in Eupolemos and Josephus. See below n. 22. But the more interest­ ing possibility is the one we have referred to. The problem that Ben Sira may have had in its application to a series o f prophet-sages may have to do precisely with the tension between prophetic inspiration and the transmission o f tradition, a tension that would not have been resolved easily. The Hellenistic notion is illustrated by Diogenes Laertius, who uses the image o f a prize passed from sage to sage (Lives of Eminent Philosophers, 1.28). (See below n. 23 for further docu­ mentation.) Ben Sira would not have been able to work out a resolu­ tion between prophetic (individual) inspiration and the notion o f tradition at this early a time. But the subsequent developments that eventually produced the program in the Pirke Aboth can hardly be understood without it. 21. That I have not misread the singular importance o f Moses in Ben Sira's hymn, nor overstated the potential for an extremely high characterization that lurks there beneath the surface, is shown by the quasi-mythological depictions o f Moses in Eupolemos ("the first wise man") and Artapanus (the precursor-founder o f Egyptian and Greek wisdom and religion). See Hengel, Judaism, 1:92-93. 22. Eupolemos records the "succession" o f kings and prophets (Jacoby, FGr Hist, 3C. 723.F2b = Eusebius, Prep. Ev., 9.30, Iff.; and F5 = Prep. Ev. 9.39, 2). Josephus also knows about the "succession of the prophets" (Contra Apionem, 1.41). 23. Bickermann, "La chaine de la tradition," traces the tradition of this notion in philosophical and biographic literature. Cf. also Fuhrmann, Systematisches Lehrhuch, 149. 24. It is unfortunate that a scholarly monograph on the en­ comium is not available. There is, however, a fine historical survey in Lee, "Studies," 1 2 6 - 2 4 3 . He includes examples o f encomia and dis­ cussions o f rhetorical theory on the epideictic speech from the tech­ nical handbooks. Documentation for much o f what follows in my own discussion can be found in Lee, even if many o f my observations and emphases interpret the data in other ways. In the Bibliography, a brief selection o f scholarly studies in classical rhetoric is included to which reference may be made also concerning epideictic theory and practice in the context o f speech theory in general (cf. Clark, Kennedy, Lausberg, Martin, Perelman, Volkmann.) The task o f min­ ing this scholarship for specific knowledge about encomia, however,

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is difficult, both because o f the nature o f the organization o f the classical discussions and because o f the organization and interests o f the scholarly studies themselves. The summary discussion given here is based upon a reading o f this literature, but specific documentation of details has been rejected as requiring an argumentation out o f proportion to the needs o f the study. 2 5 . Our outline is a condensed synthesis o f those given in the progymnasmata o f Theon (Walz, Rhetores, 1. 2 2 7 - 3 1 ) , Hermogenes (Rabe, Hermogenis Opera, 1 4 — 1 8 ) , and Aphthonius (Rabe, Aphthonii Progymnasmata, 2 1 - 2 7 ) . But the lineaments can be traced back through the rhetorical handbooks to the Rhetorica ad Alexandrum ( 3 and 3 5 ) . See Cicero, De inventione, 2 . 1 7 7 - 7 8 ; De Oratore, 2 . 3 4 1 - 4 8 ; Ad Herennium, 3 . 6 . 1 0 - 3 . 7 . 1 5 ; Quintilian, 3 . 7 , 8 . 4 . 2 6 . One example may be given. The topos on the defense o f the city (Sir. 5 0 : 1 — 4 ) as encomiastic motif finds an exceptionally fine parallel in Isocrates' Evagoras: "Evagoras remedied all these de­ fects . . . acquired much additional territory, surrounded it with new walls and built tiremes, and with other construction so in­ creased the city that it was inferior to none o f the cities o f Greece" (47).

2 7 . One example is Ben Sira's statement not to count anyone happy before his death (Sir. 1 1 : 2 8 ) . This is attributed to Solon by Herodotus ( 1 . 3 2 . 8 6 ) and occurs also in Sophocles, Oedipus Rex, 1528.

2 8 . Lee, "Studies," 2 6 2 . CHAPTER Six

1. Though an interpretation o f the "wisdom tradition" will be offered here, discussion with the views o f other scholars will be minimal. The reader is referred to a selected number o f references in the Bibliography as works to which I am indebted and that may be recommended as introductions to the exceedingly rich scholarship in this area. See Collins, "Cosmos and Salvation"; Crenshaw, Old Testament Wisdom; Mack and Murphy, "Wisdom Literature"; von Rad, Wisdom in Israel; and Schmid, Wesen und Geschichte. The schol­ arship has rightly and repeatedly emphasized the lack o f overt con­ cern for religious institutional history in this literature. A note­ worthy exception which lends support to the thesis presented here is the study by Leo Perdue, Wisdom and Cult. 2. Sheppard gives an excellent review o f the problem o f defining a tradition of wisdom (Wisdom as a Hermeneutical Construct, 1 - 1 1 ) . See

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also Whybray, Intellectual Tradition; and Crenshaw, "Prolegomenon," 2 2 . Crenshaw presents a more optimistic position with regard to "a professional class" o f sages and the sapiential tradition (Old Testament Wisdom, 2 8 - 3 6 , 4 2 - 6 5 ) . It is put forth cautiously and argued exten­ sively, indicating that he has seen the problems clearly. I am not convinced that Crenshaw has made the case, but there are a number of fine observations and several helpful compromises that make o f his study an excellent summary statement. In some ways, it may function as a comparison piece to my attempt here to elucidate a wisdom mode o f thinking without accepting traditional assumptions about "the wisdom tradition." 3. A point seen by Crenshaw, Old Testament Wisdom, 3 6 . 4 . This classification is taken from the article on wisdom by Fohrer in The Theological Dictionary of the New Testament. The curiosity is that scholarship, oriented as it has been to questions about the place of wisdom within Israel's ethical and religious life and thought, has tended to treat this data merely as philological background and thus has lost track o f the variety o f connotations that probably continued to exist within the culture even after the term had been personified and theologized. A similar phenomenon in classical scholarship has now been remedied by an exceptionally important study by Detienne and Vernant, Cunning Intelligence. With this work, a concep­ tion o f "wisdom" deeply imbedded in Hellenic culture emerges, a wisdom whose function was quite the opposite o f the philosopher's sophia. A companion study for Jewish wisdom would mean a reevaluation o f a long list o f religious, social, literary, and rhetoricallogical phenomena o f the tradition. Collins, "Court Tales," has re­ cently used the distinction between "mantic" wisdom and "prover­ bial" wisdom in a very helpful way in order to be more precise about the kind o f wisdom intended in an apocalyptic book. This approach is most commendable and should give guidance to studies in other "wisdom" literatures. 5. Helpful studies here are found in von Rad, Wisdom in Israel; Schmid, Wesen und Geschichte; and Crenshaw, Old Testament Wisdom. 6 . Social and cultural crisis as a crisis for wisdom thinking has been noted by Crenshaw in several o f his articles. See his "Pro­ legomenon" as a place to begin. Jim Sanders has called my attention to the scathing attacks on "the wise" in Jeremiah as a related phe­ nomenon. Thus the prophets may also be better understood as spokesmen during times o f social crisis. Both their indebtedness to wisdom thinking and their criticisms o f it might be functions o f the

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attempt to see again the fundamental religious structures o f the community and call for their acknowledgment and actualization. An interesting study would be a comparison o f Amos, Jeremiah, and Ben Sira from this point o f view. 7. That the notion o f order, especially the order o f creation (cos­ mos, world), is basic to a wisdom view o f things has become a commonplace in the scholarship. Zimmerli ("Struktur der Weis­ heit"; "Place and Limit o f Wisdom") may be credited with its dis­ covery as a theologumenon. The studies o f von Rad and Kayatz explore it as a wisdom assumption and relate it to the conception o f Maat in Egyptian wisdom literature. Its function for wisdom speech and ethic as an order-to-be-actualized has been investigated by Gese and Schmid (Wesen und Geschichte) among others. In Gerechtigkeit als Weltordnung, Schmid has expanded the discussion by showing that the term for "righteousness" in all o f its arenas o f application (social, ethical, legal, and religious) derives its power ultimately from the assumption o f world order itself. The point I wish to make here is that this assumption is at first (in the precrisis situation) not explicit, not articulated, and therefore unreflected. 8. The traditional view on the "development" o f wisdom "thought" includes the emergence o f skepticism and cynicism in Job and Qohelet as a "stage" in the history o f the tradition. This view o f a developmental history was articulated clearly by Rylaarsdam in 1 9 4 6 . Von Rad's Wisdom in Israel may be seen as a study in the evolution o f the structure of wisdom thinking along the lines of this developmental schema. Crenshaw's Old Testament Wisdom is organized also along these lines. 9 . This suggestion is intended as a serious alternative to tradi­ tional scholarly assumptions about a tradition o f theological wisdom. In the context o f the present study, it can be no more than a sug­ gestion. But it is hoped that the nature o f the study as a whole may lend support to its plausibility and that its implications for the schol­ arly assessment o f the wisdom literature may be provocative. I sus­ pect that the bridge between Judaism and Hellenism was not struck at such lofty heights o f theological-philosophical discourse as has frequently been assumed by scholarly orientation to the history o f ideas. 1 0 . There is a large literature on the example (paradigm, exemplum) in Greco-Roman literature, rhetoric, and logic. Its persuas­ ive power (rhetorical logic) assigned it a firm place in the relatively

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small list o f "proofs" given repeatedly in the technical handbooks o f rhetorical theory. Its logical power was derived from the Hellenic valorization o f correspondence and identity, but its rhetorical power had to do with the notion o f actualization in a "historical" person or case. I have not explored the rhetoricity o f Ben Sira's use o f charac­ terization as paradigmatic, choosing rather to emphasize the func­ tion o f the high mimetic for the construction o f a mythic system. But an investigation o f the rhetorical function o f the "paradigms" in the hymn, in comparison to Greek usage, would be possible. A place to begin is Perelman and Albrechts-Tyteca, New Rhetoric, 3 5 0 - 4 1 0 . 1 1 . On the structure and thematic development o f Sirach 2 4 , see Conzelmann, "The Mother o f Wisdom"; Hengel, Judaism, 1 : 1 5 3 — 6 2 ; Marbock, Weisheit, 3 4 — 9 5 ; Rickenbacher, Weisheitsperikopen, 1 1 1 - 7 2 ; Gilbert, "L'eloge de la Sagesse"; Skehan, "Structures in Poems on Wisdom." The earlier view o f Smend (followed by Rickenbacher), that the poem consists o f six strophes o f six lines each, has been superseded in the studies o f Marbock, Gilbert, and Skehan. Skehan offers a reconstruction o f the Hebrew text and argues convincingly for the following oudine on the basis o f poetic and syntactical obser­ vations: 1 - 2 (introduction, 2 lines); 3 - 7 (strophe 1, 5 lines); 8 - 1 2 (strophe 2 , 6 lines); 1 3 - 1 5 (strophe 3 , 5 lines); 1 6 - 2 2 (strophe 4 , 6 lines). Gilbert's study is concerned to follow the development o f the themes o f space (location) and time (history) throughout the poem and thus breaks the poem up into somewhat smaller units. But he agrees that 1 - 2 are introductory, he sees 3 - 8 as a unit (theme o f space), and he notes that 1 6 - 1 7 are bridging verses to the invitation that follows in 1 9 - 2 2 . There is no difficulty in agreeing with both Skehan and Gilbert if one sees that the introduction and develop­ ment o f themes is not limited by the strophic structure. Gilbert's discussion o f the smaller units ( 9 , 1 0 - 1 2 , 1 3 - 1 4 , 1 5 , 1 6 - 1 7 ) can be

organized easily in recombinations o f materials that break conveniendy at just those junctures suggested by Skehan's strophic outline. The one disagreement is the placement o f verse 8 , and it is notewor­ thy that it is precisely verse 8 where we can see that a "narrative slippage" o f significance has occurred. My own outline agrees with Skehan's but was based upon considerations o f the narrative flow o f the myth as Conzelmann reconstructs it. I am delighted to learn that it falls into poem units o f syntactic coherence as demonstrated by Skehan. I have included verses 1 6 and 1 7 in strophe 3 , in the interest of my narrative reading o f the poem (as does Marbock), but I would

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not argue on this basis against the poetics demonstrated by Skehan. The recent study by Sheppard takes another tack entirely (Wisdom as a Hermeneutical Construct, 1 9 - 7 1 ) . He is concerned to trace the allu­ sions in the hymn to the five books o f Moses in order to demon­ strate his thesis about a wisdom hermeneutic as the interpretation o f a canonical literature. He can show that the language and flow o f the hymn evoke associations with, and in some cases actually refer to, significant moments in the epic. But in order to sustain his thesis, which appears to be the priority status o f the Torah, he must reject other structuring aspects o f the hymn, specifically, its intertextuality and poetic composition. The disappointment in Sheppard's book is that he intends in this way, but fails, to arrive at a definition o f "wisdom" itself. I can accept Sheppard's findings about the hymn as a reading o f the Hebrew epic. But that reading is enabled by a rich intertextuality that includes an Isis aretalogy as well as a poetic articulation o f the wisdom myth. Sheppard avoids a discussion o f the Isis aretalogy (p. 3 5 ) and does not account for the emergence o f a wisdom figure and mythology in the context o f wisdom thought and composition at all. He cannot say why a reading o f the Torah epic has resulted in just such a hymn, that is, a wisdom myth. 1 2 . I read the Hebrew, Greek, and Syriac o f 4 4 : 2 with Skehan, "Staves and Nails." 1 3 . This is an appropriate place to refer to the recent work by Terrien, The Elusive Presence. His thesis is that the notion o f presence is a theme uniting the literatures o f the Old and New Testaments, that it is tensive and dialectic in respect to human experience in time, and that its celebration requires cultic liturgy. He also knows about the "absence" that the liturgy o f presence cannot overcome. My own use o f the terms "presence" and "absence," by contrast, derives from current literary criticism.

CONCLUSION

1. It has been customary to speak about "the righteous one" in the literature o f the Second Temple period as if it were a com­ monplace requiring no further discussion. Actually the case is just the reverse. W e do not know the range o f incidence, the derivation traditions, the norms for recognition, the capacity for intertextual translatability, nor the rhetorical powers o f this linguistic sign. In this study, we have encountered the problem essentially in terms o f

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the relationship between hasid and saddiq. But the relationship o f both o f these to ho dikaios is the larger issue. The notion o f the "righteous one" appears as a significant datum in martyrological (Maccabees), apocalyptic (Enoch), wisdom (Wisdom o f Solomon, Philo), and eschatological (New Testament) texts subsequent to Ben Sira. Why? What new vision o f the world or anthropological under­ standing can account for its emergence? With what intention is it employed? One suspects that some refinement o f Jewish under­ standing o f the logic o f the Hellenic schema of nomos-polis-anthropos is involved. But in order to be precise, the social system in need o f being rationalized must be determined for each case. 2. The list o f parallels frequently cited, often as additions to the list o f psalms and other possible precursors from Jewish literature (see above Introduction, n.4), includes Jud. 5:5—21, 16:1 — 17; 1 Mace. 2 : 5 1 - 6 0 ; 3 Mace. 2 : 3 - 8 , 6 : 2 - 8 ; 4 Mace. 1 6 : 2 0 - 2 3 , 1 8 : 1 1 - 2 4 ; Cairo Damascus Document 2 : 1 7 - 3 : 1 2 ; Wisd. o f Solomon 10; Pirke Aboth; Acts 7 : 2 - 5 3 ; Heb. 11; 1 Clement 4 - 1 9 . The list could be expanded. 3. A discussion is given by Lee that includes references to Hellenistic literature, "Studies," 2 6 - 4 6 . 4. The move away from Sirach 4 4 - 5 0 is marked by (a) a focus upon individuals; (b) the naming o f virtues and vices exemplified; (c) emphasis upon rewards and punishments (which may include des­ tiny patterns); and (d) final exhortation to heed or imitate. APPENDIX A

1. The following scholars have argued for the close relationship of Sir. 4 2 : 1 5 - 4 3 : 3 5 with Sirach 4 4 - 5 0 : Pfeiffer, History 362; Hamp, Das Buch Sirach, 6 8 5 ; Siebeneck, "Sirach's Praise," 413; Born, Wijheid van Sirach, 2 0 6 - 7 ; Fransen, "Sirach 4 2 " ; Marbock, Weisheit, 6 8 , 1 4 7 4 8 ; Schokel, Proverbios y Eclesiastico, 299. Those who have expressed reservations, argued against the literary relationship, or treated Sir­ ach 4 4 - 5 0 as an independent composition include Baumgartner, Die literische Gattungen, 1 6 9 - 7 3 ; Maertens, "L'eloge des peres"; Jansen, Psalmendichtung, 7 1 ; Noack, Spatjudentum, 4 1 ; te Stroete, "Van Hen­ och tot Simon," 123; Lee, "Studies," 3 - 9 . Lee's argument is that the two units were composed independently and joined later by a redactional device (especially verse 43:33). He considers this argumenta­ tion necessary in order to establish his thesis about the encomiastic structure o f Sirach 4 4 - 5 0 . It is unfortunate that he has found it

238

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necessary to play down many o f the ensuing literary relationships between the two units, which are rich in signification even if viewed as "merely" redactional. 2. This ordering o f natural phenomena has been seen as a wisdom topos. Cf. von Rad, "Job 3 8 . " 3. Marbock has seen the significance o f the term "glory" as a theme o f continuity between the two literary units (Weisheit, 148). 4. Reference may be made here to Crenshaw's discussion o f the­ odicy in Sirach ("The Problem o f Theodicy"). 5. See above Introduction, n. 4. APPENDIX B

1. The following scholars are those who regard chapter 50 as an appendix not integrally related to the hymn and probably added later: Smend, Weisheit des Sirach, 4 1 2 ; Box and Oesterley, "Book o f Sirach," 479, cf. 506; Maertens, L'eloge des peres, 1 9 5 - 9 6 ( 4 9 : 1 4 - 1 6 is discussed as the "conclusion" o f the hymn); Jacob, "L'histoire," 290; Hamp, Das Buch Sirach, 7 0 8 ; Haspecker, Gottesfurcht, 8 5 , n. 9 4 ; Lamparter, Jesus Sirach, 211 (in Die Apokryphen). 2. Those who include chapter 50 within the hymnic unit are Siebeneck, "Sirach's Praise," 4 1 5 ; Noack, Spatjudentum, 4 2 - 4 3 ; Janssen, Gottesvolk, 16—33; te Stroete, "Von Henoch tot Simon"; Lee, "Studies", 9 - 1 9 . Lee's study makes the strongest case yet for the inclusion o f chapter 50. His thesis is that the hymn as a whole is an encomium on Simon himself. 3. See above chap. 1, n. 2. APPENDIX C

1. The argumentation o f Middendorp for excluding 44:16 from the original text is convincing (Stellung, 5 3 - 5 4 , 109, 112, 134). See also Yadin, who agrees that 4 4 : 1 6 was not original, but who then reconstructs 4 9 : 1 4 - 1 6 to include it (Ben Sira Scroll, 38). 2. Middendorp, Stellung, 1 3 4 - 3 5 . 3. Ibid., 113, 125. 4. This is especially true o f Siebeneck but governs the interests o f Maertens and Jacob as well. It is Middendorp's study as a whole, and especially in relation to the question o f locating later additions in a different provenance, that should settle the question o f Ben Sira's participation in any apocalyptic eschatology (see ibid., 1 1 3 - 3 6 ) . 5. On Sir. 4 9 : 1 4 - 1 6 as a gloss, see ibid., 135; Galling, Studien zur

NOTES TO PAGES 2 0 1 - 7

239

Geschichte Israels, 129, n. 3; Snaith, Ecclesiastkus, 248. Lee argues for the inclusion o f 4 9 : 1 4 - 1 6 on the basis that a mention o f Adam would be appropriate in an encomium ("Studies," 1 0 - 1 1 , 2 7 2 - 7 6 ) . He is convinced by Yadin's reconstruction o f these verses to include 44:16bc, which according to Yadin, was moved to its earlier place­ ment in subsequent manuscript redaction (Ben Sira Scroll, 38). Lee accounts for the list o f pre-Noah figures by analogy to the practice of Hellenistic encomia that compared their subjects with "the gods from whom the subjects were said to have descended" ("Studies," 276). This thesis does have merit, but it could be used to account for a later addition o f the pericope just as well. My own reflections on the significance o f Adam for Ben Sira elsewhere in the book, and the special destiny characterizations for the others mentioned here, make it difficult to align this unit with the concerns that control the hymn. 6. Sir. 1 5 : 1 4 - 2 0 ; 1 7 : 1 - 1 8 ; 24:28; 3 3 : 1 0 - 1 5 ; 4 0 : 1 . APPENDIX D

1. Designations o f office occur at 44:19 (Abraham as father); 45:15 (Aaron as priest); 45:25 (Phineas as high priest); 45:25 (David as king); 46:1 (Joshua as prophet); 46:11 (the judges); 46:13 (Samuel as prophet, judge, and priest); 48:1 (Elijah as prophet); 48:22 (Isaiah as prophet); 48:23 (Hezekiah as king); 49:4 (kings o f Judah); 49:7 (Jeremiah as prophet); 4 9 : 1 0 (the twelve prophets); 50:1 (Simon as priest). 2. It may be significant that Ben Sira refers here to the Yahwist's account o f the blessing on Noah (Gen. 8:21) rather than to the priestly writer's account o f the covenant with him (Gen. 6 : 1 8 - 2 1 ) . In our study, it has been seen that Ben Sira ranked the series o f covenants in such a way as to subsume them all in the covenant o f the priesthood itself. Noah functions for Ben Sira as a pre-Israel, prepriestly figure who represents the divine promise to all human­ kind. 3. The lack o f any evidence for a wisdom or Torah piety in the hymnic characterizations is one o f the more startling findings o f this study. Most scholars have assumed that Jewish piety at this time would have been oriented primarily to some form o f Torah right­ eousness. In Ben Sira's book as a whole, it is clear that the rela­ tionship between wisdom and Torah is being addressed in some constructive way. But in the hymn there is no reflection o f this.

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Haspecker has seen this clearly (Gottesfurcht, 8 5 , n. 9 4 ) ; Lee has not. Lee argues that Ben Sira cited "only those specific events . . . through which the subject demonstrated his piety or fidelity to the law," and that he offered his depictions "as examples to be emu­ lated" ("Studies," 7 1 ) . This is clearly not the case. In view o f these reflections about the lack o f the theme o f Torah righteousness in the hymn, it is o f some significance that Noah is the only one for whom the designation "righteousness" is used at all. When one notices that Noah functions as a representation o f all humankind, an additional and telling consideration is given. It is that the universalistic an­ thropological horizon in Sirach, a commonplace observation in the scholarship, is capable o f combination with the ethical concept o f righteousness. In the light o f this usage, Ben Sira's views on right­ eousness and piety need to be complemented by a consideration o f his views on the distinctiveness o f Jewish identity. That this dis­ tinctiveness is not based upon a claim to an exclusive capacity for righteousness with its corollary division o f humanity into "right­ eous" and "godless" peoples is the important point to remember.

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Subject Index

Aaron, 49, 50, 58, 113, 117, 168; covenant with, 29, 31, 53, 207; election of, 206; ministry of, 214; office characteristics for, 28; promise of blessing, 42; setting for, 213; and succes­ sion, 126; as teacher and priest, 212-13 Abraham, 45; covenant with, 48, 206-7; deeds of, 211; election of, 206; faithfulness of, 207-8; as father, 27; ministry of, 214; office of, 205; promise of blessing, 42, 53, 117; reward for, 213; setting for, 213; vir­ tue of, 21, 207 Achievements: as basis for praise, 196; in encomium, 132 Actuality, potentiality and, 154 Adam, 114-16; in addition to hymn, 201, 203 Ancestry, 196-97 Anointment, 218n.9 Archaic origins, as part of Hellenistic historiography, 121

251

Assembly, 78, 22In. 10; meditation by, 83; as place of praise, 8 0 84 Authors, 95-96; scholars as, 9 9 101 Authorship, 227n.l2; Sira's awareness of, 186—87 Berossus, 122; Babyloniaka, 230n.l5 Biblical episodes, within poem, 15 Biography, as Hellenistic literary form, 124-28 Blessings, 52-53, 133; of Phineas and Simon, 134; praise with, 82; promise of, 4 2 - 4 3 , 48; — , to Abraham, 53 Book of the Covenant, 101; Torah as, 116 Caleb, 33, 50; within historical structure, 39-40; ministry of, 214; office of, 205-6; reward for, 213-14; strength of, 208 Canon, 225n.9

252 Characterization, 14-15, 124; and additions to hymn, 201; com­ posites, 216n.2; pattern of, 18-26, 168-169, 178, 182, 205-214; — , components, 17, 18, 196, 217n.6; — , as en­ comium, 130; — , summarized, 24-25; through recounting of deeds, 133; source of, 130; of transitional figures, 61; type casting of, 115 Chosen. See Election, divine Christ myth, 177, 185 Chronicles: compared with Sira's writing, 118; as precursor to hymn, 117-18 Chronology, 218n. 1; within hymn, 45 City, 54 Climax, atonement as, 54 Congregation. See Assembly Continuity, 47 Cosmos, 155, 161 Covenant, Book of the, 101; Torah as, 116 Covenant community, 57, 60 Covenants, 42, 76-77, 206-7, 218n.3, 239n.2; as basis for praise, 196; as component of characterization, 18, 20-21; with David, 118; establishment of, 39, 161; with Moses, 30; with Noah, 117; with Phineas, 118; relation to office, 48, 55 Creation, 114; wisdom as part of, 152, 162, 163 Creator of natural order, God as, 161 Crisis, and personification of wisdom, 144 Cultural anthropology, 123 Cultural conflict, as basis for his­ toriography, 123

SUBJECT INDEX

Cultural history, hymn's relation to, 69 Cultural pluralism, 122 David, 29, 43, 45, 218n.l; charac­ terization of, 34; covenant with, 39, 53, 118, 207; deeds of, 211, 212; election of, 206; within historical structure, 40; piety of, 209 Day of Atonement, 35, 65 Death, 134 Deeds, 18, 22-23, 220n.2; in characterization, 210-13; per­ formance of, 61—62 Diachronic reading of hymn, 6 3 65 Didactic character, 70, 71 Diodorus Siculus, 122 Diogenes Laertius, 125 Disciplines, interrelationship of, 5 Dwelling place, wisdom's quest for, 162-63 'Edah (assembly), 78. See also Assembly Egypt, mythology in, 149 Ekklesia, 78 Election, divine, 36, 72, 132; as component of characterization, 18, 20; for office, 206 Elijah, 28, 40, 43, 45; in addition to hymn, 199, 200; miracles of, 212 Elisha, 40, 43; miracles of, 212; as successor, 46 Encomium, 23In.24; divisions of, 130-34; glory as purpose of, 168; as Hellenistic literary form, 128-37; hymn as, 136; moral virtues in, 132—33; pro­ em of, 131; purpose of, 129 Enoch, 199-200, 201, 203 Enos, 201, 202, 203

253

SUBJECT INDEX

Epainon (praise), 82. See also Praise Ephorus, 122 Epic literature: hymn as, 1, 136; Pentateuch as, 114 Epoch, 186 Ethical instruction, Torah as, 113 Ethical virtues, 207 Examples, 234n.l0; series of, as literary genre, 185 Exile, as judgment, 119-20 Ezekiel, 40, 44 Ezra, Book of, as precursor to hymn, 119 Faithfulness, 22, 2 0 7 - 8 Fathers, 58, 217n.8; characteriza­ tion pattern for, 24—25, 27; office of, 205; Simon as one of, 196 Fragmentation, 149 Fulfillment, 5 5 - 5 6 Gahal (assembly), 78. See also Assembly Gaps between social orders, elim­ inating, 149-50 Genealogy, portion of hymn as, 134-35 Glory (kabod), 11-12, 13, 52, 65, 167-68; of fathers, 18, 26, 7 4 75; God's presence as, 168; for hero, 26; literary context, 14; as the presence of wisdom, 167—71; to scholar-sage, 129; shift from God to humans, 82; as theme, 4 God, wisdom as belonging to, 146 Greco-Roman genre De viris il­ lustrious, comparison of hymn with, 7 Hasidim, 179 Hasmonean leaders, 181 Hebrew scriptures, Sira's knowl­ edge of, 91

Hellenistic culture, 85, 89; scholar in, 101-2 Hellenistic influence, 79, 166 Hellenistic literature, 95; influence on Sira, 91, 92, 114; as precur­ sor to hymn, 120—37 Hellenistic textualities, merged with Jewish in hymn, 161—62 Hellenistic thought, aid in ra­ tionalizing wisdom myth, 154— 55 Heroes, 11-36, 179; amount of hymn devoted to, 217n.7; call to praise of, 3 - 4 ; characteriza­ tion of (see Characterization); effect on readers, 73-80; heritage of, 75-76; subtypes, 17 Hesed. See Piety (hesed) Hezekiah, 29, 40, 43, 51; deeds of, 212; piety of, 210; strength of, 208 High priesthood, 36, 56, 57, 58— 59, 63, 106; covenant of, 39; danger to, 85; debate of, 87; glory of, 107; promise of bless­ ing, 4 2 - 4 3 ; power of, 86. See also Priesthood; Simon, the high priest Historical examples, reading of by Greeks, 158 Historical setting. See Setting Historiography, as Hellenistic lit­ erary form, 121 - 24 Hokmah, 157. See also Wisdom Homer, 228n.4 Honor, of fathers, 7 4 - 7 5 Human situation: consideration of, in Sirach, 192; study as part of scholar's research, 95 Humankind, Adam as symbol of, 115 Hymn in Praise of the Fathers," 6; background of, 1-3; climax, u

254 "Hymn in Praise of the Fathers" (continued) 41; compared to poem in praise of the scholar, 104; components, 3 - 4 ; conclusion to, 197; didactic intention of, 81; function of, 71; hymn in praise of the Creator as intro­ duction to, 189-93; importance of, 176-77; influ­ ence of wisdom myth, 158; later additions to, 17-18, 1 9 9 203; limits to comparing with literary forms, 136; merger of Jewish and Hellenistic textualities in, 161-62; as myth, 65; occasion for reading, 84; precursors to, 112, 173; pur­ pose of, 57, 129, 135-36; structure of, 37-41, 165, 218n.2, 235n.ll; — , architechtonic, 178; — , dynamic aspects, 64; — , interrelatedness, 57; — , literary, 16-18; themes of, 191; as wisdom text, 159-62 Hymn in praise of the Creator, 189-93; themes of, 191 Hymn of blessing, 35, 36, 55 Imaginary figures in Jewish writ­ ings, 182 Isaac, 27, 45 Isaiah, 40, 43; faithfulness of, 207-8; miracles of, 212 Israel: ideal social structure for, 182; as wisdom's dwelling place, 163. See also People of Israel Jacob, 45, 53; as father, 27; office of, 205; promise of blessing, 42; reward for, 213 Jeremiah, 28, 40, 43-44; election of, 206

SUBJECT INDEX

Jeroboam, 40 Jerusalem, wisdom to settle in, 152 Jeshua, 41, 49; deeds of, 212; of­ fice of, 206 Jewish history, 118, 160, 166 Jewish society, 179 Jewish textualities, merged with Hellenistic in hymn, 161-62 Jewish tradition, precursors to hymn in, 112-20 Jewish writings: imaginary figures in, 182-83; influences on, 183 Jewish-Hellenistic syncretism, 156 Joseph, in addition to hymn, 201, 202 Joshua, 31, 33, 50, 168; deeds of, 211; election of, 206; within historical structure, 39-40; ministry of, 214; miracles of, 212; office of, 205-6; piety of, 21, 209; setting for, 213; strength of, 208; and succes­ sion, 126 Joshua, Book of, as precursor to hymn, 117-18 Josiah, 40, 51; deeds of, 212; piety of, 209, 21 Judah, kings of, 40 Judges: characterization of, 2 4 25, 33-34; deeds of, 2 2 , 6 1 62; within historical structure, 39-40; location theme with, 54; piety of, 209; Samuel as one of, 34; as transition, 60 Judgment, as function of proph­ ets, 44 Kabod. See Glory (kabod) Kings, 50-51, 61, 105, 165; anointment by prophets, 46; characterization of, 24-25, 29; David as one of, 34; deeds of, 22, 62, 212; within historical structure, 40; location theme with, 54; Moses as one of, 32;

SUBJECT INDEX

Kings (continued) office of, 106, 205; risk of failure, 72; serialization in unit on, 43; Simon as" one of, 35; Sira's attitude toward, 86 Kings, Books of, as precursor to hymn, 117-18 Land, conquest of, 3 9 - 4 0 Law, 58; establishment by God, 161 Leaders, people's response to, 73 Literary context, for hero in hymn, 13-15 Literature, description of, 95 Liturgical character of hymn, 7 0 71 Location, theme of, 53-55 Logic, of scholarly poets, 184 Meditation, as function of hymn, 71 Memory theme, 7 7 - 7 8 , 220n.2 Men of resource, 105 Meter, 217n.3 Midrashic comparison, of poem, 15-16 Miracles, 212 Moses, 45, 49, 117, 168, 218n.8, 231n.21; as author of Torah, 100; authority of, 187; as be­ ginning of line of prophets, 28; characterization pattern for, 24-25; covenant with, 39, 207; deeds of, 22; election of, 206; faithfulness of, 207-8; as mediator, 58; ministry of, 214; miracles of, 212; office of, 105, 205; as prophet-teacher, 126— 27; promise of blessing, 42; re­ ward for, 213; setting for, 213; strength of, 208; and succes­ sion, 126; as teacher, prophet and ruler, 30-32, 212 Myth, hymn as, 65

255 Mythic figure of wisdom, 144—46, 161, 186 Nathan, 40, 43, 45 Nehemiah, 41, 49, 197; deeds of, 212; office of, 206 Nehemiah, Book of, as precursor to hymn, 119 Noah, 45, 115, 202; in addition to hymn, 203; covenant with, 53, 117, 206; election of, 206; as father, 27; ministry of, 214; of­ fice of, 205; promise to, 42, 50; righteousness of, 240n.3; setting for, 213; as successor, 46; virtues of, 21, 207 Number one, significance of, 5 9 60 Number seven, significance of, 59-60 Obedience, virtue of, 21 Office, 4 7 - 4 8 , 115, 132, 205, 218n.8, 239n.l; as component of characterization, 18, 19-20; characteristics of each, 26-29; establishment by God, 161; formation, 42; of hero, 17, 23; multiple designations, 29-33; relation to covenant, 55 One (the number), significance of, 59-60 Onias III, 134 Order, 234n.7 Orders, integration of hymn com­ pared to wisdom myth structure, 165 Paideia, 156-59; in culture of Jew­ ish writers, 183-84 Pentateuch, 121, 166, 186; as pre­ cursor to hymn, 112-16; status of, for Sira, 116 People of Israel, 54; leadership quality and response of, 211; welfare of, 51-52

256 Philosophers, succession of, 127— 28 Phineas, 23, 49, 58, 168; atone­ ment, 50; characterization of, 28; blessing of, 134; covenant with, 21, 29, 36, 39, 53, 118, 207; ministry of, 214; prayer of blessing upon, 39; as priest and prophet, 32—33; promise of blessing, 42; reward for, 213; setting for, 213; strength of, 208; and succession, 126 Piety (hesed), 11-12, 21, 87, 1 3 2 33, 209; as basis for praise, 196; as component of charac­ terization, 18; Jewish, 192; of scholar, 97-98; scholar within sphere of, 93; as virtue of king, 29 Place, theme within transition, 60 Poetry, subsequent to Sirach, 181-82 Political conditions, 85, 181 Potentiality: and actuality, 154; promise and, 56 Power, as basis for praise, 196 Praise, 55, 78-80; act of, 84; as­ sembly as place of, 80-84; in Hellenistic culture, 102; due to office, 19; as purpose of hymn, 129; for scholar-sage, 106 Prayer for mercy, by scholar, 98 Presence, theme of, 236n.l3 Priesthood, 14, 217n.2; charac­ terization of, 24-25, 27-28; deeds of, 22; office of, 205; teaching function of, 31. See also High Priesthood Proem: characterization in, 1 4 15; illustrious men listed in, 14 Promise: and potentiality, 56; as theme, 48. See also Blessings, promise of Prophet-teacher, Moses as first, 126-27

SUBJECT INDEX

Prophets, 51, 61, 120, 165, 225n.ll, 233n.6; anointment of kings by, 46; characteriza­ tion of, 24-25, 28; deeds of, 22, 62; divine inspiration, 98— 99; election, 47; within histor­ ical structure, 40; location theme with, 54; miracles of, 212; Moses as, 31; office of, 106, 205; Phineas as one of, 32-33; Samuel as one of, 34; serialization in unit on, 43; Sira's knowledge of, 91; suc­ cession of, 46-47, 126, 219n.6; vision of, 226n.l2 Proseuche, 221n.9 Prosperity, as basis for praise, 196 Proverb, 142 Proverbs, as precursor to hymn, 112 Psalms, Sira's knowledge of, 91 Qualities, in encomium, 132 Readers: effect of heroes on, 73— 80; function of hymn for, 71 — 73 Reflection, moment of, and medi­ tation, 83 Rehoboam, 40 Religious virtues, 21-22, 207 Restoration, 40—41; office of fig­ ures in, 206; as transition, 60 Rewards, 18, 23, 26, 133-34, 213-14 Righteous one, 236n.l Ruler. See Kings Sacred history, 4 9 - 5 6 Sacrifice, as priesdy function, 28 Sage, goal of, 170 Samuel, 40, 43, 45; characteriza­ tion of, 27-28, 34; deeds of, 211; election of, 206;

SUBJECT INDEX

Samuel (continued) faithfulness of, 207-8; miracles of, 212; office of, 19 Samuel, Books of, as precursor to hymn, 117-18 Saul, 34, 40, 43 Scholar: as author, 9 9 - 1 0 1 ; re­ ceipt of spirit of understanding, 97; poem in praise of, 103; poem compared to hymn in praise of the fa­ thers, 104 Scholar-priest, 106 Scholar-sage, 119, 125, 226n.ll; Ben Sira as, 101-4; glory to, 129; praise of, 92-101 Scriptural accounts, 18; as basis for poem, 22 Scriptural language, in hymn, 15 Second Temple Judaism, 6, 75, 119, 155, 178; hymn's function as mythology of, 56, 69, 84, 105; identified with wisdom, 152; institutions of, 58, 64, 87; struggle with Hellenistic culture, 89; wisdom theology for, 151 Sequence, 45 Serialization, 4 2 - 4 4 Seth, in addition to hymn, 201, 202, 203 Setting, 78, 131; historical, 18, 23; social-historical, 213 Seven (the number), significance of, 5 9 - 6 0 Shem, in addition to hymn, 201, 202, 203 Simon, the high priest, 4, 51, 105, 134-136, 165, 168; act of atonement, 63; blessing of, 48, 134; characterization of, 28, 35; description of, 65; glory of, 107, 168, 179; high priest as ruler, 32; inclusion in hymn, 17; location theme with, 5 4 -

257 Simon, the high priest (continued) 55; office of, 28, 180, 206; praise of, 8 2 - 8 3 , 165, 1 9 5 198; — , as addition, 197; — , as conclusion, 203; royal func­ tion assigned to, 86; view of assigned to, 86; view of foreign rule, 85. See also High priest Sira, Ben, 174; attitude toward Hellenism, 222n.l5; knowledge of Hellenistic literature, 114, 158; knowledge of Israel's his­ tory, 49; knowledge of encomium, 129; knowledge of literature, 16, 9 1 - 9 2 ; literary devices used by, 17; perception of time by, 65; political posi­ tion of, 85; praise of contemporary, 197; as scholarsage, 101—4; scholars' knowl­ edge of, 2; status of Pentateuch for, 116; as teach­ er, 90 Sirach: Hebrew text for, 8; history of, 175-76; as textbook, 223n.6 Social change, 2; effect on in­ terpretation of poem, 180; social order and, 146 Social history: hymn's relation to, 69; as part of book of wisdom, 161 Social order: as evidence of wisdom thinking, 160-61; re­ flection on ideal of Israel, 182; social change and, 146; wisdom in, 147, 152, 153 Solomon, 40, 43, 45, 51; charac­ terization of kings, 29; deeds of, 211, 212; importance to Sira, 118; virtues of, 21, 207 Sophia (philosophical knowledge), 157 Speaking, written and oral, 9 9 100

258 Speech acts, of scholar, 98 Spirit of understanding, 9 7 - 9 9 Strength, 22, 2 0 8 - 9 Succession, 4 1 - 4 8 , 202, 219n.5; in Hellenistic biography, 125— 26; in hymn, 126; sequence and, 4 5 - 4 7 Successor (tahalip), 46 Synagoge, 78, 221n.9 Synchronic structure, of hymn, 57-63 Tahalip (successor), 46 Tannach, 16 Tannaim, 127 Teacher: function of, 30-31; Moses as, 3 0 - 3 1 , 105, 212 Tehillah (praise), 82. See also Praise Temple, 84 Temple cult, 57, 168; actualization of, 55 Temple school, 90 Textbook, Sirach as, 223n.6 Texts, Hellenistic view of, 100 Theme units, 223n.5 Torah, 8 0 - 8 1 , 84, 112-13, 224n.9; author of, 100; as Book of the Covenant, 116; in culture of Jewish writers, 183— 84; as law, 162; scholar's rela­ tion to, 98; Sira's knowledge of, 91; Sira's view of, 120; as wisdom's memorial, 162 Torah piety, 113, 239n.3 Traditions history, 178 Transition, judges as part of, 39 Transition units, judges and resto­ ration as, 6 0 - 6 1 Virtues, 21—22; blessings as sign of, 133; ethical, 207; religious, 21-22, 207

SUBJECT INDEX

Warrior(s): David as, 34; judges as, 33 Wars, as basis for historiography, 123 Wisdom, 79, 192, 233n.4; acquisi­ tion of conventional, 148; Adam's capacity for, 116; as basis for praise, 104, 196; in culture of Jewish writers, 1 8 3 84; defined, 141-42; exchange between Jewish and Hellenistic cultures, 156; glory as the presence of, 167—71; hiddenness of, 226n. 11; movement from research to composition, 197; mythic figure of, 144-46, 161, 186; origin of, 162; as part of creation, 152; research as quest for, 94-97; threat to, 143, 144-45; transferral to dif­ ferent cultures, 143; as way for perceiving, 139 Wisdom composition, hymn as, 87 Wisdom ethic, 113, 120 Wisdom myth, 147-49, 178; compared to hymn structure, 165; hymn as, 140, 162-66; rationalization for, 150-56 Wisdom speech, 98 Wisdom texts, 95; hymn as, 1 5 9 62; scholar's texts as, 100 Wisdom tradition, 140—41; and authorship concept, 96-97; lit­ erature of, 141 Wisdom-in-creation/wisdom-in­ human-history, 216n.l

Zerubbabel, 41, 49; deeds of, 212; office of, 2 0 5 - 6

Index to Biblical Texts Cited

Genesis 6:9, 21, 207 6 : 1 8 - 2 1 , 239n.2 8:21, 239n.2 22, 208 Leviticus 113; 8,

Joshua 14:8, 9, 14,

209

1 Samuel 7:9, 27 9:6, 208 17:36, 34

31 2 Samuel 12:13, 43

Numbers 12:3, 207, 208 12:7, 208 1 4 : 1 - 1 0 , 50 14:24, 209 1 6 : 3 - 7 , 207 2 5 : 7 - 8 , 208 2 5 : 1 0 - 1 3 , 32, 207 2 5 : 1 2 - 1 3 , 28

1 Kings 19:10, 14,

207

Nehemiah 8 - 9 , 80 9, 81, 119, 193, 215n.4 Job 14:7, 46 28, 3 8 , 149

Deuteronomy 6:5, 209 10:12, 209 33:1, 120 4 1 : 6 - 8 , 120

Psalms 78, 105, 106, 135, 136, 193, 215n.4 259

260 Proverbs 1-9, 144, 145, 149 1 : 2 0 - 3 3 , 146 8, 163 8:22, 149 8:25-31, 146 1 0 - 3 1 , 147 Ezekiel 20, 193, 215n.4 Judith 5, 193 Wisdom of Solomon 9, 149 10, 149, 186 11-19, 186 Sirach 1, 149 1:1-8, 216n.l 1:9-10, 152 1 : 9 - 1 8 , 216n.l 1:10a, 114 1:10b, 115 1:30, 221n.l0 3-43, 217n.3 3:28b, 113 4:7, 221n.l0 4:11-19, 224n.8 6:19-31, 224n.8 7:7, 14, 221n.l0 11:28, 232n.27 14:20-15:8, 224n.8 15:5, 221n.l0 15:14, 116 15:14-20, 114, 115 16:6, 221n.l0 16:24-30, 216n.l 17:1-11, 216n.l 17:1-14, 114 17:6b, 114 17:5, 7, 154 1 7 : 8 - 9 , 11, 115

INDEX TO BIBLICAL TEXTS CITED

17:11-14, 116 17:12-13, 115 21:9, 221n.l0 23:24, 221n.l0 24, 100, 149, 162, 164, 235n.ll 24:1, 169 24:1-7, 216n.l 24:2, 221n.l0 24:3-7, 162 24:8-12, 152, 163 24:8-21, 216n.l 24:10, 153 24:13-17, 19-23, 163 24:19-27, 162 24:20, 162 24:23, 100, 153, 221n.l0, 224n.9 24:25-27, 100 24:31, 200 24:31-33, 100 24:33, 116, 266n.ll 24:34, 100 31:11, 221n.l0 33:16-18, 227n.l4 33:19, 221n.l0 34:1-4, 113 36, 180 36:1-17, 200 36:11-17, 180 38:21, 220n.2 38:24-39:35, 101 39:1, 224n.9 39:1-4, 104 3 9 : 1 - 1 1 , 30, 91, 9 2 - 9 3 , 153 39:4d, 95 39:5-6, 104 39:6, 98 39:7, 97 39:7-8, 104 39:10, 79, 80, 104, 221n.lO 39:12, 100 39:12-35, 216n.l

261

INDEX TO BIBLICAL TEXTS CITED

Sirach (continued) 39:13-14, 100 39:24, 3 1 - 3 4 , 104 39:32; 100 39:35, 82 4 0 : 1 - 1 1 , 216n.l 40:1-17, 114 40:24b, 114 41:18, 221n.l0 42:15, 13, 189, 190, 191 42:15-25, 191 42:15-43:33, 161, 193 42:15-43:35, 189, 216n.l, 237n.l 42:16, 13, 190 42:17, 167 42:18-25, 200 42:25, 191 43:1-26, 190 43:27, 154 43:27-32, 190 43:33, 13, 190 44-50, 165, 189, 190, 193, 195, 200, 215n.4, 216n.l, 229n.l4, 237nn. 4, 1 44:1, 129, 189, 190, 191, 196, 209, 221n.l3 44:1-2, 11 44:1-15, 13, 14, 191 44:1-45:26, 218n.2 44:2, 14, 52, 168, 236n.l2 44:3, 216n.2 44:3a, 105 44:3-6, 104, 196, 217n.2 4 4 : 4 - 5 , 216n.2 44:4a, 105 44:6, 75, 105, 216n.2 44:7, 73, 74 44:7-9, 104 44:8, 73 44:8-10, 220n.2 44:10, 196, 209, 220n.2 44:10-11, 75,76

44:11, 220n.2 44:11-14, 104 44:12, 76,77 44:13, 220n.2 4 4 : 1 3 - 1 4 , 77, 78 44:15, 73, 74, 78, 79, 83, 104, 191, 218n.8, 221nn. 10, 13 44:15-49:16, 219n.3 44:16, 15, 17, 199, 201, 238n.l 44:16-50:24, 13 44:17, 21, 45, 46, 202, 205, 206, 207, 213 44:17-18, 115,202 44:18, 54, 206 44:19, 205, 211, 239n.l 44:20, 21, 206, 207, 213 4 4 : 2 0 - 2 1 , 53, 207, 211 44:21, 54, 213 44:22, 27, 45, 218n.8 4 4 : 2 2 - 2 3 , 45, 53 44:23, 54, 205, 213 45:1, 42 4 5 : 1 - 2 , 30, 213 45:2, 168, 208 4 5 : 2 - 3 , 31, 212 45:3, 32, 213, 218n.8 45:4, 206, 207, 208 45:5, 30, 83, 100, 207, 212 45:6, 207 45:6-7, 31 45:7, 168 45:12, 113,168 45:15, 3 1 , 4 2 , 4 3 , 4 6 , 54, 207, 212, 214, 218n.9, 239n.l 45:16, 206 45:17, 31, 106, 212 45:18, 50, 221n.l0 45:19-20, 213 45:20, 28 45:23, 33, 42, 43, 46, 126, 168, 207, 208, 214

262 Sirach (continued) 45:24, 29, 207, 213 45:25, 29, 39, 207, 218n.l, 239n.l 45:25b-26, 39 45:25c-26, 134 46:1, 31, 33, 126, 206, 208, 229n.8, 239n.l 46:1-50:24, 218n.2 46:2, 168 46:4, 212 46:5, 211 46:6, 21, 33, 209, 212, 213 46:7, 33, 50, 208, 214, 221n.l0 46:8, 50 46:8-9, 214 46:10, 33 46:11, 209, 239n.l 46:11-12, 40,213 46:12, 46 46:13, 34, 46, 206, 218n.9, 239n.l 46:13c, 212 46:14, 34, 221n.l0 46:15, 207, 212 46:16, 27, 34,211 46:18, 212 46:19, 211 46:20, 28, 34, 43, 212 47:1, 45 47:1-11, 39 47:2, 206 47:3-5, 34 47:6, 211 47:8, 209, 211 47:9-10, 212 47:9-11, 229n.8 47:11, 29, 3 9 , 4 3 , 207 47:12, 21, 29, 45, 207 47:13, 34, 212 47:14-17, 31 47:19-20, 211 47:20, 29,211 4 7 : 2 0 - 2 1 , 51

INDEX T O BIBLICAL T E X T S

CITED

47:22, 29 47:23, 45, 51 47:23-24, 43,211 48:1, 45, 239n.l 48:2, 28, 207, 212 4 8 : 2 - 8 , 44 48:3-5, 212 48:8, 46, 212, 218n.9 48:9-11, 17,199 48:9-12, 200 48:12, 45 48:12-14, 212 48:15, 43 48:15-16, 211 48:17, 212, 229n.8 48:18, 49 4 8 : 1 8 - 2 1 , 51 48:20, 211 48:22, 29, 208, 239n.l 48:23, 47, 212, 239n.l 48:23-24, 43 48:24-25, 212 49:2, 51, 212 49:3, 21, 209 49:4, 43, 45, 62, 205, 239n.l 4 9 : 4 - 6 , 43, 51, 120 4 9 : 5 - 6 , 44 49:6, 28, 206, 212 49:7, 239n.l 49:8, 212 49:8-10, 44,213 49:10, 4 0 , 4 1 , 4 4 , 51,62, 239n.l 49:11-13, 43 49:12, 13, 212 49:14-16, 17, 195, 197, 199, 201, 238nn. 1, 5 49:16, 201, 202 49:17, 201 50, 197, 238nn. 1, 2 50:1, 239n.l 5 0 : 1 - 4 , 35, 206, 232n.26 50:1-21, 134 5 0 : 2 - 3 , 85 50:4, 51, 74

263

INDEX TO BIBLICAL TEXTS CITED

Sirach (continued)

50:20,

28, 54, 74, 82,

50:5, 28, 54, 168 50:5-11, 65 50:5-21, 35 50:11, 28, 54, 74, 168 50:13, 28, 51, 54, 63,

50:20-21, 43, 51, 53 50:21, 35 50:22-24, 21, 35, 39, 55,

221n.l0

50:24,

50:17, 229n.8 50:17-21, 211 50:19, 54

180, 196

221n.l0

82, 134

28, 32, 54, 55,

51:13-20,

224n.8