The Political and Social Doctrines of the Unity of Czech Brethren in the 15th and Early 16th Centuries

S L A V I S T I S C H E D R U K K E N E N UITGEGEVEN C. H. V A N H E R D R U K K E N DOOR S C H O O N E V E L D ...

Author: Peter Brock

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S L A V I S T I S C H E

D R U K K E N

E N

UITGEGEVEN C.

H.

V A N

H E R D R U K K E N

DOOR

S C H O O N E V E L D

HOOGLERAAR

TE L E I D E N

X I

THE POLITICAL A N D SOCIAL DOCTRINES OF

THE

U N I T Y OF CZECH B R E T H R E N IN FIFTEENTH

AND

THE EARLY

SIXTEENTH

CENTURIES

B Y

PETER

BROCK

LONDON

M O U T O N

S L A V I S T I C

& C O • 1957 •

P R I N T I N G S EDITED

C O R N E L I S

H. V A N

L E I D E N

' S - G R A V E N H A G E

A N D

R E P R I N T I N G S

BY S C H O O N E V E L D

UNIVERSITY XI

CONTENTS

I n t r o d u c t i o n : The Hussite Century I . Petr ChelCicky, Forerunner o f the U n i t y

11 .

.

.

.

25

I I . T h e O l d Brethren

70

I I I . T h e Genesis o f the Schism

103

I V . T h e Beginnings o f the M i n o r Party

133

V . The Schism V I . The Brethren, the C i v i l Power, and the O a t h

153 .

.182

V I I . The N e w U n i t y

206

V I I I . T h e Decline o f the O l d Doctrines

241

Conclusions

274

A p p e n d i x : The O l d Doctrines i n U n i t y H i s t o r i o g r a p h y

.

.

.277

N o t e o n Sources

285

Bibliography

293

Index

299

A B B R E V I A T I O N S

A. J .B.

—

A k t a Jednoty Bratrske

C. C. M.

—

Casopis

C. C. H.

—

Cesky

Ceskeho Casopis

Musea Historicky

INTRODUCTION

THE HUSSITE

CENTURY

The Czech R e f o r m a t i o n preceded the G e r m a n and Swiss

Reformation

by over a century. I n the history o f the Czech lands the h u n d r e d years and m o r e t h a t elapsed between the death o f H u s at Constance i n 1415 a n d the c o m p o s i t i o n by L u t h e r i n 1517 o f his ninety-five theses against the sale o f papal indulgences m a y w e l l be called the Hussite century. I n the 1520s the spread o f L u t h e r a n doctrines a n d the accession o f the H a b s b u r g dynasty marked the end o f an epoch i n the country's history. I t was this period, too, that saw the active life o f the rustic philosopher, Petr Chelöicky, and the a d o p t i o n o f his radical p o l i t i c a l a n d

social

doctrines by the m e n w h o founded the U n i t y o f Brethren. B u t , after less t h a n a century, these doctrines had already been rejected b y a later generation o f Brethren. W i t h i n a h u n d r e d years o f Hus's death they were o n the way t o being forgotten, kept alive o n l y b y a t i n y a n d e x p i r i n g g r o u p o f obscure artisans. B y the time L u t h e r and Z w i n g l i h a d appeared o n the scene the U n i t y o f Brethren had already made its peace w i t h the existing social order, j u s t as the larger and more conservative Hussite body, the official U t r a q u i s t c h u r c h , had done very m u c h earlier. The

Hussite

century

had been, indeed,

a time o f

revolutionary

upheavals and o f p r o f o u n d changes i n a l l spheres o f life, religious a n d c u l t u r a l , economic, social and p o l i t i c a l .

I n the fourteenth

century

Bohemia under Charles I V was the administrative centre o f the H o l y R o m a n E m p i r e and the seat o f the i m p e r i a l c o u r t . Its university, founded i n Prague i n 1348, had made that c i t y the intellectual centre o f C e n t r a l Europe. B u t b o t h the deposition o f Charles's successor, Vâclav, f r o m the i m p e r i a l throne i n 1400 and the decree o f Kutnâ H o r a o f 1409, w h i c h , by g r a n t i n g the Czechs a c o n t r o l l i n g m a j o r i t y i n the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f the university, led t o the m i g r a t i o n o f its G e r m a n scholars a n d the transf o r m a t i o n o f the university f r o m a p r e d o m i n a n t l y G e r m a n i n t o an almost entirely Czech i n s t i t u t i o n , signified a shift i n the i n t e r n a t i o n a l p o s i t i o n o f the Czech lands. T h i s process o f change culminated after 1415 i n the

12

INTRODUCTION

revolution carried o u t by Hus's party, whose leaders came m a i n l y f r o m the ranks o f former students o f the University o f Prague. achieved

i n the religious, p o l i t i c a l a n d c u l t u r a l spheres

The changes completely

transformed the Czech lands a n d , f o r m o r e than a century, m a r k e d t h e m off f r o m the rest o f Europe. The m o r a l revolt w h i c h H u s and his followers raised against the abuses o f the medieval c h u r c h h a d sprung f r o m the theological arguments of the Englishman W y c l i f , as w e l l as f r o m a native source i n the teachings o f Hus's predecessors i n the Czech r e f o r m movement. I t was the chalice for the layman, c o m m u n i o n i n t w o kinds, approved by H u s shortly before his death at the stake, that became the standard under w h i c h every religious reformer i n the Czech lands fought o u t the battle against Rome. This above a l l , combined as i t was w i t h the veneration o f Hus's memory, united a l l wings o f the Hussite movement a n d gave i t its name of Utraquism. I n 1415 H u s h a d been supported b y a p o w e r f u l section o f the Czech nobility and gentry as w e l l as by the townsmen a n d university o f Prague. T w o years later the Hussite programme was first f o r m u l a t e d t h a t i n 1420 was given definitive f o r m i n the F o u r Articles o f Prague. These called for the free preaching o f the W o r d o f G o d , c o m m u n i o n i n t w o kinds, the confiscation o f the secular possessions o f m o n k s and priests a n d for the punishment o f p u b l i c sin. B u t the same five years that saw the attempt to formulate the basic c o m m o n principles o f the movement were marked, t o o , by its break u p i n t o several conflicting groups differing b o t h as to theology a n d social o u t l o o k . O n the extreme r i g h t were the conservative Utraquists under their leader, Jan o f P r i b r a m , whose disagreement w i t h R o m e extended to l i t t l e beyond the demand f o r c o m m u n i o n i n t w o kinds. H e and his followers rejected

Wyclif's

views

on the sacraments a n d consistently sought

recognition f r o m R o m e for their special standpoint. Occupying a central position between the t w o wings o f the movement, a n d themselves p r o b a b l y the closest i n spirit t o H u s himself, there came next the p a r t y led first by Jakoubek o f Stfibro a n d then, after his death i n 1429, by Jan Rokycana. Their programme was represented i n large measure by the F o u r Articles o f Prague. O n the left were the Taborites sprung f r o m the chiliast enthusiasts w h o , inspired by an immediate expectation o f the second c o m i n g o f Christ a n d the establishment o f the K i n g d o m o f G o d o n earth, h a d gathered i n the years immediately after Hus's death i n the south-east districts o f Bohemia, where they founded the t o w n o f T a b o r f r o m w h i c h they were to derive

13

T H E HUSSITE C E N T U R Y

their name.

L i k e W y c l i f they rejected p u r g a t o r y a n d maintained the

d o c t r i n e o f consubstantation; they simplified the c h u r c h r i t u a l a n d d i d away w i t h clerical vestments as inconsistent w i t h the practice o f apostolic t i m e s ; f r o m a m o n g the seven C a t h o l i c sacraments they recognized o n l y baptism a n d c o m m u n i o n . I n 1420 they t o o k the epoch-making step o f b r e a k i n g w i t h the t r a d i t i o n o f apostolic succession b y electing their o w n bishop, w h o acted indeed o n l y as primus

inter pares.

I n social matters

they stood f o r a far-going radicalism, even after the disappearance i n the early 1420s o f the U t o p i a n c o m m u n i s m o f their first phase.

Largely

c o m p o s e d o f peasants a n d lesser gentry, the Taborites h a d their equivalent i n Prague i n the p a r t y o f the poorer t o w n s m e n led, u n t i l his e x e c u t i o n i n 1422, b y the r e v o l u t i o n a r y U t r a q u i s t priest, J a n Zelivsky.

O n the

extreme left came the so-called Adamites, a small g r o u p w i t h rationalistic and even pantheistic tendencies, w h i c h regarded the c o m m u n i o n as a purely commemorative act a n d completely denied the doctrine o f the real presence.

I n 1421, however, they were savagely suppressed b y the

T a b o r i t e leader, Jan Zi£ ka. The

appearance

o f divisions w i t h i n

the Hussite movement

was

accompanied b y increasing danger o f intervention f r o m w i t h o u t . D u r i n g 1418 K i n g Vâclav, w h o p a r t l y under the influence o f his wife Zofie h a d previously been favourably inclined t o w a r d s the new movement, n o w began t o take sterner measures against the Hussites. F o r this new p o l i c y his brother, the E m p e r o r Sigismund, w h o h a d set himself u p as t h e c h a m p i o n o f the C h u r c h , was largely responsible. Vaclav's death i n the summer o f 1419, shortly after the riots w h i c h b r o k e o u t i n Prague under 2elivsky's leadership a n d i n w h i c h the C a t h o l i c m u n i c i p a l c o u n c i l o f the N e w T o w n were murdered, meant the opening o f the succession question. T h e Hussites were o n l y ready t o recognize Sigismund as k i n g i f he w o u l d accept the Hussite p r o g r a m m e . T h i s he was clearly unprepared t o d o . I n the spring o f 1420, therefore, a crusade was p r o c l a i m e d against the heretical Czechs; a n d i n June Sigismund i n v a d e d the c o u n t r y w i t h a large a r m y a n d l a i d siege t o Prague.

H e was successful i n c a p t u r i n g the

r o y a l castle where he was crowned k i n g i n the C a t h e d r a l o f St. V i t . The danger f r o m w i t h o u t , however, succeeded i n t e m p o r a r i l y healing a l l the divisions a m o n g the Hussites. T h e Taborites under their leader, J a n

2izka, rallied t o Prague's rescue; Sigismund was defeated at the battle o f V i t k o v Heights a n d compelled t o w i t h d r a w . R e t u r n i n g i n the a u t u m n o f the same year at the head o f a new crusade he was once again defeated by 2iika at the battle o f Vysehrad. These t w o disasters, due largely t o the m i l i t a r y genius o f

2izka, c o m b i n e d w i t h the repulse o f a second

14

INTRODUCTION

crusade i n 1421, stiffened the Hussites' d e t e r m i n a t i o n n o t t o compromise on their faith and spelled the end o f Sigismund's chances o f acceptance as king by the Hussite m a j o r i t y i n Bohemia for more t h a n a decade. I n the summer o f 1421 the Bohemian diet meeting at Caslav f o r m a l l y accepted the F o u r Articles o f Prague a n d rejected Sigismund's c l a i m t o the t h r o n e . W i t h the disappearance o f the danger o f invasion f r o m w i t h o u t , differences rapidly sprang u p again a m o n g the Hussites. Negotiations h a d been opened w i t h the Polish k i n g , Wladyslaw Jagiello, w h o agreed t o send his nephew, Z y g m u n t K o r y b u t o w i c z , t o take possession o f the vacant throne. B u t K o r y b u t o w i c z was o n l y acknowledged as k i n g b y the more moderate Hussites. H i s obvious desire t o reconcile B o h e m i a w i t h Rome made h i m u n p o p u l a r w i t h the T a b o r i t e s ; a n d i n 1427 he was finally forced to leave the c o u n t r y . Meanwhile, even w i t h i n the T a b o r i t e camp unity h a d n o t been m a i n t a i n e d . I n 1423 Z i i k a h a d quarrelled o n doctrinal matters w i t h the T a b o r i t e priests and founded his o w n u n i o n o f towns i n east Bohemia. A f t e r his death i n the f o l l o w i n g year his followers took on the name o f the Orphans, remaining, however, i n close alliance with the Taborites o f south Bohemia. Despite internal dissension d u r i n g the 1420s, the Hussites were s t r o n g enough d u r i n g this decade n o t merely t o repel a l l attempts t o b r i n g t h e m back into the R o m a n C h u r c h , b u t to carry their o w n creed b y force i n t o neighbouring lands. The expeditions i n t o G e r m a n y a n d Poland made b y an alliance o f Taborites a n d Orphans under the leadership o f Zizka's successor, P r o k o p H o l y , a n d the propaganda w h i c h c u l m i n a t e d i n the Hussite manifestos o f 1430 a n d 1431, carried the offensive beyond the boundaries o f Czech-speaking t e r r i t o r y . The defeat o f attempted invasions o f Bohemia i n 1427 a n d again i n 1431, when the crusaders were r o u t e d a t the battle o f Domazlice, showed clearly that the Hussites c o u l d n o t be crushed by force. A t the same t i m e , w i t h the d e m o r a l i z a t i o n caused b y continual warfare a n d the w a t e r i n g d o w n o f the o r i g i n a l idealism by the increasing desire for the acquisition o f wealth a n d plunder, the m o r a l e o f the Hussites began t o decline. W h i l e the successful repulsion o f foreign intervention gave t h e m sufficient strength to compel even the papal see t o consider opening u p negotiations w i t h acknowledged heretics, b y the early 1430s a considerable p a r t y a m o n g the Hussites themselves were n o w anxious to find some modus vivendi w i t h R o m e a n d the rest o f E u r o p e , which w o u l d n o t at the same t i m e sacrifice their h a r d - w o n religious principles. After D o m a i l i c e , therefore, negotiations were started between Hussite Bohemia and the C o u n c i l o f Basel, w h i c h had begun its sessions i n 1431.

T H E HUSSITE C E N T U R Y

15

T h e Czechs were i n v i t e d t o the C o u n c i l o n a n equal f o o t i n g w i t h the other delegates t o argue their case before the assembled leaders o f the church.

I n M a y o f the f o l l o w i n g year emissaries o f the C o u n c i l a n d

representatives o f the Hussites met together at Cheb, agreeing there, by the so-called Soud chebsky,

t o recognize as their 'judge' i n matters i n

dispute the Scriptures a n d the practice o f Christ and H i s apostles and o f the p r i m i t i v e c h u r c h , as w e l l as the councils and fathers o f the c h u r c h i n so far as they were based o n these. T h o u g h n o compromise was reached d u r i n g the visit o f the Czech delegation t o the C o u n c i l o f Basel i n the early spring o f 1433, the representatives sent by the C o u n c i l soon after t o negotiate direct w i t h the B o h e m i a n diet were successful i n finding a n agreed f o r m u l a i n the shape o f the Compáctala, w h i c h were signed i n N o v e m b e r o f the same year. This proved i n effect a t r i u m p h f o r conciliar d i p l o m a c y , since i n practice little m o r e o f the o r i g i n a l Hussite p r o g r a m m e was granted t h a n the exercise o f c o m m u n i o n i n t w o k i n d s . T h e Taborites and Orphans n o w u n i t e d t o oppose the agreement

as a betrayal o f the principles o f the Hussite

movement a n d , as a result, the moderate U t r a q u i s t nobles j o i n e d w i t h their C a t h o l i c fellow citizens t o defeat the radicals at the battle o f L i p a n y i n M a y 1434. D u r i n g the fighting the Taborite leader, P r o k o p H o l y , fell w i t h m a n y other leading members o f his party. The T a b o r i t e defeat made i t easier f o r the moderate Hussites t o push f o r w a r d further negotiations w i t h the C o u n c i l as w e l l as w i t h the E m p e r o r Sigismund, w h o had never ceased t o strive for the recovery o f his hered i t a r y k i n g d o m . T h o u g h the Czechs were w i l l i n g t o abandon their c l a i m t h a t the cup for the l a y m a n should be made obligatory t h r o u g h o u t Bohemia, they remained adamant i n their demand t h a t the new a r c h bishop and his t w o subordinate bishops, w h o were t o take charge o f c h u r c h affairs i n the c o u n t r y , should be elected b y the diet i n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h the U t r a q u i s t clergy.

T o this Sigismund finally consented; a n d , after the

election i n 1435 o f Rokycana and his t w o coadjutors, he promished t o d o his u t m o s t t o o b t a i n the church's c o n f i r m a t i o n o f the elections. I n July o f the f o l l o w i n g year, therefore, a meeting t o o k place at Jihlava between the Czechs, o n one h a n d , and Sigismund and the delegates o f the C o u n c i l , o n the other. The Compactata, recognized.

as d r a w n u p i n 1433, were t h e n f o r m a l l y

The way was n o w open f o r Sigismund t o r e t u r n t o Prague

as K i n g o f Bohemia, recognized by b o t h R o m a n Catholics a n d moderate Utraquists alike. W i t h his entry i n t o Prague i n A u g u s t 1436 the interregnum, w h i c h had lasted exactly seventeen years, was finally at a n end. Religious dissension a n d c i v i l strife, however, were by n o means ended

16

INTRODUCTION

by the settlement, w h i c h m a r k e d o n l y the conclusion o f the first stage i n the Hussite r e v o l u t i o n , i n the struggle o f U t r a q u i s t Bohemia against the Catholic w o r l d . The church had n o t i n fact abandoned hope o f b r i n g i n g about the complete reconversion o f the Hussites, n o r i n t u r n had the latter reconciled themselves to the legal existence o f supporters o f c o m m u n i o n i n one k i n d alongside the U t r a q u i s t m a j o r i t y .

The

Taborites

continued i n their negative attitude t o even a temporary truce w i t h the enemies o f the chalice ; while, o n the other h a n d , outside Bohemia - i n M o r a v i a and i n the other peripheral lands o f the B o h e m i a n C r o w n : the t w o Lusatias and Silesia - Catholicism still remained the d o m i n a n t faith. Efforts to o b t a i n the church's a p p r o v a l o f Rokycana's election as archbishop were to prove unavailing. W i t h Sigismund's r e t u r n t o Prague, and the transference o f the a d m i n i stration o f the c h u r c h i n Bohemia t o legates appointed by the C o u n c i l , a period o f reaction set i n . I n Prague o n l y the conservative w i n g o f the Hussite movement was granted a l i m i t e d t o l e r a t i o n . Rokycana, t u r n e d out o f his T y n C h u r c h , fled to Hradec Krâlové i n east Bohemia, where the Utraquists, under the leadership o f a p o w e r f u l nobleman, H y n c e Ptâcek o f PirkStejn, were extremely s t r o n g ; and here he was t o remain for the next eleven years. The death o f Sigismund i n December 1437 once again reopened the question o f the succession.

Neither the claims o f A l b e r t o f A u s t r i a ,

Sigismund's son-in-law, w h o died i n October 1439, n o r later those o f the former's posthumous son, Ladislav, received general

acknowledgement

t h r o u g h o u t B o h e m i a ; a n d , although a general peace was established i n 1440 between the supporters o f Ladislav, m a i n l y Catholics and conservative Utraquists, a n d the more radical Hussites under Hynce Ptâôek, this second i n t e r r e g n u m was t o last u n t i l 1452. The 1440s saw the consolidation i n east Bohemia o f the p a r t y led by Rokycana i n the religious sphere a n d , after Hynce Ptâôek's death i n 1444, by a y o u n g U t r a q u i s t nobleman, George o f Podëbrady, i n p o l i t i c a l affairs.

The Podëbrady U n i o n o f eastern counties, w h i c h the latter

succeeded i n b u i l d i n g up, formed a base f r o m w h i c h i n 1448 he was able t o set f o r t h t o regain Prague, where attempts t o reintroduce o l d c h u r c h practices had aroused m u c h discontent.

Rokycana, w i t h whose p a r t y

the conservative w i n g o f the Hussite movement, led by P r i b r a m , had by now merged, was once more reinstalled i n his T y n C h u r c h as the acknowledged head o f the U t r a q u i s t c h u r c h , a l t h o u g h a l l efforts t o gain papal confirmation o f his office were t o fail. A f t e r George o f Podëbrady's entry i n t o Prague only the Taborites still

17

T H E HUSSITE C E N T U R Y

remained i n open o p p o s i t i o n . Their theological innovations, as well as their l i t u r g i c a l practices, had been condemned by the diet held at Prague i n 1444, which had decided

against them i n their controversy

with

Rokycana's party, a n d ordered them to c o n f o r m accordingly. I n the summer o f 1452, four years after his t r i u m p h a l entry i n t o Prague and v i r t u a l t a k i n g over o f the reins o f government i n the l a n d , Pod6brady was strong enough t o force T a b o r t o surrender w i t h o u t a struggle.

Several o f the

Taborite leaders, i n c l u d i n g their bishop, M i k u l a S o f P e l h f i m , were p u t i n t o prison, where they were kept u n t i l death. I n the f o l l o w i n g year the town's defences were d i s m a n t l e d ; and this m a r k e d the final defeat o f the Taborites and the v i r t u a l suppression, i n the name o f religious o r t h o doxy and n a t i o n a l u n i t y , o f the radical w i n g o f the Hussite

move-

ment. I n 1451 negotiations h a d been opened u p w i t h Frederick o f A u s t r i a , the boy Ladislav's guardian. T w o years later Ladislav, w h o was at the time i n the hands o f the A u s t r i a n Estates, was b r o u g h t to Prague where i n October

1453 he was crowned k i n g . A l t h o u g h , t h r o u g h PodSbrady's

influence, he ascended the throne n o t by virtue o f his hereditary r i g h t b u t t h r o u g h election by the Bohemian diet, the other provinces o f the c r o w n continued t o support the y o u n g king's hereditary claims. however, agreed t o recognize the confirmation

for

the

Compactata

archbishop-elect

and

Rokycana.

to

Ladislav,

seek

papal

Podgbrady,

too,

carried o n as governor o f the realm i n actual charge o f the affairs o f state d u r i n g Ladislav's m i n o r i t y . A t this period b o t h PodSbrady and Rokycana were anxious t o effect a lasting reconciliation w i t h Rome. W i t h their belief i n the v a l i d i t y o f h o l y orders only i f handed d o w n as a result o f apostolic succession,

the

Utraquists were faced w i t h a difficult d i l e m m a after the death i n 1431 o f the A r c h b i s h o p o f Prague, K o n r a d o f Vechta, w h o h a d gone over t o the Hussites. I n order t o be certain o f a regular supply o f priests they had either to become reconciled w i t h Rome, even at the cost o f u n c o n d i t i o n a l submission, or t o find some other church i n the true line o f the apostolic succession: a p r o b l e m w h i c h proved insoluble and was to haunt their church t h r o u g h o u t the greater p a r t o f its existence.

A n attempt i n 1452

t o establish contact w i t h the Greek O r t h o d o x C h u r c h was b r o k e n off prematurely by the fall o f Constantinople i n M a y o f the f o l l o w i n g year. PodSbrady's subsequent efforts t o effect a reconciliation w i t h the R o m a n C h u r c h were likewise c u t short by the death o f the y o u n g k i n g i n N o v e m ber 1457. H i s brief reign had been m a r k e d b y the increasingly menacing attitude taken u p by the Catholic party towards the Utraquists, an a t t i t u d e

INTRODUCTION

10

w h i c h helped t o give a very radical c o l o u r i n g t o Rokycana's public utterances o f this period. The throne once again left vacant by Ladislav's death was filled i n M a r c h 1458 by the election o f George o f Podébrady himself. W i t h i n a couple o f years he had compelled recognition o f his kingship t h r o u g h o u t the lands o f the Bohemian C r o w n ; and his r e p u t a t i o n at this t i m e stood so h i g h i n Central Europe that plans were set o n f o o t t o make h i m K i n g o f the Romans and co-partner w i t h the E m p e r o r i n the government

of

Germany. T h o u g h these schemes never actually materialized, they witness t o the h i g h esteem i n w h i c h George was held by his fellow princes. However, i n order t o o b t a i n his c o r o n a t i o n by p r o p e r l y

consecrated

bishops, lent o n this occasion by K i n g M a t t h i a s C o r v i n u s o f H u n g a r y , George had been forced to take a secret and somewhat ambiguously worded o a t h o n the day before his c o r o n a t i o n : a n o a t h w h i c h c o u l d w e l l be considered a renunciation o f the Compactata,

t h o u g h n o t regarded as

such by George himself. But neither compromise o n this occasion, n o r George's attempts t o p r o v e ' h i s abhorrence o f heresy b y the sterner measures taken i n the early 1460s against the g r o w i n g U n i t y o f Brethren, founded a b o u t the time o f his accession, were successful i n persuading the p a p a l see, occupied at that period by the humanist Pius I I (Aeneas Sylvius), t o accept the Compactata.

Indeed, i n 1462, the Pope went so far

as to condemn c o m m u n i o n i n t w o kinds and to make his recognition o f George's election as k i n g c o n d i t i o n a l u p o n his renunciation o f the pactata.

Com-

Three years later hostilities b r o k e o u t between George and the

discontented Catholic n o b i l i t y , w h o had combined against h i m i n the League o f Zelená H o r a . A t the end o f the f o l l o w i n g year, i n December 1466, the Pope finally declared George an avowed heretic and deposed h i m f r o m the throne, relieving his subjects o f their d u t y o f obedience. I n the spring o f 1468 K i n g M a t t h i a s o f H u n g a r y , whose f o r m e r l y friendly relations w i t h George had gradually cooled over the years, n o w intervened i n Bohemian affairs as executor o f the p a p a l sentence o f deposition and protector o f the Catholic rebel noblemen.

These proceeded to elect

Matthias k i n g i n place o f George; as a result w a r ensued between the t w o kings, w h i c h was still undecided when i n 1471 George died at the age o f seventy-one. The only Czech t o occupy the Bohemian t h r o n e after the e x t i n c t i o n o f the Pfemyslid dynasty i n 1306, George went far t o restore inside the lands o f the Bohemian C r o w n the prestige o f the monarchy, w h i c h h a d been lost d u r i n g the l o n g years o f the interregnum, and t o regain the position w h i c h Bohemia had occupied i n the European c o m m u n i t y o f

19

THE HUSSITE C E N T U R Y

nations before the o u t b r e a k o f the Hussite wars. H e once again established peace and order t h r o u g h o u t the t e r r i t o r y under his c o n t r o l a n d , t h o u g h he lacked the b u r n i n g sense o f mission w h i c h inspired the first generation after Hus's death, he was able t o secure the heritage o f U t r a quism against attacks f r o m w i t h o u t a n d w i t h i n . H e was succeeded o n the t h r o n e b y the fifteen year o l d Vladislav I I , eldest son o f the Polish K i n g K a z i m i e r z I V o f the Jagieflonian dynasty. A f t e r Matthias's i n t e r v e n t i o n George h a d wisely abandoned his earlier desire to o b t a i n the throne f o r his o w n f a m i l y . T h o u g h a devout Catholic, K i n g K a z i m i e r z had been ready t o give George practical support against M a t t h i a s i n r e t u r n for a promise o f the c r o w n for his eldest son after George's death. The fact that a p a r t y o f M a g y a r nobles opposed

to

Matthias had also offered the H u n g a r i a n c r o w n to the Jagiellons proved a further i m p o r t a n t factor influencing Kazimierz's decision to come t o George's a i d . The struggle f o r the B o h e m i a n t h r o n e between M a t t h i a s a n d the Jagiellons d i d n o t end conclusively u n t i l 1478, when a compromise settlement was agreed to at the Peace o f O l o m o u c .

M o r a v i a , Silesia, a n d the

t w o Lusatias were retained by M a t t h i a s , while Vladislav was left w i t h only Bohemia proper. The title o f K i n g o f Bohemia was granted t o b o t h contestants. T h o u g h p r o v i s i o n was made f o r the eventual r e u n i t i n g o f a l l the lands o f the B o h e m i a n C r o w n , there was n o w great danger t h a t the peripheral lands w o u l d i n actual fact become detached f r o m the m a i n centre o f Czech culture i n Bohemia. However, the death o f M a t t h i a s i n 1490 w i t h o u t a legitimate heir, a n d the election o f Vladislav t o the vacant H u n g a r i a n throne, removed the danger o f disintegration. T h o u g h Vladislav, like his predecessor, had promised at his accession to respect the Compactata

a n d t o strive t o o b t a i n papal recognition for

the Utraquists' demands, after the conclusion o f peace w i t h M a t t h i a s i n 1478 there was a marked increase i n the activities o f the Catholic p a r t y i n Bohemia, a n d o f the monastic orders i n particular. The C a t h o l i c U p p e r Consistory i n charge o f the interests o f the adherents o f the o l d r e l i g i o n , which had been forced to flee f r o m Prague to Plzen i n 1467, n o w returned to the capital. A s a result o f the rising tension between the supporters o f c o m m u n i o n i n one k i n d and the protagonists o f the chalice for the l a y m a n , serious r i o t i n g broke o u t i n Prague i n 1483. Fear o f the renewal o f c i v i l war and foreign intervention led t o the conclusion i n 1485 o f the famous Treaty o f K u t n a H o r a , by w h i c h religious peace i n the l a n d was guaranteed for a period o f t h i r t y - t w o years, a p e r i o d w h i c h was successively prolonged until the final suppression o f U t r a q u i s m i n 1627. By the T r e a t y the

INTRODUCTION

Compactata

were reconfirmed and f u l l equality was t o be m a i n t a i n e d

between R o m a n Catholics a n d Utraquists, w h o were b o t h to continue t o have the r i g h t to receive c o m m u n i o n according t o their o w n rite. Each party agreed to refrain f r o m any attempt t o persecute the o t h e r ; a n d the number o f churches i n the possession o f each was to remain as at the time o f Vladislav's accession. The remainder o f Vladislav's l o n g reign was m a r k e d b y the absence o f open religious strife, even t h o u g h the g r o w i n g U n i t y o f Brethren was n o t covered by the provisions o f the Treaty o f K u t n a H o r a , a n d by the freedom o f the c o u n t r y f r o m entanglement i n foreign w a r and f r o m invasion f r o m without.

Vladislav's m i l d and somewhat ineffective

character, while

favourable t o the maintenance o f religious t o l e r a t i o n , signified, o n the other h a n d , a relaxation o f the efforts made by George o f PodSbrady t o curb the increasing power o f the n o b i l i t y . The accession i n 1516 o f Vladislav's ten-year-old son, L u d v i k , to his t w o k i n g d o m s o f Bohemia and H u n g a r y , and the fact t h a t for the former the boy k i n g was an absentee for the greater p a r t o f his reign, strengthened even further the d o m i n a t i o n o f the c o u n t r y by the n o b i l i t y headed by the great magnates. B u t the rule o f the Jagiellonian dynasty i n Bohemia was a b r u p t l y ended i n A u g u s t 1526 by the defeat and death o f the y o u n g K i n g L u d v i k at the battle o f Mohacs i n an attempt t o drive back the o n c o m i n g T u r k i s h invasion. T h e election o f a H a b s b u r g to the vacant throne i n the same year and the gradual i n f i l t r a t i o n i n t o the Czech lands d u r i n g the 1520s o f L u t h e r a n ideas, which were supported w i t h i n the official U t r a q u i s t chuch by the so-called neo-Utraquist party, b r o u g h t the Hussite century t o a conclusion. D u r i n g this whole period neither the c i v i l strife between

moderate

Utraquist and radical T a b o r i t e d u r i n g the first h a l f o f the century, n o r the secession f r o m the m a i n body, i n the second, o f some o f the most s p i r i tually alive to f o r m a separate U n i t y o f Brethren, n o r even the spiritual deadness w h i c h gradually set i n w i t h i n the U t r a q u i s t church itself, was able to lessen the greatness o f the religious inheritance left by the Hussite revolution. I n the p o l i t i c a l and c u l t u r a l fields the permanent gains were less obvious. The republicanism o f the Taborite w i n g had been suppressed; and the revolutionary p o l i t i c a l t h o u g h t , w h i c h the upheavals o f the time had generated, died away seemingly w i t h o u t an echo. The n a t i o n t h a t had defied its anointed m o n a r c h and carried o n its affairs for nearly t w o decades w i t h o u t a k i n g was finally induced, under certain conditions, t o accept h i m back again.

Later, the native Bohemian Hussite k i n g was

succeeded by the foreign Catholic dynasties o f Jagiello and Habsburg.

21

T H E HUSSITE C E N T U R Y

Nevertheless, the independence and integrity o f the Czech lands remained intact for almost the whole period u n t i l the disastrous battle o f the W h i t e M o u n t a i n i n 1620. The Hussite r e v o l u t i o n , t o o , gave a p o w e r f u l impetus t o the feeling o f Czech nationality, i f i t d i d n o t actually i n i t i a t e the n a t i o n a l movement. This was shown above a l l i n the c u l t u r a l sphere. The use o f Czech came to predominate i n a l l branches o f government, central and l o c a l : i n the executive, the legislature and i n j u d i c i a l matters, as well as i n the c h u r c h and i n private life. T h r o u g h the efforts o f the Taborites, and later o f the Czech Brethren, w i t h their desire t o make the Bible accessible t o their simple followers, the rudiments o f education were extended t o the masses o f the p o p u l a t i o n . Even hostile witnesses testified to the h i g h level o f literacy a m o n g b o t h Taborites and Brethren. A t the same t i m e there arose a rich literature i n the vernacular, w h i c h indeed had its origins i n the previous century and even earlier. N u m e r o u s i m p o r t a n t theological and moralistic w o r k s , such as the w r i t i n g s o f H u s himself o r

ChelCiky,

popular songs, hymns a n d p o l i t i c a l satires, chronicles and histories, as well as w o r k s o f pure literature i n prose and verse, were n o w w r i t t e n i n their authors' native Czech. I t was n o t o n l y c u l t u r e t h a t was i m b u e d w i t h the n a t i o n a l spirit. A s a result o f the Hussite r e v o l u t i o n and the wars t h a t followed, i n Bohemia at least, the native Czech elements gained c o n t r o l i n the towns t h r o u g h the e x p r o p r i a t i o n o f the largely G e r m a n patriciate, w h i c h favoured C a t h o l i cism. The creation o f a strong Czech burgher class was itself a p o w e r f u l support for Czech culture a n d Czech n a t i o n a l feeling as w e l l as f o r the Hussite movement generally. The cities — the capital, Prague, and T a b o r i n south Bohemia i n p a r t i c u l a r — influenced events t o a

remarkable

degree, especially d u r i n g the war years; and burghers were n o w a d m i t t e d to the diet. But n o t a l l was gain. T h e destruction o f the war years, religious fanaticism i n b o t h camps, the breaking o f c u l t u r a l and economic ties w i t h the rest o f Europe, led t o a n a r r o w i n g o f c u l t u r a l interests, w h i c h expressed itself, for instance, i n a decline i n the intellectual level o f the U n i v e r s i t y o f Prague.

Towards

the end o f the

fifteenth

century, t o o , a

tendency

appeared — as i n n e i g h b o u r i n g Poland — for the n o b i l i t y to t r y t o exclude the towns, w h i c h ranked at the t h i r d estate i n the B o h e m i a n diet, f r o m any i m p o r t a n t share i n the w o r k o f government.

I n 1485, for instance,

K i n g Vladislav decreed t h a t the burgesses m i g h t vote i n the diets only o n matters directly concerning their estate.

T h e struggle between burgher

and noble was to be a l o n g one, b u t the seeds were already sown.

I

INTRODUCTION ]

The results o f the economic and social forces at w o r k i n the Hussite revolution were as usual less clearly visible, b u t i n their final results certainly as far-reaching as i n other spheres o f life. The conditions i n w h i c h the peasantry lived d u r i n g the fourteenth century were certainly n o t worse than i n the centuries succeeding the Hussite r e v o l u t i o n . T h e m a n y abuses w h i c h existed i n practice, however, were denounced i n f o r t h r i g h t terms by a l o n g series o f moralists; and a c u l t o f the simple m a n , the peasant, had g r o w n up as a result o f the w r i t i n g s and preaching o f Hus's predecessors. A n extensive literature existed i n the period j u s t before the Hussite revolution, inveighing against the oppression o f the peasantry i n all its forms and postulating the theoretical equality o f a l l m e n i n the sight o f G o d .

The peasantry i n m a n y places, and especially i n South

Bohemia where the conditions were p a r t i c u l a r l y ripe for change, became /

the most enthusiastic supporters o f the new religious movement. They were j o i n e d by the lower strata o f the t o w n p o p u l a t i o n , anxious t o oust the G e r m a n patriciate, and b y m a n y o f the n o b i l i t y - and even some o f the magnates - eager t o take the o p p o r t u n i t y t o seize the wealth o f the Catholic C h u r c h , w h i c h at the beginning o f the fifteenth century was i n possession o f at least a t h i r d o f the t o t a l area o f the c o u n t r y . O n the social side, indeed, despite the existence o f m a n y purely selfish motives, the Hussite movement at its best expressed the desire for a juster social order. Earlier radical p o l i t i c a l thinkers had usually been content to leave their radicalism i n the realm o f theory or to l i m i t its a p p l i c a t i o n to those w h o consciously renounced the w o r l d . T h e Czechs p u t theory i n t o practice. They broadened the medieval concept o f freedom as a personal privilege to be acquired by r a n k or service o r money i n t o a u n i versal m o r a l principle, founded o n the gospel L a w o f L o v e . T h e y sought, however haltingly, to b r i n g society i n t o line w i t h the teachings o f the New Testament, as they understood them, and w i t h their conception o f the life o f the early c h u r c h . The social ideology o f Stitny and Hus's other predecessors, (

o f H u s himself, o f the c o m m u n i s t i c chiliasts a n d the

republican Taborites, o f Chelcicky a n d , later, o f Rokycana i n his m o r e radical moments and the early Czech Brethren, reflected i n v a r y i n g degree the hopes and fears o f the oppressed. The Hussite r e v o l u t i o n , however, failed t o achieve a radical and lasting change i n the existing structure o f society. A shift i n the centre o f power was the sole outcome. T h e c h u r c h lost the greater p a r t o f its secular possessions and its p o l i t i c a l power; and the nobles successfully extended their estates by swallowing u p the c h u r c h lands. T h e central a u t h o r i t y , the power o f the k i n g , was weakened for over a c e n t u r y ; and this accrued

T H E HUSSITE CENTURY

I

i

m a i n l y t o the advantage o f the n o b i l i t y and the magnates.

!

displaced Germans as the r u l i n g element i n the towns.

23

Czechs had The

religious

freedom o f the official U t r a q u i s t c h u r c h , w h i c h c o n t r o l l e d the University o f Prague and the educational system o f the c o u n t r y , was to remain i n t a c t u n t i l the victory o f the C o u n t e r - R e f o r m a t i o n i n the first h a l f o f the seventeenth century. A

flourishing

indigenous culture h a d g r o w n u p , t h o u g h

this naturally was enjoyed m a i n l y by the educated classes. B u t the status o f the peasantry, the class w h i c h had most t o gain f r o m the r e v o l u t i o n , which supported i t w i t h most enthusiasm and sacrificed most o n its behalf, deteriorated steadily d u r i n g the course o f the succeeding centuries. The aftermath o f the Hussite wars had left, on the one h a n d , vast wealth and power concentrated i n the hands o f the n o b i l i t y a n d , o n the other, a dearth o f labour o w i n g to the destruction o f the war years. F o r the peasant this resulted i n an increase i n labour services, money dues, and the obligation for m i l i t a r y service; the spread o f pisciculture — the

flooding

o f land by nobles and gentry i n order to create fish ponds, a profitable source o f income that called for little l a b o u r — w a s often at the same t i m e detrimental t o the peasants' interests. fifteenth

D u r i n g the second h a l f o f the

century there was a gradual b u t steady loss o f the

personal liberty. F r e e d o m o f movement was restricted; every

peasants' peasant

was legally required t o have a l o r d ; a n d peasants were n o w allowed t o leave their villages o n l y w i t h the permission o f their l o r d , w h o obtained the r i g h t t o reclaim those w h o h a d migrated to the t o w n or another estate. I t was made an offence, t o o , punishable by fine o r i m p r i s o n m e n t , t o hide o r i n any way w i t t i n g l y to help such a fugitive. The weakness o f the central government also placed the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f justice, so far as i t affected the peasant, i n the hands o f the landowners, w h o i n this way came t o possess absolute power over their tenants. T h u s , by the end o f the century the peasants, together w i t h a l l their family, had become adscripti

glebae,

serfs tied to the l a n d they cultivated. T h e i r unfree status was n o w enshrined in the great c o m p i l a t i o n o f the laws o f the l a n d issued i n 1500 under the name o f the L a n d Ordnance (Zflzeni

zemske).

The worsening o f the peasants' c o n d i t i o n was, i t is t r u e , c o m m o n n o t only to the Czech lands, b u t also t o neighbouring countries l i k e Poland and Hungary, w h i c h had been v i r t u a l l y untouched by the Hussite movement. Its causes, therefore, cannot be a t t r i b u t e d solely t o the results o f this movement.

Nevertheless, the l o n g war years i n particular proved a

powerful stimulus to tendencies, w h i c h were already present i n the social system.

The b r i g h t hopes w h i c h the early T a b o r i t e chiliasts had enter-

tained o f a radical a m e l i o r a t i o n o f the peasants' l o t were to be entirely

INTRODUCTION

shattered by the course w h i c h events t o o k over the next h u n d r e d years. I t is only, indeed, i n the l i g h t o f disappointed hopes f o r

social

betterment, o f disillusionment after l o n g years o f sacrifice and struggle f o r an ideal w h i c h appeared to recede ever further as the years passed by, that the history o f the p o l i t i c a l a n d social doctrines, first p r o p o u n d e d by Petr Chelcicky and t h e n taken over b y the Brethren o f the early U n i t y , can be properly understood. These doctrines were, t o a large extent, the outcome o f their background, p o l i t i c a l , economic and social, as w e l l as religious and c u l t u r a l . m o u l d the development

I n their t u r n they were themselves to help to o f t h o u g h t a n d the pattern o f future events.

I

PETR

CHELCICKY,

FORERUNNER

OF

THE

UNITY The Czech n a t i o n has contributed several outstanding figures to E u r o p e a n history. T h e achievements o f H u s a n d K o m e n s k y , Z i z k a a n d George o f PodSbrady, Palacky a n d M a s a r y k are w e l l - k n o w n at least t o a l l historians. The name o f Petr Chelcick^, however, the t h i n k e r whose chief w o r k Tolstoy, f o r instance, has described as 'a most remarkable p r o d u c t i o n o f human t h o u g h t , b o t h f r o m the p r o f u n d i t y o f its contents a n d the wonderful force a n d beauty o f its p o p u l a r language,' has scarcely been heard o f 1

outside the frontiers o f his native c o u n t r y . C h e l & c k y , says T o l s t o y , 1 'occupies w i t h i n Christianity the same p o s i t i o n as Christianity itself w i t h i n the whole h u m a n c o m m u n i t y ; ' a n d a great Slav scholar has claimed t h a t J 2

' i f Chelcicky h a d been b o r n a G e r m a n , a F r e n c h m a n o r an Englishman he w o u l d u n d o u b t e d l y have exercised a n i m p o r t a n t influence o n the history o f law a n d social theory i n E u r o p e . '

F o r most historians his w o r k s are a ,

3

closed b o o k o n account o f the barrier o f language. Since his rediscovery, however, a century ago by Palacky a n d Safarik, after over three centuries o f o b l i v i o n , Czechs o f a l l schools o f t h o u g h t have at least agreed i n assigning to ChelSicky an outstanding role i n the history a n d literature o f their n a t i o n , a n d a g r o w i n g n u m b e r o f foreign scholars have come too t o realize his significance as a p o l i t i c a l t h i n k e r . 1

T o l s t o y , The Kingdom

of God is Within

s i m i l a r i t y o f t h e i r ideas, w h o

4

You, p. 2 6 . I t w a s M a s a r y k , s t r u c k b y t h e

first b r o u g h t

C h e l 5 i c k ^ to T o l s t o y ' s a t t e n t i o n .

A . P a w l o w , ' L . N . T o l s t o j u n d T . G . M a s a r y k , ' Wiener

Slavistisches

Jalirbuch,

See 1955,

pp. 6 6 - 7 0 , 7 9 , 80. *

T o l s t o y , Krug

'

J a g i c i n h i s I n t r o . Sochineniya

Chteniya,

I I I , p. 2 6 1 . Petra

Khekhitskago,

" B o h e m i a i n the F i f t e e n t h C e n t u r y , ' Cambridge

Medieval

p. X X V . History,

Cf. K a m i l Krofta, V I I I , p. 8 7 : ' H i s

writings, indeed, a r e a m o n g the few m e d i e v a l l i t e r a r y w o r k s w h i c h c a n e v e n t o - d a y c a p t i v a t e o u r interest.' '

A p a r t f r o m C z e c h the o n l y l a n g u a g e s i n w h i c h a r t i c l e s o r b o o k s o n C h e l C i c k y h a v e

a p p e a r e d a r e G e r m a n a n d R u s s i a n , t h o u g h these a r e n o t i n d e e d n u m e r o u s . renderings o f s e v e r a l o f h i s w o r k s h a v e a l s o been p u b l i s h e d i n these t w o F u r t h e r details a r e given i n t h e b i b l i o g r a p h y . in E n g l i s h .

Free

languages.

N o t h i n g o f a n y v a l u e h a s s o far a p p e a r e d

PETR C H E L i l C K Y

C a r r y i n g the principles o f the Hussite r e v o l u t i o n to their logical conclusion, ChelSicky at the same t i m e p r o v i d e d the theoretical f o u n d a t i o n on w h i c h was b u i l t up a new religious c o m m u n i t y , the U n i t y o f Brethren (Jednota bratrskd),

w h i c h was i n its t u r n to m a r k a fresh stage i n

the nation's p o l i t i c a l a n d religious development.

The p o l i t i c a l and social

doctrines o f this body, therefore, cannot be understood w i t h o u t first considering the theories o f their ' s p i r i t u a l father,' ChelSicky.

5

I Scarcely any i n f o r m a t i o n has come d o w n to us about Chelcicky's life o r character. W h a t little is k n o w n is usually open to d o u b t , consists largely o f hypotheses more o r less plausible. Precise dates are almost entirely absent; while i t is quite impossible to gain any impression o f his personali t y apart f r o m the i n t e r n a l evidence o f his o w n w r i t i n g s , w h i c h u n f o r t u n ately contain comparatively few references to himself. Indeed, his w o r k s are almost the sole source o f our knowledge o f his life, since external documentary evidence does n o t exist. The o r i g i n a l i t y and depth o f his thought, the audacity o f his theory and the obviously outstanding character of his intellect, make this ignorance the more tantalizing. The date o f Chel&cky's b i r t h - as o f all the other events o f his life - is, therefore, uncertain. H e was probably b o r n , however, about 1390 i n the south Bohemian village o f Chel&ce near the s m a l l c o u n t r y t o w n o f Vodfiany.

H e appears to have acquired his surname m a n y years later

f r o m the founder o f the U n i t y , B r o t h e r R e h o f .

6

T h e name t h o u g h does

not necessarily indicate the place o f his b i r t h , signifying only the spot where he spent most o f his l i f t . B u t the social conditions o f the p e r i o d make i t probable that he was b o r n and reared at least i n the immediate neighbourhood.

7

N o t h i n g is k n o w n for certain o f his parents o r f a m i l y

nor o f his c h i l d h o o d a n d schooling: the sources give n o i n d i c a t i o n whether he ever m a r r i e d . Even the social class t o w h i c h he belonged a n d the calling he pursued d u r i n g his life-time are matters o f debate. Some earlier hypotheses - for instance, t h a t he was a cobbler, a tailor, a discharged soldier, a priest, or a Waldensian preacher - have been discarded. B u t he may have been a member o f the squirearchy (zeman) a yeoman (svobodnik),

or

independent o f any feudal l o r d and o w n i n g his o w n

land, or even an unfree peasant (sedldk).

The supposition that he was a

yeoman appears very possible. I t w o u l d have given h i m the means t o 5

P a l a c k y , Dijlny

*

S i m e k , ' O zivote a dile P e t r a C h e l c i c k e h o , ' Sit' viry ( M o d e r n C z e c h e d i t i o n ) , p. 3 1 3 .

ndrodu

7

V o g l , Peter

Cheltschizki,

ceskeho, p. 13.

V , p. 2 1 8 .

27

FORERUNNER OF T H E UNITY

acquire some measure o f education, sufficient leisure t o pursue his l i t e r a r y activities, and an independence

o f attitude, w h i c h membership o f the

semi-serf peasantry w o u l d have made very difficult, at the same time a l l o w i n g h i m to preserve t h a t sympathy w i t h his unfree fellow peasants and passionate advocacy o f their rights w h i c h appear i n a l l his writings. I t may thus have been o n l y later i n life t h a t he adopted the labourer's status as part o f a p r o g r a m m e o f v o l u n t a r y p o v e r t y .

8

Since the last w a r , however, Professor Bartos, the leading contem porary a u t h o r i t y o n the period, has p u t f o r w a r d another t h e o r y : t h a t o f Chelöick^'s identity w i t h a certain Petr Zâhorka, a well-to-do squire f r o m near-by Zâhoröi, w h o was b o r n a b o u t 1379-81. Zâhorka's name d i s - / appears f r o m the records after 1424; i n Bartos's view, because he was later k n o w n under the name o f Chelöicky. T h i s theory, also, w o u l d explain the latter's education, astonishing at this t i m e i n a simple c o u n t r y man, as well as his independent spirit and freedom f r o m outside inter ference. T h o u g h Bartos has expressed his belief i n the v a l i d i t y o f his theory, i t must be stressed that i t remains a hypothesis, even i f a n extremely plausible one; n o positive p r o o f o f the identity o f the t w o m e n has as yet been b r o u g h t f o r w a r d .

9

A t any rate, ChelĞicky appears to have

been for most o f his life a w o r k i n g farmer, whatever his origins o r his exact legal status. I t was not u n t i l 1419, f o u r years after Hus's death, t h a t Chelcicky made his first appearance o n the stage o f history. Towards the end o f this year, roused by the fanatical o r a t o r y o f demagogic priest prophesying the overthrow o f the existing social order and the i m m i n e n t second c o m i n g o f Christ i n his glory, when only five holy cities - K l a t o v , L o u n y , Plzefi, Slane and Zatec - w o u l d be spared f r o m the divine w r a t h , masses o f peasants, especially f r o m south Bohemia, crowded t o the capital city o f Prague.

A m o n g thousands o f others came Chelcicky, then quite u n

k n o w n . A t that time, indeed, he was almost certainly at one i n most o f his opinions w i t h the masses o f his fellow pilgrims, w h o h a d been flocking i n thousands to participate i n the religious ceremonies o n M o u n t T a b o r . *

C h e l c i c k y , O trojim

lidu, p p . 6, 7 ; C h a l o u p e c k y ,

' S t i t n y a C h e l i i c k y , ' Ğ. M.

1914, pp. 7 3 - 7 6 ; U r b â n e k , Vik Podibradsky,

I I I , p p . 8 8 6 - 8 9 ; K r o f t a , Listy

k )(h

Chelöicky a Jednota

Jijin

Ceskych,

V o g l . op. cil., pp. •

pp. 2 0 5 - 0 6 ; G o l l - K r o f t a ,

M.,

z

nâboiens-

stoleli,

p p . 4, 5 ;

13-15.

B - i n o S . Jihofesky

Chaloupecky,

v XV

10

sbornik

C. C. H.,

historicky,

1946, p p .

1-8;

1947,

pp.

1-9.

But

cf. V .

X L V I I I / X L I X (1949), pp. 4 8 1 - 8 3 .

G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cil., p. 6 ; K r o f t a , op. cit., p. 2 0 8 ; Y a s t r e b o v , ' K h e l c h i t s k y i G u s , ' S'i'vyy

ibornik

izd. uchenikami

Lamanskago,

46. 6<>-69; M a c c k , Tâbor v husitskem

p. 4 7 2 ; Ktoz

revolucnim

hnuti,

i sû boti I I , chap.

C h c l c i c k / s a r r i v a l i n P r a g u e i n the late s p r i n g o f 1420. - J. S. H.,

bojovnici, I I . Bartos

1947, p. 3.

pp.

37,

places

28

PETR C H E L C l C K Y

F o r C h e l i i c k y was a true son o f the south Bohemia w h i c h played such a significant role i n the Hussite movement. He may already have come to Prague as a convinced adherent o f at least some o f the tenets o f the Waldensian heresy, w h i c h was widespread i n that area.

11

The Waldenses date back to the second h a l f o f the t w e l f t h

century. They were founded by a wealthy Lyons merchant, Pierre V a l d o ( d . circa 1217), w h o i n the mid-1170s, i n a desire t o return to the pure Christianity o f the early church, h a d renounced his p r o p e r t y a n d left his home to lead a life o f poverty and asceticism. Soon a group o f l i k e m i n d e d persons gathered a r o u n d h i m ; a n d they became k n o w n as the ' P o o r M e n o f Lyons.'

They attacked the abuses o f the time, urged the virtues o f

poverty, and called u p o n their fellow citizens to model their lives o n the example o f the apostles. Because o f their continued preaching w i t h o u t the permission o f the ecclesiastical authorities, they early came i n t o conflict w i t h the church. I n 1184, at the C o u n c i l o f Verona; Pope Lucius I I I p u t them under the ban o f the c h u r c h ; a n d soon after V a l d o and his ' P o o r M e n ' were expelled f r o m Lyons. The papal c o n d e m n a t i o n initiated a l o n g period o f intermittent, b u t often fierce, persecution lasting several centuries, w h i c h drove the Waldenses to break away f r o m the C a t h o l i c c h u r c h t r a n s f o r m i n g t h e m at the same t i m e i n t o an outlawed a n d heretical sect. M e a n w h i l e , however, the influence o f V a l d o a n d his followers h a d begun t o spread outside the frontiers o f the province, southwards i n t o Spain a n d also i n t o central a n d n o r t h e r n Europe. A t the beginning o f the 1180s a b r a n c h h a d been founded i n n o r t h I t a l y as a result o f fusion w i t h a section o f the L o m b a r d HumiliatU

a g r o u p w i t h i n the C a t h o l i c

c h u r c h organized o n ascetic a n d semi-monastic principles. E a r l y i n the thirteenth century, however, a split occurred between the m o r e radical L o m b a r d branch a n d the French Waldenses. I t h a d not, indeed, been Valdo's o r i g i n a l i n t e n t i o n t o break away f r o m the church, since the emphasis o f his teaching was n o t o n doctrine b u t o n practice. He advocated, above a l l , a r e t u r n to the p r i m i t i v e simplicity o f the first Christians; the renunciation o f property a n d the secular power being demanded for those accepted i n t o f u l l c o m m u n i t y . They were also forbidden t o take oaths or t o shed b l o o d . M o s t o f the sects' members, especially as persecution grew, were f r o m the poorer classes, peasants and small craftsmen. I n the course o f t i m e the Waldenses b o t h i n France and i n I t a l y set u p their o w n ecclesiastical hierarchy w i t h the equivalent o f 1 1

G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p. 4 0 ; H r u b y , Ceske

postilly,

pp. 6 1 - 6 5 ; K r o f t a , op. cit.,

p.

206; Palacky, ' O stycich a pomeru sekty Waldenske k nekdejSim sektam v C e c h a c h , C. C. M.,

1868, pp. 315, 316.

29

FORERUNNER OF T H E UNITY

bishops, priests, and deacons, t h o u g h some were ready to accept the Eucharist f r o m 'good priests' o f the Catholic c h u r c h . The Waldenses spread their doctrines, i n particular, by means o f lay preaching i n the vernacular tongue. The missionaries w h o b r o u g h t the sect's teaching eastwards i n t o G e r m a n y and later i n t o Poland, H u n g a r y , and Bohemia belonged to the L o m b a r d branch, w h i c h tended, possibly under Cathar influences, to make a more clear-cut break w i t h the official church, regarding R o m e as the seat o f rejecting its services.

A n t i c h r i s t and

completely

By the fourteenth century the G e r m a n Waldenses

had become v i r t u a l l y independent o f their fellow sectaries i n I t a l y , t h o u g h they continued i n friendly relations w i t h each o t h e r .

18

By this time, too,

the existence o f Waldenses i n the Czech lands is authenticated. A t

first

the sect was confined to the foreign i m m i g r a n t s , t h o u g h later i t w o n numerous adherents a m o n g the Czech p o p u l a t i o n . T h r o u g h o u t the fourteenth century the i n q u i s i t i o n was active i n its attempts t o r o o t o u t this heresy f r o m B o h e m i a ; and a l t h o u g h o u r i n f o r m a t i o n is derived exclusively f r o m the records o f the sect's opponents and the exact nature o f the heresy under examination is never completely clear, they leave no d o u b t o f its comparative strength i n the c o u n t r y . They show, too, that the m a i n centre o f its activities was i n south Bohemia, i n the area f r o m w h i c h the Taborites sprang, the l a n d o f Chelöikcy's birth.

13

The p r o b l e m o f Chelcicky's relationship t o the Waldenses is, indeed, only part o f the larger question o f the relationship o f the Taborites a n d o f the whole Hussite movement t o this most i m p o r t a n t o f the medieval sects. T h o u g h no m e n t i o n o f any connection is made by Chelcicky i n his writings, the s i m i l a r i t y o f his doctrines w i t h Waldensian teachings, as w i l l be seen i n the second p a r t o f this chapter, is striking. B u t the Taborites too d u r i n g their first p e r i o d , circa 1415-19, had held similar views, w h i c h their sudden change d u r i n g the momentous year o f 1420 has tended to obscure. "

14

Those earnest p o p u l a r preachers w h o gathered together masses

F o r the W a l d e n s e s generally, see the articles b y W . F . A d e n e y , Encyclopaedia

Religion

and Ethics,

protestantische

X I I , pp.

Theologie

663-68, and by

und Kirche,

H.

Böhmer, Realencycklopädie

of für

X X , pp. 7 9 9 - 8 3 4 . T h e r e is, however, n o c o m -

prehensive s u r v e y o f the W a l d e n s e s d u r i n g the M i d d l e A g e s , w h i c h is b o t h s c h o l a r l y a n d up-to-date.

See also Bibliografía

Valdese,

ed. A . A . H u g o n a n d G . Gönnet ( T o r r e

I V U i c c , 1953), esp. p p . 7 2 - 1 0 2 . "

H a r r i s o n T h o m s o n , ' P r e - H u s s i t e H e r e s y i n B o h e m i a , ' E. H.

H o l i n k a , Sektáfství v Cecháchpred revohici husitskou,passim;

R.,

1933, p p . 2 3 - 4 2 ;

C h a l o u p e c k y , ' K déjinám

V a l d c n s k y c h v Cechách p r e d hnutím h u s i t s k y m , ' C. Ö. H., p p .

369-82;

Goll-Krofta,

op. cit., pp. 277 ff. "

C f . P r c g e r ' s thesis i n Über aas Verhältnis der Taboriten

zu den

Waldesiern

des

14.

30

PETR CHELÖICKY

o f adherents a m o n g the peasants and small craftsmen o f south Bohemia d u r i n g the f o u r years after Hus's death likewise rejected all violence and advocated a state o f apostolic poverty w i t h all things held i n c o m m o n , i n w h i c h every C h r i s t i a n m a n and w o m a n was t o be regarded as a beloved brother or sister. Typically Waldensian doctrines, such as the rejection o f oaths and the death penalty and a l l other forms o f violence, are t o be f o u n d among their articles o f faith. T a b o r i t i s m (vnikajici

Tabor),'

B u t this first p e r i o d o f ' p r i m i t i v e

as Pekaf has aptly called i t , gave way

towards the end o f 1419 to a p o w e r f u l movement o f mass hysteria, when many o f the more fanatical extremists a m o n g the priesthood proclaimed the second c o m i n g o f Christ, w h i c h was t o occur between 10-14 February 1420. The inauguration o f his k i n g d o m , w h i c h was t o last a thousand years, was to be accompanied by the e x t i r p a t i o n o f the wicked a n d the division o f their goods among the righteous. Dues a n d l a b o u r services, indeed all property rights, were t o be abolished, and sovereignty was t o rest w i t h the c o m m o n people. The failure t o realize the chiliasts' prophesies by peaceful means, after a few brief months o f enthusiasm, and the menace o f the approaching a n t i Hussite crusade commanded b y the E m p e r o r Sigismund w i t h the support o f the rest o f Christendom, led o n t o the t h i r d period i n the evolution o f the Taborite movement, w h i c h m a r k e d a w i t h d r a w a l f r o m the social radicalism o f the chiliasts and their predecessors and a rejection o f the earlier non-violence.

' N o n n e prius predicastis contra occisionem [protest-

ed the moderate Prague master, Jakoubek o f S t r i b r o ] et q u o m o d o i a m res sit versa i n oppositam q u a l i t a t e m . '

15

T h e humble disciples o f the peaceful

and communistic sectaries were n o w transformed i n t o the armed ' w a r r i o r s

Jahrhunderts,

p. I l l , t h a t the T a b o r i t e s

e s p e c i a l l y a s regards t h e i r s o c i a l d o c t r i n e s , op. cit., p p . 1 5 2 - 6 5 ;

were 'die F o r t s e t z u n g d e r böhmischen W a l d e s i e r . ' , S e e H o l i n k a Martinü, Die Dgjiny

Waldesier

husitskeho

Poslüchajte, suffering,

und die husitische

zpevu,

znamenajte,

Reformation

pp. 90-120. Nejedty,

I I , pp. 609, 610, 8 2 6 , 8 2 7 , p r i n t s a v e r y e a r l y H u s s i t e s o n g , w h i c h v i v i d l y expresses the W a l d e n s i a n

sentiments w h i c h are n o t u s u a l l y f o u n d

B a r t o S , Husitstvi

in Böhmen

gospel

of

i n later p r o d u c t i o n s .

passive

However

a cizina, p p . 114, 1 2 1 - 2 3 , d e n i e s t h a t the W a l d e n s i a n s e x e r c i s e d a n y

significant influence o n the beginnings o f t h e T a b o r i t e m o v e m e n t .

H e maintains that

W a l d e n s i a n s o c i a l tenets, s u c h a s the rejection o f the o a t h a n d the death penalty, a s well as a c o m m o n disbelief i n p u r g a t o r y ,

came through Nicholas of Dresden,

h a d reached s u c h conclusions independently. 1 6

G ö l l , Quellen

und Untersuchungen

who

S e e ibid., p p . 1 3 6 - 3 8 , 140, 1 4 2 - 4 6 .

zur Geschickte

der Böhmischen Brüder, I I , p. 6 0 .

T h e s e r e m a r k s were a d d r e s s e d to the p r o m i n e n t T a b o r i t e priest, J a n o f Jiöin, a u t h o r o f a n o n - e x t a n t treatise w h i c h h i s o p p o n e n t , J a n o f P r i b r a m , d e s c r i b e d a s ' t r a c t a t u l u s . . . in mundo,

plenus

perfidia et m e n d o s i t a t e et t y r a n n i d e a s a e c u l o s i m i l i n o n a u d i t a ' ( q u o t e d b y

de bellis et effusione

s a n g u i n i s et o c c i s i o n e o m n i u m

malorum

Krofta,

' N . V . J a s t r e b o v a , S t u d i e o P e t r a C h e l c i c k e m a j e h o d o b e , ' C.

C. H.,

1909, p. 6 7 ) .

j 31

FORERUNNER OF THE UNITY

1

o f G o d , ' defending their religion b y the sword, whose name - and especially that o f their leader, Jan 2 i z k a - was to be a t e r r o r to the rest o f Catholic Europe for centuries to come. U n d e r ZiZka's leadership, and o w i n g t o the exigencies o f w a r conditions, the m i n o r gentry came t o play an increasingly i m p o r t a n t role i n the movement's direction u n t i l finally a l l traces o f its social r e v o l u t i o n a r y beginnings had disappeared.

Among

16

the many thousands w h o were attracted by this religious and social renaissance only Chelöicky and the small group w h i c h he was to gather a r o u n d h i m d u r i n g the c o m i n g years were to remain faithful to the p r i n ciples o f those early 'Taborites before T a b o r . '

17

Little is k n o w n o f Chelcicky's stay i n Prague. Since i t is probable that he had no more t h a n a smattering o f L a t i n , the doors o f the U n i v e r s i t y w o u l d therefore have been closed t o h i m .

1 8

H e was able, however, to

read many o f the w o r k s o f the leading theologians i n translations made for h i m by his friends, and above a l l he was able t o make use o f one o r other o f the existing vernacular translations o f the Bible i n t o his native Czech.

"

19

P e k a f , liika

a jeho

C h a l o u p e c k y , op. Fontes

Kerum

cit.,

doba, pp.

Bohemicarum,

I , p p . 14, 1 6 9 - 9 8 ; K r o f t a , op. cit., p p . 118, 131, 1 7 0 ;

376-79, 382; 'Vavfince

z Bfezove

V , pp. 4 0 0 ff., 4 5 4 ff; Ktoijsü

6 6 - 6 9 . ( F o r 2 i i k a , see e s p e c i a l l y F r e d e r i c k G . H e y m a n n , John Revolution,

kronika

bozt bojovnici, iilka

husitska,'

p p . 36, 5 9 - 6 1 , and the

Hussite

P r i n c e t o n , N . J . , 1955, w h i c h u n f o r t u n a t e l y w a s o n l y a v a i l a b l e to m e after

c o m p l e t i o n o f the present b o o k . ) "

T ä b o r , w h i c h g a v e its n a m e to the m o v e m e n t , w a s f o u n d e d i n the first q u a r t e r o f

1420 n e a r the s m a l l s o u t h B o h e m i a n t o w n o f Üsti. I n O boji duchovnim,

pp. 27, 28,

C h e l i i c k y expressed i n s t r o n g t e r m s h i s disagreement w i t h ' o u r b r o t h e r s , ' the c h i l i a s t preachers o f 1420, i n w h o s e d o c t r i n e s , ' c l o t h e d i n the p r o p h e t s a n d the O l d T e s t a m e n t , ' he detected the devil's h a n d i n spite o f t h e i r a d v o c a c y o f v o l u n t a r y p o v e r t y . H o c h , "Husite a V ä l k a , ' Ceskä mysl, "

See also

1907, pp. 2 0 0 - 0 4 , 2 9 0 .

T h e a n o n y m o u s i n t r o d u c t i o n to h i s Sit'

viry

(ed. Smetänka, p. 2 ) , w h i c h

was

written i n 1521, says t h a t h e w a s ' u n l e a r n e d i n L a t i n , ' a n d this t r a d i t i o n h a s u s u a l l y b e e n accepted by m o d e r n s c h o l a r s a s i n line w i t h t h e i n t e r n a l e v i d e n c e c o n t a i n e d i n h i s writings. B u t cf. B a r t o s ' s h y p o t h e s i s m e n t i o n e d a b o v e , J. S. H., '*

1946, pp. 6, 7.

T o w a r d s the e n d o f the f o u r t e e n t h c e n t u r y the w h o l e B i b l e h a d b e e n t r a n s l a t e d

into C z e c h , t h o u g h the w o r k h a d n o t b e e n c a r r i e d t h r o u g h

in

any

systematic

since the different s e c t i o n s w e r e c o m p l e t e d by v a r i o u s p e o p l e w o r k i n g o f e a c h other.

way,

independently

D u r i n g the e a r l y y e a r s o f the next c e n t u r y - a n d e s p e c i a l l y w i t h the

g r o w t h o f the reform m o v e m e n t - a large n u m b e r o f C z e c h B i b l e s w e r e p r o d u c e d i n revised f o r m , t h o u g h the d e s t r u c t i o n o f the w a r y e a r s , a s w e l l as the c o n s t a n t u s e to w h i c h they were put, h a s m e a n t t h a t few c o p i e s h a v e s u r v i v e d . T h e o r i g i n a l i n s p i r a t i o n for the task h a d been d e r i v e d i n p a r t f r o m M a t e j o f J a n o v ' s e m p h a s i s o n the p r i m a c y o f s c r i p t u r e ; a n d H u s h i m s e l f h a d a h a n d i n l a t e r r e v i s i o n . See J a k u b e c , Dijiny trske,

I, pp. 4 0 4 - 1 2 , 3 7 4 ; P e s c h k e , Die

t'ruhzeit,

I , p. 108. A m o n g

Theologie

der

Böhmischen

Brüder

kfest'anstvi

in

ihrer

o t h e r s , J a k o u b e k ' s c h a p l a i n a t the B e t h l e h e m C h a p e l ,

M a r t i n o f Volynä, t r a n s l a t e d o r c o p i e d m a n y m a n u s c r i p t s f o r C h e l c i c k y . Dfjiny

literatury

v Ceskoslovensku,

I I , p. 3 1 4 .

Hrejsa

32

PETR C H E L C l C K Y

A characteristic incident, however, occurred d u r i n g this p e r i o d : his t w o recorded interviews w i t h the leading U t r a q u i s t theologian, Jakoubek o f S t f i b r o (circa 1370-1429).

20

The first occurred i n the spring o f 1420

i n Jakoubek's r o o m at the Bethlehem Chapel at a t i m e when, w i t h the p r o c l a m a t i o n by Pope M a r t i n V o n 1 M a r c h o f a crusade against Hussite Bohemia, the crusading armies were converging o n Prague. The second interview t o o k place after Zizka's victory at the battle o f Vysehrad (1 November

1420) had removed the menace, w h i c h h a d threatened n o t

o n l y Prague b u t the a n n i h i l a t i o n o f the whole Hussite movement. These meetings testify to the contacts w h i c h Chelcicky h a d w i t h the leading m e n o f the day, as w e l l as t o the respect w h i c h he must have enjoyed among them.

2 1

The subject o f discussion o n b o t h occasions centred o n the b u r n i n g question whether a C h r i s t i a n was ever justified i n resorting t o force, whether his personal p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n war was consistent w i t h f o l l o w i n g i n Christ's footsteps. The p r o b l e m , as w i l l be seen later, was being widely discussed o n all sides and f r o m all angles, a n d the w a r situation h a d removed i t f r o m the sphere o f pure theory i n t o the field o f current politics. W h a t sanction have y o u i n the Scriptures for warfare a m o n g Christians? asked ChelCicky at the outset. Jakoubek was forced t o a d m i t t h a t he h a d only the injunctions o f ' t h e saints o f o l d ' f o r his interpretation. B u t he d i d n o t hesitate t o accuse Chelcicky o f heresy f o r his o p p o s i t i o n to the war effort. Later, writes ChelSicky going o n to describe their second meeting: A f t e r m a n y people h a d been k i l l e d o n b o t h sides, Jakoubek excused those w h o h a d done the k i l l i n g , saying that [he] c o u l d n o t tax their consciences w i t h such things, since otherwise the whole estate o f k n i g h t h o o d (stav rytirsky) w o u l d stand c o n d e m n e d . . . H o w y o u r master w o u l d have flown o u t against anyone w h o dared eat p o r k o n a F r i d a y [adds ChelSicky w i t h typically b i t i n g i r o n y ] a n d yet n o w he cannot make the shedding o f men's b l o o d a matter o f conscience, this m a n whose o w n conscience has been filched f r o m h i m by those saints o f o l d . Whatever o u r estimate o f the practical value o f such a p o i n t o f view, the independence o f m i n d o f this y o u n g c o u n t r y m a n standing o u t alone against the universally accepted o p i n i o n even o n his o w n side, speaking u p against the revered leader o f the whole Hussite movement at this supreme m o m e n t o f crisis, as well as his m o r a l courage, must be acknowledged. "

22

F o r J a k o u b e k , seeBartoS'sessayinSv£/cia/cac/rj, p p . 8 2 - 1 0 5 . F o r h i s c o n d i t i o n a l

justification o f C h r i s t i a n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n w a r f a r e i n h i s M S . tract De

bellis,

see H o c h ,

op. cit., pp. 2 9 6 , 2 9 7 . 2 1

"

U r b a n e k , op. cit., p p . 898, 899. C h e l c i c k y , ' R e p l i k a p r o t i R o k y c a n o v i , ' Listy

filologicke,

1898, p p . 3 9 4 , 3 9 5 . B u t

33

FORERUNNER OF THE UNITY

Soon after the relief o f Prague ChelCicky left the capital t o r e t u r n t o his native south Bohemia. T h i s h a d been the o n l y period w h i c h he is k n o w n to have spent away f r o m the n e i g h b o u r h o o d o f his b i r t h . H e was by n o w at least t h i r t y : a m a n whose o u t l o o k o n life h a d already become f o r m e d . The influences shaping his opinions h a d already played their p a r t i n the creation o f his social a n d religious philosophy. A b o v e a l l there was the Bible, especially the N e w Testament, whose pages spoke directly t o Chel&cky as a clear revelation o f the w i l l o f G o d to m a n . F u n d a m e n t a l l y Chelcicky remained a T a b o r i t e o f the ' p r i m i t i v e ' period, strongly i m b u e d w i t h the spirit o f the Waldensian heresy. B u t other influences, too, o f a more intellectual character left their m a r k o n his w r i t i n g s : H u s a n d his predecessors i n Bohemia a n d the E n g l i s h m a n , J o h n W y c l i f . ChelCicky's social teachings d o n o t , indeed, appear so unexpected a n d novel i f the social ideas w h i c h h a d developed i n Bohemia over the previous fifty years - p a r t l y o w i n g to outside influences - are taken i n t o a c c o u n t .

23

A succession o f writers a n d preachers h a d already established a t r a d i t i o n o f m o r a l protest against social injustice, o f fellow-feeling f o r the oppressed, o f exaltation o f the h u m b l e a n d meek against the p r o u d a n d rulers o f the w o r l d . T h e cult o f the l i t t l e m a n , o f the peasant {dobry ndS sedldcek) was connected i n the t h o u g h t o f Hus's predecessors w i t h the a t t e m p t to renew the practice o f C h r i s t i a n m o r a l principles. They were p r i m a r i l y moral reformers, concerned w i t h p o l i t i c a l questions o n l y i n c i d e n t a l l y ; and their p o l i t i c a l t h i n k i n g is, therefore, neither systematic n o r p a r t i c u l a r l y profound.

24

K o n r a d Waldhauser (c. 1326-1369), inveighing against those lords w h o oppressed their tenants, h a d proclaimed the m o r a l superiority o f the simple peasant. ' M o r e deceit a n d disbelief arises f r o m the towns t h a n the village,' he wrote i n words reminiscent o f Chelcicky's later advocacy o f country life. M a t e j o f Janov (c. 1350-1394), l i k e his master M i l i S o f KromSriz (d. 1374), carried o n this t r a d i t i o n , adding a new note w i t h his wholly negative attitude to the role o f the state w i t h i n a C h r i s t i a n society. He pointed t o the early C h r i s t i a n church, w i t h its c o m m u n i t y o f goods and rule by love alone, as a m o d e l for his contemporaries to f o l l o w .

25

these disagreements d o n o t a p p e a r t o h a v e spoilt the friendly r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n the two m e n . "

K u l b a k i n , ' P e t r K h e l c h i t s k y , ' Vestnik

1947, pp. 3 3 - 3 8 , a n d C h a l o u p e c k ^ , Selski

Evropy,

N o v . 1909, p. 5 1 . B a r t o S , /. S.

otdzka v husitstvi,

H.,

p. 4 1 , a m o n g others, h a v e

stressed the influence o f the n a t i v e B o h e m i a n r e l i g i o u s r e f o r m e r s o n C h e l i i c k y i n c o n t r a s t to the W a l d e n s i a n e l e m e n t . "

B e t t s , ' S o m e P o l i t i c a l I d e a s o f the E a r l y C z e c h R e f o r m e r s , ' Slavonic

European "

Review,

and

East

D e c . 1952, p. 2 0 .

F o r M a t e j ' s influence i n f o r m i n g C h e l c i c k y ' s v i e w s o n the u n c h r i s t i a n c h a r a c t e r o f

Later Tomás o f Stitny (c. 1331-c. 1401), while adhering i n principle to the medieval theory o f class relationships, constantly reminded his fellownoblemen that the o n l y justification o f their privileged p o s i t i o n lay i n their o b l i g a t i o n to serve thereby the rest o f the c o m m u n i t y . H i s m a x i m 'the l o r d is made i n order to serve the people (Pan pro lid obecny ustavenY

-

was capable o f revolutionary consequences.

26

Even

jest the

theologically a n d p o l i t i c a l l y o r t h o d o x Jan o f Jenstejn, A r c h b i s h o p o f Prague (1350-1400), t o o k effective practical steps o n his archiépiscopal estates against the grosser forms o f social oppression, especially against the right o f reversion (pdumri)

a l l o w i n g the l o r d o f the m a n o r to c l a i m the

property o f those a m o n g his peasants w h o m i g h t die w i t h o u t leaving a n heir legally entitled t o inherit, such as, f o r instance, a direct male descendant l i v i n g o n the h o l d i n g . O n the eve o f the Hussite r e v o l u t i o n , therefore, a very extensive literature o f protest against social abuses had sprung u p , emphasizing at least the theoretical equality o f m a n , remarkably m o d e r n i n spirit i n spite o f its medieval f r a m e w o r k . H u s , too, defended the peasants' rights and stressed - like Stitny - the obligations o f lords towards their tenants, while at the same time eschewing any h i n t o f incitement to rebellion. F o r Chelôicky, however, i t was W y c l i f perhaps w h o proved the strongest direct influence, i n spite o f disagreement o n many points, especially i n the social field. H e was later to w r i t e o f W y c l i f : N o n e o f the first doctors d i d so zealously speak o r w r i t e against the poison p o u r e d i n t o the H o l y C h u r c h , o u t o f w h i c h the greatest A n t i c h r i s t has been b o r n w i t h a l l the loathsomeness w i t h w h i c h he has oppressed Jesus C h r i s t and His L a w . W y c l i f has r o u t e d the hosts o f A n t i c h r i s t as well as those doctors w h o i n t r o d u c e d c u n n i n g rules i n the place o f the L a w o f Christ. I n this he pleases me above a l l o t h e r s . 27

Chelcicky sometimes quotes f r o m W y c l i f under the somewhat ambiguous name o f Mistr Protiva.

H e certainly knew at least three o f his w o r k s f r o m

Czech translations: the Dialogus dominio?*

a n d Triaiogus

as w e l l as his De

civili

I t was, indeed, f r o m W y c l i f ' s insistance o n the Bible as the

the state, p r o b a b l y e x e r c i s e d i n d i r e c t l y t h r o u g h the m e d i u m o f the latter's friends f r o m among

t h e r a d i c a l H u s s i t e p r i e s t h o o d , see B a r t o s , ' C h e l c i c k y a R o k y c a n a , '

filologické, 1922, pp. 119, 120, 1 2 7 - 3 0 , a n d h i s Husitstvi "

Listy

a cizina, p p . 37, 157.

F o r a n interesting d i s c u s s i o n o f S t i t n y ' s influence o n C h e l f i i c k y , e s p e c i a l l y i n h i s

views o n s o c i a l q u e s t i o n s , a n d o f the n u m e r o u s

p a r a l l e l s i n the life a n d w r i t i n g s o f

the t w o m e n , see C h a l o u p e c k y , ' S t i t n y a C h e l c i c k y , ' C. M. M.,

1914, pp. 7 3 , 7 6 - 8 1 . O f

H u s ' s p r e d e c e s s o r s S t i t n y w a s the o n l y o n e w h o w r o t e m a i n l y i n C z e c h . "

C h e l c i c k y , op. cit., p. 2 6 4 ; O d l o z i l i k , Wyclif

and Bohemia,

pp. 4 9 , 5 0 ; B e t t s , op. cit.,

pp. 2 0 - 3 5 . "

H r u b y , op. cit., p p . 5 4 - 6 0 ; Misira

Jakoubka

ze Stfíbm

pfeklad

Viklefova

dialoga

35

FORERUNNER OF THE UNITY

only f o u n t o f i n s p i r a t i o n for real Christians and his call t o a life modelled on the example o f Christ and his apostles that Chel5icky, like all his contemporaries i n the Hussite movement, was to derive the m o t i v a t i o n for his whole p o l i t i c a l and social superstructure.

29

M o s t o f Chelcicky's ideas can, therefore, be f o u n d i n the teachings o f Hus and the earlier B o h e m i a n reformers, o f W y c l i f o r o f the Waldenses and the early Taborites.

B u t w i t h his r e t u r n home Chelcicky was t o

devote himself to their elaboration, t o d r a w i n g f r o m t h e m the consequences f r o m w h i c h almost a l l his predecessors and contemporaries h a d shrunk.

30

Chelcicky's exact movements follow.

after leaving Prague are n o t easy t o

H e appears t o have resided f o r a short time at Pisek, a largish

t o w n n o t far f r o m T a b o r . Here he t o o k p a r t i n a conference o f T a b o r i t e theologians, defending his v i e w p o i n t o n the i n c o m p a t i b i l i t y o f war w i t h Christianity against his former comrades.

31

B u t he was soon t o settle i n

his native village o f Chelcice, where he appears t o have remained f o r the rest o f his life, possibly m a k i n g short journeys f r o m time t o t i m e t o nearby Vodfiany or to the more distant Pisek or even T a b o r .

34

H e began t o

(ed. M i l a n S v o b o d a ) , p p . X X I I I - X X X I V , X X X V I I I . I t w a s K r o f t a , ' K n e z J a n P r o t i v a z N o v e V s i a C h e l c i c k e h o ' M i s t r P r o t i v a ' , ' C. C. M.,

1900, esp. p p . 2 0 9 - 2 0 , w h o first

p r o v e d definitely t h a t the p a s s a g e s c i t e d b y C h e l c i c k y a s f r o m Mistr

Protiva

w e r e i n fact

taken from W y c l i f ' s w o r k s a n d were not connected, as h a d previously been thought, w i t h the c o n t e m p o r a r y priest, P r o t i v a , a t first a n e n t h u s i a s t for c h u r c h r e f o r m a n d the first p r e a c h e r at the B e t h l e h e m C h a p e l , b u t later H u s ' s bitter o p p o n e n t . ' M i s t r P r o t i v a u C h e l c i c k e h o , * Listy filologicke,

F r . Rysanek,

1915 ( q u o t e d i n J a k u b e c , op. cit.,

4 9 9 , 5 0 0 ) w a s l a t e r a b l e to e x p l a i n w h y C h e l c i c k y used this s e e m i n g l y o p p r o b r i o u s

pp.

name

for the m a s t e r he s o m u c h r e v e r e d despite d i s a g r e e m e n t o n c e r t a i n t o p i c s . I t m e r e l y signified one w h o

set h i m s e l f a g a i n s t the c o r r u p t i o n o f the C h r i s t i a n c h u r c h , the

opponent (protivnik)

of Antichrist, a name devoid of any bad connotation. C h e l c i c k y

p r o b a b l y r e t u r n e d f r o m h i s v i s i t to P r a g u e w i t h t r a n s l a t i o n s o f t h e t h r e e w o r k s

of

W y c l i f m e n t i o n e d a b o v e , w h i c h m a y a l l h a v e b e e n m a d e w i t h at least J a k o u b e k ' s p a r t i c i p a t i o n ; b u t the C z e c h v e r s i o n o f the Dialogus survive.

is the o n l y m a j o r t r a n s l a t i o n to

I t is k n o w n , t o o , f r o m P o p e M a r t i n V ' s bull o f 1418 that H u s a l s o t r a n s l a t e d

Wyclir. ** F o r the s i m i l a r s t a n d p o i n t o f the e a r l y T a b o r i t e s , see Ktoz jsu bozi bojovrtici, 39. 6 3 . "

C h a l o u p e c k y , Selskd

otdzka

v husitstvi,

p p . 2 1 - 4 2 ; O trojim

J a k u b e c , op. cit., p p . 4 9 3 , 4 9 4 ; K r o f t a , Dijiny

selskeho

stavu,

pp. 38,

lidu, p p . 7, 8 , 1 7 - 2 1 ; pp. 8 8 - y 3 ;

Urbanek,

<•/•• cit., pp. 890, 891. "

K r o f t a , Usty,

^ j ' . t r c b o v , Etyudy

p. 2 1 2 ; H o l i n k a , op. cit., p p . 1 0 0 , 1 0 1 ; U r b a n e k , op. cit., p p . 9 0 9 , 9 1 0 . o Petre

t u \ c been i n the convocatio

Khelchitskom

i ego vremeni,

I , p. 118, c o n s i d e r s t h a t it m a y

o f 1422, the details o f w h i c h a r e k n o w n , t h a t C h e l c i c k y t o o k

r u t . though h i s exact w o r d s w o u l d s e e m to refer to a n e a r l i e r u n r e c o r d e d s y n o d a b o u t U;o.

l or details o f the d i s c u s s i o n s at the T a b o r i t e s y n o d s o f 1422 a n d 1424 c o n c e r n i n g

the c o n d i t i o n s o f a j u s t w a r , see H o c h , op. cit., p p . 3 7 7 - 8 1 . "

BartoS, /. 5 . H.,

1946, p. I , quotes a h y p o t h e s i s o f S e d l a C e k , Dije

prdchenskeho

36

PETR C H E L C l C K Y

gather a r o u n d h i m a g r o u p o f disciples, t h o u g h the genesis o f these socalled 'Chelcicky B r e t h r e n ' is obscure. I t may have been the execution i n his absence o f the village priest, Vojtech, a n d the failure o f the c h u r c h authorities t o supply a successor o w i n g to the general dearth o f clergy, w h i c h motivated his future activities. I t is at least certain, however, that he never attempted to break away f r o m the official U t r a q u i s t c h u r c h by f o r m i n g his o w n separate organization. D u r i n g these years he was to produce a series o f books w h i c h , influential d u r i n g his o w n life-time, were to be o f epoch-making significance f o r Czech history, n o t least b y the inspiration they gave for the f o u n d a t i o n o f the U n i t y o f Brethren. T h e range o f his friendships d u r i n g this p e r i o d , t o o , gives some h i n t o f the respect w h i c h the village philosopher enjoyed a m o n g the leading men o f the Hussite movement. H e h a d already come i n t o contact w i t h Master Jan H u s himself d u r i n g the latter's sojourn i n south Bohemia i n 1413, p r o b a b l y attending his sermons given at K o z i Hradec. Later Jakoubek o f S t f i b r o , M i k u l a s o f P e l h r i m (Biskupec), Vaclav K o r a n d a the elder, a n d the T a b o r i t e left-wing leaders such as M a r t i n e k H u s k a - L o q u i s , Peter Payne - the wandering L o l l a r d scholar, w h o stayed a year w i t h h i m after his expulsion f r o m Prague i n 1437 - a n d R o k y c a n a himself were a l l , i n spite o f disagreement o n i m p o r t a n t matters, to value Chelcicky's opinions h i g h l y enough to cultivate his acquaintance. Some o f t h e m even visited h i m o r recommended their friends to seek his advice o n weighty theological p r o b l e m s .

33

The chronology o f ChelSicky's w o r k s has baffled the most assiduous scholars. I n no instance d o we k n o w the precise dates o f their composit i o n . I n many cases expert o p i n i o n differs widely i n its judgements, f o r once again - as w i t h the events o f his life - the internal evidence o f his o w n w r i t i n g s is almost o u r o n l y g u i d e .

34

H i s first o r i g i n a l w o r k , however,

was p r o b a b l y w r i t t e n i n the first h a l f o f 1421. O boji duchovnim,

the

spiritual fight against the powers o f darkness w h i c h takes the place o f material warfare f o r the C h r i s t i a n , was i n effect a pamphlet directed against his T a b o r i t e friends, who h a d deserted their former standpoint o f kraje,

1926, p. 150, w h o o t h e r w i s e f o u n d it i n e x p l i c a b l e h o w C h e l S i c k y c o u l d

have

s u r v i v e d the w a r y e a r s i n a n o p e n village, t h a t h i s p e r m a n e n t p l a c e o f residence w a s Vodriany.

P e r h a p s h e t o o k refuge there i n emergencies.

A n y h o w Bartos", pp. 2 , 7,

t h i n k s C h e l i i c k y ( a l i a s Z d h o r k a ) h a d h i s o w n c a s t l e a n d that h i s v i e w s o n the u s e o f force were a t first merely o f a t h e o r e t i c a l n a t u r e . 3 3

B a r t o s , J. S. H.,

1947, p. 3 ; G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p. 1 2 ; U r b a n e k , op.

tit.,

pp.

9 0 0 - 0 6 ; Jagi6, I n t r o , op. cit., p. V I I I ; Y a s t r e b o v , ' K h e l c h i t s k y i G u s , ' pp. 4 7 1 , 4 7 2 . 3 4

F o r a c r i t i c a l s u r v e y o f the findings o f p r e v i o u s s c h o l a r s h i p o n t h e subject, see

Cedlova, 'Ndbozenske p o m e r , ' C. C. M.,

nazory Petra ChelCickeho a bratra Rehofe i jejich vzajemny

1932, p p . 6 3 - 7 8 ; U r b a n e k , op. cit., pp. 9 1 0 ff.

37

FORERUNNER OF T H E UNITY

non-resistance t o evil t o take u p the sword i n defence o f religion. I t is significant f o r Chelöicky's intellectual development that almost a l l the ideas w h i c h he was later t o develop i n greater detail appear here i n embryo.

Even the short tract, O cirkvi

35

svate, w h i c h was p r o b a b l y

written d u r i n g the next few years, contains i n a few thousand words the essence o f his protest against the state as a n unchristian i n s t i t u t i o n .

36

His

second major w o r k , O trojim Hdu, is usually assigned t o 1424. I t is w r i t t e n i n the f o r m o f a reply t o a T a b o r i t e priest, p r o b a b l y M a r k o l d o f Z b r a slavice, w h o was t o fall at the battle o f L i p a n y (1434), refuting the current medieval conception o f the d i v i s i o n o f a C h r i s t i a n society i n t o three estates.

37

T h e predominance o f social problems i n Chelöicky's t h i n k i n g can be seen f r o m the m a i n themes o f his first three w o r k s . B u t the religious basis o f his philosophy is everywhere apparent; a n d , t h o u g h as a l a y m a n he avoided entanglement i n theological disputes, he c o u l d scarcely escape participation i n the controversy w h i c h centred a r o u n d t h e Eucharist. D e n y i n g the Catholic doctrine o f transubstantiation t o w h i c h b o t h H u s and the Prague Masters still adhered, Chelöicky accepted W y c l i f ' s theory c f remanence, a n d thus came t o occupy a centre p o s i t i o n a m o n g the con flicting views o n this subject w h i c h existed w i t h i n the Hussite movement. H i s disagreement

w i t h the prevailing o p i n i o n a m o n g the T a b o r i t e

theologians, w h i c h appeared t o h i m t o o radical i n its t o t a l denial o f the real presence i n the sacraments, was t o lead t o his complete estrangement from the p a r t y f r o m w h i c h he h a d o r i g i n a l l y issued, w i t h those ' b r o t h e r priests [as he calls them] w i t h w h o m [he] h a d f o r l o n g enjoyed friendship and u n i t y o n m a n y matters o f f a i t h . '

3 8

T h e i r disagreement o n the r i g h t use

o f force was n o w matched by p r o f o u n d theological differences. "

O boji

duchovnim,

p p . I X - X I I , X X I I I , 2 7 , 2 8 ; P e k a f , op. cit., p. 155. U r b â n e k ,

op. cit., p. 9 1 0 , l i n k s it u p w i t h the debates a t P i s e k . 1 7 0 , 1 7 1 , w h o dates the t r a c t slightly e a r l i e r t h a n "

Y a s t r e b o v , Etyudy,

p . 151, w h o first e s t a b l i s h e d C h e l c i c k y ' s a u t h o r s h i p , p l a c e d t h e

date o f its c o m p o s i t i o n b e t w e e n O boji duchovnim Holinka

( O trojim

S e e a l s o M a c e k , op. cit., I I , p p .

Krofta. a n d O trojim

Udu. O n the o t h e r h a n d

Hdu, p p . 105, 106, 1 0 9 ) , w h o first p u b l i s h e d the t r a c t i n 1940, p u t s

f o r w a r d t w o p o s s i b i l i t i e s : either that it f o r m s p a r t o f a l a r g e r w o r k o f u n k n o w n date n o longer extant o r t h a t it represents a v e r y e a r l y l i t e r a r y w o r k , p r o b a b l y w r i t t e n before O boji duchovnim.

even

Without committing himself H o l i n k a inclines towards the

»ccond hypothesis. '

O trojim

Udu ( e d . H o l i n k a ) , p p . 9 5 , 1 0 4 ; U r b â n e k , op. cit., p. 9 1 6 ; O boji

duchovnim

( c J . K r o f t a ) , p p . X X I V , 1 4 2 . H o l i n k a t h i n k s t h e t r a c t w a s w r i t t e n s o o n after A u g u s t 1 4 : 4 . u h i l e Urbânek a n d K r o f t a a s s i g n it t o the f o l l o w i n g y e a r . l ' c t r a C h c l i i c k e h o , ' Ğ. Ğ. M.,

a J i i r c v i c d to B i s k u p e c c i r c a 1 4 2 2 - 2 5 . "

C h c l c i c k y , Replika

proti

B a r t o S , ' K pocâtkûm

1914, p p . 3 0 4 - 0 7 , o n t h e o t h e r h a n d , believes t h a t it w a s Biskupcovi,

p. 4 2 6 .

38

PETR C H E L & C K Y

Sometime d u r i n g the twenties the T a b o r i t e leader, B i s k u p e c ,

39

visiting

Vodnany w i t h another Taborite priest called Lukas, summoned Chelcicky to a meeting i n order to sound his o p i n i o n o n the eucharistic controversy. ' S i t t i n g o n the dyke by the fish-pond,' the T a b o r i t e bishop asked ChelSicky what he t h o u g h t o f their doctrines o n this subject. I t appeared at the time as i f they were b o t h i n agreement. Rather later a second equally amicable interview t o o k place at Pisek, and there may also have been other meetings. B u t i t seems that ChelCicky had n o t at first understood the f u l l significance o f the Taborite doctrine, f o r o n o b t a i n i n g some o f their books he began to retract his previously favourable o p i n i o n . Biskupec appears t o have considered that ChelSicky' obtained these under false pretences a n d an acrimonious correspondence,

o f w h i c h the first stages are n o

longer extant, led up to the c o m p o s i t i o n o f ChelSicky's lengthy refutation o f the T a b o r i t e p o s i t i o n i n his Replika

proti

Biskupcovi,

i n w h i c h he

accuses the bishop o f the dire heresy o f the 'Picards.' T h o u g h no a t t e m p t was made to persecute h i m for his divergent views, the break w i t h T a b o r was n o w c o m p l e t e . /•

40

Once again Chelcicky disappears f r o m view. more years i n his little village.

H e l i v e d o n some t h i r t y

B u t scarcely any personal details have

come d o w n f r o m this period. T h e first half, however, proved most f r u i t f u l i n literary productions, and his t w o m a i n w o r k s a n d a n u m b e r o f lesser ones are the results o f this retirement f r o m the w o r l d . T h e m i d d l e years o f the thirties saw the c o m p o s i t i o n o f his lengthy Postilla.

W i t h H u s as his

m o d e l , even t a k i n g whole passages f r o m the master, Chelcicky preserves his independence b o t h as to f o r m and content. W h i l e H u s a n d the other theologians o f all parties wrote as scholastics, filling o u t their w o r k s w i t h copious quotations f r o m past and present c h u r c h authorities, Chelcicky relies m a i n l y o n the Bible and the weight o f his o w n t h o u g h t a n d argument, using a few c h u r c h fathers and several o f his most revered predecessors, such as H u s himself o r Wyclif, to illustrate some o f his points. T h e w o r k contains a h o m i l y for each Sunday o f the year, no attempt being made at systematic treatment o f any theme, t h o u g h almost a l l his social **

F o r B i s k u p e c , see B a r t o s ' s essay i n Svetci

4 0

C h e l c i c k y , op. c//.,chap. l l , p . 4 1 2 ; B a r t o s , C. C.M.

op. tit., pp. 1 3 - 1 7 ; K r o f t a , Petr

Chelcicky,

a kaciri,

pp. 175-96. 1914, pp. 1 5 5 - 6 0 ; G o l l - K r o f t a ,

p p . 2 6 - 2 9 ; U r b a n e k , op. cit., pp. 9 2 0 - 3 1 ;

Y a s t r e b o v , op. tit., p. 194. O n c e a g a i n the d a t i n g o f the c o n t r o v e r s y is u n c e r t a i n . G o l l , Jagic, and U r b a n e k

p l a c e it i n the first h a l f o f the 1420s, w h i l e Y a s t r e b o v dates its

b e g i n n i n g to a b o u t 1428 a n d the a c t u a l c o m p o s i t i o n of C h e l c i c k y ' s Replika

to 1431/32.

T h e s e c o n d h a l f o f the 1420s w o u l d a p p e a r the m o s t p r o b a b l e s u p p o s i t i o n . ' P i c a r d s ' ( s o m e t i m e s k n o w n a s A d a m i t e s o r Mikuldsenci),

among

other

The

distinctive

d o c t r i n e s , h e l d r a t i o n a l i s t i c v i e w s c o n c e r n i n g the s a c r a m e n t s , d e n y i n g altogether the real presence.

39

FORERUNNER OF T H E UNITY

and political doctrines are touched o n a n d often developed at some l e n g t h .

41

The thirties b r o u g h t peace - at the price o f the destruction o f the military power o f the Taborites a n d the Compactata,

the attempt at

compromise between the moderate U t r a q u i s t s a n d R o m e .

Chelcicky's

attitude t o p o l i t i c a l a n d social questions h a d remained unchanged t h r o u g h peace and war.

O n l y the radicalism o f his y o u t h became somewhat

softened i n expression.

The protest is more s u b d u e d ; the v i r t u e o f

resignation is more strongly emphasized. This may be seen f r o m a c o m parison o f the tone i n w h i c h O trojim lidu is w r i t t e n w i t h that o f his masterpiece, Slf

prave

viry, w h i c h deals m a i n l y w i t h the same theme o f the

relationship o f Christianity to the state. forties.

43

42

Sit' viry is a p r o d u c t o f the early

The theme o f the first a n d longer h a l f o f the b o o k is an elabo-

ration, a systematization, o f his often repeated thesis that the association o f church a n d state meant the fall o f C h r i s t i a n i t y , t h a t the state a n d a l l its works can have no place i n a t r u l y C h r i s t i a n c o m m u n i t y . H i s p h i l o s o p h ical anarchism here reaches fullest expression. I n the second p a r t Chelcicky surveys the various classes w h i c h represent the r u l i n g elements o f contemporary society: the n o b i l i t y , the townsmen, the m o n k s a n d friars and priests a n d learned theologians. A l l are f o u n d w a n t i n g when weighed in the scales o f pure Christianity. F o r 'the net o f true f a i t h , ' the C h r i s t i a n church and c o m m u n i t y , founded o n the W o r d o f C h r i s t , is rent wide open by the t w o great whales - the E m p e r o r o r state power a n d the Pope - w h o have forced their way i n ; a n d thereby a l l the heathen customs o f the pagan w o r l d have f o u n d acceptance a m o n g o u t w a r d l y C h r i s t i a n nations. T a k i n g the story o f the miraculous d r a u g h t o f fishes ( L u k e , V , 1-11) as his text, Chelcicky goes o n to interpret i t i n his o w n way, t o give i t the ' s p i r i t u a l ' meaning so beloved o f medieval t h o u g h t . W i t h i n this loose f r a m e w o r k he proceeds to erect one o f the most p o w e r f u l indictments o f the state as an institution, as well as o f the abuses o f c o n t e m p o r a r y society, that has over been penned. Perhaps at the same t i m e as he was w r i t i n g Sit' H r u b y , op.

' ¡^4

cit., p p . 4 8 - 6 6 .

Most

viry Chelcicky first

authorities date this w o r k

w i t h i n the y e a r s

37. See C e d l o v a , op. cit., pp. 6 9 , 7 0 ; B a r t o s , ' C h e l c i c k y a R o c k y c a n a , '

••: Lxiike,

1922, pp. 3 0 - 3 5 ; K r o f t a , op. cit., pp. 29, 3 0 ; G o l l , Quellen

und

Listy

Untersu-

II, p. 6 5 ; U r b a n e k , op. cit., pp. 9 4 6 - 4 9 , 9 5 3 . ''

Y a s t r c b o v , op. cit., pp. 148, 149. F o r e c h o e s o f

v tr.. a C h e l c i c k y , ' C. M.

M.,

Stitny in

Sit' viry, see C h a l o u p e c k y ,

1914, pp. 7 9 , 80.

I -niicr writers, e.g. S a f a f i k , J i r e c e k , S c h u l z , e r r o n e o u s l y a s s i g n e d this w o r k to the o\ the 1450s, w h i l e B a r t o s ' s d a t i n g (op. cit., pp. 1 2 2 - 2 4 ) i n the late 1430s h a s n o t J general acceptance. G o l f s a s s i g n m e n t of it to the i n t e r r e g n u m d u r i n g the e a r l y U . ; , e s . „irci 1 4 4 0 - 4 3 , still h o l d s (op. cit., p. 6 6 ) . S e e C e d l o v a , op. cit., p. 7 2 ; U r b a n e k , .,- . i f . p. V5>>.

40

PETR C H E L i l C K Y

came i n t o i n t o personal contact w i t h the Hussite archbishop-elect, Jan Rokycana.

I n 1437 Rokycana had h a d to leave Prague o w i n g t o the

increasing tide o f reaction w h i c h set i n w i t h the r e t u r n o f K i n g Sigismund to the capital, a n d h a d f o u n d refuge i n the areas held by the U t r a q u i s t n o b i l i t y . T h e personal meetings between the t w o men a n d an extended correspondence can p r o b a b l y be assigned t o the eleven years o f R o k y cana's semi-exile.

44

I n spite o f their disagreements o n such widely removed

subjects as the functions o f the state a n d the l i t u r g y o f the c h u r c h , the relations between the t w o men remained friendly. Indeed Rokycana a l ready had such a h i g h o p i n i o n o f Chel&cky's w r i t i n g s , at least o f those dealing w i t h theological questions, t h a t i n his Tractatus corporis

Christi in sacramento

eucharistiae,

de

existentia

w r i t t e n i n the early forties to

refute T a b o r i t e eucharistic doctrines, he b o r r o w e d whole passages f r o m the Replika proti

H e was later, however, to be less pleased

Biskupcovi.

i&

w i t h the influence o f Chelcicky's social and p o l i t i c a l doctrines o n his o w n disciples. B u t i t should be observed that Chelcicky always considered himself a l o y a l son o f the U t r a q u i s t church, while Rokycana was able o n occasion t o play the radical when this d i d n o t conflict w i t h the exigencies o f practical politics. O n l y one fragment o f their correspondence survived i n the f o r m o f Chelcicky's Replika proti appears

neither to have completed

Rokycanovi,

n o r dispatched.

has

w h i c h he

Anyhow

their

renewed contact i n the fifties, when Rokycana was to show the respect i n w h i c h he held Chelcicky's opinions b y recommending his o w n disciples t o h i m , shows that disagreement d i d n o t , as w i t h Biskupec, lead t o a complete rupture.

46

D u r i n g the last years o f his life ChelSicky appears t o have w r i t t e n no works o f major i m p o r t a n c e .

47

B u t at an unspecified date i n the

fifties

the founder o f the U n i t y , Brother Rehof, visited the ageing ChelSicky i n his h o m e o n the advice o f the former's uncle, R o k y c a n a ; a n d as a result 4 4

B a r t o S , op. tit., pp. 35, 119, 120, 122, 126, 127, 135. B a r t o S , i n d e e d , c l a i m s t h a t

C h e l i i c k y c o m p o s e d h i s Replika proti Rokycanovi his Postilla,

at the s a m e t i m e , i f n o t earlier, t h a n

t h a t is, before a n y p e r s o n a l meeting. F o r R o k y c a n a generally, see B a r t o S ' s

essay i n Svttci

a kacifi,

pp. 1 9 6 - 2 2 3 a n d K r o f t a , Listy,

pp. 2 2 2 - 3 9 .

4 5

Y a s t r e b o v , op. tit., pp. 2 4 3 - 5 8 .

"

O f C h e l c i c k y ' s m a j o r w o r k s the Replika proti Rokycanovi

date.

T h e o p i n i o n s o f the experts dilTcr widely.

is a m o n g the h a r d e s t to

U r b a n e k , op. tit., pp. 9 3 8 - 4 6 , 9 7 9 ,

places it c i r c a 1433/34, before the c o m p o s i t i o n o f h i s Postilla.

G o l l , op. tit., p p . 6 7 , 6 8 ,

o n the o t h e r h a n d , puts it a s late as after R o k y c a n a ' s r e t u r n to P r a g u e i n 1448. Y a s t r e bov, M i i l l e r , a n d B a r t o J h a v e also suggested the m i d d l e 1430s. I t seems m o s t p r o b a b l e that at least the c o n t a c t between the t w o m e n began d u r i n g R o k y c a n a ' s a b s e n c e f r o m Prague. - C e d l o v a , op. tit., pp. 7 2 - 7 4 . S e e also H r e j s a , op. tit., p. 3 1 1 . "

F o r full b i b l i o g r a p h i c a l details c o n c e r n i n g C h e l i i c k y ' s m i n o r w o r k s , see J a k u b e c ,

op. cit., pp. 4 6 5 - 5 0 0 ; U r b a n e k , op. cit., p p . 8 8 4 ff.

41

FORERUNNER OF THE UNITY

o f these visits and o f their reading o f his w o r k s , the new religious c o m m u nity, the future Jednota bratrskd,

was t o take over ready-made a l l Petr's

political and social theories as w e l l as most o f his theological doctrines. Thus Chelcicky, the philosopher i n retirement, became one o f the factors to influence the future course o f events i n the Czech lands. The last years o f his life, however, were clouded b y disputes concerning the conditions under w h i c h the sacraments m i g h t be administered, w h i c h broke o u t w i t h the V i l e m o v Brethren, one o f a number o f small groups similar t o his o w n w i t h w h o m C h e l & c k y had l o n g been i n friendly contact. Rokycana, w h o was appealed to as a r b i t r a t o r , decided v i r t u a l l y i n Chelcicky's f a v o u r ; a n d the new relationship o f the o l d m a n w i t h the former's disciples perhaps helped t o lighten his last years.

48

The exact date o f

ChelSicky's death is n o t k n o w n . B u t i t is very improbable t h a t he lived t o see the f o u n d a t i o n i n 1467 o f their new church t o be k n o w n i n history as the U n i t y o f B r e t h r e n ; t h o u g h he may still have been alive when the first step was taken w i t h the settlement o f the Brethren at K u n v a l d some ten years earlier.

49

Chel5icky's life, apart f r o m the general meagreness o f the biographical material w h i c h obstinately eludes a l l attempts at further clarification, presents t w o interesting problems.

First, h o w was i t t h a t a l a y m a n ,

apparently w i t h little f o r m a l education, w h o - even i f i t is uncertain i f he actually sprang f r o m peasant stock - was at least a w o r k i n g farmer f o r most o f his life, should have evolved so startingly original a social philosophy and have expressed these ideas i n a literary style w h i c h , despite a certain naivety and c r u d i t y o f f o r m , is r i g h t l y considered one o f the glories o f Czech literature? T h e answer lies indeed i n these seemingly unfavourable circumstances.

I t was Chel&cky's lack o f book-learning

that allowed h i m t o free himself f r o m the shackles o f scholasticism and t h i n k t h r o u g h to new a n d d a r i n g solutions.

I t was his

comparative

ignorance o f the theological systems o f the past w h i c h enabled h i m t o draw direct f r o m the Bible unencumbered w i t h the philosophical and other preconceptions o f his contemporaries, and w h i c h endowed h i m w i t h his courageous independence o f thought. I t was his h u m b l e status, whether "

U r b a n e k , op. cit., pp. 9 0 5 , 9 7 9 ; H r e j s a , op. cit., I l l , p. 119.

"

F o r estimated dates o f h i s d e a t h , r a n g i n g f r o m the later 1440s to the e a r l y 1460s,

sec U r b a n e k , op. cit., pp. 978, 979. T h e late 1450s w o u l d s e e m the m o s t likely s u p p o sition. B u t BartoS, J. S. H„

1946, p. 6, still c o n s i d e r s c i r c a 1450 a s the m o s t p r o b a b l e .

1 he objection based o n the difficulty o f fitting i n w i t h t h i s theory the c o n t a c t s w h i c h a r c k n o w n to have existed between C h e l c i c k y a n d B r o t h e r R e h o f , c a n be c o u n t e r e d B a r t o S ' s earlier assertion, ' C h e l c i c k y a R o k y c a n a , ' Listy

filologicke,

by

1922, pp. 1 3 0 - 3 3 ,

13?, that these c o n t a c t s t o o k p l a c e before 1448. T h i s , h o w e v e r , i s s t r o n g l y c o n t e s t e d b y L ' r b a n e k . op. cit., pp. 9 8 0 , 9 8 2 .

FETR CHELCICKY

inherited or v o l u n t a r i l y assumed, w h i c h gave h i m that insight i n t o social questions w h i c h no theory c o u l d provide. I t was, finally, his self-trained intellect w h i c h gave a l l his writings their w o n d e r f u l freshness and directness o f expression, their f o r t h r i g h t honesty o f t h o u g h t , their almost m o d e r n o u t l o o k , despite the medieval f r a m e w o r k , o n so m a n y o f the most v i t a l o f o u r contemporary p r o b l e m s .

50

B u t the second question is b o t h more i m p o r t a n t a n d i n some ways more difficult t o answer. H o w was i t , then, that Chelcicky was able to produce over a period o f some f o r t y years w o r k after w o r k i n w h i c h he proclaimed i n no uncertain terms the t o t a l i n c o m p a t a b i l i t y o f the existing state system w i t h the demands o f religion, i n w h i c h he preached a complete w i t h drawal f r o m a l l contact w i t h the state machine o n the p a r t o f a l l true Christians, p u t f o r w a r d i n short opinions w h i c h i n any age m i g h t be regarded as subversive o f the p o l i t i c a l a n d social order?

H o w can one

explain i n these circumstances Chelcicky's u n t r o u b l e d existence i n his south Bohemian village at a time when a l l over Europe persons expressing even the slightest v a r i a t i o n f r o m the accepted pattern o f t h o u g h t i n matters b o t h p o l i t i c a l a n d theological suffered savage persecution, p r o v ided they were n o t i n possession o f enough material strength t o make the attempt unwise?

T h e answer is t w o f o l d a n d lies b o t h i n the mental

climate o f his age and the geographical circumstances o f his b i r t h . I n the fifteenth

century all problems f o u n d expression p r i m a r i l y i n theological

terms. T h e religious element was uppermost i n every sphere o f l i f e ; and Chelcicky himself followed the medieval practice o f speaking o f 'the c h u r c h ' when often i n actual fact the whole C h r i s t i a n c o m m u n i t y i n its social as well as its strictly religious relationships was meant. I n such an age the p o l i t i c a l and social doctrines p u t f o r w a r d , however radical, m i g h t escape that attention w h i c h similar views w o u l d attract i n more m o d e r n times; and i n theological matters Chelcicky's opinions were more o r t h o dox. A t least they d i d n o t differ greatly f r o m those held by many eminent Utraquist theologians; a n d i n comparison w i t h the m a j o r i t y o f his Taborite neighbours he was almost reactionary. T h e crux o f the matter lies i n the fact that Chelcicky lived i n fifteenth-century U t r a q u i s t Bohemia and i n those parts d o m i n a t e d by the armed m i g h t o f T a b o r .

The con-

temporary treatment o f the Waldenses i n western Europe or o f

the

Lollards i n England is instructive. I t is, therefore, one o f the ironies o f history that the greatest medieval exponent o f the gospel o f C h r i s t i a n 4 0

F o u s t k a , Politicke

nazory

Petra

Chelckkeho,

p. 6, points out that C h e l c i c k y , l i k e

the w h o l e H u s s i t e m o v e m e n t , belongs to the t r a n s i t i o n a l p e r i o d between the M i d d l e A g e s a n d m o d e r n times.

43

FORERUNNER OF THE UNITY

pacifism, o f philosophical anarchism, owed his i m m u n i t y f r o m persec u t i o n , by the accident o f b i r t h and contrary to his o w n inclinations, to the protecting presence o f the terrible ' w a r r i o r s o f G o d ' and the p o w e r f u l organization o f the official U t r a q u i s t c h u r c h , to the successful outcome o f a violent r e v o l u t i o n . H i s disciples o f the U n i t y , p u t t i n g theory i n t o practice under different circumstances, were indeed t o d r a w d o w n o n their heads the fires o f persecution, w h i c h m i g h t so easily have swept away their master a n d all his w o r k s .

51

II T h e uncertainty w h i c h envelops the details o f CheHSicky's life is c o m pensated for, however, b y the richness and abundance o f his w r i t i n g s . A l l his thoughts were clothed i n a religious f o r m . B u t i t is n o t his theology, however absorbing t o the expert i n t h a t field, that provides the most interesting m a t e r i a l f o r the h i s t o r i a n and gives h i m his value for the w o r l d today.

H i s genius lies rather i n his original approach to those p o l i t i c a l

a n d social problems c o m m o n t o most civilized societies. The source o f ChelCicky's whole philosophy lay i n a r e t u r n t o the spirit o f p r i m i t i v e Christianity. H e t o o k over f r o m Wyclif, as we have seen, his conception o f the Bible as c o n t a i n i n g all things needful f o r s a l v a t i o n ; a n d f r o m H u s and his predecessors a n d the Waldenses, as well as f r o m W y c l i f himself, he i n h e r i t e d the practical attempt t o f o l l o w Christ's example i n everything.

H e made, however, a d i s t i n c t i o n - as, for instance, the

Waldenses h a d done earlier - between the O l d Testament, ' m a t e r i a l a n d concerned w i t h gross matters,' a n d the ' s p i r i t u a l ' N e w Testament; a n d i t 6 1

T h e r e is n o m e n t i o n i n c o n t e m p o r a r y a c c o u n t s o f C h e l i i c k y ' s e v e r c o m i n g i n t o

conflict w i t h the a u t h o r i t i e s o n a c c o u n t o f h i s writings. B r o t h e r Lukds", h o w e v e r , i n a frequently q u o t e d passage f r o m h i s Odpis proti odtrzencom

(1924), fols. 28v, 2 9 , r e l a t e s

h o w C h e l c i c k y w a s s u m m o n e d to the s y n o d o f clergy h e l d at K u t n a H o r a i n J u l y 1 4 4 3 , w h i c h w a s attended b y T a b o r i t e p r i e s t s a s w e l l a s b y c o n s e r v a t i v e a n d

moderate

U t r a q u i s t s , i n o r d e r to a n s w e r for h i s o p i n i o n s , a n d h o w out o f fear he w i s h e d to b u r n all his books.

Luka§ a d d s that he w a s often ' o v e r l o n g a n g r y a n d revengeful,'

in this

w a y c a u s i n g the d e a t h o f a T a b o r i t e priest a n d b r i n g i n g d o w n p e r s e c u t i o n o n o t h e r T a b o r i t e s . T h e s e stories, h o w e v e r , c a n n o t be given c r e d e n c e . T h e y w e r e first r e p o r t e d eighty y e a r s after the events d e s c r i b e d , by a professed o p p o n e n t o f C h e l c i c k ^ ' s d o c t r i n e s , a n d , a c c o r d i n g to L u k a S himself, w e r e o n l y h e a r s a y . See G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p. 2 1 0 ; G o l l , ' P e t r C h e l c i c k y a j e h o s p i s y , ' Vybrane

spisy drobne,

I I , p. 7 0 ; V o g l , op. cit., p. 16.

T h e s u b v e r s i v e n a t u r e o f C h e l c i c k y ' s s o c i a l d o c t r i n e s w a s stressed i n the s i x t e e n t h c e n t u r y by the J e s u i t V a c l a v S t u r m i n h i s Srovnani i'Independence

Boheme,

viry, 1582 ( q u o t e d i n D e n i s , Fin de

I , p. 230) a n d at the e n d o f the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y b y

f a n a t i c a l l y C a t h o l i c A n t o n i n L e n z , w h o refers to h i m i n h i s ' S o u s t a v a u c e n i C h e l c i c k e h o n a z a k l a d e p r a m e n u , ' Sbornik peasant.'

historickelio

krouiku,

the

Petra

as 'this mendacious

44

PETR C H E L C I C K Y

was only the latter w h i c h demanded unqualified obedience.

52

T h e example

o f Christ a n d his apostles was to be the touchstone o f all h u m a n conduct, o f all earlier and laier teachings. ' F o r every doctrine [he writes] needs to be tested b y Christ's words and life, to see i f i t accords w i t h H i s example and teachings.' There is no need f o r any a d d i t i o n a l ' h u m a n laws lidske),'

(zdkony

he proclaimed w i t h M a t e j o f Janov, 'since this law [i.e. o f Christ]

is no less sufficient today t h a n i t was at the b e g i n n i n g . '

Chel&cky,

53

however, d i d n o t entirely reject the a u t h o r i t y o f later c h u r c h fathers, provided they d i d n o t conflict w i t h the gospels or preach a n y t h i n g n o t found there. I acknowledge [he writes] a l l the holy doctors, those o f today too, so far as they can p o i n t o u t to me t h r o u g h their learning the p a t h o f true understanding i n those matters w h i c h G o d has shown me i n H i s L a w (zdkon)... and I f o l l o w t h e m t h a n k f u l l y and regard t h e m as r i g h t when they give real understanding and enlightenment here or p r o c l a i m faithfully some hidden truth. 5 4

They were to act as a d d i t i o n a l c o n f i r m a t i o n o f established truths, never to alter or extend the already perfect revelation, a way o f t h i n k i n g t o w h i c h the Utraquists also gave expression i n the famous Agreement o f Cheb o f August 1432 and d u r i n g the debates at the C o u n c i l o f Basel.

55

The kernel o f Christ's teaching, the secret o f his power, lay, according to Chelcicky, i n his law o f l o v e .

56

This was the rock o n w h i c h the early

church had been b u i l t . Its whole existence f o r the first three centuries had been one l o n g attempt to regulate every activity, personal o r public, i n accordance w i t h this law. The idealized picture o f the p r i m i t i v e church w h i c h Chelcicky draws - i n line w i t h earlier writers such as W y c l i f o r Richard F i t z r a l p h , A r c h b i s h o p o f A r m a g h (d. 1360), i n his De salvatoris "

pauperie

- is, whatever may be its historical shortcomings, i n effect a

Chel£icky, 'Re£ z a k l a d u z a k o n u l i d s k y c h , ' Menfl

op. cit., p. 1 5 9 ; H o l i n k a , Sektdfstvi

v Cechdch,

about a h u n d r e d y e a r s e a r l i e r i n h i s Defensor seu Testamento

Veteri Iudaico

spisy,

I , pp. 75, 7 6 ; Peschke,

p. 178. C f . M a r s i l i u s o f P a d u a , w r i t i n g pads

(1324): ' N o n omnia, quae in

populo consulta vel custodiri praecepta

Lege

fuerunt,

observare tenentur C h r i s t i fideles; q u i n i m o q u o r u n d a m est ipsis o b s e r v a t i o i n t e r d i c t a , ut q u a e c e r e m o n i a r u m s u b p o e n a p e r d i t i o n i s a e t e r n a e ' ( D i e t . I I , c a p . I X , pt. 10), quoted i n P r e v i t e - O r t o n , ' M a r s i l i u s o f P a d u a , ' Proceedings

of the British

Academy,

1935, pp. 1 4 6 , 1 7 1 , 1 7 9 . I n o p p o s i t i o n to the m a i n s t r e a m o f H u s s i t e thought, C h e l c i c k y thus returns to the M a r s i l i a n p o s i t i o n o n t h i s p o i n t .

I t is, o f c o u r s e , e x t r e m e l y u n l i k e l y

that C h e l c i c k y w a s directly a c q u a i n t e d w i t h M a r s i l i u s ' s writings. F o r the influence o f M a r s i l i u s o n the H u s s i t e m o v e m e n t , see B a r t o s , Hustitstvi 4 3

a cizina, c h a p . V .

5/7' viry, p p . 1 5 - 1 7 , 32, 3 4 5 ; ' R e p l i k a p r o t i R o k y c a n o v i , ' p. 2 6 6 .

"

' R e p l i k a , ' p. 2 6 4 .

M

J a c o b , ' T h e B o h e m i a n s at the C o u n c i l o f B a s e l , 1433," Prague

"

Sit' viry, p. 6 3 .

Essays,

p p . 106, 107.

45

FORERUNNER OF T H E UNITY

representation o f the conditions w h i c h , i n Chelöicky's o p i n i o n , w o u l d exist i f a t r u l y C h r i s t i a n society were to replace the feudal order o f his day, and n o t at a l l a retrograde conservatism w i t h its face t o the past. I t is a p o l i t i c a l U t o p i a placed o n a historic background. T h e early Brethren were t o attempt, w i t h i n the f r a m e w o r k o f the existing social order, t o make o f this U t o p i a a reality. Constantine's acceptance o f the persecuted religion h a d meant the fall o f C h r i s t i a n i t y . This was a familiar theme a m o n g the medieval sectaries a n d , l i n k e d u p w i t h the legend o f Constantine's D o n a t i o n w h i c h allegedly gave the Pope t e m p o r a l power i n I t a l y , i t provides an oft-repeated m o t i f r u n n i n g t h r o u g h a l l Chelöicky's w r i t i n g s . W y c l i f h a d supported this i n t e r p r e t a t i o n : 'Silvester [he had w r i t t e n ] peccavit donacionem tando,'

57

and the Supplementum

t o his Trialogus,

accep-

w h i c h Chelöicky certainly

read i n Czech t r a n s l a t i o n , consists m a i n l y o f an attack o n c h u r c h endowment.

58

T h e D o n a t i o n itself o n w h i c h R o m e based m u c h o f its case i n its

struggle w i t h the i m p e r i a l power was i n fact an eighth-century forgery. Opponents o f the church's t e m p o r a l claims, however, believed t h a t w i t h the acceptance o f w o r l d l y wealth and power o n the p a r t o f the c h u r c h its apostolic p u r i t y was c o r r u p t e d : the poison was injected i n t o G o d ' s C h u r c h , as the angel proclaimed according t o legend.

I n the version w h i c h

Chelöicky used, Pierre V a l d o was made a contemporary o f Pope Sylvester, his c o m p a n i o n i n their h i d i n g f r o m persecution a m o n g the forests a n d caves, w h o , however, remained f a i t h f u l to C h r i s t i a n principles after their betrayal b y Sylvester. F o r Chelöicky, the perfection o f the c h u r c h before the D o n a t i o n was matched n o w by its t o t a l depravity henceforth. T h e conception o f historical e v o l u t i o n , o f progress, was alien to his mental o u t l o o k . T h e pure faith was n o w kept alive o n l y b y the h a n d f u l w h o remained w i t h V a l d o and their successors.

59

W h a t then was the r o o t cause o f this fall? H o w should contemporary 4 7

W y c l i f , De

Christo

et suo adversario

Antichristo,

p. 4 3 . C f . De

civili

dominio,

II,

p. 108. 5 8

"

W y c l i f , Trialogus, Ibid.,

O trojim

pp. 4 0 7 - 5 6 .

pp. 4 7 , 4 8 , 5 9 , 61, 6 2 ; ' R e p l i k a , ' p p . 3 9 3 , 394, 4 5 5 . H o l i n k a i n h i s I n t r o , to lidu, p p . 2 9 , 30, c o n s i d e r s t h a t C h e l i i c k y ' i n h e r i t e d t h i s p a r t i c u l a r f o r m o f the

legend f r o m the W a l d e n s e s , w h o i n their t u r n , a c c o r d i n g to Böhmer, op. at., t o o k it o v e r f r o m the C a t h a r s . See a l s o H o l i n k a , Sektärstvi v Cechdch, for the g r o w t h o f this legend a m o n g the W a l d e n s e s .

B a r t o s , J. S. H.,

p. 826,

pp. 1 7 - 1 9 , 1 8 1 , 1947, p p . 3 5 - 3 7 ,

o n the o t h e r h a n d , t h i n k s h e p i c k e d i t u p f r o m the s t o r i e s o n t h i s t h e m e w h i c h w e r e c i r c u l a t i n g a t the t i m e i n c i r c l e s quite u n i n f l u e n c e d b y the W a l d e n s e s .

Not

a l l the

c h u r c h ' s o p p o n e n t s , e.g. W y c l i f , believed t h a t the c h u r c h ' s s u d d e n a n d t o t a l c o r r u p t i o n e n s u e d o n the D o n a t i o n .

T h e first p e r s o n to d i s c o v e r t h a t t h e latter w a s n o t a u t h e n t i c

w a s the I t a l i a n h u m a n i s t , L a u r e n t i u s d e V a l l a , i n h i s De falso Constantini

donatione

declamatio

(1440);

credita

et

ementita

a n d h i s findings b e c a m e k n o w n i n B o h e m i a

46

PETR C H E L C I C K Y

society be ordered i f i t was to accord w i t h Christian principles? ChelCicky's answer was clear: the state organism must be t o t a l l y rejected and Christ's L a w o f Love p u t i n t o its place.

Chelcicky was already w r i t i n g i n the

middle o f the twenties: These t w o divisions, the t e m p o r a l order o f force a n d Christ's way o f love, are far removed f r o m each other. .. . A n action done because o f the compulsion o f a u t h o r i t y is quite different f r o m one done t h r o u g h love and f r o m the good w i l l arising o u t o f the words o f t r u t h . Thus c i v i l a u t h o r i t y is as far removed f r o m Christ's t r u t h inscribed i n H i s gospel as is C h r i s tian faith f r o m the necessity o f using such a u t h o r i t y . Those i n power are not led by faith n o r does faith need t h e m . . . . F o r the fullness o f a u t h o r i t y lies i n the accumulation o f wealth and vast gatherings o f armed men, castles, and walled t o w n s , while the fullness and c o m p l e t i o n o f faith lies i n God's wisdom a n d the strength o f the H o l y Spirit. F a i t h supported solely by spiritual power stands firm w i t h o u t the power o f a u t h o r i t y , which only brings fear a n d can o n l y attain what i t wishes under the threat of compulsion. 60

The early church h a d been perfect i n principle a n d i n practice, a n d i t h a d existed for over three h u n d r e d years w i t h o u t its members p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n temporal power. Christians o f those times had held n o offices, h a d i n fact completely w i t h d r a w n f r o m the official business o f the state. W i t h C o n stantine's acceptance o f C h r i s t i a n i t y , however, 'the emperor w i t h his pagan a u t h o r i t y , his pagan offices and laws a n d statutes' h a d , like a monstrous whale caught up i n a fisherman's net, t o r n a gaping rent i n the fabric o f the p r i m i t i v e f a i t h . Instead o f accepting wealth a n d power for himself, Chelcicky considers that Sylvester should have made C o n stantine renounce his t e m p o r a l power before receiving h i m i n t o the church, thus c o n d e m n i n g i n effect the foundations o n w h i c h rested the t w i n pillars h o l d i n g up contemporary feudal society: the c h u r c h a n d the state. N o real C h r i s t i a n then o r i n later ages, therefore, c o u l d h o l d any state office: princes a n d rulers on becoming convinced o f the true f a i t h must resign their a u t h o r i t y . ' N o one may stray f r o m the way o f C h r i s t a n d f o l l o w the emperor w i t h his s w o r d , f o r this way is n o t changed j u s t because Caesar has become a C h r i s t i a n . '

61

A l l government w o u l d seem to be f o r Chelcicky, as f o r the m o d e r n anarchists, solely an instrument o f oppression, o f legalized robbery. The conception o f a welfare state w o u l d have been w h o l l y foreign to h i m . t o w a r d s the end o f the fifteenth c e n t u r y . S e e S o k o l ' s notes to P f e l o u c s k y , Spis o puvodu Jednoty

bratrske a o chudych

lidech, p. 113.

, 0

O trojim lidu, p. 4 8 .

"

S//' viry, pp. 2 1 - 3 5 , 4 0 , 56, 57, 6 9 , 156, 163.

47

FORERUNNER OF T H E UNITY

D o m i n a t i o n and cruelty lay at the roots o f the state organism, were inseparable parts o f its make-up. ' A u t h o r i t y cannot exist w i t h o u t cruelty [he says]. I f i t ceases t o be cruel, i t w i l l at once perish o f itself, since none w i l l fear i t . . . .

Therefore, a u t h o r i t y is far removed f r o m love.'

Warfare

between Christians, t o o , is an inseparable concomitant o f the p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f Christians i n the s t a t e .

62

Chelcicky sweeps aside all attempts to j u s t i f y such p a r t i c i p a t i o n . Some urged t h a t m u c h benefit w o u l d accrue i f Christians ruled f o r the purpose o f r e f o r m i n g bad Christians or those outside the faith. The only way t o convert such people, ChelCicky replies sternly, is t h r o u g h 'the w o r k i n g s o f the law o f G o d , ' w h i c h consists i n l o v i n g G o d and one's neighbour. Such conversion must come as a result o f free-will, never f r o m c o m p u l s i o n . T h e only outcome o f the use o f force w o u l d be t h a t the C h r i s t i a n ruler himself w o u l d inevitably fall i n t o s i n .

6 3

Others argued t h a t prayers for

those i n a u t h o r i t y , o f w h i c h ChelSicky approved f o l l o w i n g 1 T i m o t h y , I I , 1-3, i m p l i e d a recognition o f the place o f the ruler i n a Christian society. O n the contrary, anwered Chelcicky, the reason f o r such prayers is ' t o gain-the good w i l l o f heathen and cruel princes and soften their anger against us,' and to prevail u p o n G o d to prevent t h e m f r o m b r i n g i n g m u c h misery u p o n their peoples t h r o u g h w a r .

64

Cheléicky gave an equally

negative answer to those w h o urged, as f o r instance Tomás o f Stitny h a d done, t h a t the existing social system c o u l d be purgued o f its defects, t h a t the state c o u l d be guided by love i n its exercise o f a u t h o r i t y . Power c o u l d only be wielded, i n Chelcicky's o p i n i o n , ' b y che worst o f m e n w h o are w i t h o u t any f a i t h o r virtue, since i t is b y means o f terrible punishments t h a t the state compels evildoers t o some measure o f justice i n o u t w a r d matters.'

Mercy

and state a u t h o r i t y were self-contradictory

terms.

65

A more p o w e r f u l argument against his position, however, m i g h t be f o u n d i n the words o f St. Paul, Romans X I I I , 1-7, w h i c h were, he a d m i t ted, the m a i n a u t h o r i t y quoted by 'Ceasar's priests' - as, like W y c l i f , he called the clergy - to j u s t i f y C h r i s t i a n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the state. I n reply, Chelcicky

differentiated

first

between

submission to pagan rulers i n

matters proper t o them a n d the, f o r h i m , w h o l l y untenable reading w h i c h w o u l d j u s t i f y Christians becoming rulers themselves.

H e then went on to

prove the absurdity o f his opponents' arguments by a consideration o f the historical circumstances i n w h i c h St. Paul wrote these words, a member O trojim Sit' Ibid.,

lidu, p. 4 4 ; Sit'

viry, p. 5 6 .

viry, pp. 1 0 7 - 1 3 . p. 2 1 2 - 1 5 .

O trojim

lidu, p p . 4 5 , 66, 102.

48

PETR C H E L C I C K Y

o f an outcast sect l i v i n g under the rule o f the pagan Romans. St. Paul's call for submission was i n part a protective measure to w a r d off f r o m the little flock any suspicion that they were p l o t t i n g against the state. B u t i f persecution d i d come i n spite o f everything, Chelcicky was q u i c k to p o i n t out, then there was n o t h i n g for the C h r i s t i a n to do b u t to suffer w i t h o u t retaliation.

66

For Chel&cky's was the T o l s t o y a n gospel o f non-resistance t o evil, n o t the revolutionary's creed. A r m e d rebellion was never justified even under the greatest p r o v o c a t i o n , for t h o u g h 'rulers sin b y acting unjustly, [subjects] also c o m m i t a sin i n seeking vengeance o n such l o r d s . '

67

H e advocat-

ed for the C h r i s t i a n obedience to the c i v i l authorities as a matter o f conscience and n o t merely o u t o f fear o f the consequences o f disobedience. A t the same time as he condemned the whole existing social order he preached t h r o u g h o u t his life its c o n d i t i o n a l j u s t i f i c a t i o n . This seeming paradox, however, was a logical development o f his first principles. Orthodox medieval p o l i t i c a l theorists had granted that the i n s t i t u t i o n o f the state was a result o f s i n : w i t h o u t the F a l l c i v i l government w o u l d lose its justification. ChelCicky, too, was ready t o assent t o the existence o f the state: but, slightly m o d i f y i n g the accepted view, he restricted its v a l i d i t y to the c o m m u n i t y o f the non-Christians a n d the false Christians, 'the foolish people w h o neither k n o w G o d n o r are under his yoke.' If, however, the non-Christians and the false Christians a l l t r u l y followed i n Christ's footsteps i t w o u l d w i t h e r a w a y .

68

I n the meantime the remnant,

the true Christians, must h o l d t o their principles. A pessimism as to the nature o f m a n c o m m o n to m a n y medieval thinkers, and a belief i n the approaching end o f the w o r l d shared b y m a n y contemporaries,

led

ChelSicky t o disbelieve i n the possibility o f ever dispensing w i t h the coercion necessary to save h u m a n society f r o m the chaos, w h i c h w o u l d ensue i f man's passions were given free sway. The lack o f consistency, which a recent w r i t e r

6 9

has detected i n the v a r y i n g stringency w i t h w h i c h

ChelSicky regarded Christian p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n government, may also p a r t l y be explained by the m e l l o w i n g o f his views w i t h the passing o f the years. Chelcicky, indeed, represents - to b o r r o w a phrase usually used i n con-

*•

Ibid., pp. 5 3 - 5 5 ; Sit'

viry, pp. 1 2 4 - 3 0 , 2 0 2 - 0 5 , 2 0 8 , 2 0 9 . S i m i l a r l y C h r i s t ' s attitude

t o w a r d s the c e n t u r i o n i n L u k e V I I d i d n o t i n C h e l c i c k ^ ' s o p i n i o n (O trojim lidu, p p . 60, 61) signify a p p r o v a l o f h i s office. •'

Sit' viry, p. 145.

**

F o u s t k a , op.

relativist

cit.,

p. 3 5 , d r a w s a n interesting c o m p a r i s o n

views o n the state a n d those p r o p o u n d e d by M a r x .

Ibid., p. 2 7 .

between C h e l S i c k y ' s

49

FORERUNNER OF T H E UNITY

nection w i t h the history o f socialism - the stage o f U t o p i a n anarchism. H i s ideals were t o be p u t i n t o practice only by a m i n o r i t y .

7 0

Obedience to the authorities, however, was to be strictly l i m i t e d to 'the things w h i c h be Caesar's.'

'The saints [writes ChelCicky o f the true

Christians] should be obedient to the higher powers, b u t w i t h c i r c u m spection (ppatrne),

that is to say, i n those things . . . w h i c h are not con-

trary t o G o d . They should, therefore, render the dues and services w h i c h rulers require o f their subjects.'

71

But i n cases where the authorities

compel some w r o n g a c t i o n , the C h r i s t i a n subject is b o u n d to disobey, passively suffering the penalties for his disobedience.

' F o r a m a n oppos-

ing the state i n such perverse wickedness commits n o sin n o r is he i n fear o f d a m n a t i o n , since we can find i n the scriptures similar examples a m o n g righteous m e n . '

7 2

Closely l i n k e d w i t h Chel5icky"'s rejection o f c i v i l a u t h o r i t y was his demand for the complete separation o f c h u r c h and state. A r e v o l u t i o n a r y suggestion i n the fifteenth century i t was destined t o gain increasing s u p p o r t in recent times, i n contrast to his more

radical social

progamme.

T h r o u g h o u t the M i d d l e Ages, however, the r i g h t and d u t y o f the c i v i l authorities under certain conditions t o intervene i n c h u r c h affairs was generally acknowledged.

W y c l i f had championed the obligation o f the

state to disendow the c h u r c h , i f need be by force, i n view o f its excessive wealth. The Hussites, especially, urged such intervention t o c o n t r o l and oversee the private m o r a l o f the state's c i t i z e n s ; 7 0

Sit'

73

a n d their o u t l o o k f o u n d

viry, pp. 5, 1 2 8 - 3 0 , 135, 140, 1 5 2 - 5 4 , 166, 2 1 8 - 2 0 ; O trojim

5 9 , 60. I c a n n o t agree w i t h V o g l ' s a s s e r t i o n , op. cit.,

lidu, p p . 4 5 , 5 6 ,

pp. 214, 215, that C h e l c i c k y ' s

c o n d e m n a t i o n o f c i v i l a u t h o r i t y is o f a s i m i l a r n a t u r e to h i s a d v o c a c y o f c e l i b a c y for C h r i s t i a n s l i v i n g w i t h o u t s i n . A n y h o w the e a r l y B r e t h r e n , a t t e m p t i n g to put his t e a c h ings i n t o p r a c t i c e , d i d n o t u n d e r s t a n d h i m in t h i s w a y .

P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the state w a s

f o r b i d d e n to a l l , w h i l e m a r r i a g e u n d e r s t a n d a b l y w a s p e r m i t t e d at least to a l l l a y p e r s o n s . V o g l , p p . 147, 148, is right, h o w e v e r , w h e n he e m p h a s i z e s the difference between C h e l c i c k y ' s i d e a l o f a C h r i s t i a n i t y v a l i d for all m e n a n d the m e d i e v a l m o n a s t i c c o n c e p t i o n o f the flight f r o m the w o r l d o f the c h o s e n few.

N e v e r t h e l e s s , the a s c e t i c e l e m e n t is m a r k e d

in all C h e l c i c k y ' s writings. 7 1

C h e l c i c k y , Postilla,

72

Sit'

7 3

I , p. 6 1 .

viry, p p . 1 4 7 - 4 9 .

V o g l , op. cit., p. 4 3 , c i t e s passages f r o m H u s ' s t r a c t o n s i m o n y , a d v o c a t i n g the

state's d u t y to depose a b a d b i s h o p a n d p r e a c h i n g s u b m i s s i o n to the state i n p u r e l y c h u r c h affairs.

F o r a d i s c u s s i o n o f the H u s s i t e attitude t o w a r d s the r e l a t i o n s between

c h u r c h a n d state, see B e t t s , op. cit., p p . 2 1 , 2 3 , 2 5 - 3 1 . C f . a l s o the f a r - r e a c h i n g E r a s t i a n i s m o f a n e a r l i e r m e d i e v a l r a d i c a l , M a r s i l i u s o f P a d u a , P r e v i t e - O r t o n , op. cit., p p . 144, 159, 160.

T h e fact t h a t s o o u t s t a n d i n g a m e d i e v a l i s t a s P r e v i t e - O r t o n

could,

w i t h o u t a n y reference to C h e l i i c k y ' s c o n t r i b u t i o n to m e d i e v a l s o c i a l r a d i c a l i s m , m a k e the c o m m e n t that M a r s i l i u s w a s 'the m o s t r a d i c a l o f the t h e o r i s t s o n C h u r c h a n d State i n the M i d d l e A g e s , ' s h o w s the extent to w h i c h the C z e c h ' s w r i t i n g s h a v e been neglected by the h i s t o r i a n s o f W e s t e r n E u r o p e .

50

PETR C H E L C I C K Y

its clearest expression i n the f o u r t h o f the famous Prague Articles ( 1 4 2 0 ) .

74

Likewise few contested, at least i n theory, the Tightness o f the forcible conversion o f heretics a n d unbelievers to the true f a i t h .

I n Cheliicky,

75

however, the whole idea o f the use o f force i n s p i r i t u a l matters was to find one o f its sternest opponents. ChelSicky saw clearly that the power o f the c h u r c h o f his day was inextricably b o u n d up w i t h the state. H e was at one w i t h the whole Hussite movement, w h i c h was indeed largely inspired by the writings o f Wyclif, i n its attack o n the temporal wealth o f the clergy a n d o f the mendicant orders i n p a r t i c u l a r , i n its condemnation o f the c h u r c h lands, and o f the secular d o m i n i o n w h i c h went w i t h possession, as inconsistent with f o l l o w i n g Christ's example: feelings w h i c h were t o find expression i n the t h i r d o f the Prague A r t i c l e s .

76

Chelcicky, t o o , followed H u s very

closely i n his attacks o n simony. B u t i n his consideration o f the r e l a t i o n ship o f c h u r c h a n d state he was to go a step further.

Priests, i n his

opinion, should o n l y concern themselves w i t h preaching the gospel, relying for their safety o n the example o f a pure life and never calling i n the aid o f the secular a r m . T h e k i n d o f compulsory virtue w h i c h the Prague Articles envisaged was worse than useless. T h o u g h i n a 'pagan' state the ruler was justified i n m a i n t a i n i n g p u b l i c order, Christians - a n d all the more priests - s h o u l d never resort to force i n such matters. 'Whoever is n o t sincerely b r o u g h t t o the Christian faith t h r o u g h preaching o f the gospel, w i l l never be b r o u g h t by force [he says] j u s t as no one w i l l

7 1

' Q u o d o m n i a p e c c a t a m o r t a l i a et specialiter p u b l i c a alieque d e o r d i n a c i o n e s lcgi dei

c o n t r a r i e i n q u o l i b e t s t a t u rite et r a c i o n a b i l i t e r per eos, a d q u o s spectat, p r o h i b e a n t u r et d e s t r u a n t u r ' (F.

R. B., V , p. 3 9 4 ) . T h i s article o n the p u n i s h m e n t o f p u b l i c s i n w a s

defended at the C o u n c i l o f B a s e l (1433) b y the T a b o r i t e b i s h o p , M i k u l a s o f P e l h f i m . V a v f i n e c o f B f e z o v i n h i s C h r o n i c l e gives the text o f the A r t i c l e s as they were d r a w n u p a n d sent ' a d e x e r c i t u m ' i n 1420. T h e r e were a n u m b e r o f s u b s e q u e n t v e r s i o n s , arranged i n v a r y i n g o r d e r . 7 5

C f . the W a l d e n s i a n p o s i t i o n ( q u o t e d by G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p. 3 6 ) : ' D a m p n a n t et

reprobant d o m i n u m a p o s t o l i c u m m i t t e n t e m b e l l a t o r e s c o n t r a S a r r a c e n o s et c r u c e m d a n t e m vel p r e d i c a n t e m c o n t r a q u o s c u n q u e 7 8

paganos.'

' Q u o d d o m i n i u m s e c u l a r e s u p e r d i v i c i i s et b o n i s t e m p o r a l i b u s , q u o d c o n t r a p r e -

c e p t u m C h r i s t i c l e r u s o c c u p a t i n p r e i u d i c i u m s u i officii et d a m p n u m b r a c h i i s e c u l a r i s , ab ipso auferatur et ipse c l e r u s a d r e g u l a m e v a n g e l i c a m et v i t a m a p o s t o l i c a m , q u a C h r i s t u s vixit c u m suis apostolis, r e d u c a t u r ' (F. defended at B a s e l b y P e t e r P a y n e . Ktoi

jsii boii bojovnici,

earlier De civili dominio

R. B., V , p. 393).

T h i s point

was

F o r the s t a n d p o i n t o f the e a r l y T a b o r i t e s , s e e

p p . 4 0 , 6 4 . T h e w h o l e o f W y c l i f ' s Dialogus,

and m u c h o f his

a r e devoted to detailed a t t a c k s o n the t e m p o r a l p o s s e s s i o n s o f

the clergy, as well a s o n the v e r y existence o f the m e n d i c a n t o r d e r s .

Vigorous con-

d e m n a t i o n o f these t e m p o r a l p o s s e s s i o n s a n d o f the c i v i l a u t h o r i t y e n j o y e d b y t h e c h u r c h a n d the w o r l d l i n e s s o f the m o n a s t i c o r d e r s is to be f o u n d , too, i n a l m o s t a l l C h e l c i c k y ' s w o r k s , see esp. Sit viry, p p . 247 ff., 277 ff.

51

FORERUNNER OF T H E UNITY

ever learn the Czech language properly b y means o f the G e r m a n . '

77

He

compares elsewhere those w h o use 'the s w o r d o f the temporal power o n d r u n k a r d s and thieves and other sinners, wishing by this sword to conceive Christ's spirit,' t o 'a company o f priests gathered r o u n d an o l d w o m a n demanding t h a t she should give b i r t h . '

7 8

Chelcicky's c o n d i t i o n a l approval o f the maintenance o f p u b l i c order b y the ruler, i n whose o w n interest he shows such a policy to lie, has given rise t o discussion as to h o w far elements o f republicanism or o f m o n a r c h ism can be detected i n his w o r k s .

Historians have seen i n h i m b o t h a

defender o f monarchical institutions (e.g. Pekaf, U r b a n e k and V o g l ) and an embryo C r o m w e l l (e.g. Lenz and N a v r a t i l ) .

79

The T a b o r i t e chiliasts

h a d , indeed, preached ' t h a t i t is not proper to have kings even b y election, for kingship should be handed over t o the p e o p l e . '

80

During much of

Chelcicky's lifetime Bohemia remained w i t h o u t a k i n g ; and at least the m o r e radical Taborites certainly favoured this state o f affairs. I t seems quite clear, however, t h a t Chelcicky considered the k i n g l y office a necessary evil for

the 'pagan'

world.

' K i n g s h i p is needed [he writes

unpublished tract, O Svatostech]

i n his

t o subdue the populace so that everyone

should be content w i t h w h a t they have and n o t reach after others' goods. ...

A n d when as n o w [i.e. d u r i n g the interregnum f r o m 1439] order is

absent, then the wicked w i l l want t o reign over the honest, a n d whoever h a d something w i l l have n o t h i n g , a n d whoever d i d n o t w o r k w i l l n o w enjoy the fruits o f others' l a b o u r . '

81

B u t Chelcicky is equally emphatic that no C h r i s t i a n c o u l d himself become k i n g . H e w o u l d , i n the first place, be u s u r p i n g a p o s i t i o n w h i c h i n a C h r i s t i a n c o m m u n i t y r i g h t f u l l y belongs to Christ alone, and r u l i n g i t according to entirely c o n t r a r y principles o f conduct. (rozum)

H i s very reason

should be against i t . H i s conscience also w o u l d recoil f r o m

d o i n g m a n y things condemned by G o d , b u t inseparable f r o m the exercise o f k i n g l y power. The C h r i s t i a n has the L a w o f L o v e inscribed i n the gospels as his guide, and that is sufficient

for a l l branches o f l i f e .

82

U r b a n e k , however, is r i g h t i n p o i n t i n g o u t t h a t Chelcicky's ' r e p u b l i c a n i s m ' is largely a theocratic ideal, w h i c h his doctrine o f non-resistance t o evil prevents h i m f r o m any attempt to realize i n the field o f practical 77

O trojim

7 8

' R e p l i k a p r o t i R o k y c a n o v i , ' p. 4 5 8 . S e e a l s o Sit'

lidu, p p . 4 9 , 9 7 . viry, p p . 1 6 5 , 2 1 8 ; Postilla,

108-10. '» 8 0

P e k a f , op. cit., p. 1 8 8 ; U r b a n e k , op. cit., p. 9 8 4 ; V o g l , op. cit., p p . 2 7 , 2 6 2 . K r o f t a , Listy,

p. 118. See a l s o Ktoi

8 1

Q u o t e d by U r b a n e k , op. cit., p. 9 3 6 .

M

Sit'

viry, p p . 9 0 - 9 5 , 104, 156, 163.

jsu boii

bojovnici,

pp. 60, 61.

I I , pp.

PETR C H E L C I C K Y

52

politics.

83

I t is i n the private lives o f the small C h r i s t i a n c o m m u n i t y

w i t h i n a w h o l l y 'pagan' society, i n their hearts, that Christ the K i n g has replaced all earthly rulers. There can be no d o u b t , however, o f Chelcicky's unqualified condemnation o f the whole j u d i c i a l system as well as all the other branches o f government, when measured by the precepts o f the gospel. This obligation o f all true Christians to boycott the organs o f justice, to participate i n them neither as litigants n o r i n any executive capacity, may indeed have been taken over f r o m Waldensian d o c t r i n e .

81

A m o n g Christians [he writes] secular courts are a disgrace and a s i n .

85

G o d never set u p [i.e. a m o n g them] magistrates (rychtdri) o r aldermen (konsele), i n order that the H o l y C h u r c h should appear before t h e m l i t i g a t i n g about the goods o f this w o r l d , n o r d i d he a p p o i n t constables (bifici) a n d hangmen so that its members m i g h t hang one another o r t o r t u r e each other on the rack o n account o f t e m p o r a l things. Such conduct should be left to the pagan and the w o r l d l y . . . . F o r the H o l y C h u r c h is spiritual and needs o n l y spiritual officials f o r its e d i f i c a t i o n . 88

But, g r a n t i n g that Christians should completely ignore the j u d i c i a l machine, on what principles should they settle any disputes w h i c h m i g h t arise w i t h i n their o w n c o m m u n i t y ? D u r i n g the very first years o f the early church, ChelCicky explained, the imperfection o f m a n y o f the new c o n verts f r o m Judaism a n d paganism had led the apostles t o ameliorate the stringency o f the ban u p o n all forms o f l i t i g a t i o n , M a t t h e w , V , 40. They permitted the establishment o f courts w i t h i n their o w n c o m m u n i t y , t o prevent greater scandal f r o m arising on account o f those n o t yet

ripe

enough to accept the f u l l Christian doctrine o f v o l u n t a r y suffering appeali n g i n their disputes t o the pagan courts (1 Cor. V I , 1-8). Here, as F o u s t k a points out, C h e l & c k y r a n i n t o difficulties i n his i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , o w i n g t o the attempts w h i c h had been made by St. Paul t o reconcile the g r o w i n g Christian c o m m u n i t y w i t h the R o m a n s t a t e .

87

These were o n l y t e m p o r a r y

measures, ChelSicky claimed, and the fact that i t was the most l o w l y (nejpotupnejsi)

members o f the c o m m u n i t y w h o were t o act as arbitrators,

showed in his o p i n i o n that the passage i n question c o u l d n o t be taken to 8 5

U r b a n e k , op. cit., p p . 9 8 4 .

8 4

G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p. 36.

8 i

O trojim lidu, p. 4 7 .

8 8

O cirkvi svote, pp. 82, 8 3 . C h e l c i c k ^ , p. 79, f o l l o w i n g W y c l i f a n d H u s here, defines

t h e H o l y C h u r c h as c o n s i s t i n g o f ' t h e c o m m u n i t y o f the elect (zbor vyvolenych

k

spaseni).'

T h i s definition c o v e r e d , therefore, the r e l a t i o n s h i p o f the C h r i s t i a n to every s p h e r e o f life a n d h a d a m u c h w i d e r a p p l i c a t i o n t h a n a t present. C f . F o u s t k a , op. cit., p p . 3 5 , 36. F o u s t k a , op. cit., p. 10.

53

FORERUNNER OF T H E UNITY

justify the contemporary j u d i c i a l system. The proper method o f dealing w i t h shortcomings w i t h i n the C h r i s t i a n c o m m u n i t y , the only one indeed consistent w i t h the L a w o f Love, was quite different; while injury f r o m outside must be suffered i n a spirit o f h u m i l i t y and love. The C h r i s t i a n m e t h o d was that o f a r b i t r a t i o n and o f restitution f o r damage done, o f punishment by e x h o r t a t i o n and b y rebuke. ' B u t i f the g u i l t y person cannot recompense his brother i n any other way, he m u s t h u m b l y d o penance [Chelöicky went on] and w i t h this his f a u l t shall be forgiven h i m a n d a sincere reconciliation take place. I n this manner evil shall be curbed, and love and peace shall reign a m o n g the brethren.' I f a l l other sanctions failed and the erring brother c o n t i n u e d i n his evil ways, he was t o be expelled f r o m their company.

' N o h a r m should be done

h i m , such as k i l l i n g h i m i n his sins, b u t let h i m be cast o u t , thereby preserving our own p u r i t y . '

8 8

Such an attitude, applied t o the whole c o m m u n i t y ,

was incompatible, o f course, n o t only w i t h any f o r m o f state organization b u t , as-the Polish b r a n c h o f the U n i t y o f Brethren were to discover over a century later, when church membership became almost obligatory f o r the tenants settled o n the estates o f noblemen belonging to the U n i t y , i t excluded, t o o , the very conception o f an all-embracing state c h u r c h .

8 9

A l l forms then o f punishment based o n violence were w r o n g , and no Christian c o u l d apply t h e m . W h i l e Chelcicky was more sweeping i n his c o n d e m n a t i o n t h a n almost a l l his contemporaries, protest against the more b r u t a l penal sanctions, especially the death penalty, was indeed widespread amongst the m o r e radical sections o f the Hussite movement, a current o f o p i n i o n w h i c h has its parallel, f o r instance, i n Russian history. Once again we are dealing here w i t h a Waldensian tenet o f l o n g s t a n d i n g .

90

A d v a n c e d theologians l i k e Peter Payne and Nicholas o f Dresden, himself strongly impregnated w i t h Waldensian teachings, a n d i n his t u r n i n fluencing

the Taborites, condemned the use o f the death penalty as d i d

such p o p u l a r leaders as Jan 2 e l i v s k y . Sit' *•

91

A t the C o u n c i l o f Basel i n 1433

viry, p p . 2 1 - 3 1 , 180.

Müller, Geschichte

gemeinden

auf dem

der Böhmischen Brüder, I I I , p p . 6 8 , 6 9 : ' D i e s e p o l n i s c h e n BrüderLande trugen...

einen wesentlich anderen C h a r a k t e r als

die

böhmischen u n d mährischen u n d w a r e n a u c h viel w e n i g e r widerstandsfähig i n Z e i t e n der Verfolgung ">

o d e r w e n n sie i n d e n B e s i t z e i n e r k a t o l i s c h e n H e r r s c h a f t

G o l l - K r o f t a , ibid.; H o l i n k a , Sektafstvi

Ceski

sekty ve stoleti XIVa

XV,

gelangten.'

v Cechäch, pp. 2 3 , 163, 1 7 8 , 1 8 2 ; N e u m a n n ,

p p . 39, 55, 5 9 , 7 5 . Bartoä, J. S. H.,

e l s e w h e r e denies the influence o f W a l d e n s i a n

1947, p. 3 5 , h e r e a s

d o c t r i n e o n C h e l c i c k y a n d the e a r l y

Taborites. "

Müller, ' M a g i s t e r N i k o l a u s v o n D r e s d e n , ' Zeitschrift

für

Brüdergeschichte,

1915,

p. 1 0 2 ; H r e s j a , op. cit., I I , p p . 51, 80, 9 2 ; P e k a f , op. cit., p p . 13, 14, 127, 2 0 6 , 122, 2 5 1 . J . S e d l a k , Hlidka,

1914, p. 625 ( q u o t e d by P e k a f , p. 2 0 6 ) , s a y s o f the s e r m o n s N i c h o l a s

p r e a c h e d i n P r a g u e i n the s u m m e r o f 1415 to a n a u d i e n c e o f p r i e s t s a n d s t u d e n t s :

54

PETR C H E L C 1 C K Y

Biskupec, d u r i n g his defence o f the punishment o f public sin, also attacked the use o f the death penalty i n no uncertain terms. Neither O l d Testament practice o n w h i c h his opponent largely based his arguments, n o r any other h u m a n law was to be the touchstone o f C h r i s t i a n action i n this matter: 'sed lex specialiter evangelica

et praxis ecclesie p r i m i t i v e i n

punicione reorum est attendenda.' The r e f o r m o f the c r i m i n a l was t o be the aim o f punishment. Judges were to act as fathers rather t h a n as tyrants. 'Fateor [he says i n explanation] ex q u o n o n possum restituere vitam occiso, n o n gaudebo i n talibus occisionibus nec faciliter a d m o r t e m alicuius consenciam.'

92

The m o r e moderate Hussites, however, e.g. H u s

himself, his successor Jakoubek o f Stfibro, and the conservative P r i b r a m , justified the use o f capital punishment i n certain cases, p r o v i d e d i t was carried out by the p r o p e r l y constituted a u t h o r i t i e s .

93

T h e severity o f the

prevailing penal laws, when death or the a m p u t a t i o n o f . limbs were frequent for m i n o r offences a n d theft was always punished by the death penalty, was largely responsible for this widespread movement t o r e f o r m legal practice.

94

Reaction against the I n q u i s i t i o n ' s methods a n d against

the universal custom o f executing convicted heretics was also a p o w e r f u l factor i n the attack against capital p u n i s h m e n t .

95

The words o f Christ, writes ChelCicky, forbade the execution o f the death penalty o n sinners, their m u r d e r i n a state o f sin w i t h o u t repentance, thereby helping t h e m along to hell o n account o f their crimes; and even the O l d Testament d i d n o t a l l o w the Jews to p u n i s h theft w i t h death. 'The doctors and servants o f the H o l y C h u r c h [he writes] have said that we ' N o o n e c a n r e a c h the t r u t h a b o u t the beginnings o f the T a b o r i t e m o v e m e n t , Chelfiicky' a n d the C z e c h B r e t h r e n , w i t h o u t t a k i n g these s e r m o n s i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n , ' N i c h o l a s w a s burnt at M e i s s e n i n 1416. See also B a r t o s , Husiistvi •

2

Orationes

collectio

(ed. B a r t o s ) , pp. 5, 53, 5 4 ; Sacrorum

a cizina, pp. 1 2 5 - 5 3 .

conciliorum

nova

et

amplissima

(ed. M a n s i ) , X X X , p. 3 5 7 ; Y a s t r e b o v , op. cit., pp. 8 6 - 8 9 . B o t h B i s k u p e c ' s

speeches at the C o u n c i l a r e r e p r i n t e d i n Orationes,

w h i l e o n l y h i s r e p l y to h i s o p p o n e n t ,

G i l l e s C h a r l i e r , a s w e l l a s the latter's t w o rejoinders a r e given i n M a n s i , X X I X , X X X . F o r the C z e c h s ' p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the C o u n c i l , see J a c o b , op. cit., p p . 8 1 - 1 2 3 . C f . the W a l d e n s i a n s t a n d p o i n t : ' s i c u t n o s n o n p o s s e vivificare, s i c n e c debere o c c i d e r e ' ( q u o t e d i n N e u m a n n , op. cit., p. 7 5 ) , w h i c h is v e r y s i m i l a r to that o f B i s k u p e c . O n l y G o d h a s the p o w e r t o g i v e a n d take life, l i k e w i s e argues C h e l i i c k y i n h i s ' R e p l i k a p r o t i R o k y c a n o v i ' , p. 392, a n d it is i m p o s s i b l e , a s s o m e d o c t o r s h a v e a r g u e d , t o k i l l w i t h l o v e i n o n e ' s h e a r t . **

H r e j s a , op. cit., I I , p p . 9 0 - 9 2 , 138, 2 0 3 . A s u c c e s s i o n o f a r t i c l e s o n the s u b j e c t

issued by b o t h the P r a g u e m a s t e r s a n d the T a b o r i t e clergy i n 1419, 1422, a n d 1424 expressly a l l o w e d c a p i t a l p u n i s h m e n t for i n c o r r i g i b l e c r i m i n a l s . "

C h a l o u p e c k y , op. cit., p. 17. F o r the T a b o r i t e s ' p r a c t i c a l efforts i n t h i s d i r e c t i o n ,

see Orationes,

p. 34. C f . J . H u i z i n g a , The

Waning

of the Middle

Ages

( L o n d o n , 1955

edition), p. 2 3 , w h e r e the late M i d d l e A g e s are d e s c r i b e d as 'the s p e c i a l p e r i o d judicial cruelty.' "

B a r t o s , /. S. H.,

1947, p. 3 5 .

of

55

FORERUNNER OF T H E UNITY

should never lose hope i n any m a n so l o n g as the patience o f G o d may lead h i m to repentance.'

96

I n other words, n o t punishment but the r e f o r m

o f the c r i m i n a l was the proper a i m o f penal m e t h o d . L i k e Nicholas o f Dresden, Chelcicky confirms his argument by reference to the parable o f wheat a n d the tares. C a p i t a l punishment, above a l l , was t o t a l l y i n c o m patible w i t h Christ's i n j u n c t i o n t o love one's enemies. 'The executioner w h o kills is as m u c h a wrong-doer as the c r i m i n a l w h o is k i l l e d . '

9 7

In

a d d i t i o n , i t was o n l y sins against the material well-being o f the state a n d n o t the more serious offences against the L a w o f Christ that were punished by the authorities. B u t Chelcicky held a testimony n o t merely against the death penalty for any k i n d o f crime, b u t against a l l the cruel punishments o f his day. Here he was m o r e radical t h a n the Taborites themselves, whose theoretical cond e m n a t i o n at their synods d u r i n g the early twenties o f the death penalty and other forms o f physical punishments, as well as o f k i l l i n g i n war, was hedged r o u n d w i t h such numerous l i m i t a t i o n s that they largely deprived their protest o f any practical effect.

98

The O r p h a n leader, U l r i c h o f

Z n o j m o , speaking at the C o u n c i l o f Basel, for instance, claimed t h a t i n Hussite Bohemia a priest f o u n d sinning w i t h a w o m a n w o u l d be castrated, a n d the legal codes o f a l l countries were for l o n g to retain almost every variation o f barbarity.

99

B u t ChelCicky condemned as u n c h r i s t i a n a l l

'cruel punishments . . . t o r t u r e , b l i n d i n g , cutting-off o f hands, confiscation o f estates, d e p o r t a t i o n f r o m towns.' H e should, therefore, be reckoned as one o f the earliest a n d most u n c o m p r o m i s i n g advocates o f m o d e r n penal reform.

1 0 0

"

Postilla,

I I , p. 131 ; Sit' vlry, p p . 3 1 , 1 4 1 .

"

Postilla,

I , p p . 1 8 1 - 8 3 ; P e k a f , op. cit., p. 2 0 6 . C h e l c i c k y ' c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y a d d s t h e

r a t h e r strange a r g u m e n t t h a t t h r o u g h the e x e c u t i o n o f c r i m i n a l s G o d is d e p r i v e d o p p o r t u n i t i e s o f testing the r i g h t e o u s t h r o u g h the f o r m e r ' s 9 9

9 9

100

of

evildoings.

Y a s t r e b o v , op. cit., p p . 6 7 - 7 2 . J a c o b , op. cit., p. 107, q u o t i n g Orationes, Postilla,

p. 132.

I I , p p . 1 3 1 , 1 3 2 . F o r C h e l c i c k y ' s a n s w e r t o the a r g u m e n t s i n defense o f the

d e a t h p e n a l y p u t f o r w a r d b y C a r l i e r at B a s l e , see Sit' viry, pp. 1 6 9 - 7 5 , 1 8 1 - 8 7 . k o v a n d P a t e r a , ' O novë nalezeném r u k o p i s e spisù P e t r a Chel£ického,' C

Annen-

1882,

p. 2 8 2 , attribute to Chelëicky a s h o r t M S . t r a c t , f o r m e r l y i n the archiépiscopal l i b r a r y i n P r a g u e a n d n o w a p p a r e n t l y lost. I t is e n t i t l e d Pro krâdei nenie hodné clovëka na smrt vydati, a n d deals specifically w i t h the i n c o m m e n s u r a b i l i t y o f d e a t h a s a p e n a l t y for theft i n w o r d s w h i c h often b r i n g C h e l c i c k y to m i n d .

T h e u s e o f the d e a t h p e n a l t y i n s u c h

c a s e s is r e g a r d e d a s i n c o n s i s t e n t w i t h the L a w o f G o d .

T h e w r i t e r o f the t r a c t p r o p o s e s ,

i n s t e a d , t h a t i n c o r r i g i b l e thieves s h o u l d be c o n d e m n e d

to h a r d l a b o u r u n d e r

penal

c o n d i t i o n s for a s l o n g as m i g h t be n e c e s s a r y for r e p a i r i n g the i n j u r y done. E v e n t h o u g h , i n v i e w o f its r a t h e r p o s i t i v e attitude to the r o l e o f the state a n d the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f j u s t i c e , the t r a c t is p r o b a b l y n o t a c t u a l l y C h e l c i c k y ' s w o r k , e x a m p l e o f c o n t e m p o r a r y o p i n i o n o n the subject.

it is i n t e r e s t i n g a s a n

56

PETR C H E L C l C K Y

T h o u g h closely connected w i t h his rejection o f the whole administrative and j u d i c i a l system, Chelöicky's testimony against oaths, o n the other hand, d i d n o t h o l d the key p o s i t i o n that i t was later to occupy i n the arguments o f his disciples o f the M i n o r Party i n the controversy w i t h i n the U n i t y at the end o f the century. T h e words o f Christ, M a t t h e w , V , 33-37, appeared to h i m , t o o , as a clear i n j u n c t i o n n o t t o swear under any circumstances. B u t , although this alone m i g h t have entailed abstention f r o m participation i n the state, Chelcicky based his arguments, as has been seen, o n far wider grounds. The denunciations o f o a t h t a k i n g scattered about his w r i t i n g s are a l l couched i n very general terms, and this practice is rarely singled o u t f o r special condemnation. I t is possible, however, that Chelcicky devoted a separate w o r k t o the subject, w h i c h is n o w lost. The t a k i n g o f oaths h a d indeed been denounced by the more radical sections o f the Hussite movement, even by those far removed f r o m Chelöicky's anarchism, as well as by the Waldenses, Cathars a n d other medieval sects; a n d abstention f r o m oaths was later to be a feature o f many o f the radical R e f o r m a t i o n sects.

101

I f his objection to oaths f o u n d ready consent i n Bohemia a m o n g m a n y o f his contemporaries, Chelöicky's testimony against a l l wars, defensive as well as offensive, was shared by scarcely anyone outside the n a r r o w circle o f his Brethren. B u t this h a d n o t always been the case. We have already seen that at the very beginning o f the T a b o r i t e movement m a n y o f its leaders h a d rejected a l l violence; t h o u g h as early as 1417 the idea o f r e f o r m had already become l i n k e d i n the p o p u l a r i m a g i n a t i o n w i t h the use o f force, so that i t is difficult to say for certain whether chiliasm moved over f r o m a non-violent i n t o a violent phase o r whether b o t h elements h a d n o t existed w i t h i n the movement f r o m the b e g i n n i n g .

102

A b o u t this t i m e ,

indeed, the question whether a Christian was ever justified i n t a k i n g u p arms was being w a r m l y debated among a l l sections o f the Hussite movement. Previously some mediaeval sects, above all the Waldenses, 101

Sit' viry, p. 9 9 ; Müller, Z.f.

103

had

B., 1915, pp. 9 4 - 9 6 ; Preger, op. cit., pp. 9 8 , 9 9 ; J a g i c ,

I n t r o . , op. cit., p. X X X I V ; J o n e s , Studies

in Mystical

Religion,

pp. 135, 142, 143, 2 1 1 ,

260, 3 6 6 ; N e u m a n n , op. cit., pp. 32, 4 6 , 5 9 ; Y a s t r e b o v , ' K h e l c h i t s k y i G u s , ' p. 4 8 8 ; H o l i n k a , op. cit., pp. 2 3 , 163, 177, 181, 182. B u t H u s a n d the c o n s e r v a t i v e P r a g u e m a s t e r s expressly a l l o w e d o a t h s . - H r e j s a , op. cit., I I , pp. 86, 9 1 . A c c o r d i n g to P r e g e r a certain watering-down

o f t h e i r t e s t i m o n y a g a i n s t o a t h s s e e m s to h a v e t a k e n p l a c e

a m o n g the W a l d e n s e s t o w a r d s the e n d o f t h e f o u r t e e n t h c e n t u r y . m

P e k a f , op. cit., pp. 22, 2 3 ; Y a s t r e b o v , Etyudy,

pp. 44, 4 5 . T h e o p p o n e n t s

of

violence i n c l u d e d at first even s u c h later m i l i t a n t s a s J a n Z e l i v s k y , J a n o f Jiöin, a n d B i s k u p e c h i m s e l f ( H r e j s a , op. cit., I I , pp. 9 2 , 1 4 1 ; P c k a f , op. cit., pp. 127, 2 5 1 ) . 1 0 3

H o l i n k a , op. cit., pp. 2 3 , 6 7 - 7 2 , 163. H o l i n k a , h o w e v e r , cites the c a s e o f the

German-speaking Waldensian

p e a s a n t s o n the R o z m b e r k estates n e a r Jindfichüv

H r a d e c i n s o u t h B o h e m i a , w h o i n 1340 rose i n revolt against their l o r d a s a r e s u l t o f

57

FORERUNNER OF T H E UNITY

condemned a l l warfare, and i t was they w h o m Nicholas o f Dresden and the early Taborites had followed i n this matter.

Neither the Catholic

c h u r c h nor even the later Taborites allowed their priests to participate as combatants i n b a t t l e .

104

T h o u g h this question, therefore, was n o t entirely

new i n the fifteenth century, i t was, however, the threat o f invasion i n 1419-20 that gave i t its v i t a l importance. T h e n t w o priests, Mikulás and "Vaclav, w h o were at t h a t date c a r r y i n g on a controversy as to the conditions o f a j u s t w a r , appealed to the t w o most eminent Prague masters, Jakoubek o f S t f i b r o and K f i s t ' a n o f Prachatice, t o give their o p i n i o n i n this matter. T h e masters returned an affirmative answer t o their first q u e s t i o n : ' a n d o m i n i seculares tenentur gladio m a t e r i a l i defenderé legis veritatem?' The priests' second query r a n as f o l l o w s : 'si d o m i n i seculares ad t a n t u m sint desides, q u o d n o l u n t veritatem gladio accepto defenderé, a n communitates

fideles

subiecte

possent et debeant earn gladio defenderé m a t e r i a l i , adversantes videlicet corporaliter perimendo?'

Here the masters hedged their assent r o u n d

w i t h the most stringent conditions. The r i g h t to wage wars, they said, belongs p r o p e r l y to the c i v i l a u t h o r i t i e s : f o r the o r d i n a r y C h r i s t i a n the best way o f resisting evil, the o n l y course o f action free f r o m grave dangers, is that o f patient suffering. A j u s t w a r , they believed w i t h W y c l i f , needed three p r i o r c o n d i t i o n s : 'iusta vendicacio, intentio.'

licita autorisacio et recta

O n l y under the most extreme p r o v o c a t i o n were the people

justified i n themselves u n d e r t a k i n g the defence o f God's t r u t h .

Neither

appellants n o r a r b i t r a t o r s , therefore, denied that under certain c i r c u m their bad e c o n o m i c a n d social conditions.

B u t i t is n o t c l e a r to w h a t degree these

sectaries w e r e i n fact i m b u e d w i t h W a l d e n s i a n d o c t r i n e s . 1 0 1

G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p. 3 6 ; J o n e s , op. cit., pp. 135, 142, 162, 3 6 5 , 3 9 7 ; P e k a f ,

op.

cit., p p . 13, 14, 1 3 2 - 3 5 ; Y a s t r e b o v , p. 7 0 . A c c o r d i n g to Preger, op. cit., p. 101, the i n v a s i o n o f 1420 c a u s e d the W a l d e n s e s i n a n d a r o u n d B o h e m i a , l i k e t h e T a b o r i t e s , to t h r o w o v e r their o b j e c t i o n to defensive w a r s . O p p o s i t i o n t o w a r f a r e , at least i n t h e o r y , m a y a l s o h a v e been o n e o f the d o c t r i n e s o f the A d a m i t e s o r ' P i c a r d s ' w h o , w i t h t h e i r l e a d e r M a r t i n H o u s k a - L o q u i s , r e p r e s e n t e d the r a d i c a l s e c t i o n o f the T a b o r i t e ment.

move-

C l o s e l y a k i n to the f r e e - t h i n k i n g B r e t h r e n o f the F r e e S p i r i t t h e y a r e s a i d by

their opponents

to h a v e p r a c t i s e d n u d i s m a n d free love.

After putting up a

fierce

r e s i s t a n c e , w h i c h w o u l d s e e m to d i s p r o v e a n y pacifist tendencies o n t h e i r p a r t , t h e y w e r e s a v a g e l y s u p p r e s s e d b y Z i i k a i n 1421. See F. R. B., V , p p . 5 1 7 - 2 0 . O n the o t h e r h a n d , T u m a P f e l o u c s k y , op. cit., p. 4 7 , writes o f t h o s e w h o w e r e b u r n t at K l o k o t y n e a r T á b o r i n A p r i l 1421, that the r e a s o n for their p e r s e c u t i o n w a s ' b e c a u s e they s p o k e o u t against warfare.'

P f e l o u i s k y w a s , h o w e v e r , w r i t i n g s o m e eighty y e a r s later, a n d the

o t h e r e v i d e n c e definitely i n d i c a t e s t h a t t h e y p u t u p a r m e d r e s i s t a n c e , at least t o w a r d s the e n d .

B o t h C h e l i i c k y ( O boj i duchovnim,

p p . 8 - 1 0 ) a n d the e a r l y B r e t h r e n w e r e

c a r e f u l to d i s a s s o c i a t e themselves f r o m t h e m o n t h e o l o g i c a l a n d m o r a l issues.

Macek,

op. cit., I I , pp. 3 2 1 - 3 1 , believes the A d a m i t e s w e r e i d e n t i c a l w i t h the left-wing c h i l i a s t s w i t h i n the T a b o r i t e c a m p ; a n d t h i s m a y e x p l a i n w h y a n t i - w a r d o c t r i n e s were a s c r i b e d to t h e m , s i n c e they h a d s h o r t l y before been h e l d by m a n y o f the c h i l i a s t s .

58

PETR C H E L & C K Y

stances the people c o u l d take u p arms w i t h o u t the intervention o f the civil authorities, still less d i d they contest the possibility o f a j u s t w a r .

1 0 5

But ChelSicky remained f i r m i n his o p i n i o n that participation i n warfare was quite incompatible w i t h the Christian way o f life. We have seen h i m debating the p o i n t w i t h Jakoubek o f S t f i b r o d u r i n g the most critical months o f 1420 w i t h the crusading armies at the gates o f Prague.

The

sixteen years o f war that were to follow, its material devastation and the accompanying m o r a l deterioration, only confirmed h i m i n his o p i n i o n . F o r the sake o f the future [he was to write] we should n o t pass over those things which we have n o w been suffering, and been eyewitnesses of, f o r over fifteen years, . . . when f o r reasons o f f a i t h one side has risen u p against the other i n its w r a t h a n d savageness. . . . W h a t this side has proclaimed as t r u t h , the other has condemned as error. . . . The fire they have l i t they have been unable to quench. Everywhere m u r d e r , rapine, and want have flourished and multitudes have perished. . . . Every t o w n i n the land has girded itself to battle, has been enclosed w i t h walls a n d surrounded w i t h moats. . . . Whoever w o u l d enter o r leave the t o w n is imprisoned and r o b b e d a n d k i l l e d . . . . O n every side there is o n l y w a n t and fear, i n the home a n d i n the fields and i n the forest a n d o n the m o u n tains. Nowhere can they hide one f r o m another. I n the towns and castles every man must be ready f o r battle. . . . N o w h e r e may one find rest a n d peace. The l a b o u r i n g people is stripped o f everything, d o w n t r o d d e n , oppressed, beaten, robbed, so that many are driven by w a n t a n d hunger t o leave their l a n d . Some even must pay their dues t o castle o r t o w n thrice over, even four times, n o w to one side, n o w to the o t h e r . F o r otherwise 106

1 0 5

S e v e r a l o t h e r t r a c t s o n the s a m e subject, w r i t t e n d u r i n g the first m o n t h s o f w a r

from s t a n d p o i n t s r a n g i n g f r o m fiery p a t r i o t i s m to a c o n d i t i o n a l j u s t i f i c a t i o n o f n o n resistance, all grant the l e g i t i m a c y o f C h r i s t i a n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n w a r u n d e r c e r t a i n conditions. C h e l c i c k y , i n d e e d , a p p e a r s f r o m his w o r k s to h a v e been w e l l a c q u a i n t e d w i t h this early H u s s i t e literature o n the w a r issue.

i

L e n g t h y extracts f r o m five s u c h

documents, a s w e l l a s the M a s t e r s ' d e c i s i o n i n full, a r e given i n G o l l , Quellen

und

Untersuchungen,

tit.,

I I , p p . 4 7 - 6 0 . See also P e k a f , op. tit., p p . 9 6 - 1 0 2 ; Y a s t r e b o v , op.

pp. 5 5 - 6 7 ; M a c e k , op. tit., I I , pp. 1 6 2 - 7 0 . G o l l identifies t h e two priests, Mikulds" a n d V d c l a v , as B i s k u p e c a n d K o r a n d a the e l d e r a n d dates the d e c i s i o n i n N o v e m b e r 1419. B a r t o s , C. C. M.,

1914, p. 3 0 7 , h o w e v e r , p u t s it f o r w a r d to J a n u a r y o r F e b r u a r y 1420,

a n d sees in V a c l a v n o t K o r a n d a , but a n o t h e r priest c a l l e d V e n e k , f o u n d e r o f T a b o r . See also BartoS, Husitstvi dominio

o n the P r a g u e

a tizina, p. 156. F o r the s t r o n g influence of W y c l i f ' s

De

tivili

M a s t e r s a n d later the T a b o r i t e s i n their f o r m u l a t i o n o f the

c o n d i t i o n s o f a j u s t w a r , see Y a s t r e b o v , op. tit., p p . 9 2 - 9 5 . 1 0

*

C f . the w o r d s o f the c o n s e r v a t i v e U t r a q u i s t , J a n o f P r i b r a m , w r i t t e n i n 1429,

c o n c e r n i n g the failure o f the H u s s i t e m o v e m e n t to realize the e a r l y h o p e s e n t e r t a i n e d b y the peasantry o f a betterment o f their s o c i a l p o s i t i o n ( q u o t e d by K r o f t a , Dejiny stavu, p. 9 8 ) : ' T h o s e p e a s a n t s w h o u s e d quietly to p a y o n e y e a r ' s rent (jeden

selskeho

urok)

now

h a v e to pay s u c h r e n t s five o r six t i m e s o v e r , as w e l l a s other dues. N o r c a n they be left a l o n e either at h o m e o r i n the forests o r i n holes i n the e a r t h . plundered and ransacked and driven away.'

Yea!

E v e r y t h i n g is

F o r a d i s c u s s i o n h o w far the m a t e r i a l

c o n d i t i o n s a n d s o c i a l s t a t u s of the p e a s a n t deteriorated d u r i n g the H u s s i t e p e r i o d , see

59

FORERUNNER OF THE UNITY

they w o u l d be driven f r o m house a n d fields. A n d w h a t is n o t taken f r o m t h e m by the castle i n dues is eaten u p by the armies . . . that pray u p o n the l a n d . This s t r i k i n g passage brings o u t clearly the social b a c k g r o u n d o n w h i c h Chelcicky composed his s t i r r i n g denunciations o f the scourge o f w a r .

1 0 7

W h a t then was the basis o n w h i c h ChelCicky's pacifism rested, as distinct f r o m the e m o t i o n a l protest w h i c h the cruelties and destruction o f the c o n t e m p o r a r y religious conflict aroused i n him? W a r originated i n his o p i n i o n w i t h A n t i c h r i s t . ' G o d cannot say: ' T h o u shalt n o t k i l l , ' since the Beast commands men to k i l l , hang, b u r n , execute, destroy villages a n d homes.'

108

The O l d Testament, he agreed, permitted the Jews to fight their

enemies; and .warfare was also n a t u r a l a m o n g pagans, i g n o r a n t o f the Christian way o f life. B u t even Maccabeus was for h i m 'that m i g h t y m u r d e rer.' He pointed o u t , t o o , that the Jews indeed had been f o r b i d d e n by G o d t o fight a m o n g themselves, a higher standard o f conduct t h a n the one c o m m o n a m o n g his contemporary fellow Christians w i t h their constant internecine strife. W i t h the c o m i n g o f Christ, however, the new L a w o f L o v e forbade his disciples to take h u m a n life under any circumstances; and this was proved by the example o f C h r i s t himself, o f his apostles and the early church.

A l l men were n o w brothers.

The Christian's weapons were

spiritual, n o t m a t e r i a l ; and his a i m was to redeem souls and n o t t o destroy bodies and souls. F o r warfare w o u l d inevitably c o r r u p t even the p r o t a gonists o f a righteous cause.

Wars waged by persons c l a i m i n g to be

Christians were more to be condemned even than unjust wars a m o n g Jews or p a g a n s .

100

The fact that leading c h u r c h authorities over the previous

thousand years, as well as the most eminent o f his contemporaries, had accepted the possibility o f a j u s t war carried no weight w i t h Chelcicky, when compared t o the injunctions o f Christ. ' I f [St. Peter] himself should suddenly appear f r o m Heaven [he writes] and begin t o advocate the s w o r d and to gather together an a r m y i n order to defend the t r u t h and establish G o d ' s order (zdkon bozi vysvoboditi)

b y w o r l d l y m i g h t , even t h e n I w o u l d

not believe h i m . ' I n t r y i n g to convince Christians that warfare was someR . R . B e t t s , ' S o c i a l a n d C o n s t i t u t i o n a l D e v e l o p m e n t i n the H u s s i t e P e r i o d , ' Past Present, 1 0 7

and

no. 7, pp. 5 0 - 5 4 .

M i i l l e r , ' S t a r y r u k o p i s d v o u s p i s u P e t r a C h e l c i c k c h o , ' C. C. H.,

1907, p p . 166,

167, w h e r e he gives e x t r a c t s f r o m a fuller M S . v e r s i o n o f the Post ilia, w h i c h he d i s c o v ered at N u r e m b e r g . C f . 5/7' viry, p. 130. F o r the c r u e l t i e s inflicted o n the p e a s a n t r y b y b o t h a r m i e s , see Y a s t r e b o v , op. cit., p p . 7 6 , 7 7 . 108

' q Seime

a

o b r a z e j e j i m , ' MenSlspisy,

I , p p . 4 0 , 4 1 , 6 4 . C h e l c i c k y u s u a l l y identified

A n t i c h r i s t o r the B e a s t w i t h the r u l e r s o f c h u r c h a n d state. 108

O boji duchovnim,

pp. 7, 8, 18, 1 2 8 ; Sit'

o s t a r e m i l o v e k u , * Mensi

spisy,

viry, pp. 1 2 2 , 1 9 6 , 1 9 7 ; ' R e c s v a t e h o P a v l a

I I , p p . 5 1 , 5 2 ; ' R e p l i k a p r o t i R o k y c a n o v i , ' p. 3 8 6 .

60

PETR C H E L C I C K Y

times a necessity, he went o n , c h u r c h fathers like St. Augustine a n d even Hus himself h a d d r u n k ' f r o m the hand o f the Great H a r l o t . ' T h e m i n i s tration o f the sacraments by T a b o r i t e priests ' t o murderers a n d robbers,* as he calls the soldiers w h o h a d taken p a r t i n battle, filled h i m w i t h disgust.

110

H e poured scorn o n the b l i n d and false followers o f C h r i s t ,

who had perverted their master's teachings. H e denounced w i t h b i t i n g i r o n y the absurdity o f prayers offered f o r victory. Such prayers, he says, are 'a terrible b l a s p h e m y . '

111

T h e c o m m a n d m e n t ' T h o u shalt n o t k i l l '

was absolute. ChelCicky d i d n o t hesitate t o express his disagreement here w i t h t h e two men o f recent times w h o m he most revered: W y c l i f a n d H u s .

The

doctor evangelicus was indeed, l i k e the Prague Masters, an advocate o f the superiority o f that spiritual warfare, w h i c h ChelSicky had taken as the subject o f his first treatise. B u t his disapproval o f a l l kinds o f material warfare was n o t an absolute p r o h i b i t i o n . 'Sicut anima est d i g n i o r corpore [he wrote] i t a debet fidelis p u g n a m preponere anime et exclusa eius sufficiencia per invasionem d i a b o l i ad p u g n a m abstraccionis t e m p o r a l i u m inclinare, et supposito q u o d ista n o n sufficiat, tunc . . . hostes c o r p o r a l i t e r expugnare.' T h o u g h , this o n l y applied to l a y m e n : 'clerici autem debent aliam v i a m securiorem eligere.' pfikdzanie

H u s , t o o , i n his Vyklad desatera

bozieho

p e r m i t t e d warfare ' i n defence o f f a i t h and the t r u t h (pro

obranu

viery a prawdy),'

112

while at the same time recommending the spiritual fight

w i t h evil as the better way. H u s h a d been deceived, i n Chelcicky's view, by the specious arguments o f the doctors o f the church, a n d the use o f his name i n justification o f recent wars was o f great disservice to the cause o f truth.

Once again ChelCicky showed his remarkable independence

of

judgement, his audacity i n challenging the most revered a u t h o r i t i e s .

113

The path o f non-resistance to evil was the only one open to consistent Christians. They were t o conquer by meekness and suffering, a n d G o d ' R e p l i k a , ' p p . 2 6 4 , 392, 3 9 3 , 4 6 6 . 111

Sit' viry, p p . 1 9 3 - 9 8 , 2 1 5 - 1 7 .

1 1 2

Wyclif,

dominio

Sermones,

I I I , p. 9 7 - 1 0 5 .

It was probably, however,

that C h e l c i c k y learnt o f W y c l i f ' s v i e w p o i n t o n w a r .

from

De

civili

A t least s o m e o f the

L o l l a r d s , a c c o r d i n g to the t e s t i m o n y o f their c l e r i c a l o p p o n e n t s , a p p e a r to h a v e b e e n m o r e absolute i n their c o n d e m n a t i o n o f b o t h w a r a n d c a p i t a l p u n i s h m e n t t h a n t h e i r master.

See a l s o H o c h , op.

cit., p p .

138-40, 143, 338, 441.

H o c h c o n s i d e r s that

C h e l C i c k y ' s p a c i f i s m w a s largely d e r i v e d f r o m W y c l i f ' s m o r e m o d e r a t e p o s i t i o n . 1 1 3

' R e p l i k a p r o t i R o k y c a n o v i , ' pp. 2 6 4 , 3 9 2 ; Y a s t r e b o v , ' K h e l c h i t s k y i G u s , ' p p .

4 8 5 - 8 8 . See a l s o H o c h , op. cit., pp. 137, 138, 193, 194. I t w a s not indeed until W y c l i f ' s protest against w a r b e c a m e k n o w n i n the C z e c h l a n d s , that the q u e s t i o n a s to w h e t h e r warfare w a s c o n s i s t e n t with C h r i s t i a n i t y was d e b a t e d by C z e c h t h e o l o g i a n s a n d m o r a l ists.

61

FORERUNNER OF T H E UNITY

w o u l d protect them even d u r i n g the worst persecution. A n y h o w , those w h o suffered for their f a i t h i n this life w o u l d get their reward i n the next: while those w h o h a d stirred up strife a n d warfare w o u l d inevitably receive eternal d a m n a t i o n as their p o r t i o n . I n view o f this, ' i t w o u l d , therefore, be shameful to fight o r t o quarrel over material injustice, over w o r l d l y goods.'

114

B u t the contemporary c h u r c h , ' u n m i n d f u l o f God's flock, false

shepherds, have fled f r o m H i m i n t i m e o f t r i a l and have walled themselves i n castles and towns, stirring u p wars and shedding men's b l o o d . '

Over

against a l l such false Christians, priests or laymen, u n w i l l i n g t o undergo persecution, ChelCicky puts his ideal o f the early c h u r c h . ' H u m b l e and l o w l y (pesi)

people [he calls them] w h o , when kings and princes came

against them, prayed t o G o d , dispensing w i t h shield and As

indeed

Tolstoy

was

later t o realize,

firearmsC/wifty).'

115

i t is his doctrine o f n o n -

resistance, central t o his whole philosophy, t h a t determines

Chelcicky's

significance i n the history o f p o l i t i c a l t h o u g h t . I t is his attitude o n this question, too, that marks h i m off f r o m a l l his contemporaries i n the Hussite

movement.

114

D u r i n g the l o n g w a r years the peasantry, especially, were frequently conscripted against their w i l l i n t o one or other o f the opposing armies. ChelCicky b i t t e r l y complains o f such practices. ' I n time o f war [he says] y o u make w a r r i o r s (rytifi)

o f tanners and shoemakers and weavers, o f

anyone able t o w i e l d a club. . . . F o r neither the k i n g n o r the princes n o r the nobles n o r the lesser gentry do the fighting themselves, b u t compel their peasants to do i t f o r t h e m . '

1 1 7

'The people [he writes elsewhere] are

herded together l i k e sheep a n d d r i v e n to the slaughter.' They are forced by the combined a u t h o r i t y o f c h u r c h a n d state t o a course o f action u t t e r l y c o n t r a r y to the C h r i s t i a n gospel, Christian against C h r i s t i a n , brother against brother, men 'whose consciences otherwise m i g h t d r a w back f r o m k i l l i n g and r o b b i n g their fellows.'

B u t 'they have neither sufficient

understanding, n o r charity enough, to realize t h a t they s h o u l d prefer to die at the hands o f their l o r d t h a n c o m m i t such evil acts.' Princes and prelates ought n o t be obeyed when they c o m m a n d evil things.

Therefore,

since p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n w a r was inconsistent w i t h the gospel teachings, Christians should refuse m i l i t a r y service; a n d , i f a l l d i d this, ' w h o m w o u l d the rulers find t o accompany t h e m to the wars (s kym by pdni na vojnu A l t h o u g h , as Chelcicky admits, this w o u l d inevitably b r i n g d o w n

jeli)T

1 , 1

Sit'

115

O trojim

vlry, p p . 157, 2 0 0 . lidu, p. 7 0 ; Postilla,

I , p. 3 2 0 .

K u l b a k i n , op. cit., p p . 66, 6 7 ; P e s c h k e , op. cit., p. 189. 1 1

'

' R e p l i k a , ' p. 3 9 3 .

62

PETR C H E L C I C K Y

persecution f r o m the side o f 'those

paganized

rulers,'

nevertheless,

'according t o the f a i t h they must be more eager to be p u t to the sword than to c o m m i t such actions contrary to God's c o m m a n d m e n t . '

118

A strongly-felt sentiment o f internationalism was a n a t u r a l c o r o l l a r y t o Chelöicky's pacifism.

The Hussite r e v o l u t i o n , b o t h i n its genesis a n d

d u r i n g the course o f its history, was to some extent a nationalist reaction to the encroaching G e r m a n element. Traces o f national feeling, as Czech historians have been quick to p o i n t out, are n o t absent f r o m Chelöicky's writings.

They arc, however, rather i m p l i c i t , h a l f formed and never

nmsressive in expression.

The C h i n c h for h i m was i n t e r n a t i o n a l . 'Every-

wheic, umunu, nil Millions ami lan-uiancs | In* \vı i l c s | I here have been people who linvi' U li.'w.l m ıh.' j i n ' i p d I\H p i c m i i n l by llio npoNlles.' I'or Hie I

IIIImIIIIII

i'W iv lllllllilll In lii|t in AMww

illlViMH', ii li'\v m n l i n i l h i n m

H IH-Ic)li•

h n ııri|!İıbıiııı lo lıo lıHpeıl,

m mı nıriııv,

İM

evet In

IIITII,

'If

then

i i m t i i l i i l | i In m n pi t it* 'İpin nl l o u il i'i m u tlnlv In sec İlini I it- does not die 1

l i o i u hunpi'i nı t nld m n it % niln'i n i l i i m i l v . ' Only lor llio false ( i n islians ilhl tin' l'tiiniiliiik'4 nl s p i ' n i i a n d niilinnnlily plav tiny l o i r in (Irlininj', l l u i i iilllliulo In lliolr l o l l o w s . " " Clti'liiv'ky \VI\N not onlv an opponent o f n a t i o m i l animosities. He was ( 0 direct his licivcsl invective ngainst contemporary social inequalities and the theories by w h i c h class divisions were justified. A s we have seen, Hus and his predecessors had championed b o t h i n theory and practice the rights o f the small craftsmen and peasants. They proclaimed the m o r a l superiority o f the simple c o u n t r y m a n . B u t neither Hus's predecessors, n o r any party w i t h i n the Hussite movement, h a d consistently advocated a t o t a l revolution i n social relationships: the a b o l i t i o n o f serfdom

(poddanst-

vi) and the establishment o f an egalitarian society. The T a b o r i t e chiliasts i n 1419-20 h a d , i t is true, preached a complete reversal o f the existing social order.

B u t the disappointment o f their hopes o f Christ's second

p u t an end t o these communistic dreams after a few m o n t h s ; a n d by the autumn o f 1420 the Taborites, under 2izka's leadership, h a d r e t u r n i n g to the o l d social pattern. VvTiile he d i d n o t share their apocalyptic delusions, Chelcicky came very near to the chiliasts i n his social ideals. H e protested, above a l l , against the t r a d i t i o n a l arguments o n w h i c h the existing inequalities were based, against the theory o f 'the threefold people,' the three estates i n t o w h i c h the Christian c o m m o n w e a l t h

was d i v i d e d : the n o b i l i t y , clergy,

and

commonalty. The first t w o estates, according to this conception, repre"»

Sit' v/ry, p p . 6 7 , 150.

"*

Ibid., p. 2 0 ; Postilla,

I I , p. 2 4 3 , 2 5 0 ; U r b â n c k , op

cit., p. 9 8 5 .

FORERUNNER OF THE UNITY

63

sented the divine a n d the h u m a n elements i n Christ's mystical body, w h i c h were united w i t h the t h i r d element, the w o r k i n g people, destined to serve their material needs, by the bonds o f C h r i s t i a n love as members together o f Christ's Body. The lords t e m p o r a l were to defend society by a r m s ; the clergy's task was to f o l l o w the way o f Christ i n poverty and i n prayer'and t o teach the l a i t y ; while the t h i r d estate were t o carry the whole burden o f s u p p o r t i n g the other t w o estates by their m a n u a l labour. The Taborites, after rejecting the c o m m u n i s m o f their chiliastic period, had taken over this theory f r o m W y c l i f - a s Yastrebov has shown clearly by c o m p a r i n g extracts f r o m the T a b o r i t c Manifesto o f 1431, addressed to the rest o f Catholic Europe, w i t h identical passages taken f r o m W y c l i f ' s

Dialogus.

120

It was, therefore, to them that Chelcicky addressed the refutation o f this conception that he wrote in Ihe middle twenties. But even before O

trojim

lidu lie had outlined his opposition to current theory i n O clrkvisvate,

just

as he was to return to this theme i n his later w o r k s .

121

Chelercky saw in a society founded on class inequalities the antithesis o f it Christian social order. It was as completely pagan as the violence o n which its whole structure rested. Since he denied, as we have seen, the need for armed force i n a C h r i s t i a n society, the only j u s t i f i c a t i o n for the privileges o f the n o b i l i t y , whose task i t was to protect the other t w o estates, lost thereby its v a l i d i t y . T h e g r a n t i n g o f titles meant giving t h a t homage t o men w h i c h should be reserved f o r G o d alone. The superiority o f these 'coroneted escutcheons (erby korunovane),'

as he scornfully calles m e m -

bers o f the n o b i l i t y , was based solely o n robbery and violence.

Their

ancestors h a d obtained p r o p e r t y a n d titles either t h r o u g h force o f arms o r by money.

' I f they n o w h a d n o money i n a d d i t i o n t o their b i r t h ,

hunger w o u l d force t h e m t o d r o p their coats-of-arms and take to the »°

Y a s t r e b o v , Etyudy,

as follows:

p p . 155, 1 5 6 ; O trojim

lidu, pp. 9 9 , 100. W y c l i f ' s v e r s i o n r a n

' E c c l e s i a a u t e m m i l i t a n c i u m . . . dicitur c o m m u n i t e r tripartita, scilicet

e c c l e s i a c l e r i c o r u m q u i debent

esse p r o p i n q u i s s i m i ecclesie t r i u m p h a n t i et

r e s i d u u m ecclesie m i l i t a n t i s , ut s e q u a t u r C h r i s t u m p r o p i n q u i u s .

...

iuvare

Secunda

pars

m i l i t a n t i s ecclesie d i c i t u r esse m i l i t u m i t a , q u o d s i c u t p r i m a p a r s i s t i u s e c c l e s i e d i c i t u r i n s t r u m e n t u m o r a t o r u m , i t a s e c u n d a p a r s ecclesie d i c i t u r c o r p o r a l i u m T e r c i a v e r o p a r s ecclesie d i c i t u r w u l g a r i u m v e l l a b o r a t o r u m .

p a r c i u m a d i m i t a c i o n e m trinitatis i n c r e a t e c o n s i s t i t s a n i t a s c o r p o r i s m i l i t a n t i s . ' ( f r o m De

Christo

et suo adversario

Antichristo,

defensorum.

E t i n h a r m o n i a ista t r i u m p. 33).

istius ecclesie

C f . Dialogus,

pp.

2 - 5 , w h i c h c o n t a i n the passages a c t u a l l y c i t e d by C h e l 5 i c k y f r o m t h e C z e c h t r a n s l a t i o n ; T o m a S o f S t i t n y , Kniike

Sestero o obecnych

vecech kfest'anskych

(ed. K . J . E r b e n ) , 1852,

I V , q u o t e d i n H e l i n k a ' s e d i t i o n o f O trojim lidu, pp. 1 7 - 2 1 . T h i s t h e o r y o f 'the t h r e e fold p e o p l e ' w a s o f c o u r s e c o m m o n i n m e d i e v a l times t h r o u g h o u t W e s t e r n C h a l o u p e c k y , ' S t i t n ? a C h e l C i c k y , ' C. M.

M.,

Europe.

1914, p. 7 7 , c o n s i d e r s t h a t C h e l c i c k y ' s

a t t a c k s o n this t h e o r y w e r e d i r e c t e d m o r e against S t i t n y ' s fuller e x p o s i t i o n o f it t h a n a g a i n s t e i t h e r W y c l i f o r the T a b o r i t e s . 121

O cirkvi svate, p p . 8 2 - 8 5 ; Sit'

viry, p. 4 3 .

64

PETR C H E L C l C K Y

p l o u g h [he writes]. W e a l t h alone, therefore, sustains the h o n o u r o f their n o b i l i t y and the fame o f their b i r t h . . . . L a c k i n g money, they w o u l d soon s i n k back to the level o f the peasantry and, as they scorn w o r k , they w o u l d often go hungry.' They were at present o n l y able to live o u t their lives i n idleness and l u x u r y because o f the labour o f their peasants.

' I f this dis-

appeared, their noble b i r t h w o u l d decay miserably.' Chel&cky's denounces their whole way o f l i f e : their refined luxuries, their class education, their pride, their loose morals, their unwillingness to suffer w r o n g as Christians should, their contempt for manual w o r k , and their oppression o f the workers. Even their frequent ablutions were i n his eyes an a b o m i n a t i o n , 'a burden t o the servants.' The nobles were only a millstone r o u n d the necks o f the h a r d w o r k i n g c o m m o n people, 'useless drones' w h o only c o r r u p t others by the bad example o f their lives. Serfdom, that bastion o f the feudal order, is for Chel&cky a sin against G o d and man. ' I f y o u r forefathers [he says, addressing the n o b i l i t y and gentry] bought h u m a n beings together w i t h their hereditary rights to the property, then they bought something that was n o t theirs t o b u y and sell.' Christ has redeemed m a n k i n d w i t h his b l o o d : how, then, do

so-called

Christians dare to traffic i n h u m a n lives? A l l their legal documents w i l l n o t be o f any avail on the D a y o f Judgement (A nepomuoz tu nic ani zdpisove ve desky vepsani).

kaupeni

F o r there is n o basis for social inequalities

i n Christianity, where, 'when one member suffers, a l l the other members suffer w i t h h i m . ' 'They are quite unable t o show any passage f r o m God's scriptures [he writes] w h y , apart f r o m their superior descent, they are any different f r o m other people.' They are indeed d o u b l y accursed, he cries, once t h r o u g h original sin and a second time by reason o f their noble birth.

1 2 2

The privileges o f the clergy, too, the close association between church and state, originated w i t h A n t i c h r i s t . The task allotted the priesthood o f preaching the Christian gospel o f love, forgiveness, a n d h u m i l i t y , to the nobility, whose very existence depended o n violence a n d inequality, and t o the commonalty, whose status i n itself meant a denial o f C h r i s t i a n brotherhood, was an absurdity. ' I t is as i f someone were t o f o r b i d the bakers to bake [he writes] and at the same time order the people to eat.' Let priests w o r k like other honest men ' a n d not become a burden o n the labouring c o m m u n i t y (aby polozili

se).'

duchovni

kneiie

na obec

robotny

[ne]

They should set a g o o d example o f industry, should do

n o t h i n g to justify the taunt t h a t they had chosen their calling f r o m material considerations, ' t h o u g h w o r t h y preachers [he concedes] should Sit'

viry, p p . 1 1 4 - 1 6 , 2 2 1 - 3 4 ; O trojim

lidu, p p . 6 3 - 7 2 ; Postitla,

I , p p . 197, 3 2 0 .

65

FORERUNNER OF T H E UNITY

n o t be disallowed f r o m t a k i n g those things necessary.' As w i t h W y c l i f and the Hussites i n general, monks and mendicant friars were especially singled o u t by Chel&cky' for attack.

H e accuses them o f leading a

luxurious life at the expense o f the w o r k i n g people. 'Some are as strong as horses [he writes] . . . and are m o r e fit t o w o r k t h a n aged peasants.' Tithes, t o o , should be abolished.

The

apostles had n o t

considered

themselves as a specially privileged class w i t h i n society. W o r k was the h a l l - m a r k o f every true member o f the C h r i s t i a n c o m m u n i t y .

123

Indeed, I trust G o d [writes ChelSicky] that t i l l m y d y i n g day I shall never assent t o this doctrine concerning Christ's Body, w h i c h holds i t r i g h t that these t w o arrogant estates [i.e. n o b i l i t y and clergy] should exempt themselves [ f r o m h a r d w o r k ] and lay the whole burden on the c o m m o n f o l k , should as i t were ride u p o n t h e m , a n d consider themselves superior w i t h i n Christ's B o d y t o the c o m m o n a l t y o n w h o m they ride, these subject t o t h e m , n o t as one l i m b to another, b u t as beasts w h o m i t is o f little account to w o r k t o d e a t h . * 12

ChelSicky was certainly ruthless i n his analysis o f the class basis o f the society o f his day.

I n the conflict w h i c h he revealed between feudal

landlords and serf peasantry, he stood unhesitatingly w i t h the latter. Chaloupecky has pointed o u t w i t h some justification t h a t the apostle o f non-violence was n o t uninfluenced by the general atmosphere o f social hatred generated by the r e f o r m m o v e m e n t ;

and that some may have

misunderstood his message, conceiving i t as one o f revenge and violence against the r u l i n g classes.

125

A p a r t f r o m the acerbity o f his language the

element o f revenge is n o t altogether absent: o n l y i t is postponed u n t i l the after-life. D u r i n g his first sojourn on earth Christ was meek and l o v i n g , he writes, ' b u t at the end he w i l l come i n his m i g h t to destroy all the great and p r o u d o f this earth . . . w h o have oppressed the poor a n d devoured the f r u i t o f their l a b o u r and ruled w i t h cruelty over t h e m . T h e n w i l l y o u see the L o r d , the avenger o f the poor. . . . I t w i l l go h a r d i n that time w i t h the lords o f the earth, w h o have ridden w i t h o u t mercy o n the backs o f the l a b o u r i n g poor, w h o m Christ has redeemed,' Such passages, indeed, are n o t far removed i n tone f r o m the voices o f the chiliasts, the mouthpieces o f the d o w n t r o d d e n proletariat o f t o w n and c o u n t r y . 1SS

O trojlm

lidu, p p . 5 7 - 5 9 , 7 2 - 7 4 ; O cirkvi

svate,

p. 8 4 ; Sit'

1 2 6

B u t i n this w o r l d

viry, p p . 2 4 7 - 6 7 .

The

r u l e that priests s h o u l d k e e p themselves b y s o m e f o r m o f m a n u a l w o r k w a s p u t i n t o p r a c t i c e by the U n i t y o f C z e c h B r e t h r e n a n d l a t e r b y the m o r e r a d i c a l R e f o r m a t i o n sects. 124

O trojim

1 1 5

C h a l o u p e c k y , Selskd Postilla,

lidu, p. 7 1 . otdzka,

p. 4 5 .

I , p. 2 0 ; I I , p p . 8 2 - 9 4 . S e e a l s o t h e ' A r t i c u l i V a l d e n s i u m ' f r o m the last

d e c a d e o f the fourteenth

century, which show similar sentiments: 'Item

dicunt...

PETR CHELÖICKY

66

reform, according to Chelöicky, c o u l d only come b y the conversion o f the powerful t h r o u g h the long-suffering patience o f the oppressed. The positive side o f Chelöicky's social doctrine was never so w e l l developed as his critical analysis. H e was a prophet c r y i n g i n the wilderness rather than the patient reformer bent o n a gradual t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f society. Kautsky, f o r instance, has seen i n Chelöicky 'a c o m m u n i s t i n the primitive Christian sense.'

127

T h o u g h indeed he d i d n o t expressly con-

demn property i n itself, apart f r o m inordinate wealth o r its i m p r o p e r use, the apostolic poverty o f the first Christians remained Chelöicky's ideal throughout. T f m a n was n o t deceived by avarice [he asks] w h y should he need property (zbozie)

o r take any heed o f w o r l d l y things?' His views o n

property, indeed, recall W y c l i f ' s theory o f dominium. * 12

'Whoever is n o t

o f G o d [writes the Czech] cannot t r u l y enjoy o r h o l d a n y t h i n g belonging to God, except as the m a n o f violence u n l a w f u l l y enjoys a n d holds w h a t is not his o w n . ' T h e whole earth belongs t o G o d : therefore o n l y those w h o were putting i n t o practice the principle o f C h r i s t i a n equality had a real claim to the use o f enough to satisfy the bare necessities o f existence.

The

path o f v o l u n t a r y poverty was the only way open t o a true C h r i s t i a n , indeed the only r a t i o n a l course i n view o f the vanity o f t e m p o r a l things. His injunction to give alms t o the poor w o u l d seem t o show, however, t h a t Chelöicky d i d n o t advocate c o m m u n i s m o f goods - at least as a n i m m e diately practicable s o l u t i o n .

1 2 9

Asceticism, otherworldliness, was a p r o m i n e n t feature o f Chelöicky's philosophy.

This is p a r t i c u l a r l y evident i n his negative attitude t o the

refinements and amenities o f u r b a n civilization. H e speaks here as the representative

o f a peasant culture, a protagonist i n the l o n g battle

between t o w n and c o u n t r y . T o w n life i n his o p i n i o n is inseparable f r o m violence and deceit.

C a i n founded the first city to protect himself f r o m

cardinales, a r c h i e p i s c o p o s , e p i s c o p o s , i m p e r a t o r e s , reges, d u c e s , p r i n c i p e s et o m n e s iudices, tarn spirituales, q u a m s e c u l a r e s u n a c u m p r e s b y t e r i s esse d a m p n a n d o s ' i n H o l i n k a , Sektafstvi 1 2 7

(quoted

v Cechäch, p. 177).

K a u t s k y , Communism

in Central

Europe

in the Time

of the Reformation,

p. 7 9 .

C o m m u n i s t i c tenets w e r e c e r t a i n l y h e l d b y m a n y m e d i e v a l sectaries, e s p e c i a l l y the Waldenses,

t h o u g h the p r a c t i c e o f a p o s t o l i c p o v e r t y w a s p r o b a b l y confined o n l y to

their priesthood, see K e l l e r , Die

böhmischen Brüder und ihre Vorläufer, p. 3 1 ; J o n e s ,

op. cit., pp. 144, 145, 2 0 0 , 2 0 8 , 3 1 9 , 320, 2 4 9 , 354, 3 6 5 .

C o m m u n i t y of goods w a s

preached, for i n s t a n c e , b y N i c h o l a s o f D r e s d e n a n d the T a b o r i t e c h i l i a s t s ( P e k a f , op. cit., p. 14), a n d even a m o n g o r t h o d o x t h e o l o g i a n s p r o p e r t y rights d u r i n g the M i d d l e A g e s were never c o n s i d e r e d a b s o l u t e ( V o g l , op. cit., p. 2 6 7 ) . 1 2 8

F o r the influence o f t h i s d o c t r i n e f r o m the b e g i n n i n g o f the fifteenth c e n t u r y o n

H u s a n d his c o n t e m p o r a r i e s , see B e t t s , Slavonic O boji duchovnim, Sit'

p p . 7 3 - 8 0 , 1 2 4 ; Postilla,

Review,

D e c . 1952, p p . 2 3 , 3 1 - 3 5 .

I , p p . 169, 4 2 0 ; I I , pp. 8 7 , 8 8 , 1 3 3 , 2 7 0 ;

viry, pp. 7 3 - 7 6 , 1 1 5 ; ' O selmS a o b r a z e j e j i m , ' MenSi

spisy, I , p p . 54, 5 5 .

67

FORERUNNER OF T H E UNITY

the consequences o f m u r d e r i n g his brother, and as a result the former simplicity o f life was lost f o r ever. T h i s m y t h , indeed, derives f r o m a very strained i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f Genesis, I V , 17, n o t u n k n o w n a m o n g other medieval writers. A p e i n g the manners o f the n o b i l i t y , the townspeople i n t u r n exercise a c o r r u p t i n g influence o n the countryside. Few, c o m i n g i n t o contact w i t h their way o f life, are strong enough t o escape its snares. Surrounded b y walls t o protect their illgotten possessions, the burghers are unable, even i f they wished, to f o l l o w i n Christ's footsteps, n o r w i l l they suffer those w h o attempt to do so. Instead, they live i n constant fear o f losing their lives and goods. I f the r u l i n g elements ever became true Christians, 'they w o u l d fill i n their moats and tear d o w n their walls.' They w o u l d abandon their whole satanic way o f life. B u t only the u r b a n proletariat, those 'who o w n neither houses w i t h i n the c i t y n o r l a n d w i t h o u t , ' were likely to f a v o u r such a policy. I n Chel&cky's o p i n i o n , i t was 'difficult t o sell o r b u y w i t h o u t sin o n account o f excessive greed,' a n d f o r h i m a trader was 'one w h o has the m a r k o f the Beast.'

'Every k i n d o f trade and p r o f i t - m a k i n g occupation

connected w i t h the t o w n should be avoided i n order n o t t o h a r m one's soul.' M a r k e t s and fairs were equally i m m o r a l , as were the taverns and usurious practices always t o be f o u n d i n the towns. O n l y agriculture a n d certain crafts, necessary f o r even the simplest existence, were permissible. C h e l & c k y condemned the use o f weights and measures as well as b o u n d ary marks, likewise produced by C a i n , the o u t w a r d symbols o f unchristian mistrust. H i s ideal seems t o have been a loose association o f independent and self-sufficient village republics founded o n a barter e c o n o m y .

130

A s w i t h MatSj o f Janov Chelfcicky's ideal, then, was 'the simple m a n . ' U n i v e r s i t y learning, the e r u d i t i o n o f the schoolmen,

filled

him with

l o a t h i n g . Suspicion o f higher studies had been strong a m o n g the W a l d e n ses

131

and early Taborites ;

132

and even W y c l i f ,

133

as well as H u s a n d his

predecessors, while n o t c o n d e m n i n g them as such, were h i g h l y critical o f 130

Sit' viry, p p . 9 8 , 2 3 4 - 4 7 ; O trojim lidu, p. 7 4 ; MenSispisy,

I , pp. 3 3 , 4 1 .

According

t o P e k a f , op. cit., p. 187, a d d . n o t e 2 , t h e e a r l y T a b o r i t e s a l s o o b j e c t e d to t r a d e a n d commerce, usury a n d taverns, a n d classed a n u m b e r o f other occupations as i m m o r a l ; w h i l e , a c c o r d i n g t o C h e l c i c k y h i m s e l f , Sit' viry, p. 2 3 9 , the legend a b o u t C a i n is t a k e n f r o m W y c l i f (cf. h i s De civili dominio,

I , p. 152). A s i m i l a r p o s i t i o n a s r e g a r d s u s u i y w a s

t a k e n u p by m a n y c o n t e m p o r a r y c h u r c h a u t h o r i t i e s . 1 3 1

' D a m p n a n t et r e p r o b a n t

o m n i a studia privilegiata . . .

Universitates scholarum

P a r i s i c n s i s , P r a g e n s i s , V i e n n e n s i s et a l i a r u m r e p u t a n t i n u t i l e s et t e m p o r i s p e r d i t i o n e m ' ( G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p. 3 6 ) .

See a l s o H o l i n k a , Sektafstvi

178, 182. 132

Ktoijsu

1 3 3

W y c l i f , Dialogus,

boii

bojovnici,

pp. 38, 39, 61, 64.

pp. 5 3 - 5 5 .

v Cechdch,

p p . 118, 119,

68

PETR C H E L C I C K Y

the universities' failings and inconsistencies, their i m m e r s i o n i n scholastic subtleties. O n the other h a n d , by their emphasis o n the Bible, by their use o f the vernacular tongue, these reformers were a p o w e r f u l factor i n the spread o f popular e d u c a t i o n .

134

ChelCicky likewise, while inveighing

against the university masters - roty mistruo kolejskych,

as he slightingly

calls them - stresses the need f o r all t o be able to read the scriptures f o r themselves, even t h o u g h this may give rise to dangers i n i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . ' I t is not enough [he writes] . . . that some learned person knows the Bible, a rector or prelate, i f the simple m a n does n o t also k n o w a n d understand i t for himself.'

Chelóicky saw clearly that education was t o o

misued for the purpose o f perpetuating class differences.

often

T h e treatment

meted out at Constance t o H u s and Jerome o f Prague had shown h i m that learning had become an i n s t r u m e n t i n the hands o f the state, t h a t t r u t h had ceased to be its goal. H e does n o t indeed condemn learning i n itself, provided i t teaches n o t h i n g c o n t r a r y to the N e w Testament, n o doctrine not to be f o u n d there. Even so, learning is n o t necessary t o m a n k i n d ' s salvation, and j u d g e d by its fruits i t is indeed evil. Simple f a i t h is, therefore, to be prized above a l l the learning o f the universities. ' I f o n l y they w o u l d cease t o l o o k d o w n o n the unlettered [thus he appeals to 'the wise'] and try out instead G o d ' s gospel, p r o c l a i m i n g i t to the people, the simple w o u l d indeed bear n o grudge against t h e m ' for their l e a r n i n g .

135

The p u r i t a n i s m i n a r t and c u l t u r e , w h i c h was a m a r k e d feature a m o n g the Waldenses as well as a m o n g almost a l l sections o f the Hussite movement, was also present i n C h e l c i c k y .

138

A l l matters connected w i t h the

w o r l d were dangerous f o r the soul's salvation.

M u s i c a n d singing i n

church services, he argues, were w r o n g since they tended t o distract the congregration f r o m the real purpose o f their attendance, the w o r s h i p o f God.

C u l t u r a l refinements, w o r l d l y luxuries - 'lovely a n d delightful

things, colours, fine costumes, beautiful dresses, scents, tasty dishes, o u t of-the-way objects, soft raiment, fine rooms, physical beauty i n m a n or w o m a n ' - were a l l snares set by the devil f o r the u n w a r y ; and Chelcicky returns repeatedly to this theme.

He saw, indeed, i n the amenities o f

civilization, i n a r t and culture, solely the privileges o f the upper classes, who were only able to indulge their aesthetic tastes t h r o u g h the oppression o f the masses. 'Even a great k i n g d o m [he writes] cannot satisfy its k i n g n o r a great estate its l o r d o n account o f such display and bottomless 1 5 4

Urbánek, Jednota

bratrská a vyfsí vzdélání, p p . 5 - 1 7 .

O boji duchovnim,

p p . 1 2 1 - 2 5 ; Sit' viry, pp. 2 2 8 , 2 6 7 - 7 4 .

P e k a r , op. cit., pp. 8, 2 0 3 . C f . R o k y c a n a ' s f u l m i n a t i o n s , a s fiery i n e x p r e s s i o n a s C h e l c i c k y ' s , a g a i n s t a l l k i n d s o f e x t r a v a g a n c e i n matters o f dress, H r u b ^ , op. cit., 144-46.

pp.

69

FORERUNNER OF THE UNITY

greed. Violence, therefore, must be applied to their o w n p o o r and the p o o r o f other lords.' Social as well as m o r a l considerations, the good o f the whole, demanded the a b o l i t i o n o f a culture based on violence, o p pression and social i n e q u a l i t y .

137

A t the outset o f the Hussite movement the element o f social protest h a d , indeed, been a powerful d r i v i n g force.

B u t the only classes to derive

permanent gain f r o m the l o n g years o f war were the nobles and gentry, w h o had ousted the church f r o m p o l i t i c a l power and confiscated its lands f o r themselves, and the wealthier townsmen, w h o had taken over the privileged p o s i t i o n o f their former G e r m a n rivals. A f t e r

1420, even

a m o n g the Taborites, democratic and c o m m u n i s t i c tendencies began t o disappear under pressure f r o m the representatives o f the m i n o r gentry, whose leadership was essential f o r c a r r y i n g o n the war.

The battle o f

L i p a n y (1434) merely m a r k e d the c o m p l e t i o n o f this process o f social reaction. W a r , therefore, h a d b r o u g h t only misery to the peasants and u r b a n proletariat, while at the same t i m e the p o l i t i c a l and social aims w i t h w h i c h they had set o u t were no nearer fulfilment. The peasants' legal status, i n particular, deterioriated steadily t h r o u g h o u t the c e n t u r y .

138

Chelcicky's teachings, w i t h their negation o f the state and all forms o f violence, n o w began t o find a ready hearing a m o n g the disappointed peasants and small craftsmen, deceived i n their hopes o f social betterment t h r o u g h war and state a c t i o n .

The first step towards the establishment

139

o f a U n i t y o f Brethren independent o f c h u r c h and state, taken i n 1457-58 p r o b a b l y still d u r i n g Chel5icky's life-time, m a r k e d , therefore, the fusion o f his theoretical protest w i t h the increasing discontent o f the masses w i t h the results o f the war to defend G o d ' s w o r d . Pravda

vitezi, the Hussite

leaders had p r o u d l y proclaimed. B u t for the d o w n t r o d d e n i n t o w n and country, as f o r Chelcicky himself, the T r u t h had n o t prevailed.

137

O boji duchovnim,

pp. 2 6 9 , 2 7 0 ; Sit' "*

p. 1 3 ; Postilla,

I , p. 1 0 5 ; I I , p. 8 5 ; ' R e p l i k a p r o t i R o k y c a n o v i , '

viry, p. 2 3 2 .

K r o f t a , Listy, p p . 1 2 6 - 3 5 ; Dijiny

selskeho

stavu, p p . 9 7 - 1 0 3 ; C h a l o u p e c k y , op.

cit.,

pp. 5 5 - 6 0 ; P e k a f , op. cit., c h a p . X I V . l

»

"

M a g r , ' P i o t r C h e l c z y c k i i S z y m o n B u d n y , ' Przeglqd

Zachodni,

1951, pp. 3 9 0 - 9 5 ,

a c c e p t i n g B a r t o S ' s recent theories a s p r o v e d , sees i n C h e l c i c k y a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e o f the interests o f the m i n o r gentry.

B u t , a s for i n s t a n c e F o u s t k a , op. cit., p. 6 9 , h a s s h o w n ,

C h e l i i c k y - w h a t e v e r m a y a c t u a l l y h a v e been h i s s o c i a l o r i g i n s - w a s i n fact s p e a k i n g o n b e h a l f o f the p e a s a n t r y a m o n g w h o m h e l i v e d , c h a m p i o n i n g the rights o f those w h o h a d r e m a i n e d i n their villages a n d n o t b e e n d r a w n i n t o o n e o r o t h e r o f the o p p o s i n g armies.

II

THE

OLD

BRETHREN

The origins o f the U n i t y o f Brethren reach back to the middle fifties o f the fifteenth century. Founded d u r i n g the winter o f 1457-58, the U n i t y f o r m ally broke b o t h w i t h R o m e and the official U t r a q u i s t c h u r c h a decade later, i n 1467, by i n s t i t u t i n g its o w n separate priesthood and dispensing w i t h the usual channels o f apostolic succession. T h o u g h the U n i t y , which concerned itself l i t t l e w i t h complicated theological problems, still maintained the seven c h u r c h sacraments, and f o r l o n g transubstantiation and the celibacy o f its clergy as well, its action was a r e v o l u t i o n a r y one even i n

fifteenth-century

Bohemia.

Indeed, d u r i n g the reign o f K i n g

George o f PodSbrady, i n 1461 a n d again f r o m 1468-71, the U n i t y was to meet o n this account w i t h severe persecution at the hands o f the authorities. B u t f r o m the accession o f K i n g Vladislav I I i n 1471 u n t i l the beginning o f the next century, the Brethren were to enjoy a p e r i o d o f comparative quiet and freedom f r o m outside interference.

This was due i n large

measure t o the increasing power o f the great nobles, w h o i n some cases f o u n d i t to their advantage t o extend protection t o the communities o f industrious a n d f r u g a l Brethren established o n their estates.

Vladislav

IPs reign, therefore, was a period o f fairly steady g r o w t h i n numbers and influence, when an efficient administrative organization was set up t o govern the y o u n g church. A t the t o p was the chief elder - or bishop, as he was to be k n o w n i n the next century - w i t h his c o u n c i l (Ozkd radd) o f lay and clerical advisers, w h o acted together as the executive organ o f the U n i t y , responsible only to synods o r general assemblies held at first at irregular intervals and composed o f a l l the priests i n charge o f the local congregations a n d o f the lay functionaries o f the church. T h e end o f the century was to m a r k an epoch i n the history o f the U n i t y : the renewal o f persecution o n the p a r t o f the state a n d , more i m p o r t a n t , the abandonment by the overwhelming m a j o r i t y o f its members o f the radical p o l i t i c a l and social doctrines, w h i c h give a specific character to w h a t may be termed the period o f the O l d Brethren.

THE OLD BRETHREN

71

H a l f a century earlier, w i t h the predominance w o n by George o f Podebrady i n 1448 a n d his entry i n t o Prague i n the same year accompanied by the archbishop-elect, Jan Rokycana, the prospects f o r U t r a q u i s m h a d brightened. B u t the final destruction o f T a b o r i n 1452 a n d the a r r i v a l i n B o h e m i a o f the y o u n g C a t h o l i c K i n g , Ladislav, signified a new t u r n o f events: m a n y feared a r e t u r n t o the state o f affairs w h i c h h a d existed i n the years f o l l o w i n g Sigismund's assumption o f the c r o w n i n 1436, since Podebrady himself was n o w p u r s u i n g a conciliatory policy towards the papal c o u r t . These fears were shared, t o o , by Rokycana as the official head o f the U t r a q u i s t c h u r c h ; a n d they soon led to an estrangement between h i m a n d PodSbrady. T h e tone o f Rokycana's sermons, w h i c h he was n o w able t o give i n his o l d c h u r c h , the T ^ n c h u r c h i n Prague, became increasingly outspoken. H e began t o denounce abuses i n c h u r c h a n d state, t o call for a r e t u r n t o the p a t t e r n o f p r i m i t i v e C h r i s t i a n i t y , a theme i n line w i t h early Hussite thought.

Here MatSj o f Janov a n d Jakoubek o f S t f i b r o p r o v i d e d his

i n s p i r a t i o n . H e spoke o u t against excessive wealth, against the pride a n d ostentation o f the r i c h , made possible only t h r o u g h the labours o f the p o o r , against the oppression o f the peasantry by their lords, w h o cloaked their avarice under a pretence o f m a i n t a i n i n g order, against usury, the t a k i n g o f oaths, a n d the use o f the death penalty f o r such crimes as theft. A n y eagerness t o shed b l o o d , said Rokycana, was unbecoming i n a C h r i s t i a n . T h e a d o p t i o n by many Czechs o f soldiering as a profession, the increasing number o f men w h o became mercenaries, met w i t h his sternest disapproval. Trade, industry, a n d commerce, t o o , were to be carried o n only according t o strictly denned rules; a n d the l u x u r i o u s a n d sinful life o f the richer burghers was condemned i n the strongest terms. Indeed, i n Rokycana's o p i n i o n , the simple c o u n t r y f o l k were m o r e concerned t o attain salvation than those w h o lived i n towns, where the t e m p t a t i o n t o yield to sin was so m u c h greater. I n general, he tended to extol the virtues o f the p o o r a n d oppressed over against the t y r a n n y a n d m o r a l c o r r u p t i o n o f the upper classes. Officials and judges were t o act j u s t l y a n d n o t oppress the p o o r a n d the weak. Those w h o sought office to satisfy a lust f o r power o r fame were no better than thieves o r even murderers. I n spite o f their radical c o l o u r i n g , however, Rokycana's sermons were essentially the p r o d u c t o f a m a n , whose a i m was ' t o choose the m i d d l e way (v mieru uchoditi).'

1

I t was o n l y excesses t h a t were condemned.

For

wealth m i g h t be p u t to g o o d purpose. C i v i l government and the existing social system c o u l d be instruments o f God's w i l l i f r i g h t l y administered. 1

Posiilla

Jana

Rokycany,

I I , p. 934.

72

THE OLD BRETHREN

Rokycana d i d n o t i n fact condemn a l l war, every f o r m o f o a t h , the use o f the death penalty for exceptionally grave crimes. F o r his belief t h a t the o n l y outcome o f war was to "fill the air w i t h the cries o f the p o o r , the earth w i t h blood and hell w i t h spirits,' and his reference to the parable o f the wheat and the tares i n connection w i t h the death penalty, was n o t necessarily t a n t a m o u n t t o an absolute p r o h i b i t i o n o f these t w o institutions. N o more d i d he ever conceive o f a social order i n w h i c h class divisions d i d not exist. A l m s g i v i n g , the exercise o f Christian charity by the r i c h , was t o offset some o f the grosser forms o f social inequality, b u t - like H u s and m o s t o f his contemporaries and predecessors - he left the f r a m e w o r k o f feudal society u n t o u c h e d .

2

Often, however, the followers w h o m such a leader easily gathers a r o u n d h i m are not prepared to d r a w back f r o m the logical consequences o f their master's doctrine, f r o m those conclusions w h i c h he himself expressly rejects. This, indeed, was t o be the case w i t h Rokycana. His sermons were given p r o b a b l y over a period o f more t h a n a year, f r o m A p r i l 1454 to July 1455. Rokycana's eloquence as a preacher, the simple and comprehensible language i n w h i c h he spoke, free f r o m learned theological formulae, attracted m a n y listeners; and a group soon arose among those w h o regularly attended, w h i c h met f r o m time t o t i m e to discuss the subjects raised i n the course o f their delivery. One o f the g r o u p was designated to note d o w n their contents. Few personal details about these individual 'hearers (posluchace)'

have come d o w n .

Krasonicky,

a leading member o f the U n i t y , was later to w r i t e t h a t they were d r a w n b o t h f r o m simple men and also f r o m the ranks o f 'the learned, students a n d scholars,' i n fact f r o m the intelligentsia o f the capital. 3

We k n o w the name o f at least one priest w h o was a member o f the g r o u p : M a r t i n o f K r S i n , one o f the earliest Brethren. B u t its acknowledged leader was Rehor, Rokycana's nephew and the future founder o f the U n i t y . A member o f the m i n o r gentry who w o r k e d as a t a i l o r for his l i v i n g , then aged about t h i r t y , Rehof had originally been a follower o f the 1

Ibid., esp. I , pp. X - X I V , 7, 2 2 - 2 5 , 9 2 , 9 3 , 100, 106, 2 7 2 , 2 7 3 , 336, 4 1 7 , 4 2 6 , 4 9 4 - 5 0 0 ,

5 2 2 , 523, 746, 747, 7 9 4 - 9 6 , 8 3 1 , 8 3 2 ; I I , pp. 7 3 , 74, 134, 1 7 4 - 7 9 , 1 8 8 - 9 2 , 365, 550, 5 5 6 , 714-18, 850-53; Hruby, C. C. M.,

Ceske

postilly,

pp.

129-49; G o l l ,

' R o k y c a n o v a Postilla,

1879, pp. 62, 63, 7 0 , 2 0 1 - 0 6 ; B a r t o S , ' N e z n a m a d i l a J a n a R o k y c a n y v m u s e j -

n i c h rukopisech,' C. C. M.,

1919, p p . 12, 13. R o k y c a n a ' s Postilla,

w h i c h finally t o o k

o n its present form in the e a r l y y e a r s o f G e o r g e o f P o d e b r a d y ' s reign, to s o m e extent r e p r e s e n t s a toned-down v e r s i o n o f h i s s e r m o n s o f the m i d d l e fifties, w h i c h he m a y e v e n h a v e begun to p r e a c h as e a r l y a s 1453. T h e y h a v e not, h o w e v e r , s u r v i v e d i n t h e i r o r i g i n a l form. '

K r a s o n i c k y , ' O u c e n y c h , ' fol. 7v. C f . B l a h o s l a v , O p&vodu Jednoty

v ni, p. 36.

bratrske

a fadu

73

T H E OLD BRETHREN

conservative U t r a q u i s t , Jan o f P r i b r a m , and had for a number o f years been an inmate o f the Hussite monastery na Slovanech, layman t h r o u g h o u t .

while remaining a

H e had apparently had little f o r m a l

education,

t h o u g h he possessed some knowledge o f L a t i n . B u t he was a m a n o f remarkable energy w i t h an outstanding gift for organization and for i n s p i r i n g others w i t h his o w n enthusiasm. H e was i n fact a b o r n leader. R e h o f and the other members o f his group appear t o have interpreted Rokycana's fiery words i n a more radical spirit than the preacher himself had meant t h e m ; or, possibly, the latter i n the heat o f the

moment

expressed himself i n more unqualified terms t h a n he w o u l d n o r m a l l y have used, and his words were seized u p o n by his followers as c o n f i r m a t i o n o f their o w n views. F o r instance, o n the subject o f oaths and war they read i n t o them a t o t a l condemnation

along Chelôicky's lines, w h i c h i t is

evident was n o t the Master's i n t e n t i o n . ' Y o u used t o b r a n d as evil [the Brethren were to w r i t e to h i m i n 1468] swearing o r going t o w a r i n one's o w n person i n order to k i l l others.'

4

Later, Rokycana himself was to deny

explicitly the validity o f that h o s t i l i t y t o the state i n all its manifestations, w h i c h the early Brethren were to adopt f r o m Chelcicky.

The Christian

p o s i t i o n , he wrote, was ' n o t , as some m a i n t a i n , that no one should be constrained and compelled.

T h a t is a lie. But rather, anyone w h o has

accepted the faith may be constrained and forced to keep and preserve i t aright as he promised on baptism.' I t was the Christian d u t y o f those i n a u t h o r i t y , the kings and princes, lords and squires, t o enforce r i g h t l i v i n g o n the refractory.

5

Nevertheless, the source o f m a n y o f the U n i t y ' s later ideas i n the p o l i t i c a l , social, and m o r a l field can be traced back to the words that the earnest y o u n g men heard at this p e r i o d f r o m Rokycana's p u l p i t and to the inferences that they drew f r o m t h e m . N o t only had Rokycana i m p l a n t e d i n his followers the seeds o f the ideas f r o m w h i c h the U n i t y was later t o grow, he was also to be responsible for directing their attention t o the m a n whose direct influence o n the U n i t y , especially as regards its social a n d p o l i t i c a l doctrines, was t o be even greater than his o w n . Petr Chelôicky was then nearing the end o f his life, a n d his contact w i t h Brother Rehor and Rokycana's 'hearers' is the 4

Akty

Jednoty

bratrské (ed. B i d l o ) , I , I n t r o , p. 4 9 , text pp. 53, 605 ;

Cheléicky a Jednota Ceskoslovensku,

v XV

stoleti,

I I I , pp. 9 3 - 9 5 , 1 0 9 , 1 1 3 , 1 2 5 - 2 7 ; M i i l l e r - B a r t o S , Dëjiny Jednoty

pp. 2 0 - 2 2 , 2 7 , 2 9 ; Tapié, Une église tchèque au XVe U r b á n e k , Vëkpodëbradsky, 92. 5

siècle: VUnité

Jana

Rokycany,

I I , p. 8 5 2 .

pp. 2 2 4 - 4 3 .

v

bratrské,

des Frères, pp. 3 7 - 4 2 ;

I I I , p p . 7 2 6 - 2 9 ; V l c e k , Dëjiny ceské literatury,

F o r R e h o r , see B a r t o S ' s e s s a y i n Svëtci a kacifi, Postilla

Goll-Krofta,

pp. 6 2 - 6 4 , 6 8 - 7 2 , 8 8 - 9 0 ; H r e j s a , Dëjiny kfest'anstvi

I, p p . 189¬

74

T H E O L D BRETHREN

last incident i n i t o f w h i c h we have certain record. The Brethren were later to remind Rokycana t h a t , d u r i n g the p e r i o d when he was giving his famous sermons, 'he had praised Petr Cheldicky before us; then later [they add] we spoke w i t h h i m and read his w o r k s . ' T h e ChelSicky Brethren lent them t w o o f their master's books, one o n A n t i c h r i s t and later another o n 'the temporal power (moc svetskd),'

w h i c h has usually been identified as

0 trojim lidu. A t t h a t period however Rokycana's disciples were so m u c h under his influence t h a t they at once b r o u g h t these books back t o h i m for his opinion. 'We sent y o u the books we received f r o m t h e m [they wrote i n 1468] and, i f y o u had disapproved, i t is very d o u b t f u l , indeed, i f we s h o u l d have accepted t h e m (a by ty byl nam zhyzdil, nevime, bychom

byliprijali).'

I t is indicative, t o o , o f the radicalism o f Rokycana's o u t l o o k at t h a t time that apparently he d i d n o t feel called t o say a w o r d o f criticism, even about Chel£icky's views o n c i v i l government, w i t h w h i c h he was certainly i n basic disagreement.

However, a reading o f Chelcicky's w o r k s soon

began to raise doubts i n the minds o f Rokycana's

disciples as to the

consistency o f the b o l d words, w h i c h they heard f r o m their master's pulpit, and his actual position as the head o f a state c h u r c h , as one o f the main bulwarks o f the existing social order. ' F r o m a l l this [they wrote o f the effect w h i c h Chel5icky's works had u p o n them] we saw t h a t there was much evil i n priests and people, so that we finally came t o d o u b t even about y o u ; whether y o u d i d n o t do i n fact t h a t w h i c h y o u held t o be wrong.'

Indeed, b y p u t t i n g his disciples i n t o t o u c h w i t h

Chel5icky

Rokycana had u n w i t t i n g l y l a i d the first b r i c k i n the edifice o f a r i v a l church.

6

A feeling o f spiritual unrest, a desire t o discover similar religious c o m munities free f r o m the blemishes o f the state religion, i n p a r t i c u l a r the search for priests o f pure life f r o m w h o m the sacraments m i g h t be received w i t h o u t fear o f their being tainted by the prevailing m o r a l c o r r u p t i o n : a l l these motives impelled R e h o f and others f r o m his circle to make contact, not only w i t h ChelCicky and his Brethren, b u t also w i t h other religious groups, w i t h those small bands o f seekers w h i c h had sprung u p at t h a t period w i t h i n the U t r a q u i s t church. They were i n close t o u c h w i t h M a r t i n LupaC, Rokycana's assistant bishop a n d a theologian o f radical views. They visited the c o m m u n i t y w h i c h had been established i n the former Benedictine monastery o f Vilemov, but were later repelled by irregularities i n its eucharistic practice, as well as by the fact that these V i l e m o v B r e t h ren were accustomed ' t o accept wealth, as well as dues, f r o m the peasants •

B i d l o , op. cit., p. 3, 13, 14, 606. See also K r a s o n i c k - ^ , op. cit., fol. 8v.

75

THE OLD BRETHREN

and

from

offerings.'

their

woods, n o t

resting content w i t h their tithes and free-will

7

I t is difficult, indeed, to discover w h y Rokycana's 'hearers' d i d n o t use Chelcicky's g r o u p as the nucleus f o r a new religious c o m m u n i t y . Possibly they d i d n o t consider ChelCice remote enough f r o m the w o r l d , p r o b a b l y t o o the split w h i c h occurred soon after Chelcicky's death, w h e n the socalled Vitanovice Brethren b r o k e away f r o m the m a i n g r o u p , suspected by t h e m o f a T a b o r i t e deviation i n the doctrine o f the Eucharist, may have been an i m p o r t a n t factor. A n y h o w the decision, taken i n the w i n t e r o f 1457-58, t o settle i n the village o f K u n v a l d i n north-east B o h e m i a seems t o have been connected w i t h the fact t h a t the priest o f the neighbouring townlet o f

Zamberk

was M i c h a l , i n whose person Rokycana's disciples

h a d f o u n d their ideal priest. The archbishop, w h o approved o f their desire t o flee f r o m the c o r r u p t i o n o f the cities t o find refuge i n the remote m o u n t a i n valley, then intervened w i t h George o f Podébrady t o o b t a i n his permission f o r t h e m t o settle o n his estate o f Litice, where K u n v a l d was situated. B u t i t was Rehof, w h o since at least 1456 had been traveling u p and d o w n the country, visiting especially

often south Bohemia,

w h o was responsible for the expansion o f the g r o u p f r o m a t i n y circle, consisting m a i n l y o f intellectuals and restricted t o the capital, i n t o a movement w h i c h had adherents i n m a n y other districts. A p a r t f r o m K u n v a l d and Prague itself, another centre o f Brethren a c t i v i t y was K r c i n , where one o f Rokycana's 'hearers,' M a r t i n , was priest; and elsewhere t o o , o w i n g t o Rehof's journeyings, m a n y individuals must already have been d r a w n i n t o the m o v e m e n t .

8

The settlement o f the Brethren at K u n v a l d m a r k s the v i r t u a l f o u n d a t i o n o f the U n i t y as a n independent g r o u p , t h o u g h i t was nearly ten years before a f o r m a l separation f r o m

the U t r a q u i s t c h u r c h actually took

place.

This new c h u r c h was t o represent a fusion o f several social elements

and

the records tell us

little

o f different religious groupings. U n f o r t u n a t e l y ,

o f the social strata f r o m w h i c h the U n i t y drew its o r i g i n a l membership. They speak only o f 'certain educated persons and priests and certain '

Ibid., pp. 224, 2 2 5 . T w o priests o f e x e m p l a r y life, w h o s e n a m e s o c c u r i n the e a r l i e s t

records, w e r e J a n O p o c n a a n d J a k u b o f D i v i s o v . T h e y d o n o t a p p e a r , h o w e v e r , to h a v e possessed the gifts o f religious l e a d e r s h i p . •

G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., pp. 6 4 - 6 8 ; Tapié, op. cit., p p . 4 3 , 4 5 ; U r b á n e k , op. cit.,

6 4 5 , 9 8 6 - 8 8 ; B a r t o S , ' Z pocátku J e d n o t y bratrské', C. C. M.

pp.

1921, p p . 2 0 3 - 0 6 . U r b á n e k ,

p. 9 8 7 , places the settlement at K u n v a l d i n the p e r i o d j u s t after G e o r g e ' s e l e c t i o n to the t h r o n e , while G o l l , p. 6 8 , p u t s it b e t w e e n V l a d i s l a v ' s d e a t h ( N o v .

1457) a n d

George's

e l e c t i o n ( M a r c h 1458). B a r t o s identifies J a n , the l e a d e r o f the V i t a n o v i c e B r e t h r e n , a s J a n Táborsky, w h i l e G o l l c o n s i d e r e d h i m i d e n t i c a l w i t h J a n K o l á f o f V i t a n o v i c e ( l a t e r k n o w n a s J a n C h e l c i c k y ) . B o t h m e n w e r e to b e c o m e l e a d i n g m e m b e r s o f the U n i t y .

76

THE OLD BRETHREN

simple people.'

9

O f the three laymen t o be chosen later, in 1467, as the

Unity's first priests, t w o came o f peasant o r i g i n : Matèj, the first bishop, and Eliás Chrenovicky. But there was f r o m the beginning a s p r i n k l i n g o f educated members, some even w i t h university degrees: P r o k o p o f J i n d richûv Hradec and A u g u s t i n H a l a r o f Chrudím, b o t h bachelors o f the university, Jira Pétikostelsky, who retracted his views under t o r t u r e i n 1461, Veliky V i t , and T u m a Preloucsky, one o f the three first priests.

10

The leadership, then, came m a i n l y f r o m Rokycana's 'hearers,' priests and laymen, while the b u l k o f the membership was d r a w n f r o m the peasantry and small craftsmen, the same elements w h i c h had previously formed the rank and file o f the T a b o r i t e

movement.

11

A t the end o f the fifties, t h r o u g h Rehof's proselytizing efforts i n south Bohemia, a g r o u p w i t h radical Taborite, even 'Picard,' antecedents fused with the groups centred a r o u n d the settlement at K u n v a l d . This T a b o r i t e group was indeed to constitue, w i t h the remnants o f the Chelcicky Brethren, the nucleus o f the south Bohemian branch o f the U n i t y . This fact, w h i c h p a r t l y explains the strength o f social radicalism a m o n g the Brethren o f t h a t area, already the birthplace o f the Czech revolutionary movement, was to be o f great importance d u r i n g the schism w h i c h occurred at the end o f the century. The group had originated i n the early fifties from Kromëfiz i n M o r a v i a , where a U t r a q u i s t priest,

Stëpàn, w h o

ad-

vocated a literal carrying-out o f the injunctions o f apostolic poverty on the part o f the priesthood, had gathered a considerable f o l l o w i n g a r o u n d h i m . D r i v e n o u t f r o m K r o m ë r i i b y the bishop o f O l o m o u c i n 1456, he and his followers wandered first to Meziriô. Here a split occurred when those who held ' P i c a r d ' views on the eucharist, that is to say, w h o denied the real presence i n the c o m m u n i o n bread and wine, broke away under a cutler, Rehor, and j o i n e d up w i t h

a wandering

Taborite priest,

Stëpânek.

Soon they were i n t u r n expelled f r o m Mezifië, o n account o f the denunciations o f their former master,

Stëpàn

(who however eventually ended

up himself as a member o f the U n i t y ) , and pursued their wanderings amidst continual persecution, finally settling at K l a t o v i n south Bohemia.

Here

Brother Rehor f o u n d t h e m a b o u t 1458-59 and b r o u g h t them i n t o the rapidly expanding U n i t y . K l a t o v then became an i m p o r t a n t centre o f ' 1 0

B i d l o , op. cit., p. 3 2 2 . K r a s o n i c k y , op. cit., fol. 9 ; U r b á n e k , op. cit., p. 9 8 8 . See also G o l l - K r o f t a , op.

cit.,

pp. 241-45. 1 1

Tapié, op. cit., pp. 119, 120. C f . D e n i s , Fin de VIndependence

Bohème, I . , p. 3 1 8 :

' L e s disciples de K h e l t c h i t s k y [sic], les Frères, n o u s a p p a r a i s s e n t a i n s i c o m m e

les

c o n t i n u a t e u r s des T a b o r i t e s , précisément p a r c e q u ' i l s s o n t si different d ' e u x : c'est l a dernière et nécessaire p h a s e de l a m a l a d i e révolutionnaire: après les héros, les m a r t y r s . '

77

THE OLD BRETHREN

U n i t y activities.

12

A t the end o f the fifties, largely t h r o u g h B r o t h e r

Rehof's influence, extremist Taborite and 'Picard* eucharistic doctrines were, however, dfinitely rejected, and henceforth those suspected o f such antecedents had t o go t h r o u g h a p r o b a t i o n a r y period, being accepted i n t o the U n i t y only after repentance.

13

Nevertheless, the former

Klatov

Brethren continued to act as a focal p o i n t f o r radical theological and social ideas w i t h i n the U n i t y . T h e sixties were a p e r i o d o f r a p i d expansion for the U n i t y , despite the persecution w h i c h b r o k e o u t i n 1461, the first o f a long series i n its history. T h e Brethren were t e m p o r a r i l y driven f r o m K u n v a l d ,

finding

refuge,

however, o n the near-by estates o f a sympathetic nobleman, Jan Rych-

some o f their Zamberk, were

Rehof

novsky o f R y c h n o v ; and

leading members, i n c l u d i n g

himself and M i c h a l o f

imprisoned. M a n y members, too,

had to hide i n the forests and m o u n t a i n s . The measures taken, w h i c h were due to K i n g George's desire to prove to the rest o f Europe that Bohemia was n o t a hotbed o f heresy, as well as t o the fears aroused by the new religious c o m m u n i t y a m o n g U t r a q u i s t priests, were n o t enforced w i t h sufficient vigour, however, t o prevent the U n i t y f r o m increasing i n numbers and influence. They were enough, t h o u g h , to show the Brethren that there was n o r o o m w i t h i n the f r a m e w o r k o f the U t r a q u i s t c h u r c h f o r a c o m m u n i t y such as theirs, bent u p o n b r i n g i n g public life and private morals i n t o complete c o n f o r m i t y w i t h the demands o f the gospels. I t had taken almost a decade to b r i n g this fact home t o t h e m ; b u t fears o f losing, either t h r o u g h death or i m p r i s o n m e n t , the services o f the few ' g o o d ' priests o f R o m a n o r d i n a t i o n , w h o m they possessed, strengthened the feeling t h a t a radical s o l u t i o n was necessary. F i n a l l y , therefore, at the Synod o f L h o t k a (near R y c h n o v ) i n 1467 they t o o k the u l t i m a t e step o f electing their o w n priesthood

from

among

the ranks o f

the l a i t y ,

thereby f o r m a l l y breaking n o t only w i t h official U t r a q u i s m , b u t w i t h the whole Catholic church. The synod had been preceded by protacted, b u t u l t i m a t e l y unsuccessful, negotiations f o r fusion w i t h the Waldenses. Indeed, the role played by the latter i n the setting u p o f an independent priesthood i n the U n i t y has been one o f the most debated points i n its history. ' D i e Weihe der ersten Priester [writes Göll] is das schwierigste P r o b l e m der Brüdergeschichte.' 1 2

U r b á n e k , op. cit., pp. 6 3 6 - 4 1 .

1 3

B i d l o , op. cit., pp. 3 3 , 5 5 0 ; G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p p . 8 3 , 86, 9 3 .

1 4

T h e first v o l u m e o f G ö l l , Quellen

und Untersuchungen

zur Geschichte

14

der Böhmischen

Brüder, w a s o n e o f the earliest attempts to deal w i t h t h i s p r o b l e m i n d e t a i l , t h o u g h , a s G ö l l h i m s e l f p o i n t s o u t , i t is a s o l d a s the U n i t y itself. T h e s t a n d a r d U n i t y h i s t o r i e s M i i l l e r - B a r t o s , H r e j s a , a n d T a p i é - give the results o f l a t e r r e s e a r c h o n t h i s subject.

THE OLD BRETHREN

78

B u t the direct influence w h i c h the Waldenses exercised o n the p o l i t i c a l and social ideas o f the Brethren is equally unclear, since fundamentally t h e same attitude was taken up i n regard to such subjects as the state, w a r , a n d the death penalty, oaths, education, etc., by b o t h ChelSicky and the Waldenses.

I t is, therefore, almost impossible t o disentangle one influence

f r o m the other. Chelcicky's was probably the more conscious one.

His

writings obviously shaped the thoughts o f those leading members o f the U n i t y , who i n t u r n framed the theoretical basis o f its ideology.

B u t the

circulation o f Waldensian influences among the masses o f the p o p u l a t i o n f r o m w h o m the U n i t y drew most o f its members prepared the g r o u n d f o r acceptance o f such d o c t r i n e s .

15

Direct contact w i t h the Waldenses p r o b a b l y began about 1461, after the Brethren's break w i t h Rokycana.

B u t , as w i t h ChelSicky, i t may have

been Rokycana himself w h o recommended the Brethren to seek o u t the Waldensian leaders.

F o r he and his assistant, M a r t i n Lupac, were o n

friendly terms w i t h their bishop, Stephen o f Basel, w h o functioned j u s t across the border i n A u s t r i a . M a r t i n o f K r 5 i n , w r i t i n g t o R o k y c a n a i n 1463, remarks o n the latter's tolerant and friendly attitude towards the Waldenses, a d d i n g that, as for the Brethren, 'whenever we have h e l d converse w i t h t h e m , we have n o t f o u n d them far removed f r o m us, especially i n matters o f p r i n c i p l e . '

16

This shows that negotiations between

the two groups were already under way. The Brethren at this p e r i o d were indeed l o o k i n g far afield i n their search to discover i f a pure church, whose members still p u t i n t o practice the teachings o f the gospel, had survived anywhere f r o m apostolic times. Their enquiries had ranged as far as Russia, Greece, and even I n d i a ; and, t h o u g h they were to continue t o believe i n the existence o f true Christians among the various churches a n d a m o n g all nations, the failure o f their hopes was, indeed, t o be one o f the m a i n factors i n their decision t o establish their o w n independent o r g a n ization. The

17

reasons w h y - a p a r t f r o m its i n t r i n s i c i m p o r t a n c e - t h e p r o b l e m h a s figured

p r o m i n e n t l y i n U n i t y h i s t o r y a r e threefold.

so

I n the fifteenth, s i x t e e n t h , a n d s e v e n t e e n t h

centuries, w h e n U n i t y h i s t o r i o g r a p h y w a s b o r n , the B r e t h r e n w e r e persecuted u n d e r the n o m e n c l a t u r e o f W a l d e n s e s : h e n c e t h e i r a n x i e t y to d e n y too c l o s e a c o n n e c t i o n w i t h t h i s sect. W i t h the n a t i o n a l r e v i v a l i n the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y C z e c h h i s t o r i a n s (e.g. P a l a c k y , ' O stycich a p o m e r u s e k t y W a l d e n s k e k n e k d e j s i m s e k t a m v C e c h a c h , ' C. M.,

C.

1868, pp. 3 1 6 - 1 7 ) w e r e l i k e w i s e k e e n to stress the n a t i v e o r i g i n s o f the m o s t p r o m i -

n e n t o f the C z e c h r e f o r m a t i o n c h u r c h e s . T h i r d l y , the p r o b l e m figures largely i n the c l a i m s put forward u n t i l recently by the M o r a v i a n C h u r c h for the a p o s t o l i c s u c c e s s i o n o f t h e i r bishops t h r o u g h the U n i t y a n d the W a l d e n s e s . 1 5

G o l l , op. cit., I , p. 16.

"

B i d l o , op. cit., p. 567.

17

Ibid.,

pp. 34, 35, 193, 3 2 6 - 2 8 .

79

T H E O L D BRETHREN

Conversations w i t h Stephen h a d at first progressed favourably.

The

Waldensian had agreed to a l l conditions l a i d d o w n by the Brethren, a n d the stories the latter heard f r o m Stephen concerning the apostolic successi o n , w h i c h supposedly existed i n his c h u r c h , led t h e m later t o seek c o n f i r m a t i o n f o r their orders f r o m the Waldenses. B u t i n the meantime Stephen himself h a d been seized by the authorities a n d b u r n t at Vienna i n A u g u s t 1467. Thereafter, negotiations for fusion t o o k a t u r n f o r the worse, and M a r t i n the G e r m a n , w h o n o w represented the Waldenses after Stephen's death, under pressure f r o m his friends a m o n g the U t r a q u i s t clergy, categorically refused the terms o f the alliance previously agreed upon.

Several Waldensian priests - a n d u n d o u b t e d l y m a n y o f their

followers i n Bohemia - later j o i n e d the U n i t y a n d relations between the t w o churches continued t o be friendly. B u t there was t o be no f o r m a l union.

1 8

W h a t were the conditions p u t f o r w a r d by the U n i t y as a sine qua non o f a u n i t e d church?

These were, indeed, directly concerned

w i t h social

practice. The Brethren f o u n d the Waldenses' priests had fallen off i n their practice o f apostolic poverty. lide

maß miti k cirkvi

negotations

had

They c o m p l a i n i n their tract Kterak

finally

se

w r i t t e n i n 1471, several years after the

fimske,

broken

down,

of

the

Waldensian

priests'

behaviour: They take f r o m their people and, neglecting the p o o r , amass m u c h wealth. F o r i t is indeed n o t only against the f a i t h for a C h r i s t i a n priest t o lay u p treasure f r o m earthly things, b u t even to i n h e r i t p r o p e r t y f r o m his parents. Rather should he distribute i t as alms, n o t forgetting the p o o r i n need, for otherwise - according t o the w r i t i n g s o f the apostles - he has abjured the apostolic f a i t h and thereby excluded himself f r o m grace. T h e Waldensian unwillingness t o accept the p a r t i a l c o m m u n i s m o f the early Brethren, therefore, together w i t h a disinclination t o break entirely w i t h official U t r a q u i s m , was responsible for the fact that no merger t o o k place between the t w o g r o u p s . "

BartoS, op. cit., C. C. M.,

19

1921, pp. 2 1 4 - 1 8 ; " V a l d e n s k y b i s k u p Stepän z B a s i l e j e a

j c h o ücast p r i u s t a v e n i J e d n o t y b r a t r s k e , ' C. C. M.,

1916, pp. 2 7 3 - 7 7 ; Müller,

W a l d e n s e r b i s c h o f S t e p h a n u n d die W e i h e d e r ersten Brüderpriester,' Z.f. 128-44. Stephen, w h o

u n t i l recently w a s

believed

to h a v e

been

'Der

B., 1916, pp.

the

Waldensian

of

the r a d i c a l

b i s h o p w h o c o n s e c r a t e d B r o t h e r M i c h a l i n 1467/68, w a s a m e m b e r

b r a n c h founded by F r i e d r i c h R e i s e r ( b u r n t at S t r a s b u r g i n 1458) a s a n

organization

entirely independent f r o m the official c h u r c h . S t e p h e n a n d R e i s e r ' s o r d e r s w e r e d e r i v e d f r o m the T a b o r i t e b i s h o p , Mikuläs o f P e l h f i m , a n d their f o l l o w e r s w e r e s t r o n g l y u n d e r Taborite geschichte "

influences.

F o r R e i s e r , see J u n g - S c h m i d t , Friedrich

aus dem fünfzehnten

Reiser:

Eine

Ketzer-

Jahrhundert.

B i d l o , op. cit., p. 328. C f . B l a h o s l a v , op. cit., p. 38. F o r r a t h e r s i m i l a r c r i t i c i s m s

80

THE OLD BRETHREN

F o r d u r i n g the middle sixties the Brethren's views h a d , indeed, crystallized far enough for t h e m to be able t o issue a clear statement o n the relationship w h i c h should exist between the various grades w i t h i n the U n i t y . This embryo c o n s t i t u t i o n dates back to 1464 a n d was p r o m u l a t e d at a synod i n that year held somewhere i n the m o u n t a i n s near R y c h n o v .

20

A c c o r d i n g to the decree issued b y the synod, members o f the U n i t y at that time apparently called the ' B r e t h r e n o f Christ's Gospel' zákona Kristova)

- fell i n t o three categories.

(Bratri

I n the first g r o u p came the

priests a n d teachers and those laymen w h o had v o l u n t a r i l y renounced a l l w o r l d l y wealth. T h e n came the o r d i n a r y Brothers a n d Sisters, described as 'those w h o live f r o m a handicraft o r f r o m the l a n d . ' These f o r m e d the overwhelming m a j o r i t y o f the membership. penitent (kajici),' the U n i t y .

2 1

F i n a l l y there were 'the

probationers n o t yet a d m i t t e d i n t o f u l l membership o f

Complete fulfilment o f the injunctions o f apostolic Christiani-

ty was, however, demanded o n l y o f the first category, t h o u g h a h i g h standard o f social a n d m o r a l behaviour was indeed expected o f a l l members. C o m m u n i s m o f goods, the renunciation o f a l l private p r o p e r t y , i n line w i t h the practice o f other medieval sects, was the m a r k o f the highest category, 'the perfect' - as they were also called, for instance, by the Waldenses.

Such an arrangement was believed to have been enforced i n

the apostolic c h u r c h : i t was, therefore, obligatory f o r a l l those w h o sincerely tried to p u t Christ's teachings i n t o practice. Priests a n d those w h o teach [thus r a n the synodal decree] should give a n example t o others i n w o r d a n d deed. . . . A l s o i n m a t e r i a l concerns some have come t o a c o m m o n decision to renounce such things, t o h o l d n o t h i n g o f their o w n , neither private property n o r money nor any other t h i n g , according to the example given by the first Christian leaders, about w h o m it is w r i t t e n that they held all things i n c o m m o n , h a v i n g n o t h i n g o f their o w n but sharing everything w i t h those i n need. F o r i t is r i g h t a n d proper that those w h o are called to Christ's service should be abstemious i n their eating a n d modest i n their dress. . . . They should, therefore, avoid a l l superfluities, receiving sufficient f o r their proper needs - whether at home o r on a j o u r n e y - f r o m those w h o , having means, are allotted the m a d e i n the s e c o n d h a l f o f the sixteenth c e n t u r y b y the P o l i s h A r i a n s o f the M o r a v i a n A n a b a p t i s t s , see K o t , Ideología polilycznai "

spoleczna

Braci

Polskich,

chap. I V .

M o s t authorities f o l l o w the date given i n A k t a J e d n o t y Bratrské, V , fol. 261 v. B u t cf.

Tapié, op. cit., p. 4 9 : ' s a date e s t . . . d o u t e u s e , et j e p e n c h e à c r o i r e q u ' i l s'agit d ' u n état ultérieur de l'Unité.' A t a n y rate the regulations c o n t a i n e d there a t least refer to the U n i t y i n the p e r i o d before the s c h i s m i n the nineties. "

F o r a detailed d i s c u s s i o n o f the r e l a t i o n s h i p o f the first B r e t h r e n to the e a r l i e r

m e d i e v a l sectaries w i t h t h e i r three categories o f m e m b e r s h i p , see K e l l e r , Die böhmischen Brüder und ihre

Vorläufer.

81

T H E OLD BRETHREN

task o f p r o v i d i n g for their material support. Therefore, let them be w i t h o u t care, p u t t i n g their trust i n G o d . . . . A n d whichever among them possess w o r d l y wealth, let t h e m do w i t h i t as the gospels o r d a i n : give t o the poor, and having shared their goods o u t a m o n g t h e m , let t h e m earn their bread by the labour o f their hands, for this is, indeed, g o o d . . . . I f after that a n y t h i n g still remains over, let them share i t w i t h their nearest. B u t if, o n the other h a n d , they are unable t o supply their o w n material wants, let t h e m take f r o m their brethren, w h o have indeed concurred i n this decree. The decree included instructions for those w h o wished t o renounce their property, for those w h o felt a call to j o i n 'the perfect' i n their practice o f Christian c o m m u n i s m . They were, i n the first instance, to carry-out the d i s t r i b u t i o n themselves, ' g i v i n g to the poor, the needy, the sick as well as t o orphans and w i d o w s . '

B u t i f they themselves knew no needy and

deserving Brethren i n their neighbourhood, they m i g h t entrust the j o b to some Brother o f good repute, p r o v i d e d he later gave an account o f his transactions. I t was apparently only the needy a m o n g the Brethren - a n d there must have been many such d u r i n g the periods o f persecution - w h o were to be covered by such d i s t r i b u t i o n s : their charity does not seem to have embraced the p o o r w h o d i d not belong to their c h u r c h . I n no case was pressure to be p u t on a Brother to j o i n 'the perfect': the hitter's t o t a l renunciation, i t was stressed, was to be an entirely v o l u n t a r y act.

'If

anyone wishes to keep a n y t h i n g for a good reason, and to give i t i n t o safe keeping o r t o bequeath i t to someone after death, all this may be done according

t o proper

testimony

(podle

svedectvi

hodneho)?

B u t the

ordinary Brethren, while p e r m i t t e d personal possessions w h i c h they c o u l d pass on by w i l l , were still obliged to assist those i n need o u t o f their o w n property, as well as to offer hospitality to those Brethren travelling o n lawful business. T h i s was the task especially o f the heads o f households. I f anyone sees that a C h r i s t i a n o f l i k e f a i t h is i n want, he should o u t o f love give h i m f r o m his o w n estate according to need. Thus a l l believing Christians should strive to fulfil the L a w o f Christ, c a r r y i n g one another's burdens. . . . I f anyone fails to care for fellow Christians w h o t h i n k alike w i t h h i m , then has he denied the faith and is lacking i n love, and is worse even than the heathen. The category o f laymen w h o had v o l u n t a r i l y adopted the rule o f apostolic poverty was to disappear soon after 1467. O n l y a m o n g the priesthood were these precepts to continue i n force, t h o u g h even w i t h them the passage o f time was to soften their former r i g o u r , u n t i l the c u s t o m for priests to earn a l i v i n g by m a n u a l w o r k became the only surviving remnant o f the Unity's earlier c o m m u n i s m .

M i i l l e r has pointed o u t that, by the aban-

82

T H E O L D BRETHREN

donment o f this tenet o f v o l u n t a r y poverty, the danger o f a d i v i s i o n growing u p i n the U n i t y , similar t o that existing i n the Catholic c h u r c h , between those w h o practised a higher social m o r a l i t y and those f o r w h o m a lower sufficed, was averted. The regulation was o r i g i n a l l y enacted as a compromise between the demands o f the m i n o r i t y , w h o believed c o m munity o f goods was an essential p a r t o f true C h r i s t i a n i t y , a n d the more numerous section w h i c h was u n w i l l i n g t o go so far. Its abandonment reflected the shift i n the social basis o f the U n i t y ' s membership, w h i c h was to be such an i m p o r t a n t factor i n causing the schism i n the nineties.

22

The settlement at K u n v a l d i n 1457-58, the U n i t y c o n s t i t u t i o n o f 1464, the creation o f a separate priesthood i n 1467: these events m a r k e d the first stages i n the establishment o f the new church. The sixties h a d commenced w i t h a period o f persecution, w h i c h had lasted several years; and once more i n 1468 a wave o f renewed persecution started, w h i c h continued u n t i l Vladislav's accession i n 1471. I n b o t h cases the measures directed against the U n i t y , w h i c h had even included the execution o f a small number o f Brethren and were i n general aimed at suppressing p u b l i c manifestations o f the new sect, had been taken f o r reasons b o t h o f external and internal politics. Fear o n the p a r t o f the U t r a q u i s t s at the successive steps taken by the Brethren towards final separation, and K i n g George's eagerness to show the rest o f Christendom that Bohemia d i d n o t w i l l i n g l y suffer the g r o w t h o f heresy, b o t h played their p a r t i n b r i n g i n g about these t w o periods o f persecution. They led, t o o , to a break w i t h Rokycana, w h o had failed to respond to the Brethren's pleas to p u t himself at the head o f their movement.

The Brethren, indeed, never quite gave u p hope

of

w i n n i n g Rokycana over, o f b r i n g i n g h i m to see the wisdom o f f o l l o w i n g 'the n a r r o w p a t h . ' Shortly before the latter's death, Rehof addressed 'a seventh and last letter' to the master, a final appeal to h i m to see the l i g h t . Something o f the w a r m t h w h i c h had persisted between the t w o

men

despite their diverging ways, and o f the esteem i n w h i c h the Brethren continued to h o l d Rokycana f o r his superior judgement, comes o u t i n this letter, mingled w i t h their disappointment at w h a t they considered his moral cowardice f o r n o t breaking w i t h the w o r l d and t h r o w i n g i n his l o t w i t h those w h o believed they were n o w o n l y p u t t i n g i n t o practice w h a t he had himself formerly preached. They were ready, Rehof writes, to f o l l o w h i m i n everything once he had openly accepted their basic principles. B u t "

Mülier-Bartoä, op. cit., pp. 5 8 - 6 2 ; Müller, ' D i e G e m e i n d e - V e r f a s s u n g d e r B ö h m i -

s c h e n Brüder i n i h r e n Grundzügen,' Monatshefte 1 4 2 - 4 8 ; Dekrety

Jednoty

bratrske

der Comenius-Gesellschaft,

1896, p p .

(ed. G i n d e l y ) , p. 57. C f . G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit.,

pp.

1 6 7 - 6 8 . T h e r e a r e two v e r s i o n s o f the decree i n A . J . B . , V , fols. 2 6 0 - 6 1 v , 2 6 2 v - 6 3 v .

83

T H E OLD BRETHREN

i t was already t o o late for any reconciliation o f their t w o points o f view. R o k y c a n a remained for the Brethren the classic example o f the apostate leader.

23

T h e impression gained f r o m U n i t y historiography o f Rokycana

as the directing force behind the persecution has, however, little historical foundation.

H e appears t o have done

a l l i n his power - short o f

a b a n d o n i n g his p o s i t i o n as head o f the U t r a q u i s t c h u r c h and himself j o i n i n g the U n i t y - t o soften the severity o f the blows dealt o u t t o his former disciples. I n 1471, w i t h the deaths o f R o k y c a n a and George o f P o d e b r a d y

24

and

the accession t o the Bohemian t h r o n e o f Vladislav I I , eldest son o f K i n g K a z i m i e r z I V o f Poland, a new era dawned for the U n i t y , w h i c h h a d survived successfully its first times o f t r i a l . A p e r i o d o f comparative c a l m , o f freedom f r o m persecution i n spite o f several abortive and short-lived attempts i n the opposite d i r e c t i o n , n o w ensued; and the religious peace w h i c h was to last indeed i n t o the next century gave the U n i t y the o p p o r t u n i t y to develop its influence a n d expand i n numbers, u n t i l i t had covered the whole o f Bohemia and M o r a v i a w i t h a net-back o f small congregations.

25

W h e n its founder, Brother Rehof, died i n A u g u s t 1474, w o r n o u t

by the effort and strain o f constant pastoral visitations a m o n g the scattered groups o f U n i t y adherents, often i n extremely dangerous

circumstances

w h i c h c o u l d result i n i m p r i s o n m e n t o r even death, a period o f quiet, b u t steady expansion h a d set i n , only t o be b r o k e n by the momentous schism w h i c h began at the outset o f the nineties. O n t w o occasions d u r i n g this

"

B i d l o , op. cit., I I , p p .

**

I t is interesting to n o t e t h a t , despite the k i n g ' s c o n t i n u o u s h o s t i l i t y to the U n i t y , h i s

1-4.

jester, J a n P a l e c e k ( o r P a l i e k ) , a m a n l a t e r f a m o u s i n C z e c h l i t e r a t u r e for h i s w i t t y sayings, a p p e a r s to h a v e been a B r o t h e r , p o s s i b l y a secret a d h e r e n t . P a l e c e k , w h o w a s o f gentry o r i g i n , w a s p r o b a b l y o n e o f the K l a t o v B r e t h r e n , w h o j o i n e d the U n i t y a t the e n d o f the fifties. H e w a s m u c h l o v e d by the k i n g , w h o t o o k h i s a d v i c e i n m a n y m a t t e r s ; a n d , i f h e r e a l l y w a s a m e m b e r o r a t least a secret s y m p a t h i z e r o f the U n i t y , d o u b t l e s s o n o c c a s i o n P a l e c e k u s e d h i s influence w i t h h i s r o y a l m a s t e r i n f a v o u r o f the B r e t h r e n . H e a p p e a r s t o h a v e d i e d before the k i n g . T h e r e is n o f o u n d a t i o n for the t h e o r y o f h i s identity w i t h J a n K l e n o v s k j ? , w h i c h w a s c u r r e n t i n the l a s t c e n t u r y . ' K l e n o v s k y - P a l e c e k , ' Sbornik

historicky,

See

1883, pp. 4 3 - 5 1 ; J a k u b e c , Dejiny

Herben, Uteratury

ceske, I , p p . 6 1 1 , 6 1 2 ; H r e j s a , op. cit., I l l , p. 2 0 5 ; B i d l o , op. cit., I , p. 118. "

A c c o r d i n g to H r e j s a , op. cit., I V , 3 8 , 3 9 , a b o u t 1479 the w h o l e U n i t y n u m b e r e d o n l y

between 1 0 0 0 - 2 0 0 0 m e m b e r s .

C o n g r e g a t i o n s (sbory)

u s u a l l y c o n t a i n e d fewer t h a n a

h u n d r e d m e m b e r s , a n d there w e r e a n u m b e r o f i n d i v i d u a l m e m b e r s s c a t t e r e d i n g r o u p s too s m a l l to f o r m a s e p a r a t e c o n g r e g a t i o n o f t h e i r o w n .

Apart from K u n v a l d and

P r a g u e , the earliest k n o w n c o n g r e g a t i o n s , d a t i n g b a c k to the sixties, w e r e s i t u a t e d a t R y c h n o v n a d K n e z n o u , Lenesice near L o u n y , Vinafice near M l a d a Boleslav, Benatky, N e m e c k j ? B r o d , P f e r o v i n M o r a v i a a n d at s o m e u n s p e c i f i e d spot i n the Pracheft a r e a . See also H r e j s a , ' S b o r o v e J e d n o t y b r a t r s k e , ' M u l l e r - B a r t o S , op. cit., p. 149.

Reformacni

sbornik,

1935, p p . 2 2 , 2 3 ;

T H E O L D BRETHREN

period, i n 1473 and again i n 1478, the Brethren were given the o p p o r t u n i t y , t h r o u g h the instrumentality o f their protectors a m o n g the magnates, o f stating their case publicly i n colloquia

w i t h the representatives o f the

U t r a q u i s t c h u r c h , the Prague masters. The seventies and eighties o f the fifteenth

century represent the p e r i o d o f the O l d Brethren, a p a t r i a r c h a l

age when the U n i t y , already a completely

separate religious entity,

attempted t o p u t i n t o practice, w i t h i n the f r a m e w o r k o f the existing social order, the p a t t e r n o f life o f the apostolic C h r i s t i a n communities as portrayed i n the w o r k s o f Petr Chelcicky. I t was due almost entirely t o Brother Rehof t h a t the U n i t y ' s theoretical doctrines as well as its practical organization t o o k shape. B i d l o i n particular has pointed o u t how the earlier view denying any o r i g i n a l i t y t o Rehof as a w r i t e r is an exaggeration, even t h o u g h he is usually dependent /

o n Chelcicky for his i n s p i r a t i o n .

26

Rehof was, indeed, responsible, either

alone o r i n c o l l a b o r a t i o n w i t h such 'learned' Brethren as P r o k o p

of

Jindfich Hradec o r T i i m a PfelouSsky, f o r almost a l l the w o r k s issued i n name o f the O l d Brethren, a body o f w r i t i n g s w h i c h , u n t i l the nineties, remained the f o u n d a t i o n o n w h i c h they based their conduct i n every sphere o f life. These oldest sources f o r the h i s t o r y o f the U n i t y , w h i c h i n a d d i t i o n contain almost all the i n f o r m a t i o n obtainable concerning their social a n d p o l i t i c a l doctrines, fall f r o m the p o i n t o f view o f their contents i n t o t w o categories.

First, there are the apologetic writings, o f w h i c h the

U n i t y t h r o u g h o u t its history was to continue t o p o u r f o r t h a steady stream, destined f o r such personages as Rokycana, K i n g George, the Prague city c o u n c i l , and sometimes j u s t 'for all people (vsem vubec)'.

The

second g r o u p comprises those pieces w h i c h were intended f o r private circulation w i t h i n the U n i t y alone and n o t f o r public c o n s u m p t i o n . Chronologically, o n the other hand, they can be divided as a whole i n t o three distinct categories:

those pieces composed

d u r i n g the first and

second persecutions respectively, and those w r i t t e n d u r i n g the first few years o f Vladislav I I ' s reign w i t h the object o f i n d u c i n g a more favourable attitude o n the part o f the new k i n g . The style i n w h i c h they are w r i t t e n is usually, indeed, remarkable for its freedom

f r o m lengthy citations

f r o m L a t i n authors, showing that, l i k e Chelcicky, Rehof's education was based mainly on writings i n Czech, o f w h i c h the vernacular translation o f the Bible t o o k the central place.

F o r a literal interpretation o f the

injunctions contained i n the N e w Testament was to be the h a l l m a r k o f the

"

B i d l o , op. tit., I , I n t r o . , pp. 4 1 , 108, 109. See also C e d l o v a , ' N a b o z e n s k e

P e t r a C h e l c i c k e h o a b r a t r a R e h o f e i j e j i c h v z a j e m n y p o m e r , ' C. C. M.,

nazory

1932, pp. 3 1 7 - 2 2 .

85

T H E O L D BRETHREN

earlier Brethren's conduct, b o t h w i t h i n the U n i t y and i n their relationship w i t h society outside.

27

H o w far had R e h o f a n d his assistants taken over intact f r o m such writers as Chelöicky the social and p o l i t i c a l doctrines w h i c h were t o be a distinctive feature o f this first p e r i o d i n the U n i t y ' s h i s t o r y ; h o w far, o n the other h a n d , can any o r i g i n a l elements be detected i n their social theory and practice? These questions can only be answered after a detailed examination o f the doctrines as they appear i n those writings o f the early Brethren w h i c h have survived. Chelöicky' had w r i i t e n f o r the small h a n d f u l o f his contemporaries w h o were prepared t o frame their lives according t o the m o d e l set o u t i n the gospels, f o r Christ's 'flock, w h o , hearing H i s voice a n d believing o n H i m , are ready t o f o l l o w i n H i s footsteps, t u r n i n g aside f r o m the w o r l d f o r H i s sake and placing their hopes f o r their o w n welfare i n H i m

alone.'

28

T h r o u g h Rehof's u n t i r i n g activities this small circle w h i c h had gathered a r o u n d Chelöicky had been widened t o embrace a m u l t i t u d e o f small congregations, all l i v i n g according t o this same pattern and n o w numerous enough to f o r m their o w n separate c h u r c h . F o r t h e m , as f o r Chelöicky, the early c h u r c h , l i v i n g strictly according t o the rule o f life l a i d d o w n by Christ himself and his apostles, was their ideal o f a C h r i s t i a n society. They, t o o , were l a c k i n g i n any conception o f historical e v o l u t i o n .

The

history o f the c h u r c h i n the centuries f o l l o w i n g Constantine's conversion was painted by t h e m as a steady descent f r o m the perfection w h i c h h a d existed w i t h i n the C h r i s t i a n c o m m u n i t y u n t i l that date, a story o f corr u p t i o n mitigated o n l y b y the c o n t i n u e d existence outside the official b o d y o f a small and savagely persecuted remnant o f true Christians, whose spiritual heirs the Brethren felt themselves to b e . 1 7

29

F o r a d i s c u s s i o n o f the d a t i n g o f R e h o f ' s w r i t i n g s , see C e d l o v ä , op. cit., p p . 7 8 - 8 2 ;

B i d l o , op. cit., I n t r o . , I , p. 1 4 6 ; I I . p. 9 2 . R e f e r e n c e to the detailed list o f e a r l y B r e t h r e n writings given i n the G e r m a n e d i t i o n o f M ü l l e r , Geschichte

der Böhmischen Brüder, I ,

pp. 5 8 5 - 9 1 , s h o w s that s c a r c e l y a n y t h i n g o f i m p o r t a n c e w a s issued by the U n i t y d u r i n g the sixteen y e a r s i n t e r v e n i n g b e t w e e n R e h o f ' s d e a t h a n d the b e g i n n i n g o f the s c h i s m i n 1490. T h i s fact illustrates t h e p a r a m o u n t r o l e p l a y e d b y R e h o f i n f r a m i n g the i d e o l o g y o f the O l d B r e t h r e n , e v e n t h o u g h s o m e o f their later w r i t i n g s m a y h a v e b e e n lost. "

C h e l c i c k y , Sit'

"

B i d l o , op. cit., I , p. 7 3 . C f . ' I n t e r r o g a t i q u a n d o desiit p o t e s t a s et a u c t o r i t a s r o m a n e

viry, p. 3 3 3 .

ccclcsic responderunt, se n e s c i r e , t a m e n u s q u e a d t e m p o r a S i l v e s t r i p a p e et a m p l i u s c r c d u n t earn durasse, q u o u s q u e i n e a n o n fuerunt t a n t a p e c c a t a ' ( ' N i k t e r e p r a m e n y k n a h o J c n s k y m dejinäm v 15. stolen',' Vistnik 6).

kralovske

ceske spolecnosti

nciuk, 1895, p.

I n this article G ö l l r e p r i n t s a l m o s t i n full the r e p o r t o f the official e x a m i n a t i o n

( i i.i/.rA) by C a t h o l i c priests o f f o u r l e a d i n g B r e t h r e n - M i c h a l , J a n Täborsky, P r o k o p o f Jindfichüv H r a d e c , T o m a s ' o f L a n ä k r o u n - h e l d o n 4/5 J u n e 1480. T h e f o u r B r e t h r e n hail been intercepted at K l a d s k o by o r d e r o f H e n r y D u k e o f M u n s t e r b e r g o n t h e i r w a y to visit the W a l d c n s i a n c o m m u n i t i e s i n B r a n d e n b u r g , w h i c h s i n c e 1458 h a d e x p e r i e n c e d

86

T H E OLD BRETHREN

The broad outlines o f their ideal c o m m u n i t y come o u t very clearly i n a passage i n the letter Rehor addressed i n their name to the Vice-Chamberlain (podkomofi)

o f the K i n g d o m o f Bohemia i n 1461. T h e i r a i m , he

writes, was ' t o live according to the scriptures alone (samym

étením),

f o l l o w i n g the examples o f C h r i s t a n d H i s h o l y apostles i n quietness, h u m i l i t y , a n d patience, l o v i n g one's enemies a n d d o i n g g o o d to t h e m . . . and p r a y i n g for t h e m . '

3 0

T h e y w o u l d always, so they believed, f o r m a

m i n o r i t y i n this w o r l d plunged i n unbelief a n d sin, a society o f p o o r men a n d w o m e n o f humble o r i g i n leading a f r u g a l and laborious existence.

31

Reliance o n the scriptures as the o n l y f o u n t o f m o r a l i t y , p u b l i c o r p r i v a t e , an attitude w h i c h divided them off n o t o n l y f r o m the w h o l e C a t h o l i c church b u t even f r o m the m a j o r i t y o f U t r a q u i s t s , h a d been one o f the /

conditions i n the agreement for fusion w i t h the K l a t o v Brethren i n 1458-59. B u t the early U n i t y followed Chelcicky i n m a k i n g a d i s t i n c t i o n between the N e w a n d O l d Testaments. T h e O l d Testament h a d preached physical warfare, the execution o f sinners a n d other b l o o d y punishments, i n short the law o f an eye f o r an eye, a t o o t h f o r a t o o t h . The Jews h a d been justified i n f o l l o w i n g this law as they were then o n a lower plane o f development. B u t C h r i s t h a d substituted f o r i t his new L a w o f Love, w h i c h 'neither condemns t o death . . . n o r coerces anyone to fulfil its c o m m a n d ments, b u t rather w i t h l o v i n g patience calls f o r repentance, leaving the impenitent t o the last judgement.'

I t is o n l y the false Christians - the

Brethren w r i t e , w i t h an eye perhaps t o those o f their number who h a d come across f r o m theTaborites - w h o cannot distinguish between the t w o revelations; a n d here indeed they showed a remarkable historical sense, w h i c h was absent i n their treatment o f the development o f the C h r i s t i a n church.

32

The early Christians h a d lived as an outcast m i n o r i t y w i t h i n a pagan empire, expecting at first the speedy r e t u r n o f C h r i s t i n his glory.

The

whole o f the U n i t y ' s p o l i t i c a l philosophy was, indeed, shaped by parallel !

severe p e r s e c u t i o n . T h e s e W a l d e n s e s -

w h o h a d e a r l i e r been i n c o n t a c t w i t h the T a b o r -

i t e s - a s a result o f negotiations w i t h T o m á s , h i m s e l f o f G e r m a n o r i g i n , w h o a l o n e h a d been able to p r o c e e d o n h i s j o u r n e y , s o o n after e m i g r a t e d to M o r a v i a ,

where

they

settled a r o u n d F u l n e k i n the G e r m a n - s p e a k i n g frontier district. I t w a s f r o m these c o m munities, formerly f o r m i n g the m a i n G e r m a n language g r o u p w i t h i n the U n i t y , that the founders o f the M o r a v i a n C h u r c h i n the e a r l y eighteenth c e n t u r y originated. »•

B i d l o , op. cit., p. 5 4 5 .

"

Ibid., pp. 3 4 3 , 527.

*»

Ibid., pp. 4 2 3 - 3 7 , 4 5 3 , 5 0 8 ; M U l l e r - B a r t o S , op. cit., pp. 52, 5 3 . C f . ' N u l l a m

pro-

b a c i o n e m nisi ex evangelio vel epistolis a p o s t o l o r u m i n evangelio c a p i u n t a u t e x e m p l i s C h r i s t i vel a p o s t o l o r u m i n e v a n g e l i o et e p i s t o l i s c o n t e n t i s ; vetus t e s t a m e n t u m , u b i eis placet, ubi n o n placet, q u o d sit i m p e r f e c t u m , d i c u n t , et figura, et q u o d perfeccio C h r i s t i et a p o s t o l o r u m est a t t e n d e n d a ' ( G o l l , 'Nékteré p r a m e n y ' , p. 6).

87

THE O L D BRETHREN

conditions, permeated by similar n o t i o n s . Theirs was a m i n o r i t y creed. F o r them the w o r l d was hopelessly c o r r u p t e d . They pictured themselves as ' p i l g r i m s and guests here o n earth, afflicted by the w o r l d w i t h m a n y tribulations a n d dangers, because i n their ideas [they] have separated themselves off f r o m this w o r l d . ' Sharing the widely-held view t h a t the end o f the w o r l d was then i m m i n e n t , the Brethren's desire to preserve their small circle o f believers intact i n a m o r a l l y fallen w o r l d soon t o be destroyed was indeed, i n Bidlo's o p i n i o n , one o f the reasons p r o m p t i n g t h e m t o f o u n d an independent c h u r c h . As w i t h the early Christians the a d o p t i o n by the U n i t y o f its radical social and p o l i t i c a l doctrines - and their later abandonment - may have been influenced i n part by such beliefs.

33

These doctrines were, therefore, the logical outcome

o f the early

Brethren's d e t e r m i n a t i o n to order every aspect o f their lives i n accordance w i t h the example o f Christ and the apostles.

' I f anyone w o u l d l i k e t o

k n o w h o w we conduct o u r affairs [they were w r i t i n g at the end o f the sixties] let them enquire h o w things stood i n the early c h u r c h . ' M o d e l l i n g themselves o n the early Christians they were to be ' h u m b l e , r e t i r i n g , temperate, magnanimous, long-suffering, l o v i n g , f u l l o f p i t y and kindness, meek, pure, modest, peaceable, desirous o n l y o f the right, c o m p l i a n t , w i l l i n g , a n d ready f o r every good a c t i o n . ' Certainly a counsel o f perfection, b u t one w h i c h t h r o w s an i l l u m i n a t i n g l i g h t o n the early U n i t y ' s ideal o f C h r i s t i a n v i r t u e . I n their i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f the scriptures the w r i t i n g s o f Chelcicky, as we have seen, were their m a i n guide. The early Brethren, i n c l u d i n g R e h o f himself, were practical men, who had neither the leisure n o r the freedom f r o m material cares a n d worries necessary for the c o m p o s i t i o n o f w o r k s elaborating their views f r o m a theoretical standpoint, w h i c h Chelcicky appears t o have possessed. They were a l l at first either the victims o r potential victims o f prolonged periods o f persecution. M o s t o f t h e m were, indeed, simple craftsmen and peasants, f o r w h o m theoretical speculation held no attractions. 'These teachers, M i c h a l the priest and R e h o f the tailor [the masters o f Prague University report w i t h some astonishment] derive salvation most o f all f r o m a v i r t u o u s life.' F o r t h e m the a t t e m p t to practice m o r a l i t y i n everyday existence was more i m p o r t a n t t h a n any

"

B i d l o , op. cit., p p . 10, 2 1 , 1 9 1 , 5 7 9 ; Tapié, op. cit., p. 78. F o r the s o m e w h a t

obscure

story o f h o w , d u r i n g h i s first i m p r i s o n m e n t i n 1461, B r o t h e r R e h o f w a s t r i c k e d by a c e i t a i n J a n Vocásek, a U t r a q u i s t priest, i n t o a d m i t t i n g n o t o n l y the right o f the c i v i l a u t h o r i t i e s to use force i n religious matters, b u t the c o m p a t a b i l i t y o f c o e r c i o n i n g e n e r a l w i t h Christianity, see B i d l o , op. cit., p. 5 5 2 ; M i i l l e r - B a r t o S , op. cit., p p . 4 2 , 4 3 , 56.

T H E OLD BRETHREN

abstract considerations a b o u t correct d o c t r i n e .

84

Although in

fifteenth-

century Bohemia n o religious c o m m u n i t y c o u l d o f course escape being involved i n technical discussions o f abstract theological problems, the bulk o f early Brethren literature nevertheless has a decidedly u t i l i t a r i a n character a n d was w r i t t e n w i t h a definite practical a i m i n view.

I t is

natural, therefore, i n the circumstances under w h i c h they lived, that a m o n g the political problems w h i c h l o o m largest i n their writings is t h a t o f the relationship between c h u r c h and state, the p r o b l e m o f religious t o l e r a t i o n . The interference o f the c i v i l authorities i n matters o f f a i t h h a d , as we have seen, been condemned u n c o n d i t i o n a l l y by Chelcicky, w h o

stood

however - even a m o n g the Hussites - almost alone i n his a t t i t u d e . The constant threat o f persecution, w h i c h f r o m the beginning h u n g over the Brethren's heads even w h e n active measures were n o t being taken to suppress t h e m , gave their demands f o r religious freedom a special urgency. As early as 1461, when the first a t t e m p t was made to destroy the i n f a n t church by force, B r o t h e r Rehof had w r i t t e n an impassioned appeal f o r religious liberty f r o m his p r i s o n at Teplice i n an open letter addressed t o K i n g George's adviser, the moderate U t r a q u i s t , Variek Valecovsky. F o r G o d has given this s w o r d t o the kings o f the e a r t h [writes R e h o f ] only i n order that the w o r l d m i g h t be preserved according t o H i s w i l l , and t o direct i t against those w h o d o evil against the c o m m o n good. . . . B u t when t h r o u g h priestly guile y o u r sword is t u r n e d against people o n account o f their faith, i t is acting against G o d ' s c o m m a n d m e n t , since . . . n o earthly ruler can p u t f a i t h i n t o people's hearts w i t h o u t their assent o r force them t o believe. Even the Romans and T u r k s , he goes o n , d i d n o t interfere i n their subject's religion. ' A l t h o u g h y o u may b u r n a m a n , y o u w i l l o n l y increase thereby the numbers o f the f a i t h f u l . '

35

Disagreement o n this question o f religious t o l e r a t i o n was one o f the causes o f the Brethren's estrangement f r o m Rokycana w h o , as head o f the state church, was held responsible by them f o r the persecution o f w h i c h they were the victims. This comes o u t i n the f o l l o w i n g exchange, w h i c h t o o k place between the A r c h b i s h o p and M a r t i n o f K r c i n d u r i n g their disputation (hddka) i n 1463: Rokycana: I f y o u became reconciled w i t h us, y o u too w o u l d o b t a i n the help [ o f the c i v i l authorities]. They w o u l d defend y o u also, since they have been instituted i n order t o punish the wicked and help the good to prosper. M

B i d l o , op. cit., I I , p. 125.

M

Ibid., I , pp. 545, 548.

89

THE OLD BRETHREN

M a r t i n : I n that case the way o f Christ w o u l d no longer be the n a r r o w one and his cross w o u l d have been i n vain (Nebyla by cesta kristova úzká a kHz jeho by! by vyprázdnéri). Five years later the Brethren were once m o r e to call u p o n Rokycana

to

take 'the n a r r o w p a t h , ' to renounce the p r o t e c t i o n o f the state for his church as inconsistent w i t h true C h r i s t i a n i t y . B u t their pleas were to be w i t h o u t effect.

36

F o r not o n l y d i d the Brethren condemn the almost universally accepted practice o f the forcible conversion o f heretics, b u t the aid o f the temporal a r m was n o t t o be i n v o k e d even i n defence o f the f a i t h , t o repel attacks made by those w h o d i d n o t share their tolerant attitude. R e h o f w r i t e s : ' N o t only are [the c i v i l authorities] n o t entitled to use force i n matters o f faith, b u t they should also refrain f r o m defending the f a i t h by the s w o r d . For C h r i s t sent o u t his apostles i n t o the w o r l d to preach the gospel w i t h o u t the help o f the c i v i l power, o f magistrates, o f hangmen o r o f armies.' U n l i k e the m a j o r i t y even o f the radical Hussites, as R e h o f

himself

remarks, true Christians - like sheep a m o n g wolves - were to suffer m a r t y r d o m rather t h a n t o call i n the 'pagan' authorities t o their defence. The

final

sanction for e r r i n g brethren, w h o remained impervious

a d m o n i t i o n and rebuke, was to be, as Chelóicky h a d

to

recommended,

expulsion f r o m the U n i t y . A n y recourse to the state i n such matters was firmly

ruled o u t .

3 7

The early U n i t y f o l l o w e d Chelcicky^ n o t only i n his advocacy o f c o m plete religious toleration a n d o f the separation o f church and state, ideas w h i c h have f o u n d widespread acceptance i n the m o d e r n w o r l d , they also t o o k over f r o m h i m i n its entirety the negative attitude towards the state and the whole social order, w h i c h forms the most distinctive feature o f their social and p o l i t i c a l ideology. N o members o f the U n i t y m i g h t occupy any p o s i t i o n , however humble, i n the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f government, n o r m i g h t they become masters i n a g i l d . This a t t i t u d e resulted, indeed, i n part f r o m their rejection o f oaths. They were permitted neither to take oaths themselves, n o r t o accept any office where they m i g h t have to demand oaths o f others. These considerations alone w o u l d have excluded "

Ibid.,

p p . 4 6 2 , 4 6 3 , 4 7 1 , 589.

K r o f t a Listy

z náboíenskych

déjin íeskych, p. 2 3 8 ,

gives a n a b l e a p o l o g y for R o k y c a n a ' s attitude. *'

B i d l o , op. cii., p p . 5 1 4 - 1 9 , 5 5 3 . C f . ' I n e c c l e s i a , u t a s s e r u n t , s u a n u l l u m j u d i c i u m

s a n g u i n i s p e r m i t t u n t dicentes fore c o n t r a e w a n g e l i u m , n e c leges n e c cañones a d v e r t u n t , n u l l a m i u r i s d i c c i o n e m inter se f a c i u n t , s e d séniores fratres, si c a u s e v e l c a s u s e m e r s e r i n t , c o n v e n i u n t et pie et f r a t e r n a l i t e r c o m p o n u n t ; incorrigibilis, a congregacione sua tanguam

q u o d s i q u i s e o r u m est e x c e s s i v u s et anathematizatum

et

excommunicatum

c x c l u d u n t , q u o d si se r e c o g n o s c i t et p e n i t e n c i a m petit, i t e r u m e u m a d e c c l e s i a m r e a s s u m u n t ' ( G o l l , op. cit., p. 7 ) .

a l l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the state, even had the Brethren n o t possessed further weighty arguments i n favour o f their standpoint. For, as w i t h Chel5icky, this refusal was not based simply o n a literalist i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f the scriptural i n j u n c t i o n against t a k i n g oaths, b u t flowed f r o m their whole p o l i t i c a l philosophy. C i v i l a u t h o r i t y w i t h its coercive power was t o t a l l y unchristian, the offspring o f A n t i c h r i s t . ' A l l those placed i n offices according to r a n k and d i g n i t y [they w r i t e i n 1469-70 i n their tract O kterej

jest

mezi bratriemi,

factions (roty),

tak ze jedni

sou pravi

rozdiele, are

a druzi falesni]

n o t subject to the H o l y S p i r i t . ' L i k e Chelcicky, the early

U n i t y considered that the task o f governing a state c o u l d n o t be carried out w i t h o u t the i n f l i c t i o n o f cruelty. N a t u r a l l y t o o , they, specifically rejected the theory o f 'the threefold people,' w h i c h attempted t o square the social order w i t h the demands o f C h r i s t i a n i t y . They equated the essence o f government w i t h 'fear, cruelty, beating, fighting, k i l l i n g , r e v i l ing, violence, i m p r i s o n m e n t , c u t t i n g - o f f o f limbs, m u r d e r , and other physical torments.' T r u e Christians therefore, i n a d d i t i o n to non-cooperation i n the machinery o f government, were also obliged t o b o y c o t t the courts o f law, whatever the p r o v o c a t i o n . A collision w i t h the state c o u l d scarcely have been avoided i f the Brethren were to attempt to p u t theory i n t o practice. A s early as 1463 M a r t i n o f Kr£in, w r i t i n g t o Rokycana, reports that 'certain Brethren . . . have been kept i n prison many weeks because they prefered t o bear m u c h pain a n d suffering rather than swear konselstvi

pfisahati),

as newly-elected

a l d e r m a n (v

thus breaking God's c o m m a n d m e n t . '

38

I n later

years, t o o , they were to endure fines and imprisonment for their refusal t o co-operate w i t h the state. Sometimes the r i g h t t o reside i n towns a n d villages was refused them because o f their unwillingness t o accept

office.

So long as the members o f the U n i t y were d r a w n m a i n l y f r o m c o u n t r y people there was less occasion for conflict, since the executive and j u d i c i a l powers o f village officials were strictly l i m i t e d . B u t w i t h the extension o f the U n i t y d u r i n g the seventies and eighties a m o n g the small craftsmen o f the towns the p r o b l e m became increasingly urgent. Indeed, i t is n o t clear how far even at the beginning all U n i t y members consistently refused to take up office.

Brother L u k a s w h o , t h o u g h n o i m p a r t i a l w i t -

ness, was at least closely connected w i t h the U n i t y f r o m the eighties 3 8

B i d l o , op. cit., pp. 3 9 6 , 4 6 4 , 4 6 9 , 506, 510, 5 3 4 - 4 3 , 5 6 4 . B a r t o S , ' N e z n a m a d i l a J a n a

R o k y c a n y v m u s e j n i c h r u k o p i s e c h , ' C. C. M., fluence

1919, p. 12, c o n s i d e r s R o k y c a n a ' s i n -

to h a v e been a m o r e p o w e r f u l factor t h a n C h e l c i c k y ' s i n l e a d i n g the U n i t y to

reject o a t h s .

G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p. 3 0 9 , o n t h e o t h e r h a n d , attributes this to

Wal-

d e n s i a n influences. B i d l o believes that the B r e t h r e n began to c o l l i d e w i t h the state o n this issue e v e n before the o u t b r e a k o f p e r s e c u t i o n i n 1461.

91

T H E OLD BRETHREN

onwards, asserts indeed that t h r o u g h o u t the U n i t y ' s existence, even i n Brother Rehof's t i m e , some members h a d become aldermen and magistrates. ' W h i l e regarding i t as an evil [writes L u k a s , describing the situa t i o n at that time] m a n y were yet forced t o c o m p l y . Some t o o k the o a t h , others were imprisoned and fined f o r their refusal b u t later gave i n , c o m i n g t o the Brethren o n such occasions f o r counsel.' Evidently, then, there was n o u n i f o r m practice i n face o f the demands o f the state, t h o u g h undoubtedly, wherever possible, members o f the U n i t y attempted t o remain true to their p r i n c i p l e s .

39

A further source o f potential conflict w i t h the authorities lay i n the fact that a l l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n war, even o f a defensive nature, as well as the infliction o f any f o r m o f punishment i n v o l v i n g an element o f coercion, was also forbidden to a member o f the U n i t y .

4 0

Rehof, indeed, had taken

over w i t h o u t change Chelcicky's argument against war and a l l forms o f violence.

This comes o u t very clearly i n the only a t t e m p t made b y the

early Brethren t o deal systematically w i t h this subject; their tract o n the civil power and the power o f the s w o r d (Psani o mod svetske mecove),

neb o

mod

w r i t t e n p r o b a b l y by Rehof between the years 1468-71, is for the

most p a r t merely a t r a n s c r i p t i o n o f Chelcicky's O trojim lidu, i n w h i c h even the latter's w o r d i n g often remains unaltered. Indeed, n o passages o f importance f r o m Chelcicky's w o r k are o m i t t e d , and the Brethren's new edition makes n o o r i g i n a l c o n t r i b u t i o n t o the theoretical g r o u n d w o r k . Their additions consist m a i n l y o f a number o f observations relating t o the probable results o f the application o f theory i n the existing s i t u a t i o n . W i t h the outbreak i n 1467 o f war against K i n g M a t t h i a s C o r v i n u s o f H u n g a r y and the king's decision t o c a l l o u t the m i l i t i a (vefejnd

hotovost),

many peasants a n d townsmen were called u p f o r m i l i t a r y service, an obligation o f w h i c h they were n o r m a l l y free.

T h i s at once presented a

serious danger for the U n i t y , since m a n y Brethren c o m i n g f r o m these classes were liable t o be forced to serve i n the a r m y ; a n d their testimony against war, therefore, w o u l d be likely to b r i n g them i n t o conflict w i t h the law. Some brethren went i n t o h i d i n g , p r o b a b l y r e t i r i n g i n t o the forests and mountains as they had done d u r i n g the first p e r i o d o f persecution. Some stood their g r o u n d and u n d o u b t e d l y suffered severe penalties, w h i l e "

Muller-Bartos", op. cit., p. 156, q u o t i n g L u k a S i n A . J . B . , I V , f o l . 2 8 v .

"

O b j e c t i o n to the d e a t h penalty, e v e n i f n o t u n c o n d i t i o n a l , still c o n t i n u e d

among

m o d e r a t e U t r a q u i s t s d u r i n g the last few decades o f the fifteenth c e n t u r y , a s is s h o w n b y the s t r o n g l y w o r d e d p r o t e s t a g a i n s t c a p i t a l p u n i s h m e n t c o n t a i n e d i n the m a n u s c r i p t s e r m o n s o f a n u n k n o w n d i s c i p l e o f R o k y c a n a , p r o b a b l y c o m p o s e d after h i s m a s t e r ' s d e a t h ; see S i m e k , ' U k d z k y k a z a t e l s k e c i n n o s t i n e z n a m e h o h u s i t s k e h o k n S z e , ' C. C 1933, p p . 2 0 0 , 204.

M.,

,0

-

-

^

> . „ •

. \ ;

v

• ... ||„,

(Mi

. • > .l
u

v

iiliiniili

In ilu

ll n |n.

•Mil

ll\>

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ti

ill'linil

lliiihuti

tUxt

i l , l i n . >• n l i l l * M M t t t r f M

n l • i l l l . n I .1 i l i ' l i l l k H l

.r< .» | u v U i u

I I I I ' l m i l l ll>|>m ,11 \ (i t u n c . '

*

i.,

MM I I I I I n n i l I n I I I > | i , m ( u I l u I D M l | i n III MI . I n n

<*t

s

.,v>.

N'\I>U\1

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.

'V

IP

mKOK'-iWi

now in other laiuls. and t o u n o i a r.i tV.V-.iu.i ;:>..-;r". "pJoughfrma thus snatched away f r o m their labours.

Fighting was the buM?*?*
n o b i l i t y , who received temporal power w i t h the dues and w labouring people i n exchange, and o f hired mercenaries. To-\i-*?.

<

ever, i n Bohemia, 'whoever is capable o f bearing arms is reckoned the w a r r i o r class (kdoi

jedne

nwo:e

bran nesti.

vie rytifsky

IS*

Ud)

Brethren forscc that heavy punishment w i l l fall upon those who o f f the poor w i t h such burdens as compulsory service in the armies, rn.il K * soldiers out o f simple peasants and craftsmen. I n their protest against \tt conscription o f these classes by the state, the Brethren -err; e;tp.-r. .;r.g the grievances o f those s^cdeni o f the population for s h o r n s_c.".

r.^'-ity

saesssrss * r r ? i b t i v - . i r u r i i ^ . ^ S c e t r r n . ar jtisz.

* 2 i i-ccessfuily defended f r o m invasicr., a.-d the

Brsihrss do not appear to L r » e had their pacifist principles p u t to ir.z t-;>t *- 5kSc, .-p. ii.*,. - ¡2. " sf

Zui..

tea, Aira,

pp. 1 1 9 - 2 3 ; T e x t , pp. 5 0 4 - 4 3 . F o l l o w i n g the date given in the historians (e.g.

Palacky

and

Goll;

formerly

assigned

MS.

the t r a c t ' *

ccr-.position to 1435. tying up its origin with the beginnings o f the s c h i s m i n the U n i t y , i : * a . j Bidio

w h o first established that it w a s

R e h o f himself.

written between 1 4 6 8 - 7 1 , p r o b a b l y b y

I c a n n o t , however, agree w i t h B i d l o , op. at.,

I n t r o . , p. 122, that a n y

m e m b e r o f the future M a j o r P a r t y w o u l d h a v e been able to give h i s a s s e n t to t h e theoretical principles expressed in it.

T h e u n c o n d i t i o n a l rejection o f w a r a n d the state

w h i c h it c o n t a i n s , is a c o m p l e t e denial o f the validity o f the latter's s t a n d p o i n t .

•*• " ' ^

r

v

- - ^ " - í "

:hc pro~:r.er.i r • •

1

!'• *

¿ a i r r t s t m '.Aó3 ' c a s i o r . g

puzzísd

p a n h e h a d p l a y e d i n it till t h e n . T h e

^ a . , p. 115, T h e P o l i s h A r i s e s a b e s a c e c t u r y ar.d a q u a r t e r v.r...¿: TTcr.-írr. r> u « Tina

i n v a s i o z i oí Poland's eastern

-.rw.-.ns; to n e t s that the s y n o d s , w h i c h t h e y h e l d i n 1 6 0 4 a n d 1605,

v h.».:;-.:cn to fice f r o m i h e t h r e a t e n e d p r o v i n c e s a n d settle e l s e w h e r e , i f t h e y l

>

;o r-.oicct t h e m s e l v e s w i t h o u t k i l l i n g o r w o u n d i n g .

•

: w Braci

Pohkúh.

See K o t ,

Ideologja

pp. 94, 95.

»>.!'>»*. ', ' cii.. pp. ; c » . 2 S 2 . 4 0 1 . 5 4 6 . 6 2 4 . C f . " D i c u n t . . . n e c e x s c r i p t o n e c e x e m ¡

• K huxii h . i l v i u r . q u o d Uceat a l i q u e m interficere s i v e i n bello j u s t o , sive s e n t e n c i a ..'.v.^ m s t a . E t h o c d i c u n t , q u o d s i T u r c i p r o s e q u e r e n t u r eos a u t q u i c u n q u e i n i m i c i ,

noüeni se defenderé, s e d p o c i u s m o r i i n s i m p l i c i t a t e s u a , et e x h o c c o n c l u d u n t , q u o d ni:que p r o i u s t i c i a a u t p r o fide üceat b e l l a r i , s e d s i m p l i c i t e r m a l a p a t i , a p o s t o l u m : " N o n v o s m e t ipsos defendentes.'
allegentes

E t C h r i s t u m : 'Diligite inimicos' ( G o l l ,

THE O L D BRETHREN

possibility o f his having died before 1467 could n o t entirely explain the complete silence w i t h w h i c h the U n i t y surrounded his name henceforth. Later B r e t h r e n t r a d i t i o n seems t o have lost a l l recollection o f h i m . T h e discovery, however, by Barto§ i n the N a t i o n a l M u s e u m i n Prague o f a h i t h e r t o u n k n o w n manuscript dating f r o m about the beginning o f 1470 has offered a possible explanation o f the mystery. This manuscript, a call t o repentance and inner r e b i r t h , addressed ' t o the Czechs and the whole Christian w o r l d , ' is characterized by m a n y features peculiar to U n i t y doctrine. I t is likely, therefore, t h a t i t was composed by someone w h o had been closely associated w i t h the Brethren. A t the same t i m e , i n his attitude to war a n d violence, the a u t h o r takes u p a diametrically opposite standpoint f r o m that o f the early Brethren. H e calls o n the c i v i l authorities to take forcible action against monks a n d secular priests.

He

calls o n G o d for revenge against the enemies o f the f a i t h . H e is filled w i t h hatred o f the Germans; calls them 'snakes and scorpions i n the bosom o f the Czechs'; a n d demands their expulsion f r o m the k i n g d o m . ' L e t [the K i n g ] offer a h u n d r e d talents o f silver o r g o l d to whomsoever shall b r i n g i n a h u n d r e d G e r m a n o r H u n g a r i a n noses.' H e taunts those priests w h o hung back f r o m accompanying the armies i n the field, w h i c h he w o u l d obviously have been glad to do himself.

H e accepts the division o f a

Christian society i n t o classes, w h i c h h a d aroused b o t h Chelcicky and the early Brethren to vehement protest. Bartos goes on to identify the a u t h o r o f this fiery pamphlet, recalling something o f the m i l i t a n t social radicalism o f the Taborites, w i t h M a r t i n o f K r c i n , w h o m l o n g years o f i m p r i s o n m e n t a n d the subsequent period o f war had led t o abandon the U n i t y ' s o p p o sition to war and violence.

This w o u l d explain w h y M a r t i n was passed

over at the time o f the establishment o f the U n i t y ' s priesthood i n 1467 and his complete disappearance f r o m their records. I f Bartos's hypothesis is correct - and i t has n o t been contested by later historians - we can see i n M a r t i n o f K r d i n the neglected forerunner o f the M a j o r Party strana)

i n the U n i t y .

(VetSi

1 5

T h e early U n i t y ' s attitude to the state, therefore, h a d b r o u g h t d o w n severe persecution o n the heads o f its members.

There had been defect-

ions f r o m its ranks. Even more had its b o l d defiance i n 1467 o f the whole Christian w o r l d i n f o r m a l l y establishing its o w n priesthood, as well as its theological u n o r t h o d o x y , made i t suspect i n the eyes o f the authorities. Nevertheless, despite severe persecution, the U n i t y c o n t i n u e d to thrive. The reasons f o r its continued g r o w t h m u s t certainly be sought p a r t l y i n external circumstances, i n n a t i o n a l and i n t e r n a t i o n a l politics. B u t the "

B a r t o S , ' K n S z M a r t i n z v . z K r c i n a , ' C. C. M.,

1917, p p . 1 3 7 - 4 2 , 2 8 0 - 8 6 .

95

T H E OLD BRETHREN

doctrines held b y the U n i t y themselves c o n t r i b u t e d t o this g r o w t h b o t h i n membership a n d influence, a n d helped i t to find powerful protectors a m o n g the great magnates o f Bohemia a n d M o r a v i a , b o t h U t r a q u i s t and Catholic, whose increasing power meant u n d e r the prevailing a n a r c h i c social conditions that the r o y a l mandates against the Brethren remained a dead letter. The Brethren repeatedly stressed that they were against any f o r m o f armed rebellion, t h a t they were o n principle good and submissive subjects and tenants. ' W e w i s h [they w r i t e i n a t y p i c a l passage f r o m the

Zprdva

bratfi kunwaldskyich] f r o m a l o v i n g spirit to be submissive, each i n his o w n place a n d station, a n d t o hearken t o all those placed i n a u t h o r i t y , whether i n spiritual o r secular offices;' t h o u g h they add the characteristic p r o v i s o : 'so l o n g as n o t h i n g be done c o n t r a r y to G o d a n d o u r o w n conscience.'

48

I n the famous Decree o f Rychnov o f 1464, t o o , they state t h a t : ' I n a l l j u s t , proper a n d honest matters . . . under whatsoever a u t h o r i t y any o f us may be placed, we are taught t o obey and be subject i n a l l h u m i l i t y as to taxes and l a b o u r services a n d t o be l o y a l i n a l l things a n d to pray t o G o d f o r ' such a u t h o r i t i e s .

47

F o l l o w i n g Chelcicky they a l l o t t e d the c i v i l power w i t h

all the paraphenalia o f coercion a n d k i l l i n g a place i n the divine w o r l d order, c o n d i t i o n a l l y justified its f u n c t i o n i n g for the purpose o f establishing good order a m o n g the ' p a g a n . '

48

They were confident t h a t , given a

chance to p u t t h e m before the authorities, their social a n d p o l i t i c a l doctrines w o u l d appear as harmless as they believed their theological ones were. They demand i n 1470 'a peaceable hearing (slyseni pokojne)'

for

their views, social as w e l l as theological, i n order a m o n g other reasons that they may i n f o r m those responsible f o r government ' h o w we t h i n k about the o r d e r i n g o f the w o r l d by the power o f the a u t h o r i t y o r d a i n e d by G o d , a n d h o w t r u e Christians should be o b e d i e n t . '

49

The p u b l i c

hearings w h i c h they obtained t h r o u g h the i n t e r v e n t i o n o f their p o w e r f u l protectors i n 1473 a n d 1475 appear, however, t o have dealt exclusively w i t h theological problems, w h i c h doubtless l o o m e d largest i n the m i n d s o f b o t h parties. They vigorously denied, t o o , any connection w i t h the m u c h feared Taborites a n d A d a m i t e s , w i t h their subversive doctrines o n the r e l a t i o n ship o f subjects to rulers. The acceptance i n t o the U n i t y o f a n u m b e r o f former members o f these sects h a d given rise to apprehension on the part **

A k t a J e d n o t y B r a t r s k i , I I I , q u o t e d i n P a l m o v , Cheshkie

yakh,

I , p a r t I , p. 135.

"

A . J . B . , V , fols, 2 6 1 , 261 v .

4 6

B i d l o , op. cit., p p . 5 1 , 9 4 , 2 2 4 , 2 6 3 , 5 4 9 .

"

Ibid., p. 2 8 8 .

bratya

v svoikh

kon/essi-

96

THE OLD BRETHREN

o f the powers that be t h a t the Brethren were p l a n n i n g a r m e d rebellion. Such fears had been p a r t l y responsible for the t w o outbreaks o f persec u t i o n d u r i n g the sixties.

I n their o p i n i o n , the Brethren retort, the

Taborites were, indeed, 'murderers,' 'legions o f d a m n a t i o n , ' whose w i l l i n g ness ' t o further the f a i t h b y material warfare' was t o t a l l y inconsistent w i t h the way o f Christ and his apostles. T h e Adamites o r Picards, t o o , were often o p p r o b r i o u s l y termed by the Brethren 'the very worst p e o p l e . . . w h o do n o t consider sin as s i n , ' p a r t l y because o f their theological radicalism i n propagating a purely commemorative view o f the eucharist, their supposedly loose morals and their hypocrisy i n n o t m a k i n g an open break w i t h the r u l i n g c h u r c h , b u t also p a r t l y because o f their readiness to take part i n war. The appropriateness for the Brethren o f the name Picard, applied to the U n i t y b y its enemies t h r o u g h o u t its history, was always fiercely contested. The peaceable attitude o f the Brethren, i n contrast t o the r e v o l u t i o n a r y propensities o f the Taborites, comes o u t clearly i n the statement made i n June 1461 before Rokycana

by those Brethren arrested i n Prague f o r

supposedly conspiring t o take arms t o restore T a b o r i t i s m . T h e y

assert:

A l t h o u g h i t is suspected and spread a b r o a d t h a t we have banded together and gathered forces to o v e r t h r o w this k i n g d o m w i t h bloodshed, yet i t is not true. Such a course o f action has never entered our m i n d s ; n o t o n l y w o u l d we n o t seek such an outcome, b u t we w o u l d never sanction i t even unto death. I t is w e l l - k n o w n t o a l l those w h o have associated w i t h us t h a t o u r one a i m has been t o please G o d a n d be h u m b l y obedient to o u r Elders. 50

I t is n o t surprising that m a n y secular lords for w h o m the returns f r o m their estates were o f greater interest than nice theological differences, some o f them even f r o m practical considerations sincere advocates o f religious toleration, welcomed the settlement o f the Brethren o n their estates as d u t i f u l and obedient subjects, h a r d - w o r k i n g and frugal tenants. Just as later certain R e f o r m a t i o n sects, m a i n l y belonging to one o f the branches o f the Anabaptists, were to obtain f r o m the ruler privileges exempting them f r o m demands w h i c h they c o u l d n o t conscientiously fulfil, sometimes i n exchange f o r the discharge o f some economic task f o r w h i c h their frugality and diligence peculiarly suited t h e m , so the. Brethren by their way o f life recommended themselves f r o m the beginning to the attention o f the magnates. " 5 1

51

A m o n g their earliest protectors were Jan

Ibid., pp. 398, 4 7 3 , 5 8 6 , 6 0 4 . P a l a c k y , Dejiny

narodu ceskeho,

V . , p. 157, even believed that by its i n c u l c a t i o n o f

a submissive spirit the e x p a n s i o n o f the U n i t y c o n t r i b u t e d indirectly to the d e t e r i o r a t i o n o f the p e a s a n t s ' status.

97

T H E O L D BRETHREN

RychnovskjJ o f R y c h n o v , the t w o brothers C t i b o r a n d Jan Tovacovsky, Jan K o s t k a o f Postupice, a n d m a n y other leading noblemen.

I n 1475,

for instance, V i l e m o f Pernstejn freed a l l new settlers at his t o w n o f Pferov i n M o r a v i a f r o m the obligations o f m i l i t a r y service and service i n public offices, a move obviously made t o attract the B r e t h r e n .

52

A s l o n g as their protectors belonged t o another religious c o m m u n i t y , however, the U n i t y c o u l d never feel quite certain o f their lasting support. C h a n g i n g p o l i t i c a l conditions, the succession o f an heir unsympathetic t o the Brethren, pressure f r o m U t r a q u i s t o r Catholic clergy, m i g h t entirely alter their previously privileged s i t u a t i o n , m i g h t lead once more to the i m p o s i t i o n o f j u s t those obligations w h i c h their o r i g i n a l settlement had been designed to escape. The conversion o f a noble landowner t o the U n i t y m i g h t mean, therefore, n o t only reasonable security d u r i n g his lifetime, b u t the education o f his heir i n the Brethren's faith. W h a t , then, was the attitude t a k e n u p b y the U n i t y d u r i n g this p e r i o d t o p o t e n t i a l recruits f r o m the nobility? H a v i n g ascertained the applicant's sincerity i n wishing t o j o i n their c h u r c h , w h a t further demands d i d the U n i t y make o n him?

The n o b i l i t y , those i n a u t h o r i t y , were indeed

required to f o l l o w 'the n a r r o w p a t h ' t o the same extent as members f r o m other classes.

53

The custom prevailing i n the U n i t y at t h a t time is w e l l

summarized i n the report preserved o f the examination o f f o u r leading Brethren at K l a d z k o i n 1480. The section dealing w i t h the acceptance o f members o f the n o b i l i t y i n t o the U n i t y runs as f o l l o w s : Quicunque d o m i n u s aut potens m u n d i e o r u m fraternitatem petit et u n i o n e m , super o m n i a p r i m u m oportet iurisdiccionem temporalem resignare . . . u t i u d i c i u m sanguinis n o n a d m i t t a t neque intersit. Similiter et castra. Cetera vero bona temporalia sicut agros et piscinas potest et debet retinere vel dimittere secundum c o n s i l i u m r e c t o r u m ecclesie. A l i q u i ex eis tenent p r o p r i a bona, a l i q u i resignant o m n i a . 54

I t was, therefore, n o t the U n i t y ' s c o m m u n i s m w h i c h , as we have seen, was always v o l u n t a r y and soon became confined t o the priesthood, b u t their anarchism and pacifism, w h i c h made t h e m demand i n some cases that nobles s h o u l d renounce their property. A n owner o f an estate was indeed u

H r e j s a , op. cit., I V , pp. 2 1 , 30. G i n d e l y , Geschichte

der Böhmischen Brüder, I , p. 5 5 ,

h a s thus c h a r a c t e r i z e d the m o t i v e s o f the U n i t y ' s p o w e r f u l p r o t e c t o r s : ' E s w a n d e l t e n u n w e d e r die a d e l i c h e n H e r r e n n o c h die P a t r i c i e r der Städte die L u s t a n , a u f alle M a c h t u n d Grösse, a u f i h r e k l e i n e n L a n d e s h e r r l i c h k e i t V e r z i c h t z u l e i s t e n ; a b e r es flösste i h n e n g l e i c h w o h l d e r g e h o r s a m e , übertänige, treue u n d a r b e i t s a m e S i n n d e r Brüder A c h t u n g selbst w o h l w o l l e n e i n . ' I n the existing c o n d i t i o n s the p a t r i c i a n s w e r e n a t u r a l l y a less p o w e r f u l factor i n p r o t e c t i n g t h e U n i t y t h a n t h e l a n d e d n o b i l i t y . M

B i d l o , op. cit., p. 2 1 0 .

"

G ö l l , op. cit., p. 7 .

100

T H E OLD BRETHREN

state religion. T h e early Brethren became, therefore, pioneers i n the field o f p r i m a r y education. A t first there were o n l y t w o types o f Brethren schools. Since d u r i n g its early years the authorities precluded the U n i t y f r o m openly establishing its o w n schools, a n d as religious scruples prevented the Brethren f r o m sending their c h i l d r e n t o U t r a q u i s t o r Catholic schools where they existed, the obligation o f teaching the y o u n g fell u p o n the heads o f each household.

Possibly here a n d there a more enterprising b r o t h e r may have

gathered together under his care the c h i l d r e n o f his neighbours.

The

m a i n onus o f p r o v i d i n g a basic education f o r the c h i l d r e n o f the U n i t y fell, therefore, u p o n simple peasants a n d artisans, the fathers o f the families. N a t u r a l l y such a system o f education was extremely p r i m i t i v e and imperfect. I t can seldom have advanced beyond the i n c u l c a t i o n o f reading a n d w r i t i n g , w i t h the Bible as the o n l y text-book. Certainly some Brethren remained illiterate a n d more mastered alone the a b i l i t y to read. O n l y i n the priests' houses were the more advanced stages o f education given t o the brighter lads specially picked to enter the priesthood. B u t even here L a t i n was n o t taught, at least d u r i n g the fifteenth century. The first report o f the establishment o f a proper school by the U n i t y dates back t o 1482. B u t scarcely any details are k n o w n b e y o n d the name o f its founder, Master H a v e l o f Zatec, a n d its l o c a t i o n at Brandys n a d O r l i c i . A t the end o f the century - 1498 i n M o r a v i a ; 1500 at M l a d y Boleslav i n Bohemia - more schools were officially set u p under the U n i t y ' s d i r e c t i o n ; and henceforth their educational system c o n t i n u o u s l y expanded, wherever the patronage o f some p o w e r f u l landowner protected t h e m f r o m the envy and malice w h i c h the generally high standard o f education a m o n g U n i t y members aroused i n their U t r a q u i s t a n d Catholic rivals. The latter, indeed, d i d n o t hesitate to spread the most absurd r u m o u r s a b o u t the satanic o r i g i n o f the o r d i n a r y Brethren's proficiency i n letters.*

0

T h o u g h university m e n a m o n g the Brethren h a d played a p r o m i n e n t role f r o m the very beginning, Rehof himself h a d always s h o w n a certain suspicion o f learning, w h i c h impressed its m a r k o n the early U n i t y and had caused the m a i n emphasis t o be l a i d o n simple faith, free f r o m the shackles o f intellectualism. I n view o f the presence already w i t h i n the U n i t y o f a number o f university bachelors a n d masters, Rehof's death-bed adjuration to Bishop MatSj ' t o beware o f educated a n d learned persons w h o m i g h t c o r r u p t the f a i t h (aby moudre a ucene meli na peci, aby 6 0

B i d l o , op. tit., pp. 2 1 7 , 4 0 9 , 4 3 0 - 3 9 ; B a l l , Das Schulwesen

p p . 4 9 - 5 4 , 8 0 ; U r b a n e k , Jednota uieni

na partikularnich

Skolach

bratrskä a vySsi vzdilani,

v Cechäch v XV.

a XVI

skrze

der Böhmischen Brüder,

p p . 2 6 - 2 8 ; W i n t e r , 2ivot

stoleti, p p . 6 2 - 6 4 .

a

101

THE OLD BRETHREN

ne* nepfiSla skdza

viry a Idsky)',

cannot be taken as a t o t a l rejection o f a l l

university e d u c a t i o n : i t indicates, nevertheless, that once more the B r e t h ren had followed Chelcicky w i t h his contempt f o r the superiority claimed b y the erudite, b y the academic w o r l d o f his day. Afeter Rehor's death, however, under the weak leadership o f the 'unlearned' B i s h o p M a t S j , the educated members o f the U n i t y increased i n significance and numbers, attracted by the genuine religious life w h i c h the y o u n g c h u r c h displayed. T h e story o f the p a r t they were t o play i n the momentous changes w h i c h occurred w i t h i n the U n i t y d u r i n g the nineties w i l l be t o l d i n the next chapter.

B u t d u r i n g the preceding decades, whatever i n t e r n a l strains

may have existed beneath the surface, b o t h learned a n d unlearned were o u t w a r d l y at one i n u p h o l d i n g the U n i t y ' s special testimonies i n social and political matters.

41

T h e O l d Brethren, as this chapter has attempted to show, h a d f o l l o w e d Chelcicky closely i n his p o l i t i c a l and social theories. They owed somet h i n g indeed to the radical R o k y c a n a o f the fifties as w e l l as to the W a l densian sectaries. T h e general atmosphere o f Hussite Bohemia, w i t h a l l its cross-currents o f native a n d foreign influences, also left its m a r k o n the U n i t y i n this as i n other aspects o f its doctrine. T h e leadership o f Brother Rehof was another i m p o r t a n t factor shaping the theory as w e l l as the practice o f the U n i t y ; w h i l e the social o r i g i n o f the b u l k o f the membership explains w h y he so easily f o u n d a large n u m b e r o f converts ready t o accept a n d , i f necessary, t o endure persecution f o r their new creed.

These peasants and artisans, whose fathers h a d p r o v i d e d the

chiliastic preachers w i t h their most enthusiastic audiences a n d the T a b o r i t e armies w i t h their most determined fighters, had n o w become disillusioned by the t r e n d events h a d t a k e n w i t h the destruction o f the movement,

the establishment i n power

Taborite

o f the moderate U t r a q u i s t s ,

defenders o f the o l d social order, and a progressive d e t e r i o r a t i o n o f their economic status. T h e direct source o f the U n i t y ' s social and p o l i t i c a l ideology, w h i c h made such a n appeal to these sections o f the p o p u l a t i o n i n t o w n and c o u n t r y , lies, however, i n the writings o f Petr ChelCicky, i n his

"

K r a s o n i c k ^ , op. cit., fols. 1 1 - 1 3 , 14, 16v, 1 7 ; U r b a n e k , op. cit.,

pp. 2 2 - 2 5 . See

a l s o G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p p . 2 4 1 - 4 5 . I n a d d i t i o n to those m e n t i o n e d e a r l i e r i n t h i s c h a p t e r a s m e m b e r s o f the U n i t y a t its f o u n d a t i o n , a n u m b e r o f o t h e r e d u c a t e d p e r s o n s j o i n e d d u r i n g the f o l l o w i n g decades, a m o n g w h o m K r a s o n i c k y m e n t i o n s the f o l l o w i n g : J a n K l e n o v s k j i , J a n T a b o r s k y , T u m a the S c r i b e , J a n T u r n o v s k ^ , A m b r o i S k u t e i s k ^ (later a b i s h o p o f t h e U n i t y ) , O n d f e j ( f o r m e r l y a b b o t o f the U t r a q u i s t m o n a s t e r y na Slovanech),

L u k d S a n d his brother J a n C e n t f (famous as a doctor), M a s t e r H a v e l o f

Z a t e c , e t c . K r a s o n i c k y h i m s e l f w a s a t y p i c a l ' l e a r n e d ' m e m b e r o f the U n i t y o f this second generation.

98

T H E OLD BRETHREN

ipso facto

an administrative official, a judge, a n d a m i l i t a r y leader.

He

was inevitably involved i n carrying o u t actions w h i c h were contrary t o the U n i t y ' s principles. N o t only w o u l d he have t o c o m m i t w r o n g himself, b u t he w o u l d be obliged t o force others to do so. situation is obscure.

Even so the exact

We k n o w that there were members o f at least the

m i n o r n o b i l i t y w i t h i n the U n i t y f r o m the beginning, ' t h o u g h n o t very m a n y ' even as late as 1470, and also that at least t w o members w i t h large estates 55

were obliged to renounce them before being accepted i n t o membership. One o f these was p r o b a b l y a certain M e t h o d i u s Strachota, a nobleman o f w h o m i t is related that ' o n j o i n i n g the Brethren he gave u p his castle at Orlice [near Kysperk, where his family h a d their seat] and lived i n poverty as a nobleman's secretary' and later as a miller. H e is described as 'a wise m a n , w e l l versed i n godly matters,' and seems to have enjoyed

great

respect among the Brethren, p r o b a b l y largely due to the sacrifices he had made f o r their cause; t h o u g h scarcely a n y t h i n g is k n o w n f o r certain a b o u t this attractive figure. The other nobleman mentioned has sometimes been identified as Jan K o s t k a o f Postupice, w h o j o i n e d the U n i t y p r o b a b l y i n the early eighties. However, even f r o m the report cited above, i t w o u l d seem that noble members m i g h t retain at least p a r t o f their former possessions, t h o u g h h o w i n this case they avoided a l l connection w i t h the machinery o f government is n o t clear. Probably practical considerations led to an a m e l i o r a t i o n o f the stringency o f t h e o r y .

56

D u r i n g the p e r i o d o f the O l d Brethren the U n i t y retained its agrarian character. I t continued to be suspicious o f u r b a n life, despite the m i g r a t i o n o f an increasing number o f Brethren i n t o the towns and a vigorous propaganda a m o n g those already resident there, especially among the small craftsmen. The U n i t y ' s decrees, although they have come d o w n t o us i n a f o r m d a t i n g f r o m a later p e r i o d , show clearly that at this t i m e the Brethren f r o w n e d u p o n most forms o f commerce, trade, a n d industry, especially u p o n those connected w i t h the p r o d u c t i o n o f luxuries and the satisfaction o f man's carnal desires o r associated i n any way w i t h usury and immoderate gain. T h e life o f the c o u n t r y m a n , comprising agriculture,

6 5

"

B i d l o , op. cit., p. 2 1 7 . G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p p . 5 7 , 7 3 , 174, 2 4 4 . T h e s t o r y o f S t r a c h o t a c o m e s

Krasonicky's O

Vienych.

J a n K o s t k a (d. c i r c a 1486) w a s the brother

and

from

heir

of

Z d e n g k (d. 1468), w h o h a d b e e n r e s p o n s i b l e for s a v a g e r e p r i s a l s a g a i n s t the U n i t y i n that y e a r .

M i i l l e r - B a r t o S , op. cit., p. 155, disagrees w i t h G o l l t h a t J a n K o s t k a w a s o n e

o f the t w o n o b l e m e n m e n t i o n e d later b y B r o t h e r L u k a S in h i s ' O o b n o v e n i , ' fol. 95 ( q u o t e d i n G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p. 201) a s h a v i n g r e n o u n c e d their estates o n j o i n i n g the Unity, since T u m a Pfeloucsky

in his ' C e d u l a p a n u J a n o v i K o s t k o v i , ' A . J . B . , I l l ,

expressly states that h i s s o n s o b t a i n e d h i s estates o n l y o n h i s d e a t h .

99

T H E O L D BRETHREN

fishing, and the crafts w h i c h supplied the modest needs o f those engaged i n these occupations, was the o n l y safe c a l l i n g f o r the true C h r i s t i a n . Here the Brethren were the heirs o f a l o n g line o f t h o u g h t , r u n n i n g t h r o u g h ChelSicky a n d H u s back t o the latter's predecessors i n the second h a l f o f the f o u r t e e n t h century. F o r U n i t y members, indeed, even the allowable forms o f commerce a n d industry were hedged a r o u n d w i t h numerous restrictions a n d qualifications. I n short, a federation o f r u r a l communities, a peasant 'stateless state' remained its ideal, a reflection o f the p r e d o m i n a n t l y peasant character o f its m e m b e r s h i p . ' 5

T h e asceticism so often associated w i t h movements o f this type, w h i c h we have already observed i n ChelSicky, is present t o o i n the a t t i t u d e o f the Brethren t o the c u l t u r a l refinements usually produced o n l y b y a n u r b a n c i v i l i z a t i o n . Fine clothes, r i c h f o o d , sweet music, objects o f beauty were o n l y hinderances i n f o l l o w i n g 'the n a r r o w w a y . '

58

There is i n their

whole social philosophy something o f the o u t l o o k o f the d o w n t r o d d e n peasant excluded b y his lack o f education, his poverty, a n d his toilsome existance, f r o m p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n the culture reserved f o r his masters alone. They inherited the hatred w h i c h such a class c u l t u r e inspired i n their master, ChelSicky. The B r e t h r e n , however, despite their a n t i p a t h y t o certain aspects o f c u l t u r a l life, made an i m p o r t a n t c o n t r i b u t i o n to the spread o f p o p u l a r education i n the Czech lands as, f o r instance, before t h e m the Taborites w i t h their similar views h a d also d o n e .

59

W h i l e rejecting the learning o f

the universities as an i n s t r u m e n t o f class a n d religious oppression, the Brethren l a i d great emphasis o n the spread o f the r u d i m e n t s o f education a m o n g the simple peasants and craftsmen, w h o f o r m e d their r a n k a n d file. M a n y even o f their leaders - Rehof, Elias Chfenovicky, M a t e j , etc. - were entirely self-educated m e n . E v e r y t h i n g needful f o r salvation was, i t is true, t o be f o u n d , as ChelSicky h a d taught, w i t h i n the covers o f the B i b l e . B u t every believer should have easy access t o this u n i q u e f o u n t o f w i s d o m , must master at least the a r t o f reading, i n order t o be able t o dispense w i t h the mediacy o f 'learned' priests a n d challenge securely the claims o f the "

Dekrety,

pp. 126-31.

5 8

B i d l o , op. cit., p. 4 2 7 .

*•

H r e j s a , op. cit., I l l , p p . 7 9 , 8 0 . T h e w e l l - k n o w n a c c o u n t o f t h e v i s i t o f the p a p a l

r e p r e s e n t a t i v e A e n e a s S y l v i u s (the future P o p e P i u s I I ) t o T i b o r i n J u l y 1 4 5 2 , a few m o n t h s before its final o v e r t h r o w , w h i c h is q u o t e d b y H r e j s a , g i v e s s o m e i n t e r e s t i n g details a s t o the e x c e p t i o n a l l y h i g h s t a n d a r d o f e d u c a t i o n e x i s t i n g there a m o n g a l l s e c t i o n s o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n , despite t h e i r t h e o r e t i c a l r e j e c t i o n o f s c h o o l l e a r n i n g . E v e n the w o m e n , r e p o r t s the f u t u r e P o p e , h a v e a s o u n d k n o w l e d g e o f the B i b l e . T e s t i m o n y to the h i g h s t a n d a r d o f e d u c a t i o n a m o n g the T a b o r i t e s w a s a l s o b o r n e by t h e c o n s e r vative Utraquist, J a n of

Pribram.

102

T H E OLD BRETHREN

t o t a l rejection o f the state f o l l o w i n g f r o m an u n c o m p r o m i s i n g acceptance o f the example o f C h r i s t a n d the early c h u r c h as the sole guide t o the conductor o f societies as well as o f i n d i v i d u a l s .

82

P a l m o v has remarked t h a t the i n t e r n a l development

o f the U n i t y

showed most independence o f outside influence d u r i n g the first p e r i o d o f its history before its contacts w i t h the G e r m a n R e f o r m a t i o n .

43

B u t the

importance o f the O l d Brethren i n the history o f p o l i t i c a l t h o u g h t does not lie i n the o r i g i n a l i t y o f any o f their theories, b u t rather i n the c o n sistency w i t h w h i c h they t r i e d to p u t the ideas o f their master i n t o practice. W h a t the village philosopher had expounded to the n a r r o w circle o f his disciples, the U n i t y was n o w attempting to live o u t i n countless small i

communities under the disturbed conditions o f life i n

fifteenth-century

Bohemia and M o r a v i a .

•*

C f . D e n i s , op. cit., p. 302 : ' R o k y c a n a est le père i n v o l o n t a i r e et r e p e n t a n t d e l ' U n i t é ,

Grégoire e n est l ' o r g a n i s a t e u r , m a i s K h e l t c h i t s k y e n est le théoricien.' "

P a l m o v , op. cit., p. 5 2 .

III

THE

GENESIS OF

THE

SCHISM

T h e years o f freedom f r o m outside interference, w h i c h the U n i t y enjoyed d u r i n g the seventies and eighties o f the fifteenth century, h a d resulted i n a r a p i d expansion i n membership.

1

Its influence n o w began t o reach o u t

t o new classes o f the c o m m u n i t y w h i c h had previously been u n t o u c h e d by its teachings. T h e typical B r o t h e r was still f o r the most p a r t an obscure peasant sectary l i v i n g i n rustic seclusion f r o m the affairs o f the w o r l d . B u t the importance o f the t o w n s m a n , o f the educated and even the t i t l e d member, was beginning t o weigh more a n d more i n the affairs o f the U n i t y . This g r o w t h , therefore, t h o u g h a sign o f health and v i t a l i t y , at the same t i m e b r o u g h t w i t h i t the seeds o f disunity. T h e roots o f the schism w h i c h rent the U n i t y i n the last decade o f the century should be sought, therefore, i n the changes w h i c h t o o k place i n the character o f its membership d u r i n g the t w o previous decades.

The

r e v o l u t i o n i n its p o l i t i c a l a n d social doctrines was a reflection o f the u n d e r l y i n g changes resulting f r o m those new social elements w h i c h were slowly gaining predominance. D u r i n g the lifetime o f B r o t h e r R e h o f the v a l i d i t y o f the b o d y o f social doctrine taken over f r o m Chelöicky remained unquestioned.

Rehof's

p o s i t i o n as the founder o f the U n i t y - its ' p a t r o n a n d p a t r i a r c h , ' as a later U n i t y chronicler, Vavfinec O r l i k called h i m - was sufficient t o override 2

any latent opposition, w h i c h m i g h t exist, t o the r i g i d application o f the U n i t y ' s social tenets. B u t , after his death i n 1474, the leadership o f the U n i t y was taken over by the well-meaning, b u t weak a n d vacillating M a t e j , a m a n o f simple piety, respected t h r o u g h o u t the U n i t y , b u t n o match against superior w i l l - p o w e r o r intellectual capacity; and a m o n g the

1

H o s t i l e a c c o u n t s h a v e t e n d e d to exaggerate the figures, w h i c h i n a n y c a s e w e r e

merely approximations.

B y the e n d o f the c e n t u r y , h o w e v e r , i t is p r o b a b l y t h a t the

U n i t y n u m b e r e d w e l l o v e r 10,000 a d h e r e n t s , see H r e j s a , ' S b o r o v e J e d n o t y b r a t r s k 6 , ' Reformaini *

sbornik,

F i e d l e r , Todtenbuch

V , pp. 23, 24. der Geistlichkeit

der Böhmischen Brüder, p. 2 1 9 .

104

T H E GENESIS OF T H E SCHISM

other leading Brethren w h o h a d been i n the U n i t y since its f o u n d a t i o n , there was none w h o was capable, o r indeed w i l l i n g , t o come f o r w a r d as the c h a m p i o n o f the o l d ideas, w h e n finally these were t o be openly challenged.

M i c h a l , the first priest to j o i n the Brethren, was o f a l i k e

character t o M a t e j , devout, amiable, b u t l a c k i n g i n resolution, a m a n w h o was always happy t o give place t o others i n the affairs o f the U n i t y . ' H e d i d m u c h i n his time [ O r l i k wrote]. F a i t h f u l t o G o d , he underwent m u c h self-denial and m a n y hardships d u r i n g his l i f e . '

3

H i s later career was t o

show, however, that he was i n no way fitted to be leader o f a losing cause. Matej's t w o colleagues elected w i t h h i m i n 1467 as the first priests o f the U n i t y - Tüma Pfelouösky, w h o , busy at Pferov i n M o r a v i a , appears t o have taken little active p a r t at this time i n the m a i n stream o f U n i t y life, and the shadowy Elias Chfenovicky - were t o j o i n the opponents o f the o l d doctrines, possibly f r o m the very beginning o f the controversy. A n o t h e r influential B r o t h e r o f the early years, Jan Chelcicky, a member o f the Inner C o u n c i l (Üzkd radd) and a f o r m e r disciple o f Petr Chelcicky, w h o m i g h t have been expected to c h a m p i o n the o l d ideas, died i n 1484.

4

The strongest personalities i n the U n i t y d u r i n g the t w o decades f o l l o w i n g Rehof's death were, indeed, to be f o u n d a m o n g those w h o were later to provide the leadership i n the struggle t o m o d i f y , a n d

finally

completely to t r a n s f o r m , the U n i t y ' s attitude to society. There was, first, Jan Klenovsky\ A l a y m a n , probably springing f r o m a wealthy M o r a v i a n family, he may even have j o i n e d the U n i t y at the t i m e o f its f o u n d a t i o n ; little, however, is k n o w n o f his early career. T h o u g h w i t h o u t a university degree he was well-educated: 'a learned m a n [writes O r l i k ] f u l l o f w i t , ' w h i c h could be extremely b i t i n g at times. I t is clear f r o m the letter (psani) 5

he addressed to K i n g George's son, Prince J i n d f i c h , i n 1471 that at first he still shared f u l l y the U n i t y ' s attitude to war a n d the c i v i l authorities. Referring to St. Augustine Klenovsky writes there w i t h i n d i g n a t i o n : ' I f y o u , too, had followed Christ's gospel as a servant does his master, y o u w o u l d not have a d m i t t e d the sword and wars i n t o the u n i t y o f the holy church.

T h o u g h y o u may say that

fighting

a n d w a r should o n l y be

undertaken f r o m necessity, n o t o f one's o w n w i l l , t h a t is n o excuse at a l l , for to St. Peter i n his necessity i t was s a i d : ' P u t u p they sword i n t o the sheath."

6

s

Ibid., p. 2 2 0 .

4

Ibid.,

p. 2 1 9 ; G o l l - K r o f t a , Cheliicky

a Jednota

v XV.

stoleti,

p. 80. J a n C h e l c i c k y

does not a p p e a r to h a v e been related b y b l o o d to h i s n a m e s a k e P e t r . *

F i e d l e r , op. cit., p. 2 2 0 .

'

G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p p . 232, 2 3 3 ; Müller, Geschichte

p. 590.

der Böhmischen Brüder, I ,

105

T H E GENESIS OF T H E SCHISM

Second only t o K l e n o v s k y at this t i m e i n the counsels o f the U n i t y came Jan V i l i m e k T a b o r s k y .

These t w o men, says K r a s o n i c k y , 'for a

n u m b e r o f years held the leadership (prednost) describes

o f the B r e t h r e n . '

T a b o r s k y as 'a small, t h i n m a n , rather b e n t . '

7

He

Taborsky,

indeed, was a person o f some education, w h o h a d once been U t r a q u i s t priest at T a b o r after the suppression o f its radicals i n 1452. T h e exact date o f his j o i n i n g the U n i t y is u n k n o w n , b u t t r a d i t i o n puts this before 1467.

8

W i t h the names o f K l e n o v s k y and T a b o r s k y t h a t o f P r o k o p o f

J i n d f i c h u v Hradec was also later t o be associated d u r i n g the controversies o f the nineties. P r o k o p was a university m a n , w e l l acquainted w i t h the w o r k s o f the c h u r c h fathers and later theologians, whose learning was to be second i n the U n i t y only to the younger L u k a s . I n 1467 he became bachelor o f arts at the university i n Prague. O r l i k specially mentions 'his extremely penetrating w i t . '

8

He, t o o , p r o b a b l y j o i n e d the U n i t y d u r i n g

Rehof's life-time, t h o u g h the first reliable m e n t i o n o f his name i n connection w i t h the U n i t y occurs only i n 1478, w h e n he was one o f the three Brethren t o take p a r t i n the discussions (hdddni) Prague masters.

Two

held i n t h a t year w i t h the

years later b o t h he a n d T a b o r s k y u p h e l d the

accepted U n i t y v i e w p o i n t o n the state d u r i n g the e x a m i n a t i o n (yyslech)

of

their opinions after they had been intercepted at K l a d z k o o n their way t o visit the Waldensians i n B r a n d e n b u r g .

10

I t was i n the early eighties that t w o y o u n g university men, L u k a s o f Prague and Vavfinec K r a s o n i c k y , w h o were b o t h t o play a decisive p a r t i n the c o m i n g schism, were first d r a w n i n t o the U n i t y . U n l i k e K l e n o v s k y , T a b o r s k y o r P r o k o p , b o t h men have left accounts o f the circumstances i n w h i c h they were led w i t h such epochmaking consequences t o j o i n the Brethren. Lukas" was b o r n shortly before 1460 i n Prague, where he spent his c h i l d h o o d a n d student years. I n his y o u t h he came under the spell, as d i d '

K r a s o n i c k y , ' O u c e n y c h , ' fols. 2 1 v , 2 2 ( q u o t e d i n G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p. 2 0 8 ) .

4

B a r t o S , ' Z p o c a t k u J e d n o t y b r a t r s k e , ' C. C. M.,

1921, p p . 2 0 3 - 2 0 6 ; F i e d l e r , op.

cii.,

p. 2 1 9 . B a r t o s identifies T a b o r s k y w i t h J a n V i t a n o v i c k y , t h e l e a d e r o f a g r o u p o f C h e l c i c k y ' s disciples w h o still c o n t i n u e d after t h e i r m a s t e r ' s d e a t h to s h a r e h i s r e l u c t a n c e to b r e a k entirely w i t h the official U t r a q u i s t c h u r c h . B u t J a n , t h o u g h he d i s a g r e e d with

R e h o f ' s a c c e p t a n c e o f f o r m e r T a b o r i t e s a n d A d a m i t e s i n t o the U n i t y ,

finally

h i m s e l f j o i n e d the B r e t h r e n after C h e l c i c k y ' s disciples h a d split u p i n t o s e v e r a l m u t u a l l y c o n f l i c t i n g groups.

I t is i n t e r e s t i n g to n o t e the r e n e w e d c o n f l i c t i n the nineties b e t w e e n

elements w i t h i n the U n i t y o f p a r t l y A d a m i t e o r i g i n , led b y A m o s , a n d the p a r t y o f T a b o r s k y a n d his friends. • 1 0

F i e d l e r , op. cit., p. 2 2 2 . J i r e c e k , Rukovit

k dijindm

literatury

ieske,

I I , p p . 1 5 0 - 5 2 ; G o l l - K r o f t a , op.

p. 1 5 9 ; G o l l , ' N S k t e r e p r a m e n y k n a b o z e n s k y m d e j i n d m v 15. s t o l e t i , ' ceske spolecnosti

nduk, 1895, pp. 3 - 1 0 . S e e C h a p . I I , p. 8 5 , n o t e 2 9 .

cit.,

Vistnikkrdlovske

106

THE GENESIS OF THE SCHISM

Krasonicky a n d the famous humanist, V i k t o r i n K o r n e l o f VSehrdy, o f the fiery radical U t r a q u i s t preacher, M i c h a l Poläk, w h o died i n prison i n 1480. Lukas evidently felt Polak's death keenly since, as he relates, i t was the latter w h o first made h i m feel 'the burdensome hunger after t r u t h . ' As a result o f Polak's sermons 'about c o r r u p t i o n and a b o u t t r u t h , ' a n d t h r o u g h the intermediacy o f a fellow student, Vojtech, Lukas was led o n t o discover the w o r k s o f Petr Chelcicky, ' w h i c h I sought t o get to k n o w w i t h great diligence.'

A t first, however, they served o n l y to increase his

spiritual unrest. ' O f w h a t use is such t r u t h t o me [he cried o u t ] since I a m ignorant as t o where i t is t o be f o u n d , whether a m o n g any people w i t h w h o m I c o u l d share i t . ' I r o n i c a l l y enough, therefore, i t was the w r i t i n g s o f this man, whose influence o n the U n i t y he was later to d o his utmost to erase, t h a t had d r a w n L u k a s i n the first place t o seek o u t the Brethren. A b o u t this time Lukas belonged to a small circle o f y o u n g university graduates and students w h o , discontented w i t h official U t r a q u i s m , were seeking some more satisfying creed.

A m o n g its members i t numbered,

besides Lukas himself, his brother Jan Cerny, Krasonicky", V i k t o r i n K o r n e l , and Master J a k u b Stfibrsky, w h o i n 1497 was t o became K o randa's successor as a d m i n i s t r a t o r o f the U t r a q u i s t consistory; a l l these men, indeed, were later either to j o i n the U n i t y o r at least to become its w a r m friends a n d admirers. The year 1481 brings the first definitely ascertainable date i n Lukäs's career, for i n this year he t o o k his degree as bachelor o f arts. He does n o t , however, appear to have been an outstandingly b r i l l i a n t student; i n religious matters, however, he was sensitive t o the lack o f spiritual d e p t h i n the U t r a q u i s t church o f his t i m e , i n w h i c h the heritage o f the early Hussites had become to a large extent merely a lifeless t r a d i t i o n . H i s considerable e r u d i t i o n , which increased w i t h the years a n d was later t o be such a bone o f contention among the Brethren, was to be o f u n d o u b t e d service to the Brethren i n many respects: ' E r ist der erste M a n n der Unität gewesen [writes Gindely] der eine systematische B i l d u n g genoss, eine hinreichende Kenntniss der alten Klassiker, der heiligen Schrift, der Kirchenväter u n d der mittelalterlichen D o k t o r e n besass.'

11

The same Vojtech w h o had introduced h i m to Chelcicky's writings n o w t o l d h i m o f the existence o f the U n i t y , w i t h w h i c h LukasS had previously had no contact, and gave h i m its writings, too, to read. Indeed, the U n i t y had only a few isolated adherents at this time i n the c a p i t a l ; so i t was probably to L i t o m y s l , then a centre o f Brethren activity, t h a t L u k a s n o w

1 1

G i n d e l y , Geschichte

der Böhmischen Brüder, I , p. 63.

107

THE GENESIS OF THE SCHISM

went o n a j o u r n e y o f discovery.

T h e i n i t i a t i v e , the desire t o make this

personal contact w i t h a g r o u p o f people w h o m i g h t prove t o be those genuine followers o f Christ w h o m y o u n g Lukás" was seeking, came rather f r o m the latter t h a n f r o m Vojtéch, w h o h a d previously h u n g back f r o m closer acquaintance w i t h the B r e t h r e n - perhaps o u t o f fear o f the consequences, f o r the U n i t y was still o n l y half-tolerated i n the l a n d . Lukás, indeed, i n the first place had h a d t o ask Vojtéch three times before he overcame his friend's suspicion o f his intentions. B u t once personally acquainted w i t h the Brethren, Lukás was t o recognise i n t h e m 'the people near t o t r u t h , ' the object o f his spiritual quest.

12

I t is significant o f the p o w e r f u l influence w h i c h Chel&cky" exercised over e n q u i r i n g minds o f the younger generation d u r i n g the half-century after his death, t h a t once again i t was his w r i t i n g s t h a t b r o u g h t yet another future leader o f the B r e t h r e n i n t o the U n i t y . Soon after 1482 K r a s o n i c k y , a y o u n g U t r a q u i s t priest w h o had taken his bachelor's degree i n 1479, came to w o r k at the Bethlehem College i n Prague. Here several friends, among t h e m Viktorín K o r n e l , J a k u b Stfibrsky, a n d Lukás h i m self, lent h i m the w o r k s o f Cheléicky and the early Brethren, giving h i m at the same t i m e their views o n the existing ' c o r r u p t i o n (zavedeni)'

o f the

c h u r c h a n d praising the way o f life practised a m o n g the Brethren. A t t r a c t e d by the picture they painted o f the p u r i t y o f life i n the U n i t y K r a s o n i c k y , t o o , made the j o u r n e y t o L i t o m y s l . 'Residing a m o n g t h e m [he writes later o f his first visit] I saw they were sincere and simple people . . . a n d I l i k e d t h e m then as I d o n o w . ' I n this way another y o u n g u n i versity graduate was led t o j o i n the despised and l o w l y B r e t h r e n .

13

N o t o n l y d i d Lukás w i n over K r a s o n i c k y , w h o i n t u r n b r o u g h t i n Master Havel, founder o f the U n i t y ' s school system; b u t he also converted his elder brother, Jan

Cerny,

later famous as a doctor.

H i s college

friend, Vojtéch, was also t o j o i n the U n i t y . T h o u g h m a n y o f the U n i t y ' s sympathizers a m o n g the Prague intellectuals never actually t o o k the f i n a l step o f breaking w i t h U t r a q u i s m , while some like Stfibrsky even reached the highest r a n k i n the official c h u r c h , a n d still others, like Viktorín K o r n e l , were later to t u r n against the Brethren, nevertheless the eighties 1 2

LukáS, ' O obnovení,' fols. 5 4 v - 5 5 v ( q u o t e d i n G o I I - K r o f t a , op. cil., pp.

M o l n á r , ' L u k á s ^ r a i s k y p i e d s v y m v s t u p e m d o J e d n o t y bratrské,' Teología

159, 1 6 0 ) ; evangélica,

1948, n o . 1, p p . 2 1 - 3 2 ; J i r e c e k , op. cit., I , p . 4 6 7 . T h e e x a c t date w h e n LukáS j o i n e d the U n i t y is n o t k n o w n .

G o l l p u t s it i n the y e a r s i m m e d i a t e l y after 1481 a n d identifies

LukáS's first visit to the B r e t h r e n w i t h h i s j o i n i n g the U n i t y . B u t M o l n á r t h i n k s h e m a y h a v e v i s i t e d t h e m first to get a c q u a i n t e d w i t h t h e i r life before finally l e a v i n g P r a g u e t h r o w i n h i s lot w i t h the U n i t y , a n d dates t h i s first v i s i t t o 1481 o r 1482. 1 3

' O u c e n y c h , ' fols. 1 3 - 1 4 ( q u o t e d i n p a r t i n G o l i - K r o f t a , op. cit., p. 161).

to

108

T H E GENESIS OF T H E SCHISM

saw a definite movement on the part o f the most s p i r i t u a l l y awake a m o n g the university students and younger graduates towards the U n i t y o f Brethren. There is n o evidence t o show t h a t those w h o j o i n e d d i d n o t at t h a t time share t o the f u l l the prevailing views o f the U n i t y o n p o l i t i c a l a n d social m a t t e r s .

14

But their education, their whole b a c k g r o u n d o f univer-

sity and capital city, so different to that o f the simple, unlettered c o u n t r y Brethren o f Rehof's day content to live o u t their lives i n obscurity detached as far as possible f r o m the w o r l d a r o u n d t h e m , made conflict at <

some future date almost inevitable.

W i d e r horizons, the desire - free

though i t m i g h t be o f personal a m b i t i o n - to see the U n i t y extend its influence and to make a stronger impression o n the affairs o f the l a n d , the personal ascendancy w i t h i n the U n i t y t h a t education b r o u g h t i n its t r a i n , were sooner o r later l i k e l y to clash w i t h the views o f those w h o clung t o the t r a d i t i o n a l o u t l o o k o f the O l d Brethren. D i s h a r m o n y , the beginnings o f a more serious d i s u n i t y had, indeed, already appeared a m o n g the Brethren b y the eighties.

15

The points at

issue were still i n the r e a l m o f theological d o g m a ; the controversy does not appear t o have touched those outside the n a r r o w circle o f the U n i t y ' s priesthood a n d its lay leaders. A few years after Rehof's death the age-old question as t o the relative merits o f justification by f a i t h o r by w o r k s had arisen a m o n g some o f the better educated B r e t h r e n ; a n d , after a l i t t l e , the discussion began to cause considerable dissension, the priests a n d elders beginning t o take sides. T h e o l d U n i t y , indeed, h a d p u t l i t t l e value u p o n theological subtleties: their opponents among the clergy used t o c l a i m , i t was said, t h a t ' t h e i r f a i t h was bad, b u t their w o r k s g o o d . '

16

B u t n o w some

members f r o m their study o f the Bible, a n d o f St. Paul's w r i t i n g s i n 1

particular, began t o feel t h a t this emphasis u p o n w o r k s was likely seriously t o endanger salvation. ' C h r i s t [they said] is n o longer o f any avail for those w h o wish to be saved t h r o u g h j u s t i f i c a t i o n b y w o r k s (z skutkuv spravedlnosti),

and the justified can o n l y be f o u n d i n a state o f

sin. They blamed the p r i m i t i v e n a r r o w way f o r a l l t h a t was w r o n g , t h a t 1 4

G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p p . 160, 1 6 1 ; M u l l e r - B a r t o S , Dljiny

Jednoty

bratrske,

I , p.

1 5 3 - 5 5 . E v e n K r a s o n i c k y , for i n s t a n c e , after h e h a d d i s a v o w e d h i s e a r l y s o c i a l r a d i c a l i s m , r e m a i n e d to the e n d ' a l o v e r o f the o l d s i m p l i c i t y ' ( F i e d l e r , op. cit., p . 2 2 7 ) . "

'Psani jakghos

knSze J a n a A p p o l i n a f s k i h o , '

Casopis

p p . 6 4 , 6 6 . T h i s r e p r i n t c o n t a i n s t h e s o - c a l l e d Zprdva Chlumci

(1496).

menSl

historicky, strany

1882, n o .

o rozmlouvdni

H e r e M a t 6 j is r e p o r t e d as h a v i n g s a i d e a r l i e r that he b e g a n to

2, v

have

serious disagreements w i t h K l e n o v s k ^ ' s p a r t y i n the I n n e r C o u n c i l 'sixteen y e a r s a g o , ' that is, s o o n after R e h o f ' s d e a t h . F r o m the c o n t e x t t h i s w o u l d s e e m to h a v e b e e n s o m e where between 1475 a n d 1480. 1 4

A k t a J e d n o t y B r a t r s k 6 , I V ( O p i s ) , fol. 131.

109

T H E GENESIS O F T H E SCHISM

f r o m an overgreat straitness . . . came the great evils o f a v a i n religion, . . . o f trust i n oneself and c o n t e m p t f o r others.' Those w h o held t o the o l d v i e w p o i n t o n the other h a n d , writes Brother L u k a s , 'began t o rise u p against the defenders o f this t r u t h , praising . . .

the n a r r o w w a y ' and

saying ' t h a t reliance should n o t be placed o n the merits o f C h r i s t , f o r i n this manner, i t seemed t o t h e m , have the Romans and others been corr u p t e d . ' A member o f the U n i t y , they claimed, should be one w h o p u t i n t o practice the ideal C h r i s t i a n way o f life as portrayed w i t h a l l its r i g o r i s m i n the writings o f R e h o f and Chelcicky.

The question h a d finally to be

t a k e n to the I n n e r C o u n c i l f o r guidance. A t last B r o t h e r P r o k o p came f o r w a r d w i t h a compromise s o l u t i o n , w h i c h appears t o have satisfied b o t h sides f o r the t i m e being.

According

t o Lukas's account, P r o k o p urged the importance o f ' g o o d w i l l , ' w h i c h w o u l d help t o supplement the insufficiency o f w o r k s done, and thereby help the C h r i s t i a n i n his search f o r salvation. I n this spirit 'a m a n should wish t o believe simply, a n d t o d o f a i t h f u l l y , w h a t G o d wishes h i m t o believe and to d o . '

Prokop's f o r m u l a t i o n was welcomed w i t h j o y and

relief by the contending parties w h o had n o t , indeed, allowed feeling t o rise t o such a p i t c h as later i n the years o f schism. T h r o u g h o u t , says L u k a s , 'they d i d n o t condemn, b u t rather served each other.' T h o u g h remote f r o m everyday life and confined w i t h i n the n a r r o w l i m i t s o f the U n i t y leadership, this dispute was t o f o r m a prelude t o the larger controversy i n the nineties w h i c h split the ranks o f the Brethren f r o m t o p t o b o t t o m . T h e t w o parties w h i c h were t o emerge d u r i n g the ensuing struggle were already present, i n e m b r y o , i n the supporters o f j u s t i f i c a t i o n b y f a i t h , o n the one h a n d , and i n those w h o urged j u s t i f i c a t i o n by w o r k s o n the o t h e r ; a n d the consequences o f the compromise reached t h r o u g h P r o k o p ' s i n t e r v e n t i o n were to bear directly o n the doctrines, w h i c h the U n i t y professed i n p o l i t i c a l and social matters. Those h o l d i n g to the doctrine o f justification by w o r k s w h o , according t o L u k a s , 'interpretated j u s t i f i c a t i o n immoderately and regarded i t f r o m t o o l o f t y a s t a n d p o i n t ' , appear at the same t i m e t o have held strictly t o the o l d v i e w p o i n t o n social doctrine. ' F r o m a ' h i g h ' way o f t h i n k i n g a n d an immoderate i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f the scriptures [Lukass goes on] they condemned i n the U n i t y m a n y f a i t h f u l and g o o d people, those i n positions o f a u t h o r i t y o r a p p r o v i n g o f such a u t h o r i t y , those h a v i n g estates a n d trades, w i t h the pastors (zprdve)

w h o ministered t o t h e m , as w e l l as a l l

those w h o h a d dealings w i t h t h e m . ' I n their view membership o f the U n i t y , the personal salvation t h a t all were seeking,

entailed

strict

observance o f the U n i t y ' s various testimonies against that p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n

110

T H E GENESIS OF T H E SCHISM

the affairs o f state w h i c h the duties o f citizenship were increasingly f o r c i n g u p o n the Brethren. The other side, while still seemingly g i v i n g theoretical assent t o these testimonies, was prepared to allow the possibility o f salvation t o those who d i d n o t - or c o u l d n o t - take the n a r r o w p a t h , p r o v i d e d they had the requisite f a i t h or, according to P r o k o p , the necessary g o o d w i l l . L u k a s admits that this p o s i t i o n i n some cases led to a loosening o f the o l d m o r a l i t y : some o f its advocates 'went so far that they later strayed away i n t o sins and the w o r l d and earthly affairs.' B u t even Prokop's

compromise,

p u t t i n g f o r w a r d ' g o o d w i l l ' as a

meeting-place between the exponents o f the t w o conflicting viewpoints, d i d n o t seem fargoing enough f o r y o u n g Lukas w h o , t h o u g h a

mere

neophyte a m o n g the Brethren, i n his o w n words still 'a c h i l d understandi n g little or n o t h i n g , ' remained i n w a r d l y dissatisfied w i t h this s o l u t i o n . ' A l t h o u g h I d i d n o t then k n o w h o w to speak u p [Lukas writes] i t indeed seemed to me as i f there should be something more than mere g o o d w i l l , . . . but the time . . . h a d n o t come for this.' H i s o w n c o n v i c t i o n remained that i t was o n l y t h r o u g h ' G o d ' s love and the merits o f C h r i s t ' that salv a t i o n c o u l d be attained. I f , o n the one h a n d , L u k a s a n d those l i k e h i m , w h o wished f o r the f u l l implications o f the d o c t r i n e o f justification by f a i t h t o gain acceptance w i t h i n the U n i t y , remained dissatisfied w i t h any half-way s o l u t i o n , the other side, t o o , soon became equally perturbed by w h a t they considered a falling-away f r o m the o l d principles. Once more we are dependent o n Lukas for o u r i n f o r m a t i o n as t o the ferment going o n a m o n g those at the head o f the U n i t y : W h e n there had been m u c h w r i t i n g and preaching concerning g o o d w i l l , some began t o oppose i t [urging] t h a t . . . good w i l l w i t h o u t w o r k s , promise w i t h o u t fulfilment, leads to d a m n a t i o n . Fearing f o r w o r k s and seeing the shortcomings o f some, as before . . . they n o w claimed t h a t i t was f r o m conceptions about God's love a n d the merits o f Christ t h a t sins came, as well as loose speech a n d licentious actions; a n d they spoke i n l i k e manner also about good w i l l . . . . Others recognized that G o d had granted g o o d w i l l , i n like manner as to the p o o r , t o the noble a n d those i n a u t h o r i t y also, and to many, t o o , i n certain questionable (nebezpecnych) trades, w h o had j o i n e d the U n i t y and wished t o be instructed . . . i n their communities i n regard to the office o f alderman (konsel) and as t o c i v i l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and many other things. . . . Some denied that c i v i l a u t h o r i t y c o u l d be exercised, that anyone i n a u t h o r i t y c o u l d become a Brother. . . . These strove after simplicity, equality, and poverty. Others, however, saw t h a t i n the early church, i n the t i m e o f Christ and the apostles, equality i n goods and i n r a n k and i n characters d i d n o t exist; and i t seemed t o t h e m

111

THE GENESIS OF T H E SCHISM

as i f the scriptures, interpreted i n t o o exaggerated a manner (prevyseni nad to, nez vzneji), had been taken f r o m the exposition o f Petr Chelcicky a n d o f certain U t r a q u i s t (ceskych) priests, especially as regards the fifth chapter o f St. M a t t h e w . 1 7

Thus w h a t had originally been a theological dispute a m o n g the pastors and elders o f the U n i t y broadened o u t i n t o a controversy v i t a l l y affecting the lives o f the humblest Brethren. I t merged imperceptibly w i t h the larger issues.

W h a t was t o be the a t t i t u d e o f U n i t y members t o the

increasing demands w h i c h the state was m a k i n g o n t h e m i n their everyday life?

W h a t , t o o , was t o be the a t t i t u d e o f the U n i t y as a whole to the

p r o b l e m o f the influx o f new members f r o m classes o f society, w h i c h c o u l d n o t so easily adapt themselves t o a way o f life suited t o simple c o u n t r y f o l k o f an earlier generation?

The

development

o f the controversy

was

s y m p t o m a t i c o f the fundamental changes i n the U n i t y ' s p o s i t i o n i n society t h a t had been t a k i n g place d u r i n g this period. U n f o r t u n a t e l y n o precise dates are available either as to when the diversity o f o p i n i o n first arose o r when P r o k o p first p r o p o u n d e d his doctrine o f ' g o o d w i l l . ' L u k a s , whose O obnovenl is o u r m a i n a u t h o r i t y , is more t h a n usually vague a b o u t the chronology o f the events he is r e l a t i n g ; n o r is his account t o l d i n strictly c h r o n o l o g i c a l order. T h a t the whole episode is contained w i t h i n the p e r i o d between Rehof's death i n 1474 a n d 1490, when the controversy over p o l i t i c a l and social doctrines first comes o u t i n t o the open, is alone n o t open to question.

Prokop's

intervention, says L u k a s , came at an unspecified date after

Brother

Rehof's death {po smrti bratra Aehofe ne'ktere leto), when he himself h a d already been a member o f the U n i t y f o r f o u r or five years. This w o u l d place i t a b o u t the beginning o f the second h a l f o f the eighties. B u t the whole controversy m u s t have been b r e w i n g f o r a n u m b e r o f years before P r o k o p h i t u p o n his compromise f o r m u l a . T h e c o n t i n u a t i o n o f the controversy, even after agreement had apparently been reached o n the basis o f ' g o o d w i l l , ' a n d its extension to p o l i t i c a l and social questions t h r o u g h the application o f the doctrine o f ' g o o d w i l l ' t o such matters Lukas merely says - lasted f o r 'several years' before 1490.

1 7

18

' O o b n o v e n l , ' fols. 8 9 v - 9 5 ( q u o t e d i n G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p p . 1 9 8 - 2 0 2 ) . C f . G o l l -

K r o f t a , op. cit., pp. 1 6 5 - 1 7 1 ; M u l l e r - B a r t o S , op. cit., p p . 152, 153, 160. I t is n o t c l e a r w h o w e r e the U t r a q u i s t priests referred to h e r e b y L u k a S . 1 8

' O o b n o v e n l , ' toe. cit. B o t h G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p. 169, a n d M i i l l e r - B a r t o S , op. cit.,

p. 152, p u t t h e b e g i n n i n g o f the c o n t r o v e r s y o n faith a n d w o r k s a b o u t 1480, w h i c h seems quite probable.

O n the o t h e r h a n d , M i i l l e r - B a r t o S ' s d a t i n g o f P r o k o p ' s i n t e r -

v e n t i o n i n 1490 a n d the a c c o u n t there o f the t w o c o n t r o v e r s i e s , the t h e o l o g i c a l a n d the p r a c t i c a l , a s i f they t o o k p l a c e s i m u l t a n e o u s l y i n s t e a d o f the l a t t e r l e a d i n g o u t o f t h e

112

T H E GENESIS OF T H E SCHISM

By 1490, indeed, 'the pastors were once again split i n t w o ' n o t o n l y n o w o n the subtle problems o f justification by f a i t h o r by w o r k s , b u t o n the whole question o f the U n i t y ' s attitude t o society.

19

I t was, therefore, t o a

deeply divided leadership, unable t o come f o r e w a r d w i t h a p r o g r a m m e acceptable t o a l l , t h a t the rank-and-file were t o appeal f o r help i n the solution o f the problems w h i c h they were h a v i n g t o face d a i l y i n their relations w i t h their neighbours a n d w i t h the c o m m u n i t y at large. I t was the L i t o m y s l Brethren w h o appear t o have been the first to have referred t o M a t e j and his I n n e r C o u n c i l for a clear directive as t o h o w they should meet the demands o f the authorities i n the numerous instances when these clashed w i t h the established principles o f the U n i t y . L i t o m y s l at that t i m e was i n the possession o f a p o w e r f u l noble family, w h o were for long t o be members o f the U n i t y a n d a m o n g its most staunch protectors. Jan K o s t k a o f Postupice was the first t o become a B r o t h e r ; a n d when i n 1486 his son, Bonus, w h o was also a member o f the U n i t y , succeeded to his estates, he continued to favour the Brethren t h r o u g h o u t his extensive demesnes. Soon after, Bonus founded a new quarter i n his t o w n of L i t o m y s l , the so-called N e w or U p p e r T o w n , t o w h i c h i n 1490 the king, on Bonus's request, granted the same privileges as those enjoyed by the O l d T o w n . T h e inhabitants o f the N e w T o w n were d r a w n m a i n l y f r o m members o f the U n i t y , attracted there by the favourable conditions w h i c h Bonus's p r o t e c t i o n p r o v i d e d for t h e m . A m o n g the privileges they then obtained f r o m their l o r d was freedom f r o m the o b l i g a t i o n o f m i l i t a r y service unconnected w i t h the defence o f the city itself a n d , i n 1491, f r o m all dues and taxes f o r a period o f seventeen years as well. T h e Brethren, too, w o u l d o f course be able to carry o u t their religious practices free f r o m outside interference.

20

A s a result L i t o m y s l became, i n the words o f

T u m a Pfeloucsky i n his Cedule to Jan K o s t k a the younger, 'famous f o r its inhabitants and its handicrafts; the e m p t y places i n the m a r k e t square were filled u p , a n d along the ditches and elsewhere [the Brethren] erected their houses.'

21

N o t only was the c o m m u n i t y o f L i t o m y s l Brethren enlarged by an former, does n o t a p p e a r to be b o r n e o u t b y the m a i n s o u r c e , L u k a T s O T h i s w o r k is, h o w e v e r , r e m a r k a b l y o b s c u r e .

obnovent.

G o l l w a s l e d to a n t e d a t e the beginnings

o f the controversy o n the U n i t y ' s a t t i t u d e to the state b y a t t r i b u t i n g the t r a c t Psani mod

svitske

o

to a m e m b e r o f the M i n o r P a r t y , R i h a V o t i c k y , w h o w a s s u p p o s e d to

h a v e written i t i n 1485. I n a c t u a l fact, a s B i d l o h a s s h o w n , its r e a l a u t h o r w a s B r o t h e r R e h o f a n d its date 1 4 6 8 - 7 1 . See G o l l - K r o f t a , op. tit., p. 171. "

' O o b n o v e n l ' , fol. 95 ( q u o t e d b y G o l l - K r o f t a , op. tit., p. 2 0 1 ) .

"

Muller-Bartos', op. tit., pp. 155, 1 5 6 ; G o l l - K r o f t a , op. tit., p. 174; M o l n a r ,

lavStl bratfi, pp. 33, 3 4 . "

W i n t e r , iivot

cirkevnl

v Cechdch,

I , p. 54.

Boles-

113

T H E GENESIS OF THE SCHISM

influx o f fellow Brethren f r o m the c o u n t r y o r other townships. B u t a considerable number o f craftsmen, traders and merchants, previously unconnected w i t h the U n i t y , settled i n the N e w T o w n , attracted i n the same way by the favourable conditions offered t o newcomers; and some o f these non-Brethren i n t i m e came themselves to j o i n the U n i t y , w h i c h was undoubtedly the most live religious influence i n the neighbourhood. I n other cases i t was the r e p u t a t i o n o f the U n i t y as a v i t a l spiritual force that i n the first place b r o u g h t those dissatisfied w i t h the deadness o f official U t r a q u i s m to settle i n one o f its m a i n centres. A g o o d picture o f this process is t o be f o u n d i n the preface, w r i t t e n by A d a m Bakalaf, a later t o w n clerk (pisar)

o f L i t o m y s l , f o r M a r t i n K a b a t n i k ' s account o f his visit

t o the East i n 1491 i n company w i t h L u k a s a n d t w o other Brethren. D u r i n g the eighties, writes A d a m , K a b a t n i k w h o was a c l o t h m e r c h a n t : Came f r o m Prague t o L i t o m y s l , because he h a d been unable t o have a n easy conscience t h r o u g h the services o f the priests. H e sought t o see i f he c o u l d a t t a i n this w i t h the Brethren, w h o at t h a t time enjoyed the greatest freedom under [Bohus K o s t k a ] . The latter was, indeed, o f one m i n d w i t h them and protected t h e m so t h a t they were free f r o m oppression and injustice, f o r his father had been a Brother and his m o t h e r a Sister. A n d i t came to pass t h a t the above-mentioned M a r t i n also became a B r o t h e r . 22

A m o n g the Brethren i n L i t o m y s l , as i n other congregations o f the U n i t y , there were present m a n y o f the elements w h i c h were becoming restive at the constraints imposed by the n a r r o w way o f Brother R e h o f and the O l d Brethren. There was, first, the n o b i l i t y , several o f w h o m l i k e the l o r d o f L i t o m y s l , Bohus K o s t k a , were n o w either actual members o f the U n i t y or its close sympathizers. A l t h o u g h Lukas mentions, w i t h o u t giving their names, ' t w o i m p o r t a n t nobles, as w e l l as some o f the gentry

(zemane)

[ w h o ] , w i s h i n g to become Brethren, were required to give u p their estates,' there must have been comparatively few ready to make such a great 23

sacrifice; a n d the example o f Bohus K o s t k a shows t h a t i n some cases, even, i t was already n o t demanded.

F o r the y o u n g intellectuals, l i k e Lukas

and K r a s o n i c k y , whose numbers were increasing a m o n g the Brethren, the w i n n i n g over o f p o w e r f u l protectors among the upper ranks o f society appeared as one o f the most urgent tasks before the U n i t y , w h i l e the r a n k and-file, as the r a p i d m i g r a t i o n o f Brethren to L i t o m y s l clearly showed, welcomed w i t h relief the advantages w h i c h their protectors were able to offer t h e m . I t was h a r d t o refuse t o accept the latter i n t o membership, "

K a b a t n i k , Cesta z Cech do Jeruzalema

a Kaira r. 1491-92,

h a v e b e e n illiterate a n d d i c t a t e d h i s s t o r y to A d a m "

p . l . K a b a t n i k a p p e a r s to

Bakalaf.

' O o b n o v e n i , ' fol. 95 ( q u o t e d i n G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., pp. 2 0 1 , 2 0 2 ) .

p. 9 8 , n o t e 56.

Cf. Chap. I I ,

114

THE GENESIS OF T H E SCHISM

i f they applied for a d m i s s i o n ; a n d , indeed, only t h r o u g h their f u l l membership could the U n i t y be certain that the next generation w o u l d be brought u p i n the faith o f its fathers, w h o had always been ready to befriend the Brethren. O n l y by complete association c o u l d there be a reasonable l i k e l i h o o d that the son w o u l d n o t reverse the policy o f the father o n succeeding to his estates. Secondly, among the o r d i n a r y Brethren the new arrivals f r o m the countryside were faced w i t h a different way o f life more difficult t o square w i t h the r i g i d principles w h i c h they had, w i t h varying success, attempted to p u t i n t o practice i n their villages.

The new demands, therefore, led

them to grope after new solutions o f their most urgent problems. A t h i r d element o f discontent, o f potential revolt against the accepted principles o f conduct, derived f r o m those new recruits to the U n i t y w h o , previously unacquainted w i t h its political and social doctrines, had been reared i n an u r b a n environment alien to the conditions w h i c h had given b i r t h to the U n i t y . But the loyalty o f the Brethren to their c h u r c h , the strong group coherence w h i c h welded the U n i t y together i n the face o f a hostile and persecuting environment, a genuine attachment to the o l d ideas, made them do their utmost t o a v o i d open disobedience to the U n i t y ' s principles. I t was i n this spirit, therefore, t h a t early i n 1490 the appeal for guidance was made i n the name o f the L i t o m y s l Brethren to the highest a u t h o r i t y w i t h i n the U n i t y , t o its bishop, M a t e j , and his Inner C o u n c i l . They demanded 'advice and help' i n t w o matters i n particular. T h e i r first difficulty arose, t o quote the later report o f the Inner C o u n c i l , 'when the aldermen s u m m o n certain o f you [i.e. L i t o m y s l Brethren] to the t o w n hall and face y o u w i t h some rather t r i c k y questions: perhaps that y o u should give y o u r advice o r state y o u r o p i n i o n o r confer w i t h the c o m m u n i t y . ' They were concerned, secondly, w i t h the fact ' t h a t already they make aldermen o f some o f the Brethren, and y o u foresee that there w i l l be more o f them. I f y o u wish to escape this, i t is n o t permitted, for seemingly i t is regarded as j u s t . . . since y o u live together w i t h them i n the community.' B u t the L i t o m y s l Brethren conclude i n their o w n w o r d s : 'Even i f we must suffer some material loss as a result, we intend to f o l l o w y o u r counsel as far as we are able.' The Inner Council considered the whole matter o f such importance t h a t they summoned a special 'conference o f the teachers [i.e. the priests o f the U n i t y ] , who came u p f r o m the provinces'; and this body issued a p r o nouncement (vypoved') Brethren's queries.

w h i c h was to act as an answer to the L i t o m y s l

This document, for the most part, avoided giving a

T H E GENESIS OF T H E SCHISM

115

clear answer to the points at issue; i t was evasive, vague, and failed t o satisfy anyone. I t was evidently the result o f a compromise between those w h o held to the o l d doctrines and the Brethren w h o wished to see these modified. B u t , u n l i k e Prokop's earlier proposals to resolve the p r o b l e m o f justification by f a i t h or b y w o r k s , the conference's answer completely failed even t e m p o r a r i l y to carry c o n v i c t i o n . Its naivety, its failure to face the issues or to pronounce definitely f o r one or other course o f action, its evasive style, indicate that i t was n o t p r i m a r i l y the w o r k o f the reformers a m o n g the older or younger generations, for the i m p r i n t o f K l e n o v s k y , Táborsky, o r even P r o k o p , n o t t o speak o f Lukás o r K r a s o n i c k y , w o u l d surely have given the document a more decisive tone. I t may have been a composite effort o f the assembled priests, or i t may have come f r o m the pen o f Matéj o r one o f the older Brethren v a i n l y a t t e m p t i n g to reconcile the t w o conflicting viewpoints. The purpose o f the document is given i n its c o n c l u d i n g paragraph, w h i c h i n a d d i t i o n brings o u t the i n a b i l i t y o f the I n n e r C o u n c i l to t h i n k out a clear cut policy o n the issues at stake and its tendency to t h r o w the p r o b l e m back once more o n to the i n d i v i d u a l member for h i m to find his o w n s o l u t i o n . 'These articles ikusove)

are given [says the edict] as they

came to m i n d d u r i n g discussion, i n order that some o f them, or some p a r t o f t h e m , m a y be chosen o u t for the i n s t r u c t i o n o f those placed i n office by the authorities and i n t h a t o f alderman i n p a r t i c u l a r . ' I t m a r k e d , nevertheless, the first official recognition o f the new opinions. F o r the first time the leadership o f the U n i t y acknowledged n o t only t h a t i n practice some o f the Brethren h a d failed t o live u p t o the U n i t y ' s teachings i n their everyday life, b u t i t sought to find a p a r t i a l j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r such backsliding f r o m the o l d r i g o r i s m . Despite the hesitant terms i n w h i c h i t was expressed i t can, therefore, properly be regarded as a v i c t o r y f o r the opponents w i t h i n the U n i t y o f Cheldicky's and Rehof's teachings o n p o l i t i c a l and social problems. The edict dealt, first, w i t h the summonses received by certain B r e t h r e n t o attend the t o w n h a l l . L i k e y o u we, t o o , w o u l d be glad i f y o u c o u l d avoid these i n any way, b u t w h a t else we can advise y o u i n this matter we do n o t k n o w at the m o m e n t . W h i l e as f o r the matters they may face y o u w i t h , demanding an answer, some are easier, others more difficult, a b o u t w h i c h , indeed, advice cannot be given nisi generaliter. A s far as y o u can perceive justice i n any matter, declare i t . . . and d o n o t give way t o whatsoever is unjust. A n equally urgent p r o b l e m was the increasingly frequent election Brethren to the office o f alderman.

of

116

T H E GENESIS OF T H E SCHISM

I t is difficult to give advice as t o w h a t y o u should do i n this matter [replied the Inner C o u n c i l helplessly]. I f y o u should t r y t o get o u t o f i t as, w i t h divine assistance, y o u have done i n previous years, the burghers w i l l n o t often suffer this now, since there has been a considerable increase i n the number o f Brethren there [i.e. i n L i t o m y s l ] . A n d they are c o n t i n u a l l y c r o w d i n g i n f r o m other places and the lords o r their officials accept t h e m and refuse none. Some may say perhaps t h a t they come o n religious grounds, but i t is mostly f o r material (telesne) reasons. Certain o f these newcomers even, instead o f a t t e m p t i n g t o avoid office as far as possible, wish to 'sit beside the foremost. Even t h o u g h they d o n o t seek the office o f alderman, yet i n this way they are soon led towards i t {se s nim potkafiy

A l l this is n o t happening only i n L i t o m y s l , i t is added,

b u t 'they are also d r a w n i n t o other towns f o r l i k e things.' Some Brethren, again, are led to accept office t h r o u g h considering themselves wiser t h a n their neighbours; a n d , once having accepted, their exalted p o s i t i o n makes them have an even better o p i n i o n o f themselves.

T h e use o f t o r t u r e

d u r i n g the performance o f their duties may, the Inner C o u n c i l hope, 'open [their] eyes and give t h e m a l i t t l e understanding.' I t was u n f o r t u n a t e ly very difficult t o counsel such Brethren 'since they t h i n k they k n o w best.'

24

If, however, despite a l l his efforts to escape, a B r o t h e r was forced t o take office, the I n n e r C o u n c i l l a i d d o w n t h a t he should carry o u t his functions i n the same spirit as a g o o d member o f the U n i t y performed other and less controversial duties. He was t o seek justice a n d to a v o i d the snares o f the unrighteous. Despite the fact t h a t office-holding was o n l y justified as a last resort after every effort had been made to a v o i d i t , this was indeed a big concession. A still bigger concession was to follow.

'Blessed are they w h i c h are

persecuted f o r righteousness' sake,' the I n n e r C o u n c i l q u o t e d f r o m the Beatitudes. B u t i t was ' n o t [they went on t o explain] that every u n r i g h t eousness had t o be destroyed by [the Brethren], b u t t h a t [they] s h o u l d attempt to destroy i t , t h o u g h n o t indeed everywhere; at the very least they should not w i l l i n g l y succumb to i t . ' Even the obscurity o f the o r i g i n a l Czech cannot hide the fact that the spirit o f such a passage is far removed f r o m the simple negation o f the state as an unqualified evil, w h i c h the Brethren had taken over f r o m ChelCicky. "

' T h e y have c o m e to a c e r t a i n a m o u n t o f k n o w l e d g e t h r o u g h c e r t a i n B r e t h r e n , '

s a y s the edict ( A . J . B . , V . fol. 33 l v ) o f these o v e r w i s e m e m b e r s o f the L i t o m y s l c o m m u n i t y ; a n d it is p a r t l y t h r o u g h this k n o w l e d g e , it is h i n t e d , that they a r e l e d to refuse a l l advice a n d a d m o n i t i o n i n the m a t t e r o f t a k i n g office. T h e w h o l e passage, a s s o often, is u n c l e a r ; but it is possible that we h a v e h e r e a n o b l i q u e a t t a c k o n the p r o t a g o n i s t s o f greater p a r t i c i p a t i o n in the affairs o f the w o r l d , i n s e r t e d b y those o f the I n n e r C o u n c i l a n d the p r i e s t h o o d w h o still h e l d w i t h v a r y i n g degrees o f firmness to the o l d v i e w s .

THE GENESIS OF T H E SCHISM

117

I n indifferent matters, w h i c h i t was neither a sin t o a v o i d nor a virtue to p e r f o r m , the Inner C o u n c i l advised the Brethren to be careful, i n cases where an element o f personal gain m i g h t enter i n , ' n o t t o be f o r w a r d i n g i v i n g counsel a n d displaying their w i s d o m ; f o r y o u indeed, better than others perhaps, should be able t o realize that w o r l d l y people get little p r o f i t f r o m y o u i n their affairs, for i t is a difficult enough matter for a B r o t h e r i n a t o w n t o advise h o w the c o m m u n i t y s h o u l d be administered so t h a t its earthly affairs should prosper a n d endure.' B u t further difficulties, i t was recognized, m i g h t easily arise f o r those Brethren w h o had accepted the office o f alderman, trusting that they c o u l d preserve a clear conscience i n the performance o f their duties. These difficulties, however, the Inner C o u n c i l was content t o leave t o be dealt w i t h as they m i g h t arise. The r o o t o f the t r o u b l e lay i n the g r o w t h o f a new type o f U n a y member. T h e townsman, whether h u m b l e j o u r n e y m a n o r prosperous trader, was n o t content w i t h the meagre subsistence o f a peasant.

The accumu-

l a t i o n o f wealth was, indeed, one o f the signs o f v i r t u e i n the t o w n s m a n . B u t this inevitably led t o conflict w i t h the principles o f conduct w h i c h embodied the o l d relationship t o society, suited t o a peasant c o m m u n i t y . T h e reconciliation o f theory and practice, w h i c h the I n n e r C o u n c i l was s t r i v i n g for, resulted i n effect i n the pathetically indecisive terms i n w h i c h the edict was couched. This is clearly b r o u g h t o u t i n the f o l l o w i n g passage: Sometimes something m a y be [done] for such as wish t o make sure b o t h that, as regards business, their trades prosper everywhere a n d their earthly comforts are n o t greatly l a c k i n g , a n d t h a t at the same time they may enjoy a g o o d conscience and a certain assurance o f salvation. B u t i t is difficult t o give advice i n every instance and for every contingency. I n a l l d o u b t f u l cases the I n n e r C o u n c i l h a d only one clear

recommen-

d a t i o n : let those w i t h tender consciences r e t u r n t o the countryside. They a d m i t t e d that such a change w o u l d p r o b a b l y b r i n g m a t e r i a l loss a n d that there w o u l d be some Brethren either unable o r u n w i l l i n g t o make such a sacrifice. B u t this alone w o u l d b r i n g 'a greater possibility o f preserving a g o o d conscience.' A l r e a d y i n such cases, they claimed, there were m e m bers o f the U n i t y , w h o h a d 'changed

their place

[ o f residence] a n d

accepted a d i m i n u t i o n i n trade, content w i t h more modest needs.' The I n n e r C o u n c i l , i n w h i c h the c o u n t r y element was still strong, condemned the m o v e m e n t o n the part o f the Brethren towards the towns. I t was apprehensive, t o o , t h a t any further concessions i n this question 0 1 the acceptance o f the alderman's office w o u l d give i t new m o m e n t u m . I f the C o u n c i l were n o w to make such acceptance still easier, i t argued, 'either w i t h the t a k i n g o f the o a t h o r w i t h o u t , ' o r p e r m i t t i n g kneeling

118

T H E GENESIS OF T H E SCHISM

before the consecrated wafer, w h i c h was also often demanded o f aldermen, then more Brethren ' w o u l d be enticed i n t o the towns - persons w h o had not previously had their l i v i n g there, come n o w only t o gain riches than ever abandoned the cities over the preceding years for the purpose o f attaining what is g o o d . ' According t o the evidence p r o v i d e d by the edict, the rank-and-file o f the U n i t y appear t o have lost m u c h o f their earlier enthusiasm f o r the radical negation o f the w o r l d a n d its allurements that was embodied i n their church's p o l i t i c a l and social doctrines. T h e I n n e r C o u n c i l c o m p l a i n : Whenever we have done, either t h r o u g h incompetence o r unawares, something to their m a t e r i a l disadvantage, they have l o n g blamed us a n d continue to blame us. Whenever [i.e. for the same reasons] we have done or allowed to be done something to their spiritual disadvantage, i f only i t be o f material benefit, then likewise they have n o difficulty i n laying the blame and the sin o n us, saying: i t is the Brethren [i.e. the I n n e r C o u n c i l ] who have sanctioned i t . Such persons, however, may n o t have been t y p i c a l o f the average U n i t y member, who c o n t i n u e d to live o u t his life i n the village o f his b i r t h according to the o l d principles. I t was, says the Inner C o u n c i l , 'the weaker people a m o n g the Brethren, those inclined t o w o r l d l y things and to bodily licentiousness and c o m f o r t above the measure o f their o w n needs, w h o have been - and are n o w - attracted to the t o w n s . ' A l l those, at any rate, ' w h o may settle i n the towns o f their o w n free w i l l , being able t o gain a l i v i n g elsewhere, and there take u p o n themselves such dangerous offices as the alderman's or the sexton's (kostelnicl)

etc., such persons

- i t may be said - have b r o u g h t u p o n themselves the sins they have i n c u r r e d i n this way.'

Indeed, one o f the reasons f o r issuing the edict, the I n n e r

Council adds, was to a i d such persons, for 'they c o u l d escape all this i f they wished to listen' t o the advice o f their spiritual leaders. Those i n favour o f t a k i n g office had used w i t h the I n n e r C o u n c i l the argument that, ' t h r o u g h i t , others m i g h t be directed towards righteousness (v spravedlnostech

opravovati).'

The Inner C o u n c i l does n o t appear to

have been impressed by this l i n e ; since 'a great evil cannot be set aright by a little good, for there are few Brethren w h o w o u l d have the o p p o r t u n i t y for t h i s . ' " I t is significant that the question o f the v a l i d i t y o f o a t h - t a k i n g a m o n g Christians, around w h i c h so m u c h controversy i n the U n i t y was later t o centre, does not arise directly i n the edict. I t is not clear f r o m the w o r d i n g *»

A . J . B . , V , fols. 3 3 1 - 3 3 3 ( q u o t e d i n p a r t i n G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., pp. 1 9 6 - 9 8 ) .

119

THE GENESIS OF T H E SCHISM

how

far i t actually sanctioned

the

o a t h . B u t i t is difficult to see

h o w the acceptance o f the alderman's office c o u l d be approved, even t h o u g h o n l y i n certain exceptional circumstances, w i t h o u t similar approval being given t o t a k i n g the o a t h w h i c h was demanded o f everyone entering u p o n office.

26

O p p o s i t i o n t o oaths a m o n g some o f the members o f the

I n n e r C o u n c i l was, however, p r o b a b l y still strong enough to prevent more than tacit assent being granted to so r e v o l u t i o n a r y a step. T h e documentary evidence gives n o i n d i c a t i o n o f precisely w h a t sections a m o n g the L i t o m y s l Brethren were responsible f o r the appeal to the Inner C o u n c i l : whether, indeed, the problems under discussion touched a l l the Brethren equally, as a c o m m u n i t y , or whether certain members were more nearly affected than others. T w o points alone are certain. F i r s t , the p r o b l e m o f accepting office and o f the attitude to be taken u p towards the state i n general was, as the edict's advice t o the L i t o m y s l Brethren t o remove t o the c o u n t r y shows, one w h i c h weighed more heavily o n the t o w n communities t h a n o n the village groups, t h o u g h even here the p r o b l e m m i g h t present itself f o r solution. Secondly, i t was n o t by any means confined to the L i t o m y s l Brethren, nor was i t an entirely novel issue, w h i c h had n o t appeared before 1490. K r a s o n i c k y , f o r instance, writes t h a t : Everywhere, even i n the villages, the Brethren were being placed i n offices, i n t h a t o f judge or alderman o r some other, and they were made t o take the o a t h o n the boundaries. I f they d i d n o t w i s h t o d o so, they had t o pay fines, w h i c h were imposed o n them f o r n o t testifying to the t r u t h according t o the custom o f the l a n d w i t h the c o n f i r m a t i o n o f a n o a t h . Likewise i n regard t o the alderman's a n d other offices, i t was nowhere permitted that, l i v i n g together i n the c o m m u n i t y as fellow citizens, they should escape their d u t i e s . 27

A n o t h e r c o n t e m p o r a r y witness, B r o t h e r L u k a s , t h o u g h one w h o , like K r a s o n i c k y , was also hostile t o the o l d views, confirms the widespread nature o f the p r o b l e m w h i c h the U n i t y was facing at the time. He writes that 'when countless troubles f r o m the n o b i l i t y arose [i.e. for the Brethren] t h r o u g h o u t the Czech lands and i n M o r a v i a , because o f the offices o f alderman and judge a n d o f o a t h - t a k i n g , w i t h i m p r i s o n m e n t a n d t o r t u r e and "

W i n t e r , Kulturni

2 7

' O u c e n y c h , ' fol. 18v ( q u o t e d i n G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p. 2 0 6 ) . T h e o a t h o n the

obraz (eskych

mist,

I , pp. 6 5 7 - 5 9 , 730, 731.

b o u n d a r i e s p r o b a b l y refers to the j u r y m a n ' s o a t h a s t o the b o u n d a r i e s defined o n l y by c u s t o m a r y l a w . gestion.

of

holdings

I a m grateful to P r o f e s s o r R . R . B e t t s for t h i s s u g -

120

T H E GENESIS OF THE SCHISM

fines, they often sent u p f r o m the provinces to the elders o f the Brethren f o r advice as to w h a t t o d o ; a n d the elders advised t h e m t o remove f r o m t h e cities i n t o the s u b u r b s .

28

The question as to the source o f inspiration f o r the appeals made b y the L i t o m y s l Brethren, as w e l l as by communities f r o m other towns, s h o u l d perhaps be approached f r o m another angle. Was the whole c o m m u n i t y equally liable for those duties and obligations demanded b y the authorities w h i c h ran contrary t o the religious principles o f the Brethren? Was there a division w i t h i n the t o w n c o m m u n i t y between those Brethren w h o , finding the burden o f c o n t i n u a l refusal o f the demands o f the authorities insupportable, began to chafe more and more at the restrictions imposed b y the o l d ideology a n d , o n the other h a n d , those w h o , n o t being liable - at least i n the same degree - f o r such services, w o u l d n o t have the same incentives to t h r o w over the t r a d i t i o n a l viewpoint? I n other words, can t h e origins o f the t w o parties i n the ensuing controversy concerning the U n i t y ' s p o l i t i c a l and social doctrines be traced back n o t o n l y t o the division between the t o w n a n d c o u n t r y membership, between the educated a n d the simple Brethren, b u t also to the existence o f social differences w i t h i n the new Brethren communities i n the towns, w h i c h were r a p i d l y g r o w i n g i n numerical strength? D u r i n g the fifteenth century artisans were almost always obliged t o become members o f their respective g i l d s . (cechmistr)

29

The grandmaster o f a g i l d

on c o m i n g i n t o office was required t o take an o a t h , w h i c h was

indeed demanded i n offices o f every k i n d ; a n d his duties included various j u d i c i a l and administrative functions o f a semi-public nature. H e c o u l d even i n some cases sentence persons to i m p r i s o n m e n t . B u t the g r a n d masters were elected, n o t by a l l the members o f the g i l d , b u t o n l y by the masters, that is, by the more influential and affluent c i t i z e n s . (

30

Conditions

were much the same i n regard to other m u n i c i p a l offices. Aldermen o n the other h a n d , o f w h o m there were usually 12 i n larger t o w n s forming the t o w n c o u n c i l i n charge o f m u n i c i p a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n a n d jurisdiction w i t h i n the city boundaries, responsible, t o o , f o r c a r r y i n g o u t the death penalty o n occasion, m i g h t theoretically be appointed f r o m almost all townsmen possessing f u l l citizen rights (prdvo fact [writes Winter] many such were excluded.

m&stke).

'In

Since the r e t i r i n g alder-

m e n always had influence o n the election o f the new ones, . . . a v i r t u a l burgher aristocracy grew u p , d i s t i n c t f r o m their poorer neighbours, w h o "

L u k a i , Odpisproti

"

W i n t e r , Dejeny

"

Ibid.,

odtriencom,

femesel

fol. 4 5 v ( q u o t e d ibid., p. 2 1 2 ) .

a obchodu

pp. 661, 663, 664, 6 6 6 - 7 6 .

v Cechdch

v XIV

a XV

stoleti,

pp. 592, 593.

121

T H E GENESIS OF T H E SCHISM

were n o t elected t o the c o u n c i l a n d represented, therefore, a democratic element

w i t h i n the c o m m u n i t y . '

31

Judges, t o o , exercising

extensive

a u t h o r i t y w i t h i n the t o w n s h i p a n d c o m b i n i n g j u d i c i a l , police and executive functions, m i g h t be a p p o i n t e d f r o m the ranks o f almost a l l those possessing f u l l citizen rights. B u t practice once again confined this choice t o a n a r r o w e r circle. T h e judge, i n a d d i t i o n t o his j u d i c i a l functions, was responsible f o r the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f the p r i s o n a n d was a p a r t i c i p a n t i n the t o r t u r e o f accused persons a n d convicted c r i m i n a l s .

32

I n a d d i t i o n t o the f u l l citizens, there also existed i n most towns a class o f inhabitants w i t h lesser rights or n o rights at a l l . There were,

first,

those w h o d i d n o t possess their o w n house, property ownership being an essential qualification f o r f u l l citizenship. Secondly came the numerous inhabitants o f the suburbs w h i c h grew u p a r o u n d most t o w n s , those w h o had their houses o r shacks outside the c i t y gates. These consisted m a i n l y o f the poorest i m m i g r a n t s f r o m the countryside, peasants a n d village artisans, fishermen a n d others w h o were unable o r u n w i l l i n g t o bear the full burden o f citizenship.

33

T h e m a i n offices i n the city - the grand-masters o f the gilds, the aldermen, a n d the judges - were, therefore, o n l y open i n effect t o the richer a n d m o r e influential citizens. T h e p o s i t i o n o f alderman, at least, was reserved for the very highest layer o f u r b a n society. A t the same t i m e , outside the ranks o f the citizens privileged t o a greater o r lesser degree, there existed w h o l e groups o f inhabitants, the t o w n p o o r a n d the dwellers i n the suburbs, w h o d i d n o t enjoy any legal rights at a l l w i t h i n the u r b a n c o m m u n i t y . I t was w i t h the v a l i d i t y o f t a k i n g u p office, o f accepting t h a t o f alderm a n i n particular, that the appeals f o r advice f r o m the L i t o m y s l a n d other Brethren communities were m a i n l y concerned; a n d i t was these appeals t h a t ushered i n the controversy w h i c h was finally t o t r a n s f o r m completely the U n i t y ' s p o l i t i c a l a n d social doctrines. These facts w o u l d seem clearly to indicate t h a t the i n s p i r a t i o n f o r such appeals, the desire f o r a m o d i f i c a t i o n o f the o l d principles, arose m a i n l y a m o n g those B r e t h r e n belonging t o the richer a n d more prosperous sections o f the u r b a n c o m m u n i t y . A m o n g those Brethren w h o had settled i n the towns, writes the I n n e r C o u n c i l i n its edict, 'sometimes, as i n L i t o m y s l , the better sort are sum¬ "

W i n t e r , Kuhurni

"

Ibid.,

I I , pp. 3, 4, 9 , 757, 840.

obraz ieskych

mëst, I , p p . 6 3 3 , 637^4-0, 6 4 3 , 6 4 4 , 6 4 7 .

**

Ibid.,

I , 6 5 , 7 0 , 7 4 , 7 5 , 7 5 6 . F o r the e c o n o m i c , s o c i a l , a n d l e g a l p o s i t i o n o f the

p o o r e s t m e m b e r s o f the t o w n c o m m u n i t y before, a n d d u r i n g the e a r l y stages of, t h e H u s s i t e r e v o l u t i o n , see F r a n t i s e k G r a u s , Chudina 1949), esp. c h a p s . I I , I V .

místská v dobípfedhusitské

(Prague,

122

THE GENESIS OF T H E SCHISM

moned to take office o r their help i n counsel is r e q u i r e d . '

34

I t was to be

'the better' Brethren w h o were to carry t h r o u g h the internal r e v o l u t i o n w h i c h succeeded i n t r a n s f o r m i n g the U n i t y w i t h i n a few decades. Nevertheless, the p r o b l e m o f the relationship o f the U n i t y t o the state was one which, even t h o u g h t o a lesser degree, touched a l l its members, rich

and poor, peasant and t o w n s m a n .

I t was this that made so futile

Brother Matej's advice to those t o w n Brethren t r o u b l e d as to h o w t o square the demands o f the authorities w i t h their consciences, to move i n t o the suburbs or to remove altogether f r o m the towns and r e t u r n t o the simple life o f the village.

For even the suburbs and the village c o m -

munities had their o w n officials, aldermen, and judges as i n the t o w n s ; t h o u g h , i t is true, their competence was m u c h narrower and their functions less likely to conflict w i t h the Brethren's p r i n c i p l e s .

35

M o s t fit male

inhabitants o f the c o u n t r y , however, m i g h t o n occasion be liable f o r m i l i t a r y service, even i f o n l y i n the event o f a direct threat t o their o w n township or village; and i t w o u l d be rather the poorer inhabitants o f t o w n and c o u n t r y w h o w o u l d be unable to buy a substitute, i f chosen for service i n the general levy (yerejnd

hotovost). * 3

A n y o n e , too, m i g h t have

to appear as a witness i n court where the t a k i n g o f an oath was o b l i g a t o r y . I t is not surprising, therefore, that the Inner Council's edict

37

failed

to set at rest the doubts entertained b y many Brethren concerning the attitude they should take u p i n such matters. Those w h o attempted t o p u t its injunctions i n t o practice f o u n d t h a t its precepts d i d not b r i n g relief f r o m hardship and persecution. Lukas has painted a d a r k picture o f the situation at this p e r i o d .

W h e n some had exchanged the t o w n for the

suburbs or the c o u n t r y , he w r i t e s : I t s t i l l d i d not help at a l l . M a n y indeed were quite unable to take this step; still others were faint-hearted and, being p u t to torture, [acted] against their consciences, t a k i n g unchristian oaths [i.e. oaths by the V i r g i n M a r y or the saints] and accepting such like t h i n g s . ' ' A n d when even that was sometimes o f no avail they [i.e. M a t e j a n d the Inner Council] advised them to buy themselves o u t or take some other employment. A n d t h a t , too, was o f no avail, for other persons also were t r y i n g to do the same t h i n g , and i t was n o t possible for many people to [escape] this w a y . 38

39

M

A . J . B., V , f o l . 333 ( q u o t e d i n G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cil., p. 198).

"

K r o f t a , Dljiny

"

W i n t e r , op. cit., I , p p . 280, 2 9 9 , 3 0 6 ; Dejiny

sehkeho

stavu, p p . 1 3 9 - 4 1 ; W i n t e r , op. cil., I , pp. 75, 76. femesel

a obchodu,

op. cil., pp. 136, 137. "

W i n t e r , Kulturni

"

A . J . B., I V , fol. 143v ( q u o t e d i n G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p. 2 1 2 ) .

obraz,

"

Odpis,

I I , pp. 6 5 9 , 660.

fol. 4 5 v ( q u o t e d loc.

cit.).

p. 6 5 4 ; K r o f t a ,

123

T H E GENESIS OF THE SCHISM

T h e m o o d among m a n y o f the t o w n Brethren was r a p i d l y changing f r o m willingness to f o l l o w the counsel o f the leaders o f the U n i t y , even i f this should mean continued hardship and suffering, t o one o f potential revolt, o f openly expressed dissatisfaction. K r a s o n i c k y has preserved f o r us the apt comment o f one F i l i p the Soapmaker, a L i t o m y s l Brother, o n learni n g o f Matëj's advice t o retire to the c o u n t r y . 'Cows w o n ' t give soap and, anyhow, the nobles a p p o i n t aldermen and judges there t o o . '

4 0

T h e Inner C o u n c i l , divided between the protagonists o f the o l d p r i n ciples and those wishing their m o d i f i c a t i o n , was t h o r o u g h l y perplexed as to the r i g h t course t o be pursued. Lukás writes : T h e y held m a n y meetings and sessions a n d discussions o n this matter, w i t h prayers and fasting, according t o the scriptures, seeking God's w i l l . A n d t h r o u g h the h o l y scriptures they came to realize that some believers i n Christ h a d exercised c i v i l power a n d taken oaths. F r o m this they reasoned that such things were n o t everywhere and i n a l l cases f o r b i d d e n by the holy scriptures. Secondly, they realized t h a t such p r o h i b i t i o n s arose f r o m an unmeasured and ' h i g h ' way o f t h i n k i n g as well as f r o m t w i s t i n g and misusing the scriptures. 41

This, then, was the position when i n the same year the I n n e r C o u n c i l , i n w h i c h at least a m a j o r i t y seems n o w to have become convinced o f the need to relax the strict code o f conduct h i t h e r t o prevailing a m o n g the Brethren, decided to call a general assembly o f ' a l l the priests, deacons, assessors and assistants {ysech knezíjáhnuov,

soudci ipomocnikuov).

,i2

Such gatherings

had been held only very rarely d u r i n g the early years o f the U n i t y ' s history, p a r t l y because o f the difficulties o f travel at that date. Indeed, between 1467 a n d 1490 an assembly o f this k i n d does n o t appear t o have been called at all.

4 3

The Inner Council's present decision t o convoke a general assembly

was, therefore, a measure o f the concern w h i c h the g r o w i n g dissension a m o n g the Brethren was evoking t h r o u g h o u t the whole U n i t y . Preceded by p r e l i m i n a r y prayers a n d fasting a m o n g the congregations the assembly was held at Brandys nad O r l i c i , a well-established centre o f Brethren activity.

Its precise date is n o t k n o w n .

The agenda o f the

proceedings had been circulated a m o n g the Brethren before the

first

session opened.

The

F o u r questions were to be debated at the assembly.

4 0

' O u c e n y c h , ' fol. 18v ( q u o t e d ibid., p. 2 0 6 ) .

41

Odpis,

loc. cit.

I t is n o t c o m p l e t e l y c l e a r w h e t h e r these w o r d s refer o n l y to the

p e r i o d i n 1490 between the c o m p o s i t i o n o f the I n n e r C o u n c i l ' s reply to the L i t o m y S l B r e t h r e n a n d the g e n e r a l a s s e m b l y h e l d later i n the y e a r .

B u t s u c h a n interpretation

seems the m o s t p r o b a b l e f r o m the context. 42

Odpis,

4 3

Tapié, Une église tchèque au XVe

fol. 4 6 ( q u o t e d G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p. 2 1 2 ) . siècle: L'Unité

des Frères, p. 8 7 .

124

THE GENESIS OF THE SCHISM

first o f these, however, w h i c h concerned the degree o f a u t h o r i t y a member o f the U n i t y was t o exercise w i t h i n his o w n family, was o f secondary importance. The m a i n discussions were to centre a r o u n d the other three items, all concerned

w i t h the b u r n i n g question o f the attitude o f the

U n i t y t o the state and its demands. W h a t was to be the U n i t y ' s attitude to the acceptance o f a u t h o r i t y by its members, h i t h e r t o officially f o r b i d d e n , o r t o the c a r r y i n g o u t o f the demands o f the powers t h a t be, w h i c h i n so m a n y cases conflicted w i t h the o l d rigorism? Were the Brethren t o p e r m i t w o r l d l y p o w e r a m o n g t h e m selves 'actively and passively'? A further question, closely connected w i t h the first two, concerned the m u c h debated p r o b l e m o f the v a l i d i t y o f oath-taking for those w h o - l i k e the early Brethren - were t r y i n g t o live out the Christian gospel i n every detail i n their daily lives. ' D i d the L o r d f o r b i d the oath i n every shape so that never, and i n n o circumstances, c o u l d one swear?' These were the k n o t t y problems awaiting s o l u t i o n , w h i c h faced the Brethren when they gathered together at B r a n d y s .

44

A significant feature o f the conference, ominous indeed for the future o f the O l d Brethren's p o i n t o f view, was the i n v i t a t i o n extended t o t w o noblemen, ' w h o were i n sympathy w i t h the U n i t y ' : A l b r e c h t R e n d l o f Ousava and Liska. T h e i r presence m u s t have considerably influenced the discussions, weighing the scales i n favour o f a s o l u t i o n favourable t o the new demands, since, even t h o u g h they were almost certainly n o t at t h a t t i m e actual members o f the U n i t y , they participated fully i n the proceedings o f the conference. N o t h i n g is k n o w n for certain as to the identity o f Liska.

45

But Rendl o f Ousava is a w e l l - k n o w n and rather sinister figure i n

Czech history. Sprung f r o m the m i n o r gentry, he was yet t o rise t o h i g h office i n the land, gaining a bad name i n history as the protagonist o f the n o b i l i t y against the towns i n their struggle f o r power d u r i n g the early years o f the sixteenth c e n t u r y .

48

H e was a capable m a n , b u t a m b i t i o u s

a n d unscrupulous; his lack o f principle made h i m a strange adviser f o r the devout Brethren and, as w i l l be seen, disillusioned they were eventually t o sever all connection w i t h h i m . Klenovsky opened the proceedings o n behalf o f M a t e j a n d the I n n e r C o u n c i l . He asked the assembled Brethren to give their f r a n k o p i n i o n as t o h o w far civil a u t h o r i t y was consistent w i t h the U n i t y ' s principles.

'For

[he h a d to admit] we simply do n o t k n o w to what degree we should a l l o w 4 4

4

*

4 4

' O ufienych,' fol. 18v, 19 ( q u o t e d ibid.,

p. 2 0 6 ) .

S e e G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p. 176. F o r R e n d l , see J i r e c e k , op. cit., I I , p p . 1 6 9 - 7 6 ; Otttiv slovnik

1904), p p . 552-54.

naucny,

X X I (Prague,

125

T H E GENESIS OF T H E SCHISM

o r p r o h i b i t these things.' Those k n o w i n g h o w to write, therefore, were to p u t d o w n their views o n pieces o f paper w i t h their names and place t h e m i n an u r n . Those w h o were illiterate were t o get someone k n o w i n g h o w t o write t o take d o w n their o p i n i o n f o r t h e m . T h e n a l l those present - i n c l u d i n g the t w o noble sympathizers, R e n d l a n d Liska, w h o were n o t indeed strictly entitled to d o so - handed i n their opinions (cedulki),

w i t h the exception o f Brother Matéj. ' H e was fearful

[writes K r a s o n i c k y later] lest t h r o u g h the acceptance o f a u t h o r i t y the U n i t y w o u l d be c o r r u p t e d . A n d they earnestly urged h i m t o come d o w n o n one side or the other i n this matter o f a u t h o r i t y : either t h a t i t c o u l d be a d m i t t e d a m o n g the faithful, o r that i t c o u l d n o t , as at the beginning they had accepted f r o m Petr Chelcicky's treatise.' F r o m Krasonicky's account, the o n l y one left us o f the actual course o f the conference's proceedings, i t w o u l d seem that the result was a forgone conclusion even before the u r n with

the Brethren's opinions

was opened:

otherwise

Matéj's

hesi-

t a t i o n w o u l d have been pointless, i f i t had n o t already been f a i r l y certain t h a t some degree o f approval w o u l d be given to a m o d i f i c a t i o n o f the o l d viewpoint. Once again Matéj's lack o f decision, his fear o f g o i n g against the o p i n i o n o f the educated members o f his C o u n c i l , even where his o w n convictions r a n contrary t o theirs, and his i n a b i l i t y t o give a lead i n times o f crisis, showed themselves at this critical m o m e n t . ' H e d i d n o t dare [ K r a s o n i c k y writes] to remain alone a n d he, too, gave way, b u t n o t i n his h e a r t . '

17

A l l the members o f the I n n e r C o u n c i l (starsi)

were agreed o n assigning a

legitimate place t o c i v i l a u t h o r i t y ' a m o n g the faithful, b o t h actively a n d passively.'

Klenovsky is said t o have expressed himself d u r i n g one o f the

sessions even more f o r c i b l y : ' I f we f o r b i d the Brethren to take p a r t i n the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f justice (aby se nesoudili),

we shall be placing an unbear-

able yoke u p o n the necks o f o u r followers, w h i c h even o u r fathers were unable to b e a r . '

48

T h o u g h n o t expressly stated, i t is probable nevertheless t h a t some o f the o r d i n a r y Brethren present came o u t against any w a t e r i n g d o w n o f the U n i t y ' s previous doctrines.

B u t the influence o f such members

Táborsky a n d P r o k o p , as w e l l as o f the non-member 1 7

as

R e n d l , whose

S u c h passages s h o w t h a t G i n d e l y ' s v e r d i c t o n Matéj, op. cit., p. 66 - ' s e i n e i n n e r s t e

N e i g u n g gait d e r gemassigsten P a r t e i , a b e r die U b e r z e u g u n g e n

seines M e i s t e r s G r e g o r

h a t t e n n o c h i m m e r i h r e K r a f t a u f i h m n i c h v e r l o r e n ' - is i n c o r r e c t . Matéj's i n n e r m o s t c o n v i c t i o n s l a y r a t h e r w i t h the d o c t r i n e s o f R e h o f a n d the o l d B r e t h r e n , b u t the s u p e r i o r w i l l - p o w e r a n d l e a r n i n g o f the o p p o n e n t s o f s u c h v i e w s a m o n g h i s n e a r e s t a d v i s e r s w a s to g a i n a n i n c r e a s i n g influence o n h i s p o l i c y . 4 8

A . J . B . , I V , f o l . 51v ( q u o t e d i n G o l l - K i o f t a . op. cit., p. 2 2 6 ) .

126

T H E GENESIS OF THE SCHISM

statements a l l came o u t definitely i n favour o f the acceptance by the U n i t y o f a more positive attitude towards the state, proved o f greater weight than the force o f t r a d i t i o n . Prokop's statement was read o u t to the assembly o n the recommendation o f Brother M a t e j and his c o u n c i l . Then the delgates were t o l d that, i f they had any objections t o the contents o f Prokop's statement, they should make these k n o w n , since ' i t is not a matter i n v o l v i n g a loss of life or h o n o u r a n d , i f they do i t o u t o f a sense o f d u t y and w i t h love, they w i l l be dealt w i t h i n their t u r n w i t h kindness.'

49

The I n n e r C o u n c i l was entrusted by those present w i t h d r a w i n g u p at once before the delegates dispersed a new edict (vypoved),

which w o u l d

contain the decisions arrived at d u r i n g the conference and a justification for the changes i n doctrine. A c c o r d i n g t o Lukas's O obnoveni, to save time (abych krdtkosti

i n order

pozivaT) the conference accepted as a basis

for the edict the exposition o f the Brother ' w h o had w r i t t e n well o n good w i l l , ' and whose ' w r i t i n g and commentary o n the fifth chapter o f St. Matthew concerning the higher righteousness' had seemingly also been read out and approved d u r i n g the conference.

This c o u l d only have been

Brother P r o k o p , t h o u g h neither o f the w o r k s mentioned are any longer extant.

50

Prokop's gift f o r finding a compromise solution b r o a d l y acceptable to both sides, as exemplified i n his treatment o f the controversy o n j u s t i f i cation by w o r k s or f a i t h , makes his authorship o f the edict most probable. He had already, i n the period immediately before the conference

at

Brandys, made effective use o f a clever argument to counteract the tendency to regard the opinions o f Rehof and the O l d Brethren as b i n d i n g o n the U n i t y f o r ever. Cross-questioning a gathering o f Brethren a b o u t certain articles o f their faith, and finding they held diverse opinions, he had then gone on to quote passages f r o m the writings o f the early Brethren, where they had condemned a lack o f u n a n i m i t y i n matters o f f a i t h w i t h i n any Christian congregation, h o l d i n g that such diverisity was the m a r k o f damnation and had advocated that such people be shunned by all true believers.

'Therefore [ P r o k o p concluded t r i u m p h a n t l y ] I tell y o u i n a l l

sincerity that I d o n o t k n o w h o w t o justify these passages; and i f they "

' O u c e n y c h , ' fols. 1 9 - 2 0 ( q u o t e d G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p p . 2 0 6 , 2 0 7 ) .

4 0

' O obnoveni,' fol. 9 5 v ( q u o t e d ibid., p p . 175, 2 0 2 ) . A c c o r d i n g to G o l l , P r o k o p ' s

t r a c t p r o b a b l y c o n t a i n e d a c o m m e n t a r y o n the S e r m o n o n the M o u n t , differentiation w a s m a d e between C h r i s t ' s c o m m a n d m e n t s (pfikizdni) a d v i c e (radd).

in which a

and his

mere

T h e f o r m e r w a s to be o b e y e d i n all cases, the latter m i g h t to s o m e e x t e n t

b e a matter of c h o i c e : i n this w a y the s e v e r e code o f b e h a v i o u r o f the e a r l y U n i t y , o b l i g a t o r y for a l l true C h r i s t i a n s , w a s s e r i o u s l y u n d e r m i n e d .

127

THE GENESIS OF T H E SCHISM

really are true, i t w o u l d be r i g h t to depart f r o m y o u and provide f o r oneself i n some other way.' The Brethren, alarmed at the thought that their leaders m i g h t desert them, answered: ' D e a r B r o t h e r P r o k o p . . . do n o t leave us; we very m u c h want t o listen t o w h a t y o u recommend i n this as i n other matters a n d , indeed, i n everything.' The incident, says K r a s o nicky w h o relates the story, was a prelude t o the I n n e r Council's t a k i n g under serious consideration the whole question o f the U n i t y ' s attitude to the c i v i l a u t h o r i t i e s .

51

A l l this w o u l d seem t o indicate t h a t the actual c o m p o s i t i o n o f the edict o f Brandys was the result o f Prokop's d r a f t i n g . Nevertheless, Krasonicky's narrative later implies that i t was Taborsky's statement (cedule), posed

d u r i n g the conference,

basis f o r the e d i c t .

52

and n o t Prokop's,

com-

that provided

the

This, t o o , w o u l d seem t o be more i n line w i t h

Lukas's statement that t w o o f the Brethren opposed t o the o l d doctrines, ' m a k i n g their excuses, d i d n o t take p a r t i n these matters [i.e. the passing o f the edict] i n order t h a t i t should n o t be said that the wise and the learned had b r o u g h t t h e m about.' One o f these t w o men was definitely K l e n o v s k y ; a n d the other has been_ identified by G o l l as most p r o b a b l y Prokop.

B u t whoever may have been most reponsible f o r the d r a w i n g

53

u p o f the actual text, its contents m u s t almost certainly have been agreed u p o n beforehand a m o n g such leading figures as K l e n o v s k y , P r o k o p , and Taborsky. T h e edict o f Brandys, as this momentous document was called, refers back i n its very first sentence to the question, first postulated by the L i t o m y s l Brethren, as to whether U n i t y members should accept

office.

I t is again a d m i t t e d that i t is a difficult p r o b l e m , and that the Brethren are most anxious t o avoid a n y t h i n g that m i g h t be against G o d ' s w i l l o r against their o w n consciences.

B u t necessity had forced t h e m to come t o

some decision i n the matter. They therefore recommend, i n view o f the countless temptations involved, that no Brother should ' o f his o w n free w i l l ' accept office as an alderman, judge, or grandmaster o f a g i l d , o r become a tavern-keeper, o r go to the wars, ' o r ever be i n s t r u m e n t a l i n t o r t u r i n g o r p u t t i n g to death a fellow-man accused o f w r o n g - d o i n g . ' "

'O

"

' O u c e n y c h , ' fols. I 9 v , 2 0 ( q u o t e d ibid., p. 2 0 7 ) . C f . L u k a s , Odpis,

ucenych,'

fols.

A

17v, 18 ( q u o t e d ibid., p. 2 0 6 ) . fol. 4 6 ( q u o t e d

ibid., p p . 2 1 2 , 2 1 3 ) , w h e r e it is m e r e l y stated t h a t the a s s e m b l e d B r e t h r e n left it to the elders to d r a w u p the e x a c t w o r d i n g o f the e d i c t , a n d t h a t the final v e r s i o n , p r e s e n t e d i n the n a m e o f all the m e m b e r s o f t h e I n n e r C o u n c i l , w a s t h e n u n a n i m o u s l y a c c e p t e d b y the w h o l e

assembly as their o w n .

Though

it p r o b a b l y exaggerates

the degree

of

u n a n i m i t y , t h i s a c c o u n t c o n t a i n s a l l t h a t c a n be r e g a r d e d a s c e r t a i n c o n c e r n i n g t h e a u t h o r s h i p o f the e d i c t . "

' O o b n o v e n i , ' fol. 9 7 ( q u o t e d ibid., p. 2 0 3 ) .

128

T H E GENESIS OF T H E SCHISM

Brother should a v o i d as far as possible such occupations, repeating the words o f the L o r d ' s Prayer: 'Lead us not i n t o t e m p t a t i o n . ' So far, the edict followed closely the v i e w p o i n t o f the O l d Brethren. But what was t o happen i f a l l their efforts were i n vain and the a u t h o r ities demanded acceptance o n pain o f the most serious penalties?

Here

the edict was to make a concession, w h i c h constituted i n essence a c o m plete reversal o f the U n i t y ' s official standpoint h i t h e r t o . I f a Brother should be forced by the c i v i l a u t h o r i t y , against his conscience, to accept any o f these things, being unable to escape either t h r o u g h humble pleading o r i n any other way, he s h o u l d according t o [ o u r ] counsel submit t o the authorities i n whatever is n o t against G o d . . . . F o r i n such matters as these, a l t h o u g h i t is difficult to preserve a g o o d conscience a n d shun evil, i t is n o t impossible. . . . We cannot give u n i f o r m i n s t r u c t i o n and teaching as t o h o w one should conduct oneself [i.e., i n such cases], o n account o f the divergence o f cause, place, t i m e , and persons. Those Brethren, indeed, t h r o u g h o u t the w h o l e c o u n t r y , t o w h o m the task o f oversight is entrusted, should consider the matter and discuss amongst themselves w h a t counsel and teaching should be given those placed i n such situations, as t o h o w they should behave. A n d wherever the Brethren cannot agree o n any matter, there is Brother M a t e j i n R y c h n o v to appeal to i n the m o r e difficult a n d perplexing questions. This perhaps is n o t f o r m a l l y a great advance o n the reply sent earlier i n the year to the L i t o m y s l Brethren. I n the trickier cases the decision is left once again t o the p r o v i n c i a l congregations and the i n d i v i d u a l Brethren t o make; and the i n j u n c t i o n t o comply w i t h the demands o f the authorities, where these cannot be avoided,

' i n whatever is not against G o d '

is

extremely evasive. T h e p o i n t at issue was to determine exactly w h a t was and what was not against God's w i l l , or, i n other words, t o discover whether a certain line o f action previously condemned by the U n i t y was not i n reality quite consistent w i t h Christ's teachings. The i n j u n c t i o n t o accept the duties o f office i n so far as these d i d n o t conflict w i t h God's w i l l , i f taken literally, scarcely provided an answer t o these questions.

The

general advice that ' i n every class and i n every r a n k , i n all professions, at every time a n d i n every place, let the scripture be f u l f i l l e d : ' L e t every one that nameth the name o f Christ depart f r o m i n i q u i t y ' [2 T i m o t h y I I , 19] and 'Let h i m eschew evil and do g o o d ' [1 Peter I I I , 11],' d i d n o t go far i n defining exactly w h a t tasks undertaken at the c o m m a n d o f the powers that be were w r o n g for the Christian to perform. Nevertheless, the tone o f the new edict is more forceful, more authoritative, and the responsibility o f M a t e j and the Inner C o u n c i l t o give a definite r u l i n g i n difficult cases is expressly stated. G o l l has p o i n t e d o u t

129

T H E GENESIS OF T H E SCHISM

t h a t , a l t h o u g h neither the question o f the v a l i d i t y o f oaths n o r t h a t o f the admission o f members o f the n o b i l i t y i n t o the U n i t y was expressly dealt w i t h i n the edict, a positive answer was i m p l i c i t i n its decisions.

54

By the

edict o f Brandys, therefore, the h o l d i n g o f office, a more positive attitude to the demands o f the state, was officially recognized as being consistent w i t h the U n i t y way o f life, t h o u g h such recognition was s t i l l hedged a r o u n d w i t h numerous provisos a n d restrictions. I t was l a i d d o w n t h a t n o t only were office a n d a l l forms o f state service t o be avoided i f h u m a n l y possible i f exemption were n o t t o be obtained, or, at least those duties w h i c h directly conflicted w i t h C h r i s t i a n m o r a l i t y s h o u l d be refused.

Under no circumstances, either, were the Brethren

t o c a l l i n the a i d o f the state i n matters concerning U n i t y members alone. ' W e should n o t p e r m i t c i v i l a u t h o r i t y w i t h a l l its laws a n d punishments a m o n g ourselves.' Nevertheless, even here the edict gave a loophole f o r a further m o d i f i c a t i o n o f the rule later o n since, a l t h o u g h the Brethren were urged t o resist any attempt t o have recourse to the law a n d the state i n their o w n affairs, their o p p o s i t i o n was t o be carried o n 'moderately u n t i l a further understanding' had been reached. A t the same t i m e a conscientious objection clause was inserted i n the edict for those a m o n g the Brethren w h o held to the o l d principles. A l l t h a t was t o be demanded o f such persons was tolerance o f those Brethren whose consciences directed t h e m otherwise. A n y o n e f o r w h o m i t w o u l d be against their conscience to become an alderman, j u d g e , etc. [the edict states] should n o t be constrained b y the fact t h a t the Brethren allow this w i t h fitting reservations. Whoever w o u l d rather suffer should have the l i b e r t y t o d o so, o n c o n d i t i o n o n l y t h a t he does n o t vilify those w h o have approved this, a n d that he should n o t consider himself better t h a n those who d o n o t suffer. 55

5 4

G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p p . 1 7 6 , 1 7 7 . LukâS i n h i s ' O o b n o v e n i , ' fols. 9 5 v , 9 6 ( q u o t e d

ibid., p . 2 0 2 ) , states, h o w e v e r , t h a t the e d i c t e x p r e s s l y a l l o w e d ' n o b l e s a n d t h o s e i n a u t h o r i t y ' to be a c c e p t e d i n t o the U n i t y , u n d e r c e r t a i n c o n d i t i o n s , w i t h o u t r e n o u n c i n g t h e i r p o s i t i o n s . H e states h e r e , t o o , t h a t the e d i c t also p e r m i t t e d m e m b e r s o f the U n i t y to c a l l i n the a i d o f the l a w ' f o r t h e i r o w n defence,' a p o i n t w h i c h does not figure i n t h e o t h e r v e r s i o n s ; a n d , i n a d d i t i o n , t h a t it dealt w i t h the subject of o a t h s a n d t h e t y p e s o f e m p l o y m e n t p e r m i t t e d a m o n g the B r e t h r e n . I t is m o s t l i k e l y , h o w e v e r , t h a t this a c c o u n t w a s n o t s o m u c h a précis o f the e d i c t ' s c o n t e n t s a s a s u m m a r y o f the inferences d r a w n f r o m it o v e r the n e x t few y e a r s . **

Odpis,

fols. 4 6 v , 4 7 ( q u o t e d ibid.,

pp. 2 1 3 , 2 1 4 ) .

T h e edict appears

v e r s i o n s , a p a r t f r o m the o n e g i v e n b y Lukââ i n h i s Odpis. important variations from Lukâs's Psani

proti

t h e Zprava

tent, ktefii

samymi

vêtit pismy

strany bez

chtëji. T h e r e is a l s o a s h o r t e n e d v e r s i o n i n O obnoveni,

o

in several

G o l l - K r o f t a p r i n t s the m o r e rozmlouvâni

v Chlumci

zprâvcùv neb knëïi see n o t e 54.

zpravovati

and se

130

THE GENESIS OF T H E SCHISM

F o r a decade a n d more the edict o f Brandy s was t o be a bone o f content i o n between the t w o factions w i t h i n the U n i t y , a source o f bitterness a n d hatred between one B r o t h e r and another. F o r those w h o remained l o y a l to the o l d p o l i t i c a l and social doctrines i t meant a betrayal o f their dearest principles. The o n l y motive for these changes, i n their view, was a desire to escape persecution. T h r o u g h the edict their opponents ' h a d let the looseness o f the w o r l d ' i n t o the U n i t y ; a n d i t is, indeed, h a r d to a v o i d the conclusion that, since h o l d i n g office, going t o the wars, condemning criminals to death a n d p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n their t o r t u r e and execution, a n d the other actions h i t h e r t o officially f o r b i d d e n to the Brethren, were s t i l l t o be avoided at almost any cost, a quite understandable desire t o p u t an end to the suffering i n v o l v e d i n resistance was n o w i n fact the m a i n reason f o r justifying c o n f o r m i t y i n the final instance. I f objection were taken o n l y t o those actions involved i n carrying o u t such duties 'as were against G o d , ' why still advise U n i t y members t o avoid the other a n d less reprehensible duties altogether i f this were a t a l l possible? The logic o f the situation was finally to drive the U n i t y still further o n the r o a d towards c o n f o r m i t y . B u t f o r some years the opponents o f the O l d Brethren continued flatly to deny any t r u t h i n such assertions. T h e y claimed that the Brethren h a d n o t ceased t o be persecuted after the passing o f the edict, t h o u g h they h a d t o a d m i t , indeed, t h a t i t was n o longer t h e i r attitude t o the state w h i c h gave rise t o such persecution. T h e recent changes were due, they said, t o the fact that they h a d n o w regained 'the true i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f the h o l y s c r i p t u r e s . '

56

T h e demand f o r this h a d

come f r o m below, f r o m the rank-and-file B r e t h r e n ; a n d , anyhow, f r o m the beginning the rigorists h a d n o t been consistent. 'Those w h o advocated not swearing, n o t accepting office etc. i n reality were n o t themselves constant i n this m a t t e r . '

57

The call t o preserve m u t u a l t o l e r a t i o n was t o remain only a pious hope. Nevertheless the assembly h a d b r o k e n u p i n a conciliatory atmosphere. Either o n the same day as the edict was approved by the delegates o r o n the day f o l l o w i n g - Lukas's account is n o t clear o n this p o i n t - a further resolution was read o u t a n d likewise accepted b y those present.

The

decisions j u s t taken, this said, h a d n o t been reached i n a h u r r y , b u t over a period o f several years, as a result o f lengthy consideration by B r o t h e r Matej and his Inner C o u n c i l o f the problems involved. They were n o t light decisions b u t such as were forced u p o n t h e m by dire necessity.

The

leadership o f the U n i t y , i t was claimed, h a d done its u t m o s t t o show *•

A . J . B . , I V , fol. 143v.

"

Ibid., fol. 2 8 .

131

T H E GENESIS OF T H E SCHISM

tolerance o f a l l points o f view. 'Therefore, i f anyone has any objections [i.e. t o the decisions taken], great or small, let h i m make them k n o w n before y o u depart.'

B u t 'they a l l said that they approved and w i t h o u t

more ado accepted everything as g o o d . '

58

There is m u c h that is h a r d t o understand i n the story as related by Lukas. I t is certain t h a t there were opponents o f the v i e w p o i n t expressed i n the edict present at the assembly: 'certain persons o f the p r i m i t i v e ' h i g h ' way o f t h i n k i n g (nekteri

z prvniho

vysokeho smysleni),''

h a r d t o see w h y they ' h i d (zatajili)'

L u k a s calls t h e m . B u t i t is

their opinions at this c r i t i c a l moment,

especially when i t is realized that b o t h A m o s a n d J a k u b , the t w o future leaders o f the o p p o s i t i o n M i n o r Party, m e n w h o appear later as remarkably outspoken i n the defence o f their views, were delegates to the assembly.

59

Were they t e m p o r a r i l y appeased b y the recognition

still

accorded the o l d doctrines i n the edict? O r were they perhaps overawed by the weight o f o p i n i o n o n the side o f a change i n doctrine a n d b y the superior learning o f their opponents?

Or, even m o r e l i k e l y , were they

m o t i v a t e d b y a c o m b i n a t i o n o f b o t h these reasons, feeling

t h a t as

things h a d t u r n e d o u t the best p l a n was t o bide their time and w a i t u n t i l they h a d returned a m o n g their o w n people, before opening the attack against the innovations? I n view o f the absence o f documentary evidence these can o n l y r e m a i n suppositions. W h a t is clear, however, is t h a t even t h o u g h n o one came f o r w a r d to voice their objections to the edict, the leadership o f the U n i t y was still apprehensive t h a t the seeming u n a n i m i t y w o u l d prove illusory, since they n o w b r o u g h t f o r w a r d still another supplementary resolution, w h i c h was f o r t h w i t h passed u n a n i m o u s l y : If, after t h i n k i n g things over o r f o r any other reasons, anyone should still find any objections [ i t stated] he s h o u l d neither speak n o r act openly or i n secret against this edict . . . b u t c o m i n g i n person - o r w r i t i n g - t o B r o t h e r M a t e j and his Brethren, he should i n f o r m t h e m o r that B r o t h e r w h o is i n charge o f the province. A n d Brother M a t e j and his Brethren should take the matter i n t o consideration, and arrange t h a t w i t h o u t disturbance things should either r e m a i n as they are o r something i n t h e m be changed. I f , however, anyone should n o t observe w h a t is here ordained . . . h a v i n g first been admonished, he s h o u l d then be corrected. B u t i f anyone, n o t o u t o f weakness b u t f r o m stubbornness and wilfulness, s h o u l d be u n w i l l i n g t o accept correction, b u t s h o u l d cause disturbances and dissension, then . . . shall he first be excluded f r o m the body and b l o o d o f the L o r d a n d , should he remain obstinate c o r r u p t i n g others, he shall be expelled f r o m "

Odpis,

"

' O o b n o v e n i , ' fol. 9 6 v ( q u o t e d ibid., p. 2 0 2 ) .

fol. 4 7 v ( q u o t e d ibid., p p . 2 1 4 , 2 1 5 ) .

T H E GENESIS O F T H E SCHISM

132

his congregation a n d , i f he continue i n his wickedness, f r o m the U n i t y as w e l l . 6 0

This resolution was t o figure p r o m i n e n t l y i n the f o r t h c o m i n g controversy. I t was to provide theoretical justification f o r the expulsion o f the leaders o f the M i n o r Party o n the grounds, n o t o f their o p p o s i t i o n t o the new regulations - f o r h a d n o t b o t h viewpoints been granted t o l e r a t i o n i n the edict o f Brandys? - b u t because o f their 'stubborness a n d wilfulness' and 'the disturbances and dissension' they were to i n s p i r e .

61

The protagonists o f the o l d doctrines h a d , indeed, c o m m i t t e d a tactical blunder i n n o t immediately c o m i n g o u t i n t o the open w i t h their o p p o s i t i o n t o the recent changes. They had given their opponents the o p p o r t u n i t y to b r a n d t h e m as destroyers o f the U n i t y ' s discipline, rebels against the properly constituted leadership. They had made i t harder f o r themselves to act as i f they were martyrs o f conscience, suffering o n account o f their religious beliefs and penalized by their opponents f o r r e m a i n i n g f a i t h f u l t o the o l d doctrines o f the U n i t y , even t h o u g h this may n o t have been so very far f r o m the t r u t h .

Odpis, fols. 4 7 v , 4 8 ( q u o t e d ibid., p. 2 1 5 ) . *

l

K r a s o n i c k y i n h i s ' O U c e n y c h , ' fol. 20 ( q u o t e d ibid., p. 2 0 7 ) , i n l i n e w i t h L u k a S ' s

a c c o u n t , says that neither A m o s n o r J a k u b gave t h e i r f o r m a l agreement to w h a t been e n a c t e d d u r i n g the a s s e m b l y .

T h i s is n o t i n c o n s i s t e n t , h o w e v e r ,

h a v i n g given tacit assent to t h i s p r o p o s a l t h r o u g h refraining f r o m a n y sign o f opposition.

A s L u k a S w r i t e s i n h i s Odpis,

be.

had

with their open

cit.: ' B e i n g s u m m o n e d to t h i s a s s e m b l y

a n d h a v i n g objections, they k e p t t h e m to themselves a n d thus s h o w e d a l a c k o f l o y a l t y , for indeed they k n e w quite well that w h o e v e r h o l d s h i s tongue i n s u c h m a t t e r s i n fact gives h i s c o n s e n t to w h a t is being e n a c t e d . '

I V

THE

BEGINNINGS

OF

THE

MINOR

PARTY

The edict o f Brandy's, however ill-defined its provisions may seem i n comparison w i t h the p o s i t i o n the Brethren were later t o take up i n f o r m u l a t i n g their new approach t o society, marks the first stage i n the i n t e r n a l r e v o l u t i o n w i t h i n the U n i t y . This r e v o l u t i o n was to t r a n s f o r m i t f r o m an obscure sect o f semi-literate peasants and h u m b l e artisans i n t o a religious c o m m u n i t y , i n w h i c h the aristocracy o f b i r t h a n d wealth as well as o f learning a n d literature were t o play their part i n m a k i n g i t one o f the most v i t a l forces i n the history o f the Czech lands d u r i n g the century preceding the battle o f the W h i t e M o u n t a i n .

B u t the victory o f the

reformers was bought at a great price. T h e y were prepared t o t h r o w over almost a l l those doctrines o f the early Brethren w h i c h signified their distinctive c o n t r i b u t i o n t o the history o f p o l i t i c a l t h o u g h t . They were ready t o abandon the attempt to live o u t the ideal o f the early C h r i s t i a n church n o t - as the medieval monastic orders had done - apart f r o m the w o r l d , b u t w i t h i n society. The r e v o l u t i o n , however, was n o t carried t h r o u g h w i t h o u t a struggle. The controversy w h i c h ensued was, indeed, m a r k e d by a l l the bitterness and rancour and verbal slander, w h i c h quarrels i n the realm o f theology o r politics seem almost inevitably t o arouse. B u t i t was n o t u n t i l after the assembly o f Brandys was over t h a t a well-defined p a r t y arose a m o n g the Brethren, w h i c h was eventually prepared t o split the U n i t y and go i n t o the wilderness rather than sanction any adulteration o f the o l d doctrines. The history o f the M i n o r Party (Mensi strand), as these Brethren are usually k n o w n , is associated i n particular w i t h t w o names: A m o s a n d 1

Jakub (or K u b i k ) StSkensky,

1

b o t h participants i n the conference

of

T h e i r o p p o n e n t s w h o , it w a s s o o n to b e c o m e c l e a r , f o r m e d the m a j o r i t y o f t h e U n i t y

w e r e often k n o w n 'progressive', parties.

a s the M a j o r P a r t y (VetSi

strand).

T h e epithets,

'conservative,'

' r a d i c a l , ' etc., h a v e b e e n u s e d by m o d e m h i s t o r i a n s to d e s c r i b e

both

T h i s h a s l e d to s o m e c o n f u s i o n a n d i n d e e d begs the issue. W h e r e v e r p o s s i b l e

I have avoided such terms.

134

T H E BEGINNINGS OF T H E MINOR PARTY

Brandys w h o n o w went back t o their home district o f Prachefl i n s o u t h Bohemia and immediately began a vigorous campaign against the new trends i n the U n i t y , and against the recently p r o m u l g a t e d edict i n p a r t i c ular. Soon after their r e t u r n home the t w o composed a tract i n defence o f the o l d d o c t r i n e w h i c h they then sent t o Brother M a t e j .

2

This was,

indeed, quite i n accordance w i t h the provisions o f the edict o f Brandos. However, they d i d n o t then wait for MatSj's answer, b u t began agitating among their fellow Brethren against the decisions taken at Brandys, whereby they made themselves liable t o disciplinary action f r o m their church authorities. I t is at the assembly o f Brandys that the names o f the t w o future leaders o f the M i n o r Party are met w i t h for the first time. I n later controversy i t is A m o s w h o figures most p r o m i n e n t l y . ' A m o n g a l l the schismatics he was first and foremost [writes Lukas i n 1527] being the source (puvod) o f them a l l . '

3

Nevertheless, i t was rather J a k u b the M i l l e r f r o m Steken i n

the district o f Pracheri, w o n over by A m o s f o r the cause o f the o l d doctrines about a year before the h o l d i n g o f the assembly o f Brandys, w h o 4

at first assumed the leadership. O f Jakub's early career almost n o t h i n g is known.

5

Lukas, however, has preserved several details a b o u t the activities o f Amos, his lifelong opponent, relating t o the period before 1490. He h a d been, says L u k a s , ' p r o m i n e n t i n the B a n d o f L o v e (v rote milovney before he j o i n e d the B r e t h r e n : by w h i c h statement L u k a s meant that A m o s had been one o f those converted by Brother R e h o f to the U n i t y f r o m the Adamites. This may w e l l be true. B u t L u k a s goes o n t o give some further bits o f i n f o r m a t i o n o f a scurrilous nature, the t r u t h o f w h i c h is more t h a n doubtful.

A m o s , L u k a s claims, had been f r o m the beginning a secret

enemy o f Brother Rehof, a k i n d o f

fifth-columnist

a m o n g the B r e t h r e n ;

he led, moreover, a n i m m o r a l life and had amassed a large fortune t h r o u g h various shady dealings. H e was probably, i t is true, always a somewhat difficult character to handle, b u t the accusations o f personal dishonesty and i m m o r a l i t y are u n p r o v e n . A m o s had originated f r o m U h e r s k y B r o d i n M o r a v i a and later became a trader i n wax, an occupation permitted to its members by the strict social code o f the early Brethren and one w h i c h must have brought h i m i n t o contact w i t h a wide circle o f acquaintances i n *

L u k a s , ' O o b n o v e n i , ' fol. 9 6 v ; K r a s o n i c k y , ' O u c e n y c h , ' fol. 2 0 ; L u k a s " , Odpis

odriencom, Chelcicky

proti

fol. 4 8 ; A k t a J e d n o t y B r a t r s k e , I V , fols. 145, 145v ( q u o t e d G o l l - K r o f t a , a Jednota

v XV.

stoleti,

pp. 2 0 3 , 207, 2 1 5 , 2 1 6 ) .

3

A . J . B . , I V , fol. I l l v.

4

Safarik, ' B r . J a n a B l a h o s l a v a h i s t o r i e b r a t f i c e s k y c h , ' C. C. M.,

•

J i r e c e k , Rukovit

k dijinam

literatury

ceske, I , p. 4 3 0 .

1862, p. 107.

135

T H E BEGINNINGS OF T H E MINOR PARTY

different parts o f Bohemia a n d M o r a v i a .

H e n o w made his home at

V o d n a n y i n south Bohemia, n o t far f r o m ChelCicky's native village; and f r o m here carried o n a successful business a c t i v i t y .

4

H e was also p r o m i -

nent locally i n the c h u r c h life o f his province, being an assistant o f the U n i t y clergy.

(pomocnik)

7

I t is impossible t o say w h a t measure o f support A m o s a n d J a k u b possessed either before or after their r e t u r n f r o m the assembly o f Brandys. T h e followers w h o m they were t o gather a r o u n d t h e m d u r i n g the next few years were n o t , according t o M i i l l e r , confined o n l y to their o w n province o f Prachen, b u t were t o be f o u n d elsewhere a m o n g the U n i t y congregations a r o u n d Beroun, L a n s k r o u n , L i t o m y s l , K l a t o v , as well as i n Moravia.

8

K r a s o n i c k y says t h a t ' o f the schismatics there were at the

beginning only t w o , ' A m o s and J a k u b .

9

This is certainly a gross exag-

geration, b u t i t may be t r u e t h a t they were at first the o n l y ones ready to take an active lead against the innovators. They certainly had quite a n u m b e r o f supporters a n d sympathizers among the delegates at the assembly, as the whole course o f the proceedings clearly shows; and Lukas expressly states t h a t ' A m o s was present at this assembly some o f his supporters (s svymi

with

nekterymi).'

10

D e v o t i o n to the ideals o f Brother R e h o f and the O l d Brethren must have been widespread a m o n g U n i t y members t h r o u g h o u t the c o u n t r y , despite the increasing hardships entailed i n c a r r y i n g them i n t o practice. S u p p o r t f o r them was f o r t h c o m i n g expecially f r o m the older generation, as w e l l as f r o m the c o u n t r y Brethren a n d the poorest members i n the towns, m a n y o f w h o m retained something o f the u n c o m p r o m i s i n g t h i r s t after r i g h t eousness unsullied b y contact w i t h the w o r l d , w h i c h so strongly characterized the way o f life o f the Brethren d u r i n g the first t w o decades o f the U n i t y ' s existence.

The rigorists were especially strong i n south Bohemia,

the country o f Chelfcicky and the Taborites, whose inhabitants were f a m i l i a r w i t h the most radical traditions o f the Hussite movement, w i t h their roots i n these parts stretching back t o the obscure

Waldensian

sectaries o f the p e r i o d before H u s . I t is n o t then mere chance t h a t i t was also f r o m south Bohemia t h a t the t w o leaders o f the p a r t y w h i c h strove to m a i n t a i n the t r a d i t i o n o f social radicalism i n the U n i t y came; and t h a t i t was here that their m a i n strength lay. 6

A . J . B . , I V , fols, 110v, 112v ( q u o t e d ibid., p p . 2 2 2 , 2 2 3 ) ; Odpis,

p. 2 1 2 ) . C f . J i r e t e k , op. cit., I , p p . 14, 1 5 ; K r o f t a , O bratrskem 7

H r e j s a , Dejiny

8

M i i l l e r - B a r t o s , Dejiny

• 1 0

krest'anstvi

v Ceskoslovensku,

Jednoty

bratrske,

f o l . 4 5 ( q u o t e d ibid.,

d(jepisect\i,

p. 10.

I V , p. 129.

I , p. 168.

K r a s o n i c k y , ' P s a n l p r o t i K a l e n c o w i o p u o w o d u o d t r z e n c u w , ' fol. 3 5 7 v . A . J . B . , I V , fol. 1 lOv ( q u o t e d ibid., p. 2 2 2 ) .

T H E BEGINNINGS OF T H E MINOR P A R T Y

136

I t was, therefore, i n the c o u n t r y a r o u n d their native Prácheñ that A m o s and K u b i k n o w began t o r a l l y their supporters i n defence o f the o l d doctrines. T h e sources give scarcely any personal details about those w h o m they w o n over t o f o r m the nucleus o f the future M i n o r Party. K r a s o n i c k y writes t h a t 'these t w o then sought t o o b t a i n the help o f anyone they c o u l d persuade, chiefly such as the Brethren were to expel o n account o f their sins and their wilfulness and other evils.' is mostly abuse.

11

Once more this

B u t i t seems t r u e that some o f the m o r e restless a n d

fractious spirits i n the U n i t y were d r a w n i n t o the M i n o r Party, t h o u g h the charges o f loose l i v i n g and i m m o r a l i t y , b r o u g h t b y opponents such as Lukás and K r a s o n i c k y , must be treated w i t h the greatest c a u t i o n . Only t w o names are k n o w n o f these first disciples enlisted by A m o s a n d Jakub f o r their cause. There was, first, VodiSka, a t a i l o r i n Chlumec, w h o seems t o have steered a rather erratic course i n his spiritual life, changing his religious allegiance several times. A n o t h e r supporter A m o s a n d Jakub were soon to find i n M a t o u s the Weaver f r o m L a n s k r o u n , an even more u n r u l y character s t i r r i n g u p dissension wherever he went, about w h o m K r a s o n i c k y , w h o knew h i m well, writes i n some detail. H e was n o t one o f those w h o , like A m o s h i m self, had j o i n e d the U n i t y i n its very first days; b u t apparently as early as 1488 he h a d been expelled f r o m the U n i t y , allegedly f o r causing d i s t u r b ances among the Brethren and for denying Christ's divine nature. B u t the exact reasons f o r his expulsion are somewhat obscure. They seem t o have also been connected w i t h disputes over such points o f U n i t y belief as the attitude t o be adopted by Brethren towards the state. H e was evidently o f an argumentative a n d self-assertive disposition, b u t w i t h an interest i n theological and ethical problems unusual i n a simple layman. Prior to his expulsion he t o o k an active p a r t i n the controversy over justification by f a i t h o r by w o r k s ; and he disputed p u b l i c l y as w e l l w i t h Krasonicky, w h o was then v i s i t i n g preacher i n L a n s k r o u n , o n the weight to be put o n the O l d Testament. M a t o u s t o l d K r a s o n i c k y after the latter had used a q u o t a t i o n f r o m the O l d Testament i n his address: ' W h a t are you daring to assert? W h a t have we t o d o w i t h the Jews? We have the New, not O l d Testament.'

12

Despite attempts o n the p a r t o f K r a s o n i c k y

and the Brethren to convince h i m o f the wrongness o f his general position

"

K r a s o n i c k y , ' P s a n i , ' fol. 358.

"

M a t o u S w a s to m a k e a s i m i l a r r e m a r k s o m e y e a r s later d u r i n g t h e

conference

(rozmlouvání) at C h l u m e c i n 1 4 % . S e e C h a p . V , p. 172. A s h a s been seen, b o t h C h e l c i c k y a n d R e h o f were to e m p h a s i z e the s u b o r d i n a t e p l a c e w h i c h , i n t h e i r o p i n i o n , the O l d Testament should hold in Christian dogma.

THE BEGINNINGS

137

O F T H E MINOR P A R T Y

he continued o b d u r a t e ; a n d when i n 1490 A m o s a n d J a k u b appeared o n the scene, 'he immediately j o i n e d them a n d soon became one o f the leaders' o f their party. fairly well educated.'

' H e was eloquent [ K r a s o n i c k y adds] and was

13

B u t the o l d ideology must also have h a d its followers w i t h i n the Inner C o u n c i l . Brother M a t e j , its head, was, as has been seen, himself i n close sympathy w i t h the o l d doctrines enunciated by his master, Brother Rehof, a n d l o o k e d w i t h considerable misgiving o n the new tendencies i n the U n i t y w h i c h aimed at setting these aside.

Probably already i n the very

same year as that i n w h i c h the assembly o f Brandys was held, a change i n the c o m p o s i t i o n o f the I n n e r C o u n c i l was made, whereby those members favourable t o the recent changes retired, giving place t o 'the good o l d Brethren.' The

circumstances i n w h i c h the changeover t o o k place are

most

difficult t o ascertain. There are three accounts left b y contemporaries: t w o by L u k a s a n d the t h i r d f r o m K r a s o n i c k y .

I n his O obnoveni

the

f o r m e r writes t h a t Klenovsky and his party w i t h i n the I n n e r C o u n c i l : Seeing that assent h a d indeed been given, b u t that there was little realization and small understanding o f its contents, decided, therefore, that the edict o f Brandys should be rescinded and a r e t u r n made t o the p r i m i t i v e doctrine (prvni smysl). A n d that those w h o felt unable t o participate i n this task should retire f r o m the I n n e r C o u n c i l , a n d those w h o w o u l d f o r w a r d i t should be elected i n their stead. A n d i t was a l l b r o u g h t a b o u t w i t h good i n t e n t i o n a n d i n the spirit o f m u t u a l service, so t h a t those w h o imagined they knew [i.e. w h a t was g o o d ] should discover f r o m practical experience t h a t i n fact they d i d n o t k n o w . . . and afterwards be m o r e peaceable and c o m p l i a n t . 14

Krasonicky's version adds several further details t o this p i c t u r e : T h e o l d c o u n c i l , realizing t h a t they w o u l d n o t achieve a n y t h i n g i f they wanted t o give practical effect t o this edict [i.e. o f Brandys], b u t o n l y create t r o u b l e , having come to their decision, i t seems, after seeking G o d ' s w i l l , gave over the reins t o Brother M a t e j . . . and retired f r o m the council, and each o f t h e m f o u n d himself a trade, saying that they were w i l l i n g t o obey Brother M a t e j . . . . A n d this greatly pleased h i m and he appointed a new c o u n c i l f r o m the g o o d o l d B r e t h r e n . 15

"

Ibid., fols. 3 5 8 - 3 5 9 v ( q u o t e d i n p a r t i n G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p p . 1 8 5 , 1 8 7 ) . I t s h o u l d

be b o r n e i n m i n d that a l m o s t a l l the b i o g r a p h i c a l i n f o r m a t i o n w h i c h h a s c o m e d o w n a b o u t the m e m b e r s o f the M i n o r P a r t y o r i g i n a t e s f r o m e x t r e m e l y h o s t i l e s o u r c e s . "

' O o b n o v e n i , ' fol. 97 ( q u o t e d ibid., p. 2 0 3 ) . C f . Odpis,

w h i c h is m u c h briefer.

fol. 4 8 ( q u o t e d ibid., p. 2 1 6 ) ,

T h e d a t i n g here o f the c h a n g e - o v e r i n 1492 is i n c o r r e c t .

The

s t a t e m e n t t h a t m a n y o t h e r B r e t h r e n besides A m o s a n d J a k u b ' g a v e v e r y f a i n t - h e a r t e d a s s i s t a n c e ' i n c a r r y i n g o u t the edict o f B r a n d y s s h o w s t h a t the l a t t e r still h a d p o t e n t i a l s u p p o r t e r s a m o n g U n i t y m e m b e r s at t h a t t i m e . "

' O u c e n y c h , ' fols. 2 0 , 20v ( q u o t e d ibid., p. 2 0 7 ) .

many

138

T H E BEGINNINGS O F T H E MINOR

PARTY

D o these accounts tell the whole story? O r was there a greater degree o f involuntariness a b o u t the resignations? M o d e r n historians are divided o n this p o i n t ; a n d , indeed, i n view o f the lack o f positive evidence the t r u t h can o n l y be surmised. G i n d e l y , * f o r instance, as well as D e n i s 1

17

later,

held t h a t the changes i n the c o m p o s i t i o n o f the I n n e r C o u n c i l a n d the rescinding o f the edict o f Brandys were due rather t o the strength o f the party s u p p o r t i n g the o l d doctrines, w h i c h was able t o oust its opponents f r o m office a n d r e t u r n to the status quo ante. T h i s , t o o , is the version given b y the M i n o r Party, according to w h i c h Matëj removed K l e n o v s k y and his supporters ' f r o m office as u n w o r t h y people

...

and, having

swept aside one c o u n c i l , appointed i n its place another, w h i c h f o u n d favour' i n his eyes.

18

Müller

19

and Tapié,

20

however, take Lukás's a n d

Krasonicky's statements m o r e at their face value. T h e most probable explanation is perhaps the one given b y G ö l l : that, t h o u g h Lukás's account, w r i t t e n t w e n t y years after the events described, is n o t consciously misleading, nevertheless other factors overlooked by Lukás were present i n the decision t o resign, factors o f a m o r e i n v o l u n t a r y n a t u r e .

21

One such element was, besides the n a t u r a l desire h i n t e d at i n K r a s o nicky's account t o a v o i d creating dissension a m o n g the Brethren, the further fact t h a t B r o t h e r Matëj at this t i m e made a successful attempt to escape f r o m the d o m i n a t i n g influence o f K l e n o v s k y , w h o h a d been his close adviser for some years.

U n d e r Klenovsky's guidance Matëj h a d

given somewhat hesitant a p p r o v a l to the changes i n the U n i t y ' s p o l i t i c a l and social doctrines t h a t h a d recently been enacted. B u t he remained at heart attached t o the o l d ideals; and even before 1490 he seems to have been apprehensive that, as he later confided to the leaders o f the M i n o r Party, ' t h r o u g h Klenovsky the U n i t y w i l l become t a i n t e d ' by contact w i t h the w o r l d . A t the same t i m e his fears increased that the new tendencies w o u l d c o r r u p t 'the t h o u g h t and action o f the Brothers a n d Sisters.' M a n y

1 4

G i n d e l y , Geschichte

der Böhmischen Brüder, I , p. 6 7 : ' A l l e i n s o f r i e d l i c h g i n g es bei

dieser V e r a n l a s s u n g , w i e a l l e sonstigen B e r i c h t e zeigen, n i c h t h e r ; L u k á s selbst hält s i c h i n eine a b s i c h t l i c h e U n k l a r h e i t bei Erzählung d e r g a n z e n B e g e b e n h e i t e i n u n d w a r z u sehr bemüht, die frühere Z e i t v o r j e d e m grellen L i c h t e z u b e w a h r e n . '

H i s Statement,

ibid., p. 66, that a n o t h e r a s s e m b l y w a s h e l d later i n 1490, at w h i c h a s t r o n g r e p r e s e n tation of the O l d B r e t h r e n w a s present, a n d that d u r i n g the c o u r s e o f t h i s a s s e m b l y Matèj dismissed the m o d e r a t e s f r o m h i s c o u n c i l , is definitely i n c o r r e c t . 1 7

D e n i s , Fin de l'Indépendance Bohème, I , p. 3 4 7 : ' L e récit de L o u k a c h est u n a p o l o g i e

visiblement arrangée d a n s le b u t d e rejeter t o u s les torts s u r les rigoristes.' 1 8

' P s a n i jakéhos knëze J a n a Appolinafského,' Casopis

"

M M l e r - B a r t o S , op. cit., p p . 159, 160.

1 0

Tapié, line église tchèque au XVe

"

G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p. 178.

siècle: L'Unité

historicky,

1882, n o . 2 , p. 6 6 .

des Frères, p. 101.

THE BEGINNINGS OF THE MINOR P A R T Y

139

o f the members o f the I n n e r C o u n c i l f r o m Klenovsky's p a r t y had at t h a t t i m e , according t o M a t e j , 'scornfully abused the o l d teaching and the o l d doctrine.'

M a t e j later claimed that he had defended the o l d doctrines

against their attacks. ' B u t he was hedged a r o u n d b y K l e n o v s k y as w i t h a fence a n d s u r r o u n d e d as w i t h a w a l l and bestrown as w i t h stones and arguments.'

22

T h e t w o men, indeed, differed enormously f r o m each other b o t h i n temperament a n d character, as w e l l as i n b a c k g r o u n d a n d education. 'They are as alike as heaven and earth,' was the verdict o f some one w h o knew b o t h w e l l .

K l e n o v s k y was 'well versed i n m a n y matters; w h i l e

Brother M a t e j is a simple, guileless m a n . '

2 3

Perhaps j u s t because o f these

differences the t w o m e n t o some extent complemented each other. Cert a i n l y M a t e j relied greatly o n Klenovsky's superior education a n d k n o w ledge o f the w o r l d ; w h i l e , f o r the latter, Matej's c h i l d l i k e simplicity p r o v i d e d a n element l a c k i n g i n his o w n character. T h e i r c o l l a b o r a t i o n , however, was by n o means easy. F o r reasons w h i c h remain obscure K l e n o v s k y had stayed i n the b a c k g r o u n d t h r o u g h o u t most o f the proceedings o f the assembly o f B r a n d y s .

24

S h o r t l y after the assem-

bly, feeling himself now strong enough to stand o n his o w n , M a t e j entered once more i n t o alliance w i t h the O l d Brethren, whose convictions o n the controversial issues o f the day he shared to the f u l l , even t h o u g h he h a d n o t always h a d the courage t o c h a m p i o n them. T h i s b r o u g h t a definite break w i t h K l e n o v s k y .

I n a private interview between the t w o m e n , the

latter demanded f r o m M a t e j a clarification o f his still somewhat a m b i guous position.

' Y o u shall n o t leave the r o o m , B r o t h e r M a t e j [said

Klenovsky] u n t i l y o u have said w h i c h doctrine (smyst) y o u h o l d , that o f the O l d Brethren o r the new doctrine, f o r y o u s h o u l d realize . . .

that

w o r l d l y a u t h o r i t i y is pressing i n t o the U n i t y and has indeed already gained admittance w i t h a l l its rights, w i t h the one possible exception o f f i g h t i n g i n matters o f religion.' I n reply M a t e j f r a n k l y avowed his allegiance to the o l d doctrines o f ChelCicky a n d R e h o f .

25

This incident p r o b a b l y t o o k place i n 1490 after the assembly o f Brandys, t h o u g h i t is unclear whether immediately p r i o r t o , o r j u s t after the change-over i n the I n n e r C o u n c i l . * Indeed, very little is k n o w n at a l l 2

about the whole period between the r e t u r n to power o f the O l d B r e t h r e n "

Cas, historicky,

"

' O u c e n y c h , ' fols. 24v, 2 5 .

4 1

G o l t - K r o f t a , op. cit., p. 177.

p. 6 4 .

"

Cas. historlcky,

"

G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p. 2 3 4 .

p. 6 4 .

140

THE BEGINNINGS

OF T H E MINOR

PARTY

and their final replacement by those representing the new tendencies at the assembly o f Rychnov i n 1494. O f the members w h o m Matëj n o w appointed

to seats i n the Inner C o u n c i l i n place o f the resigning

members, only the names o f t w o are k n o w n definitely: J a k u b and Matëj U h l i r , w h o later went over t o Klenovsky's p a r t y .

27

I t is probable, too,

that Brother M i c h a l w h o followed Matëj i n a somewhat hesitant l o y a l t y t o the o l d principles was also a member o f the council d u r i n g this p e r i o d ;

2 8

and several o f the members o f the previous council, w h o to some extent represented the t r a d i t i o n a l viewpoint, may also have continued i n office after the more m i l i t a n t protagonists o f the revised doctrine, l i k e K l e n o v sky, Táborsky and P r o k o p , had resigned. T h e o l d regulations p r o h i b i t i n g U n i t y members f r o m p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n any f o r m o f activity connected w i t h the state were once again p u t i n t o force, t h o u g h i t is d o u b t f u l whether disciplinary action, t h o u g h threatened, was ever actually taken against Brethren w h o d i d n o t f u l l y observe them. The reversal o f the decisions taken at Brandos, however, n o w seemed complete.

T h e official head o f the U n i t y , Brother Matëj, had

given his blessing t o the changes, o r d a i n i n g t h a t 'whoever t o o k the oath should be excluded f r o m the sacraments,' while 'he w h o s h o u l d be p r i v y t o the death o f a fellow m a n should be expelled' ; and he went himself t o Stékeñ a n d the Práchen area o n a friendly visit t o confer w i t h A m o s a n d Jakub a n d the other members o f their p a r t y . D u r i n g this visit Matëj 'reached complete agreement (smlouvu s námi délai)' w i t h the latter o n the attitude w h i c h the U n i t y should adopt towards the demands o f the state; and he 'condemned the recent innovations a n d decreed t h a t they should return unanimously t o the o l d doctrine and base their actions o n i t . ' A b o u t this t i m e , t o o , he wrote them several pastoral letters, strongly criticizing the previous council for its attempts t o adulterate the p u r i t y o f U n i t y doctrine and f o r the first time m a k i n g p u b l i c the doubts w h i c h h a d for long existed i n his o w n m i n d as to the w i s d o m o f their policy.

His

suspicions o f K l e n o v s k y and his associates had started, he wrote, ' i m m e diately after Rehor's death when [he] succeeded t o the leadership and dissension had b r o k e n o u t among the Brethren, one speaking contrary t o another.'

One o f his letters was n o w 'read o u t before an i m p o r t a n t

congregation composed o f b o t h sexes.' *'

29

These writings o f Matëj were

Ibid., p. 2 4 5 . T h e list o f m e m b e r s given b y the later U n i t y h i s t o r i a n , B r o t h e r Jafet,

i n his Meé

GoliàJâv, c o m p l e t e d i n 1607 a n d p r i n t e d b y J i r e c e k , ' B . J a n a J a f e t a krátká

zpráva o biskupích a starSích J e d n o t y bratrské,' C. C. M., almost entirely i m a g i n a r y . "

Ibid., p. 178.

"

Cas. historicky,

pp. 6 4 - 6 6 .

1861, p. 144, is p r o b a b l y

141

T H E BEGINNINGS OF T H E MINOR P A R T Y

later t o be b r o u g h t u p against h i m by A m o s a n d Jakub as p r o o f o f his 'waverings' comparable to 'the perversity o f [Pope] Sylvester.'

30

The p e r i o d o f the O l d Brethren's renewed predominance w i t h i n the U n i t y were years o f uncertainty, o f seeking o n a l l sides for

guidance

t h r o u g h the problems that beset the U n i t y . The struggle between the t w o different codes o f social behaviour was n o t b y any means settled once for a l l . Members o n b o t h sides were, indeed, assailed b y doubts and hesitations as t o the correct course o f action. I t was perhaps i n p a r t as a result o f the controversy o n the C h r i s t i a n attitude to the state that the proposal may n o w have arisen to send a d e p u t a t i o n to visit the churches i n the East, i n the birthplace o f C h r i s t i a n i t y , i n order to get firsthand i n f o r m a t i o n as t o h o w far stories t h a t the p r i m i t i v e C h r i s t i a n f a i t h was still preserved i n these lands i n a l l its p u r i t y were true. The i n i t i a t i v e seems t o have come f r o m the r e f o r m i n g p a r t y , anxious to see i f they c o u l d get c o n f i r m a t i o n for their innovations a m o n g other C h r i s t i a n groups also a t t e m p t i n g l i k e the U n i t y to base their whole way o f life o n an u n c o m p r o m i s i n g adherence t o the ideals o f their Master. The congregation at L i t o m y s l was especially active i n the project: the clash w i t h the authorities over the U n i t y ' s attitude to their demands was, as has been seen, n o t merely o f theoretical interest, b u t o f practical significance f o r the t o w n s f o l k a m o n g the Brethren. A t this time . . . the elders o f the L i t o m y s l Brethren held frequent c o n ferences w i t h m a n y i m p o r t a n t persons and, i n particular, w i t h [Bohus K o s t k a , the l o r d o f L i t o m y s l a n d a member o f the U n i t y ] . . . e n q u i r i n g a l l the time whether there existed anywhere i n the w o r l d a people w h o still preserved the manner a n d order o f the p r i m i t i v e c h u r c h , . . . desiring always t o have c o m m u n i o n w i t h such people a n d n o t wishing t o be schismatics and sectaries. A n d they decided t h a t certain persons f r o m their m i d s t s h o u l d be sent t o foreign a n d distant parts i n order that they m i g h t see w i t h their o w n eyes a n d discover f o r themselves, f o r they d i d n o t w a n t to rely o n mere tales t o l d t h e m b y persons corning t o Bohemia f r o m those countries. The funds for the expedition were provided by Bohus K o s t k a , w h o was also instrumental i n o b t a i n i n g letters o f i n t r o d u c t i o n f r o m K i n g Vladislav for the f o u r Brethren chosen to make the j o u r n e y .

These were M a r e s

K o k o v e c , 'a w o r t h y m a n o f k n i g h t l y r a n k ' ; K a b a t n i k , the L i t o m y s l 3 0

A . J . B . , I V ( O p i s ) , fol. 133 ( q u o t e d i n G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p. 2 2 5 ) . I t is n o t at a l l

c l e a r f r o m the s c a n t y i n f o r m a t i o n g i v e n i n the Zprdva tract i n w h a t c h r o n o l o g i c a l

menSi

strany

and Jakub's

o r d e r the events d e s c r i b e d a c t u a l l y o c c u r r e d .

first

F r o m the

p h r a s i n g i n p l a c e s it w o u l d a l m o s t s e e m a s i f M a t e j w r o t e s o m e o f h i s letters {pismo cedule)

a

t o the P r a c h e n c o n g r e g a t i o n s e v e n before the r e s i g n a t i o n o f Klenovsky^ a n d h i s

friends f r o m the I n n e r C o u n c i l o r h i s o w n v i s i t a t i o n o f the s o u t h .

142

THE BEGINNINGS OF THE MINOR P A R T Y

clothier w h o had participated i n the p r e l i m i n a r y conferences w i t h B o h u s ; a certain Kaspar, a former Waldensian f r o m B r a n d e n b u r g ; and Brother Lukas himself. The four men set off i n M a r c h 1491, r e t u r n i n g to Bohemia i n N o v e m b e r 1492.

T h e details o f the j o u r n e y , some o f w h i c h are

recorded i n the account w h i c h the semi-illiterate K a b a t n i k dictated t o his friend, A d a m Bakalaf, a b o u t ten years later, do n o t concern us here. Once again the Brethren experienced the same disappointment as i n their earlier contacts w i t h the Russian and Greek churches i n B r o t h e r Rehor's day, and as they were to do a few years later w i t h the I t a l i a n Waldenses. They failed i n each case t o f i n d the ideal Christian c o m m u n i t y w h i c h they were seeking.

31

A t home the trials w h i c h the Brethren were experiencing i n their attempts to put their principles i n t o practice i n face o f the hostility o f the state, continued to increase. A c c o r d i n g to the Historia Fratrum, i n 1492 the Inner C o u n c i l devoted over a m o n t h , f r o m 23 A p r i l u n t i l 25 M a y , t o discussing the problems i n general.

32

I n the same year K o r a n d a , the

administrator o f the U t r a q u i s t church and a f o r m e r U n i t y sympathizer, addressed a special letter t o Bohus K o s t k a , deprecating the Brethren's refusal t o take up office when elected. H e entitled his epistle: Ze pigharti odpieraji byti konsele. There have been a n d there still are [writes K o r a n d a ] certain people w h o refuse t o accept office as aldermen or i n any other capacity, seemingly because they do n o t w a n t t o administer justice, h a v i n g regard t o the scriptural passage: 'Judge n o t , that ye be n o t j u d g e d ' [ M a t t . V I I , 1] w h i c h they interpret i n their o w n fashion.' ' B u t [he goes o n t o argue] since these Brethren consider themselves more perfect than the rest o f us, then, being lovers o f justice and t r u t h , they should be able . . . i n positions o f a u t h o r i t y t o deal out justice . . . f a i r l y a n d faithfully i n order t h a t righteousness and t r u t h may be established and unrighteousness a n d w r o n g d o i n g be p u t d o w n . . . . I t is a perveseness w o r t h y o f r e p r o b a t i o n i n these Brethren that they should . . . regard [their fellow Christians] as pagans, f o r i n this way they insult their neighbours by cutting themselves off f r o m other Christians devoted to G o d ' s t r u t h , t r u s t i n g i n themselves alone. 33

Koranda's remarks serve t o emphasize the p o i n t already made t h a t , especially i n the towns, the Brethren's refusal o f office appeared to their fellow citizens more often t h a n n o t as a dereliction o f d u t y , as a desire t o "

K a b a t n i k , Cesta z Cech do Jeruzalema

a Kaira

r. J491-92,

esp. p p . V I I I , X , 1, 2 .

S e c also G i n d e l y , op. cit., p p . 6 7 - 6 9 ; G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p p . 1 5 3 , 1 5 4 ; M u l l e r - B a r t o S , op. cit., pp. 1 6 1 - 6 3 . 3 1

Q u o t e d i n M u l l e r - B a r t o S , op. cit., p p . 159, 160.

"

K o r a n d a , Manualnik,

pp. X V I I , 141-43.

THE BEGINNINGS

O F T H E MINOR

143

PARTY

escape f r o m the obligations o f citizenship. T h e i r conscientious scruples were mistaken f o r a device to dodge responsibility; and the fact t h a t U n i t y members were n o w d i v i d e d as t o h o w far they m i g h t r i g h t l y accept such duties must have made i t even harder to defend the rigorist p o s i t i o n . T h a t the Brethren i n the towns c o n t i n u e d f o r so l o n g to endure hardship and persecution, even after m a n y o f t h e m had begun t o d o u b t the f u l l v a l i d i t y o f the ideas f o r w h i c h they were suffering, is, indeed, a t r i b u t e b o t h t o the l o y a l t y o f the o r d i n a r y members towards M a t e j a n d the I n n e r C o u n c i l and t o the h o l d w h i c h the t r a d i t i o n a l viewpoint still h a d o n a l l sections o f the U n i t y , n o t excluding even those o f the younger generation w h o c o u l d n o t remember

the times o f Brother R e h o f a n d the early

Brethren. T h e s i t u a t i o n , however, was r a p i d l y becoming

unbearable.

Some

s o l u t i o n h a d t o be f o u n d ; and the I n n e r C o u n c i l o f the O l d B r e t h r e n was p r o v i n g itself incapable o f steering the U n i t y t h r o u g h the t r o u b l e d waters. W i t h o u t either a mass exodus f r o m the towns o r a continued readiness t o c o u r t m a r t y r d o m o n the p a r t o f the t o w n Brethren, i t was difficult t o see h o w a satisfactory way o u t c o u l d be f o u n d , consonant w i t h l o y a l t y t o the t r a d i t i o n a l principles o f the U n i t y . B u t i t was extremely h a r d f o r the m a j o r i t y o f the O l d Brethren o n the c o u n c i l t o t h r o w over so m a n y o f the ideals u p o n w h i c h the U n i t y had been founded, ideals w h i c h had been expecially dear t o Brother R e h o f a n d his contemporaries i n the U n i t y . T h e task c o u l d o n l y be accomplished by younger men, unencumbered w i t h any sentimental attachment to doctrines w h i c h seemed n o longer t o apply under existing conditions. T h e period o f the O l d Brethren's r e t u r n to power lasted over three years. T h r o u g h o u t , the U n i t y priests and p r o v i n c i a l administrators were c o n t i n u a l l y a p p l y i n g t o Brother M a t e j f o r advice 'concerning the alderman's office and oaths and the other offices, w h i c h they placed u p o n the Brethren i n their c o m m u n i t i e s . ' M a t e j , distressed beyond endurance by the sufferings o f his fellow Brethren, even 'went himself t o the lords o r their officials or t o the t o w n h a l l a n d said to t h e m : 'These people w h o m y o u are persecuting and t o r t u r i n g . . . are innocent, f o r i t is we w h o have instructed them i n this. W e i m p l o r e y o u t o let t h e m go, for we w i s h t o suffer i n their stead'.' A f t e r a little, ' h a v i n g sometimes conferred together f o r several weeks a b o u t the same p r o b l e m w i t h o u t c o m i n g t o any conclusion,' several o f the I n n e r C o u n c i l began to realize their i n a b i l i t y t o provide the

necessary

leadership f o r the U n i t y . ' Y o u have dismissed those w i t h w i s d o m a n d understanding [they t o l d M a t e j ] and p u t us fools i n their place.' M a n y o f

T H E BEGINNINGS OF THE MINOR P A R T Y

144

the leaders o f the U n i t y i n the provinces sent i n their resignations t o Matej, feeling themselves unable to advise their flock to resist the a u t h o r ities any f u r t h e r .

34

The s i t u a t i o n o f the U n i t y was, according to K r a s o -

nicky, 'like t h a t o f a house b u i l t o n piles, w h e n these piles are r e m o v e d . '

35

Finally the members o f the I n n e r C o u n c i l , ' f i n d i n g b y experience that the task they had taken o n was a n impossible one and o n l y led t o a great deal o f evil, unanimously recommended t h a t they s h o u l d ask t o be set free again, since they were achieving n o t h i n g good, a n d that the Brethren o f the previous council should take office once more, being more knowledgeable and experienced i n the m a t t e r . '

36

The first step t o implement their decision was t a k e n w h e n M a t e j ' w i t h the Brethren' issued a circular letter t o the membership, i n f o r m i n g i t o f the forthcoming synod to be held at R y c h n o v : This is to tell y o u [he wrote] t h a t i t is o u r i n t e n t i o n t o meet w i t h certain o f the Brethren and discuss together the most i m p o r t a n t matters concerni n g the general good and t o reach agreement, w i t h G o d ' s help as w e l l as w i t h yours, o n certain matters connected w i t h f a i t h a n d b r o t h e r l y love and the hope o f salvation. I t is apparent, indeed, t h a t there is n o possib i l i t y i n such things o f u n a n i m i t y and h a r m o n y i n service together w i t h o u t fear o f endangering salvation unless we h o l d some k i n d o f deliberation i n c o m m o n . W e are asking y o u , therefore, t o help us w i t h y o u r prayers . . . and w i t h fasting . . . so that the L o r d may listen t o the desire o f H i s p o o r creatures. . . . G o d w i l l i n g , the Brethren w i l l keep y o u i n f o r m e d o n these matters according t o y o u r need, when they r e t u r n f r o m us back home again. 37

The synod - obecny snem valny, Lukas calls i t - was summoned f o r 5 M a y 1494 to discuss the t w o problems o f the future leadership o f the U n i t y and o f its official doctrine i n the questions under dispute. F o u r accounts written by participants o f the synod - t w o by Lukas a n d the other t w o by Krasonicky and Jakub - are still extant. B u t , as usual, the chronology o f the events described, and m a n y o f the incidents themselves, r e m a i n obscure. I t seems that, shortly before the opening o f the general assembly, probably more than one preparatory meeting was held between M a t e j and the members o f the r e t i r i n g I n n e r C o u n c i l , o n the one h a n d , and K l e n o v sky and his supporters, o n the o t h e r ; and the viewpoint expressed i n the edict of Brandys was once again accepted as the official doctrine o f the Unity. M

38

' O u c e n y c h , ' fol. 2 0 v ( q u o t e d G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p. 2 0 7 ) .

"

Ibid., fol. 24v.

"

' O o b n o v e n l , ' fol. 98v ( q u o t e d ibid., p. 2 0 4 ) .

"

A . J . B . , V , fol. 315 v.

"

' O o b n o v e n l , ' loc. cit. C f . Müller-Bartos, op. cit., p. 165.

145

T H E BEGINNINGS OF T H E MINOR P A R T Y

The o n l y member t o resist the f o r t h c o m i n g changes was the r e d o u b t able J a k u b , w h o at the very outset h a d made clear his unrelenting o p p o sition to any w a t e r i n g d o w n o f the o l d principles. F o r several days M a t e j and his colleagues o n the c o u n c i l , as w e l l as those o f the opposing side, h a d argued w i t h h i m , t r y i n g to persuade h i m t o accept the compromise which they believed the edict embodied. A t last Klenovsky, his patience exhausted, exclaimed t h a t 'even i f I have t o tear y o u r soul f r o m y o u r b o d y , ' he w o u l d make h i m c o m p l y w i t h their demands.

Still J a k u b stood his

g r o u n d , asking that they should n o t t r y t o impose their views o n h i m . After that he 'got u p f r o m the c o u n c i l a n d w a l k e d o u t . ' T h a n k f u l perhaps to r i d themselves o f so inconvenient a c o u n c i l l o r , M a t e j a n d the Brethren readily gave their consent t o Jakub's resignation f r o m the proceedings. F r o m Jakub's account i t w o u l d seem as i f the renewal o f the edict o f Brandys occurred d u r i n g one o f the m a i n sessions o f the conference. 'They were glad o f i t [ J a k u b writes o f his o w n w i t h d r a w a l ] expecting t h a t it w o u l d lead t o good.' The assembled Brethren, he goes o n , after giving their consent t o his resignation f r o m the conference, sang a h y m n ; a n d ' i t was resolved that the edict o f Brandys, w h i c h h a d been rescinded a n d set aside by B r o t h e r Matej's orders, should be read o u t . A n d i t was therefore read again, so that i t m i g h t be observed

(drzdna).'

39

B u t L u k a s tells another s t o r y ; a n d the personal details w h i c h i t contains w o u l d indicate its authenticity. I t is probable, indeed, t h a t J a k u b , whose version has no pretensions t o historical m e t h o d , telescopes i n t o one a l l the incidents i n w h i c h he was himself involved. A c c o r d i n g to L u k a s , whose account is supplemented at times by Krasonicky's, the delegates at the synod confined themselves t o

first

examining a n d a p p r o v i n g the request f r o m M a t e j a n d his c o u n c i l to accept their resignations, a n d then to calling o n the members o f the previous council t o accept office once more. M a t e j , o n account o f his failure ' t o administer (spravovatiy the U n i t y successfully, had asked to be relieved o f his bishop's office a n d begged t o be allowed t o c o n t i n u e t o serve the U n i t y , i f need be j u s t 'as an o r d i n a r y B r o t h e r . ' ' B r o t h e r M a t e j a n d his [previous] c o u n c i l h u m b l y submitted themselves i n everything to the judgement [i.e. o f the s y n o d ] ; whatsoever should be decreed there, they were w i l l i n g c o m p l i a n t l y to accept.' Touched by this display o f disinterested devotion to the U n i t y , T a b o r s k y , one o f the best educated Brethren, called o u t : ' B r o t h e r M a t e j , y o u ask t o be cast o u t o n account o f y o u r ignorance. K n o w t h a t we, t o o , have for l o n g been w i t h o u t knowledge or

"

A . J . B . , I V ( o p i s ) , fols. 132, 133 ( q u o t e d G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p. 2 2 5 ) .

l H b BEGINNINGS OF T H E MINOR P A R T Y

i

understanding. Should we also be cast out? Rather let us come together and help each other.' Klenovsky, P r o k o p , T a b o r s k y , and the other leaders o f their party still continued for some time to hesitate to re-enter the I n n e r C o u n c i l : Astdlo to tak chvili drahnou, says K r a s o n i c k y . But finally some o f the younger pastors, like K r a s o n i c k y and Lukas, succeeded i n breaking d o w n their resistance - w h i c h may a n y h o w have been more apparent than real. They all now yielded t o the entreaties o f the rest o f the Brethren, w i t h the exception o f o l d T u m a PfelouCsky, one o f the three first priests o f the U n i t y chosen i n 1467, w h o c o n t i n u e d i n his refusal to r e t u r n to the c o u n c i l . Some o f the younger personalities, too, were called u p o n by the delegates to take a more p r o m i n e n t p a r t i n the direction o f U n i t y affairs; a n d f u l l authority was n o w granted the new council, ' o n account o f the numerous difficulties,' t o take w h a t steps i t saw fit t o safeguard the wellbeing o f the U n i t y w i t h o u t the o b l i g a t i o n o f s u m m o n i n g another general assembly. W i t h this the synod closed its sessions. B u t i n the evening o f the same day [Lukas goes on] w h e n some o f us had gone f o r a w a l k , the Brethren w h o had been dismissed f r o m the Inner C o u n c i l , conferring w i t h certain o f the other Brethren (s jinymi bez jinych), summoned those near by, and i n their presence renewed (yyzdvihli) [the edict o f ] the Brandys assembly, saying: 'Since i t has kept us apart, let i t now j o i n us together.' A n d I , r e t u r n i n g f r o m m y w a l k , came t o the d o o r and said to the B r o t h e r w h o stood by i t : 'So the Brethren are i n c o n ference?' A n d he replied that they were. T h e n I enquired what they were doing. A n d he replied somewhat u n w i l l i n g l y : ' H a v e y o u n o t heard that they have renewed [the edict o f ] the Brandys assembly?' A n d I r e p l i e d : ' W h a t ! Late i n the evening! We have j u s t passed several other ordinances, b u t n o t h i n g f r o m the Brandys assembly.' A n d I c o u l d n o t sleep at a l l that night pondering w h a t m i g h t arise f r o m this and h o w little understanding and forethought had gone i n t o i t ; a n d w i t h the fear o f a fresh schism and trouble I t o o k m y d e p a r t u r e . 40

The resolutions o f the synod o f Rychnov had thus, l i k e those o f the previous assembly o f Brandys, been intended as a compromise.

The

victorious party had evidently n o t wished t o press their t r i u m p h t o o far, realizing perhaps that sympathy for the o l d views was still strong a m o n g many even on their o w n side and u n w i l l i n g , t o o , t o risk losing s u p p o r t among the waverers, chief a m o n g w h o m were n o w M a t e j a n d almost a l l the members o f his council o f the O l d Brethren. D u r i n g the actual sessions o f the synod no a t t e m p t was seemingly made t o reintroduce the edict o f Brandys, which had n o w become such a bone o f contention a m o n g 4 0

ibid.,

' O o b n o v e n i , ' fob. 9 8 v - 9 9 v ; ' O u c e n y c h , ' fols. 2 0 v - 2 1 v ; Odpis, pp. 204, 205, 207, 2 0 8 , 2 1 6 ) .

fol. 48v (quoted

147

THE BEGINNINGS OF T H E MINOR PARTY

the members. The task o f defining exactly w h a t obligations towards the state m i g h t p r o p e r l y be undertaken by a member o f the U n i t y had been left t o the I n n e r C o u n c i l . The resolution o f confidence i n the new I n n e r C o u n c i l , proposed at the end o f the synod by t w o Brethren, M a r t i n B y d i o v s k y the C h a i r m a k e r and Simon H r a n i c k y , b o t h themselves later t o become its members, and passed u n a n i m o u s l y , gave i t f u l l a u t h o r i t y f o r this. Those present promised obedience to a l l its decisions, w h i c h m i g h t be t a k e n ' w i t h o u t calling a n assembly.' T h e council was e m p o w ered, 'as seemed t o them fit, to alter o r t o decide u p o n and to enact w h a t they recognized as needful f o r the U n i t y a n d for its continuance (yzdélání) i n f a i t h a n d grace.'

41

Klenovsky a n d his associates were content, there-

fore, to see the replacement o f the o l d c o u n c i l by one w h i c h w o u l d include themselves and a general recognition b y the U n i t y that the o l d principles were no longer obligatory. T i m e m i g h t be relied o n to b r i n g their v i c t o r y to completion. M o r e difficult to understand is the behaviour o f the O l d Brethren, w h o h a d j u s t handed i n their resignations f r o m the Inner C o u n c i l , i n re-enacting the edict o f Brandys, w h i c h apparently n o t even the most ardent o f the r e f o r m i n g p a r t y wished to see d o n e .

42

A desire to p u t an end to further

controversy b y definitely accepting the p o i n t o f view o f their f o r m e r opponents, the tendency o f the recent convert t o be the most zealous i n his new-found creed, a w i s h to compensate

f o r w h a t were deemed past

mistakes, may a l l have c o n t r i b u t e d t o this most unexpected action. T h e p a r t w h i c h Lukás himself played i n these proceedings is also n o t at all clear.

H e h a d been present at the assembly o f Brandos; b u t , as he

remarks, T made no c o n t r i b u t i o n [i.e. t o i t ] , being occupied w i t h other 41

Dekrety

Jednoty

bratrské, p p . 3 2 , 3 3 ; G o l l - K r o f t a ,

op.

cit.,

pp.

180, 2 4 6 .

Cf.

A . J . B . , I V ( O p i s ) , fol. 132 ( q u o t e d G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p. 2 2 5 ) , w h e r e J a k u b seems t o i m p l y that a t least B y d i o v s k y w a s largely r e s p o n s i b l e for the r e - e n a c t m e n t o f the e d i c t o f B r a n d o s ; i n w h i c h c a s e h e m a y h a v e been o n e o f the O l d B r e t h r e n c o u n c i l l o r s , w h o w e r e t o r e t u r n t o t h e I n n e r C o u n c i l after r e c a n t a t i o n o f their f o r m e r o p i n i o n s a n d n e w f o u n d e n t h u s i a s m for those o f their o p p o n e n t s . 4 2

Tapié, op. cit., p. 104, n o t e s the o b s c u r i t y o f LukáS's a c c o u n t o f t h i s i n c i d e n t i n h i s

O obnovenl.

G i n d e l y , op. cit., p. 7 1 , i n t e r p r e t s the w o r d e m p l o y e d ,

vyzdvilmouti,

as

m e a n i n g ' t o reject.' I t is u n d o u b t e d l y w i t h this m e a n i n g t h a t LukáS, for i n s t a n c e , u s e s t h e w o r d i n the s a m e w o r k i n c o n n e c t i o n w i t h t h e r e s c i n d i n g o f the e d i c t a few y e a r s e a r l i e r (fol. 9 7 ) ; a n d s u c h a n i n t e r p r e t a t i o n m i g h t a p p e a r m o r e i n h a r m o n y w i t h t h e p r e v i o u s l y h e l d o p i n i o n s o f the o l d c o u n c i l . N e v e r t h e l e s s , the c o n t e x t s h o w s t h a t G o l l is right i n g i v i n g it the m e a n i n g 'to r e - a d o p t . ' T h o u g h , a s T a p i é p o i n t s out, b o t h v e r s i o n s would explain

LukáS's fears

a s to the future o f the s o m e w h a t

shaky

equilibrium

between the t w o p a r t i e s j u s t r e a c h e d a t t h e s y n o d w i t h c o n s i d e r a b l e difficulty a n d n o w e n d a n g e r e d b y t h i s p r e c i p i t a t e a c t i o n . T h e events o f the n e x t few y e a r s s h o w c l e a r l y that o f the O l d B r e t h r e n i n the I n n e r C o u n c i l . J a k u b a l o n e c o n t i n u e d i n o p e n s i t i o n t o t h e n e w tendencies.

oppo-

T H E BEGINNINGS OF T H E MINOR P A R T Y

148

j i

matters.'

After

the edict h a d been set aside b y Matéj a n d the O l d

Brethren Lukás claims that, d u r i n g the p e r i o d o f the latter's supremacy w i t h i n the U n i t y , he ' d i d n o t j o i n either p a r t y . '

43

A g a i n , as has been seen,

d u r i n g the synod o f R y c h n o v Lukás presents himself rather as a n e u t r a l observer, as one w h o sought to b r i n g a b o u t h a r m o n y between the t w o opposing sides a n d achieve a synthesis o f their conflicting viewpoints. However, i n view o f w h a t is k n o w n o f his later career, Lukás i n the role o f a mediator i n the controversy concerning the U n i t y ' s p o l i t i c a l a n d social doctrines does n o t carry complete c o n v i c t i o n . Even i n the earlier controversy concerning justification by f a i t h o r b y w o r k s Lukás h a d been unsatisfied w i t h Prokop's compromise s o l u t i o n o f ' g o o d w i l l ' : the y o u n g reformer wanted a more radical revision o f the o l d beliefs.

44

H e h a d been

associated i n the expedition to the East i n 1491 w i t h such noble members o f the U n i t y as Bohus K o s t k a and w i t h the burgher Brethren o f L i t o m y s l , whose dissatisfaction w i t h the o l d doctrines h a d given such a n impetus t o the whole controversy. After his r e t u r n , ' w o r k i n g w i t h his hands' as was still the usual c u s t o m w i t h the priests o f the U n i t y , he h a d at the same t i m e launched o u t o n his career as a w r i t e r ; a n d o f the five w o r k s - no longer indeed extant - w h i c h he composed a b o u t the year 1493, at least t w o were concerned w i t h such matters as the o a t h , the obligations o f the various social classes w i t h i n the U n i t y , and w o r l d l y power i n general.

45

It would

be extremely u n l i k e l y i f i n these w o r k s Lukás d i d n o t take u p a p o s i t i o n f a v o u r i n g at least some degree o f revision i n the doctrines o f the O l d Brethren. Even his Bárka ('The Boat') composed at that time, w h i c h does n o t deal directly w i t h social problems, was indeed, according t o Molnár, w i t h its attack o n renunciation and suffering f o r their o w n sake alone, later to give the U n i t y a theoretical basis f o r its emergence f r o m retirement f r o m the w o r l d .

4 6

Lukás, therefore, despite his o w n assertions t o the c o n t r a r y , must definitely be reckoned a m o n g the members o f the r e f o r m i n g party. H i s desire n o t to exacerbate the ill-feeling o n each side was u n d o u b t e d l y sincere; and, later, he was always to c l a i m - i n answer to the M i n o r Party's statements to the c o n t r a r y - that he stood f o r m u t u a l t o l e r a t i o n o f b o t h points o f view.

H i s o w n belief i n the v a l i d i t y o f the new doctrine,

recognizing i n principle the claims o f the state w i t h i n the C h r i s t i a n c o m -

4 3

' O o b n o v e n i , ' f o b , 9 6 , 9 7 v ( q u o t e d ibid., pp. 2 0 2 , 2 0 3 ) .

44

Ibid.,

fol. 9 3 v ( q u o t e d ibid., p. 2 0 1 ) .

M o l n á r , BolesIavM

bratfi,

p. 3 5 , w o u l d n o t

s e e m to b e justified i n definitely c o n n e c t i n g t h i s passage w i t h the a s s e m b l y o f B r a n d y s . 45

Ibid., f o b . 9 7 v - 9 8 v ( q u o t e d ibid., p p . 2 0 3 , 204).

4 4

M o l n á r , op. cit., p. 36. C f . M i i l l e r - B a r t o s , op. cit., p. 164.

THE BEGINNINGS OF THE MINOR P A R T Y

149

m u n i t y , a n d i n the wrongness o f its opponents was never i n d o u b t f r o m at least the beginning o f the nineties. B u t he was still, according to his o w n words, ' y o u n g i n years a n d u n d e r s t a n d i n g ' ;

47

his views had perhaps n o t

t a k e n o n the clear shape they were later t o acquire, as was, indeed, also the case w i t h the m a j o r i t y o f the reformers; a n d finally, i t was n o t yet L u k a s , b u t Klenovsky and his t w o associates, T a b o r s k y a n d P r o k o p , w h o framed the policy, at first o f the r e f o r m i n g party alone, b u t f r o m n o w onwards o f the whole U n i t y . I t h a d n o t been o n l y Lukas and J a k u b w h o , t h o u g h f o r different reasons, had left R y c h n o v at the end o f the conference filled w i t h apprehension f o r the future. J a k u b relates a m o v i n g story about M i c h a l , the first U t r a q u i s t priest t o j o i n the Brethren a n d one whose memories stretched back t o the very first days o f the U n i t y ' s existence. W h e n already m a n y o f the Brethren h a d departed [ J a k u b writes] o l d B r o t h e r M i c h a l t u r n e d to some o f the leading Brethren w h o still r e m a i n e d : ' H o w m a n y g o o d m e n have suffered t o r t u r e and persecution a n d the sacrifice o f life itself f o r j u s t this [i.e. f o r the o l d principles n o w set aside]. W h a t have a l l our endeavours come to? W e c o u l d almost have remained w i t h the g o o d priests [i.e. instead o f f o u n d i n g a separate c h u r c h ] . ' Thereu p o n Klenovsky answered h i m : ' B r o t h e r M i c h a l , d o n ' t s p o i l things (nekaz).'** T u m a Pfeloucsky, t o o , h a d left R y c h n o v i n an unsettled frame o f m i n d , still adament i n his refusal t o accept office again i n the c o u n c i l . H e was n o t , indeed, at any t i m e t o take a very active p a r t i n the controversy, since his residence at Pferov i n M o r a v i a , distant f r o m the m a i n centres o f U n i t y activity, prevented h i m f r o m d o i n g this. B u t i t m i g h t have been supposed t h a t , as one o f the three w h o had been chosen i n 1467 t o be the first U n i t y priests, he w o u l d have sided w i t h the rigorists o r at least have given the o l d views the v a c i l l a t i n g sympathy s h o w n t h e m by M a t e j o r Michal.

B u t j u s t the c o n t r a r y is true.

H e was evidently one o f those

Brethren i n the I n n e r C o u n c i l w h o had f o l l o w e d K l e n o v s k y i n g i v i n g i n their resignations i n 1490, t h o u g h there is no evidence t o indicate w h e n he first came t o discard the pacifist anarchism o f the o l d U n i t y . H i s standp o i n t is a l l the more surprising when i t is remembered b o t h that he was famed for his attachment to the p r i m i t i v e simplicity o f the U n i t y o f Brother Rehor's day, later disagreeing strongly w i t h L u k a s i n such matters, and that, as w i l l be seen below, he was a fervent c h a m p i o n o f the rights o f the p o o r a n d the oppressed against the claims o f the socially p r i v i l e g e d . *'

' O o b n o v e n i , ' loc.

4 8

A . J . B . , I V ( O p i s ) , fol. 133 ( q u o t e d ibid., p. 2 2 5 ) .

*•

P f e l o u c s k y , Spis

49

cit.

o p&vodu Jednoty

bratrske

a o chudych

lidech, S o k o l ' s I n t r o . , p p .

150

THE BEGINNINGS OF THE MINOR PARTY

The fact that he was one o f the most learned o f the Brethren, w i t h a g o o d knowledge o f L a t i n - t h o u g h his learning was, i t is true, acquired by selfeducation and n o t i n the university lecture-hall - may have influenced h i m i n his decision to side w i t h Klenovsky and the 'learned' Brethren. The presence o f T u m a i n the new c o u n c i l w o u l d n a t u r a l l y be a considerable asset. H e was a w e l l k n o w n figure t h r o u g h o u t the whole U n i t y ; he was respected by all f o r his simple piety and n a t u r a l intelligence, as w e l l as f o r the considerable a m o u n t o f learning he h a d managed t o acquire; a n d , above a l l , his open accession to the r e f o r m i n g p a r t y w o u l d serve to give i t an added sanction, the vicarious blessing, as i t were, o f Brother R e h o f a n d the O l d Brethren o f his time. Tuma's membership o f the council along w i t h M a t e j and M i c h a l w o u l d go far to counteract the very plausible claims o f Jakub and A m o s t h a t their p a r t y represented the real U n i t y t r a d i t i o n , f r o m w h i c h the m a j o r i t y h a d fallen away. W h a t were the motives behind Tuma's continued refusal o f office? The reason p u t f o r w a r d by a recent biographer - t h a t o f T u m a ' s l o y a l t y t o the o l d principles o f Rehof's d a y

60

- t h o u g h n o t impossible, does n o t

seem very l i k e l y . T u m a h a d n o t been a member o f the resigning c o u n c i l o f O l d B r e t h r e n : he h a d shown himself, as has been seen, an opponent o f their viewpoint. Perhaps the most probable explanation - i n view o f the lack o f positive evidence i t must, however, r e m a i n a mere supposition is that at the outset o f the conference T u m a h a d been at one w i t h K l e n o v sky and his colleagues i n their j o i n t refusal o f office: a refusal the reasons f o r which are once again obscure, b u t w h i c h was p r o b a b l y due, at least i n part, to a reluctance to take u p office again unless i t was clear t h a t they had the backing o f the whole assembly. Once this was obtained the others abandoned their resistance; T u m a alone remained unconvinced, fearing the renewed outbreak o f dissension among the Brethren. Some o f the leading delegates, before leaving Rychnov, h a d first agreed to meet together shortly at Tuma's house i n Pferov. The object o f this second meeting, i n a d d i t i o n to settling some i m p o r t a n t details o f administration consequent o n the changes decided u p o n at Rychnov, was to make a final attempt to persuade T u m a to alter his m i n d . A g a i n , the assistance o f the younger members was called i n . ' Y o u w a n t to p u t the burdens o n the others [said K r a s o n i c k y pertinently to T u m a ] a n d n o t touch them yourself, even w i t h y o u r

20-23; Merka,

'TomaS

PrelouöskyV Casopis

(1913), p p . 2 9 7 - 3 0 3 ; K r o f t a , O bratrskem "

finger-tips.'

S o k o l , op. cit., p p . 22, 2 3 .

pro

T u m a at last yielded t o

moderni

filologii

däjepisectvi, pp. 1 5 - 1 7 .

a literatury,

III

151

THE BEGINNINGS OF THE MINOR P A R T Y

their arguments; a n d they were then able to go o n to consider the d i v i s i o n o f duties a m o n g the new leadership o f the U n i t y as well as certain theological a n d m o r a l problems. First, B r o t h e r M a t e j was deprived o f his powers as a d m i n i s t r a t o r responsible f o r the d i r e c t i o n o f the U n i t y ' s affairs; a n d this task was allotted t o P r o k o p , w h o was given the title o f judge (sudi).

The former,

however, was still left w i t h his r i g h t as bishop o f o r d a i n i n g the new priests o f the U n i t y . A m o n g other appointments made at Pferov the most i m p o r t a n t were as f o l l o w s : K l e n o v s k y as 'confessor (zpovednik)' t h r o u g h o u t the whole o f Bohemia a n d M o r a v i a a n d Prokop's chief adviser; T a b o r s k y as pastor o f the i m p o r t a n t congregation

at L i t o m y s l a n d

K l e n o v s k y s r i g h t - h a n d m a n ; L u k a s as pastor o f the equally i m p o r t a n t M l a d a Boleslav; Elias Chrenovicky as Klenovsky's deputy i n M o r a v i a ; and K r a s o n i c k y as a k i n d o f itinerant preacher (jd abych pomocnik byl Jednoty,

co bych rozumSl a v zboflch promlouval).

T o Klenovsky, i n

a d d i t i o n , was entrusted the significant task o f 'seeing to the U n i t y s y m pathizers a m o n g the lords a n d h o l d i n g converse w i t h t h e m . '

81

The second

task o f the Pferov meeting was t o pass a series o f decrees framed i n the t r a d i t i o n a l spirit, dealing w i t h such theological questions as the v a l i d i t y o f sacraments administered by a sinful priest, the eucharist, a n d kneeling before the sacrament.

52

I n a d d i t i o n , a n i m p o r t a n t decree was enacted a i m i n g at p r o v i d i n g an answer t o the question as t o exactly w h i c h professions a n d trades a B r o t h e r m i g h t p r o p e r l y carry o n . W i t h very few exceptions, o f w h i c h the chief was usury, r a n the answer, a l l were n o w l a w f u l . Brethren, however, were advised n o t to take up commerce i f they c o u l d get a l i v i n g f r o m their o l d o c c u p a t i o n ; b u t those already engaged i n i t , w h o w o u l d otherwise be w i t h o u t suitable employment, were t o be p e r m i t t e d to remain, p r o v i d e d they d i d n o t engage i n such deceitful practices as falsifying weights a n d measures. I n every instance they were to observe exactly the T e n C o m mandments, a n d n o t swear 'false' oaths or tell u n t r u t h s .

I n a l l their

undertakings they were to h o n o u r G o d a n d love their neighbours. They were, t o o , a n d the w o m e n and y o u n g f o l k i n p a r t i c u l a r , to a v o i d a l l luxuries i n their apparel. ' T h i s is to be the measure [the decree concluded] by w h i c h everyone must abide, w h o wishes t o be saved t h r o u g h the Christian f a i t h . ' A c c o r d i n g to this decree the priests a n d elders were t o advise their people. I t was t o be, indeed, the first o f a l o n g series o f similar

5 1

' O u c e n y c h , ' fols. 2 1 v - 2 2 v ( q u o t e d , ibid., p. 2 0 8 ) .

M

M u l l e r - B a r t o S , op. cit., p. 168.

152

T H E BEGINNINGS OF T H E MINOR P A R T Y

declarations, by the l i g h t o f w h i c h may be traced the U n i t y ' s gradual retreat f r o m the rigorist position o f the early B r e t h r e n .

63

Klenovsky was n o w undisputed leader o f the U n i t y , w i t h T a b o r s k y a n d P r o k o p as the t w o other most i m p o r t a n t figures. M a t e j was i n disgrace; M i c h a l h a d lapsed back i n t o obscurity; w h i l e T u m a Pfeloucsky was f u l l y occupied i n his M o r a v i a n outpost. L u k a s and K r a s o n i c k y were, indeed, rapidly rising to prominence, but as yet their roles were subordinate t o their seniors i n age; w h i l e members, l i k e M i k u l a s Slansky f o r instance, though they figure i n the history o f the Brethren i n other connections, d i d not take a p a r t i c u l a r l y conspicuous p a r t i n the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f the U n i t y . Some o f the O l d Brethren f r o m the previous c o u n c i l were p r o b ably included as a conciliatory gesture i n the c o m p o s i t i o n o f the new Inner C o u n c i l ; a n d a m o n g these may have been Elias Chfenovicky, w i t h T u m a and M a t e j one o f the three first U n i t y priests, and M a t e j U h l i r , who had definitely sat i n the previous c o u n c i l . B u t their influence h a d now w a n e d ; a n d a n y h o w their previous conduct h a d shown that they completely lacked the capacity for strong leadership.

Other p r o m i n e n t

U n i t y priests - for instance, T u m a the Scribe, T u m a the G e r m a n , Ambrozi o f Skutec, o r Bernard o f Pfibyslavice - were b u t shadowy figures, a b o u t w h o m often l i t t l e m o r e t h a n their bare names is k n o w n .

5 4

The only opposition to the acceptance o f the new doctrines, and the rapid e l i m i n a t i o n o f the o l d , came f r o m J a k u b a n d A m o s and their supporters among the rank-and-file. T h e schism, l o n g threatened, was now t o become a fact.

(

"

Dekrety,

"

See G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p p . 2 4 5 , 2 4 6 ; Dekrety,

p p . 125, 126. p p . 2 , 3 8 . Tapié, op. cit., p. 104,

r e m a r k s of the U n i t y i n the p e r i o d i m m e d i a t e l y after the S y n o d o f R y c h n o v : ' O n p e u t se demander,

toutefois, c o m m e n t des gens, d o n t l ' o p i n i o n v e n a i t d'être desavouée,

conservaient l a d i r e c t i o n de l'Unité. O n récit p l u s v r a i s e m b l a b l e a d m e t , q u ' à côté des a n c i e n s m e m b r e s , des p a r t i s a n s de 'l'interprétation large' entrèrent d a n s le C o n s e i l . ' T h i s a p p e a r s to be b a s e d o n a m i s u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f the c h a r a c t e r o f the c h a n g e s w h i c h h a d o c c u r r e d . T h e s o u r c e s s h o w t h a t the O l d B r e t h r e n h a d resigned en bloc f r o m the c o u n c i l a n d were t h e n r e p l a c e d by t h e representatives o f the o p p o s i n g p a r t y , t h o u g h a few o f the old c o u n c i l l o r s , h a v i n g r e c a n t e d their f o r m e r o p i n i o n s , m a y h a v e c o n t i n u e d to sit i n the n e w c o u n c i l . Matëj's a u t h o r i t y w a s relegated to the p u r e l y f o r m a l f u n c t i o n of ordination.

V

THE

SCHISM

Largely as a result o f the decisions taken at the meetings held at R y c h n o v and Pferov and the reconstitution o f the U n i t y w h i c h ensued, the followi n g year,

1495, b r o u g h t t w o

events w h i c h showed clearly

t h a t the

struggle had n o w reached a new stage o f development. The disciplinary action to be taken against Jakub a n d his followers, i n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h a new and i m p o r t a n t decree passed by the leaders o f the M a j o r

Party,

signified that the attempt to unite the Brethren o f b o t h parties o n the basis o f a compromise f o r m u l a g r a n t i n g the v a l i d i t y o f the positions taken u p by each side h a d been unsuccessful. Its failure had been due b o t h t o the unyielding attitude o f J a k u b and his followers i n defence o f the o l d doctrines and t o the unwillingness o f their opponents t o accept these doctrines as s t i l l b i n d i n g o n the U n i t y members h i p ; a n d for the same causes a l l further attempts at reconciliation were t o come to grief. A middle party, centring r o u n d Matéj and certain o f the O l d Brethren w h o m he h a d called t o the Inner C o u n c i l i n 1490, had collapsed.

Its members had n o w , after a l o n g period o f vacillation, gone

over, t h o u g h perhaps w i t h some reservations, to the M a j o r Party. Jakub's r e t u r n f r o m R y c h n o v , l i k e his r e t u r n w i t h A m o s f r o m the assembly o f Brandys four years earlier, m a r k e d the beginning o f an active campaign o n behalf o f the o l d doctrines. H i s first step n o w was to issue an open letter to Brother Matéj (První traktát Jakuba Stékenského, as i t came t o be called), defining his o w n position and attacking his opponents, a n d K l e n o v s k y i n particular, i n n o uncertain terms. The w i s d o m o f G o d , i n his view, was 'hidden f r o m the wise a n d p r u dent,' by w h i c h he meant K l e n o v s k y and the M a j o r Party. H e went o n t o contrast the u n a n i m i t y a n d godliness o f the early days o f the U n i t y w i t h the present situation. B u t n o w the Brethren say. L e t us, therefore, open the gates o f the f o l d i n order t o gather i n more sheep. A n d when they have opened u p the f o l d , the sheep that are already there r u n out a n d the wolves tear t h e m t o

154

THE SCHISM

pieces. . . . T h e gates are G o d ' s commandments and the p r o h i b i t i o n s o f Christ the strait p a t h a n d the n a r r o w doorway. A n d whoever broadens these, . . . saying that a Brother may become an alderman a n d a judge, and take oaths, a n d exercise the b l o o d y rights o f the s w o r d , is l i k e u n t o a rogue a n d a t h i e f w h o comes n o t i n b y the door.

Christ's commandments were absolute a n d no pleas o f h u m a n weakness or the imperfection o f this w o r l d c o u l d be allowed as an excuse f o r n o t keeping them to the f u l l . ' F o r G o d does n o t revoke his commandments or change his w i l l o n account o f men's difficulties.' B u t n o w even the leaders o f the Brethren, c l a i m i n g that the o l d doctrines were t o o ' h i g h ' f o r the o r d i n a r y members, h a d themselves made the way easy ' t o amass wealth, . . . t o be j u s t l i k e other people, frequenting taverns a n d banquets and feasts a n d weddings.' Indeed c o u l d n o t m a n y o f the sayings o f C h r i s t and St. Paul be considered m u c h more ' h i g h ' t h a n a n y t h i n g B r o t h e r Rehof ever advocated?

' T h e n w h y d o y o u p u t a l l the blame o n ' h i m ,

Jakub asked, 'since he spoke m u c h more moderately himself and merely confirmed the sayings o f Christ a n d the apostles?' A clear p r o o f f o r J a k u b t h a t G o d d i d n o t l o o k w i t h favour o n the new order i n the U n i t y was t o be f o u n d i n the contrast between the spiritual peace o f the early Brethren a n d the tempestuous heart-searchings a n d restlessness o f the last few years. A n o t h e r sure sign o f disintegration lay i n the different way o f life led by the new generation o f U n i t y pastors. They n o longer went o u t i n t o the w o r l d , J a k u b complained, to preach the gospel l i k e the early apostles. ' N o w [they] have settled i n one place a n d concern themselves w i t h their parsonages . . . leading a peaceful existence.' Bishop Matéj h a d been witness o f the slow r o t that h a d set i n i n the U n i t y since Rehof's death a n d had never raised his voice against the new tendencies. Even 'a swineherd w o u l d n o t have kept silent when such h a r m was being done to his h e r d , ' wrote J a k u b rather u n f a i r l y .

'After your

death a n d ours [he concluded his attack o n Matéj] y o u r o w n words as well as the writings and letters y o u sent us i n the Prácheñ district [i.e. after his break w i t h K l e n o v s k y i n 1490] . . . w i l l witness against y o u . . . .

After

your death good men a n d bad w i l l regard y o u r vacillation as they n o w regard [Pope] Sylvester's apostasy.' Towards the end o f his letter Jakub summed up the attitude o f himself and his friends i n regard t o the changes recently made i n U n i t y doctrine and the line o f action w h i c h they intended to take up i n the f u t u r e : I do n o t acknowledge the new tendency (smysl posledni), for I consider i t to be b o t h heretical and u n t r u e ; a n d so long as there are n o Brethren

T H E SCHISM

155

h o l d i n g t o the o l d doctrine (smysl prvnl) c o n t i n u e t o obey y o u r orders.

i n the c o u n c i l , we shall n o t

1

T h i s was b o t h a challenge a n d a threat t o M a t e j a n d his new c o u n c i l ; a n d as such i t was regarded by t h e m .

2

J a k u b was evidently able to gather

enough support i n the n e i g h b o u r h o o d f o r his p o i n t o f view to cause the victorious p a r t y serious anxiety.

3

H e a n d A m o s were able to challenge

the a u t h o r i t y o f the p r o v i n c i a l leaders o f the U n i t y , w h o h a d sided w i t h the M a j o r Party. Their supporters i n K l a t o v , i n c l u d i n g some o f 'the best' members o f the congregation, refused to attend c o m m u n i o n a d m i n istered by the l o c a l U n i t y pastor, Jan P o r i m s k y , so l o n g as he refused ' t o r e f o r m . ' B u t their most fiery attacks were directed against A m b r o i o f Skutec, the leading pastor i n the province, a well-educated Brother w h o h a d been p r o m i n e n t i n the U n i t y f o r m a n y years.

H e h a d become a

decided protagonist o f the new tendencies o n l y after the recent s y n o d ; and, thereby, he was b r o u g h t i n t o conflict w i t h the leaders o f the M i n o r Party. H e a n d P o r i m s k y , o n r e t u r n i n g f r o m R y c h n o v , spoke a n d wrote o n behalf o f the new doctrines, c l a i m i n g that the U n i t y h a d u n a n i m o u s l y agreed to accept t h e m . A m b r o z especially attacked J a k u b a n d A m o s f o r refusing t o accept the v a l i d i t y o f o a t h t a k i n g a n d , according to J a k u b , declared t h a t he was ready t o accept 'everyone as a B r o t h e r , whatever he m i g h t do, so l o n g as he was n o t excommunicated (vyobcoväri).'' J a k u b retorted angrily that ' i n that case [he] w o u l d regard as Brethren such as were k i l l e d i n the wars a m o n g the footsoldiers a n d those w h o were hanged a n d those w h o sat i n the p i l l o r y f o r adultery.'* Jakub also became engaged a b o u t this time i n a lively controversy w i t h

1

A k t a Jednoty B r a t r s k i , I V

Chelcicky 3

a Jednota

v XV.

( O p i s ) , fols 1 2 9 - 3 4 ( q u o t e d

i n part in G o U - K r o f t a ,

stoleti, p p . 2 2 3 - 2 5 ) .

T h e dating o f J a k u b ' s tract, however, presents a n u m b e r o f problems.

A c c o r d i n g to

G ö l l , op. cit., p. 194, i t w a s w r i t t e n after t h e s y n o d o f R y c h n o v , p r o b a b l y i n 1495, b u t before M a t e j a n d Lukää's visit to S t e k e n d u r i n g L e n t o f t h a t y e a r .

H i s statement,

t h o u g h , that it c a m e after the decree c o n c e r n i n g R e h o f ' s w r i t i n g s is n o t c o n s i s t e n t w i t h h i s d a t i n g t h i s decree i n the e n d o f the y e a r , ibid., p. 180. Müller-Bartos, Dejiny bratrske,

Jednoty

I , p p . 170, 171, dates it s o m e t i m e after A p r i l a n d , a t the s a m e t i m e , p l a c e s it

l i k e w i s e beofre J a k u b ' s tract. B u t it is p o s s i b l e t h a t the references i n the t r a c t to the c o n d e m n a t i o n o f R e h o f ' s w r i t i n g refer n o t to the a c t u a l decree o n t h i s subject, but to the c r i t i c i s m s o f the e a r l y B r e t h r e n w h i c h h a d often been m a d e a l r e a d y by the l e a d e r s o f the M a j o r P a r t y .

A l t e r n a t e l y , the t r a c t m a y either h a v e b e e n w r i t t e n i n fact after

M a t e j a n d L u k ä l ' s v i s i t , o r the decree a b o u t R e h o f m a y h a v e b e e n m a d e e a r l i e r . T h e e v i d e n c e is i n a n y c a s e i n d e c i s i v e . T h e o p i n i o n s e x p r e s s e d by J a k u b , h o w e v e r , m u s t c e r t a i n l y h a v e b e e n k n o w n to M a t e j i n o u t l i n e before h i s visit. 3

S e e G i n d e l y , Geschichte

4

' P s a n i j a k e h o s k n e z e J a n a A p p o l i n a f s k e h o , ' Casopis

der Böhmischen Brüder, I , p. 7 1 . historicky,

1882, n o . 2, p. 6 5 .

156

THE SCHISM

Rendl o f Ousava, the nobleman w h o had played such an i m p o r t a n t p a r t i n b r i n g i n g a b o u t the victory o f the M a j o r Party at Brandys i n 1490. O u r knowledge o f their dispute is only fragmentary. I t seems that R e n d ! was a member o f the same congregation as J a k u b , t h o u g h i t is n o t completely certain w h e n the former actually became a f u l l member o f the U n i t y . I n 1491 he h a d been appointed Burgrave (purkrabi)

o f Prague Castle, a

post o f considerable importance i n the administrative hierarchy.

His

admission t o the U n i t y , therefore, w o u l d after this have seemed t o Jakub an even worse betrayal o f its principles t h a n before. T h e i r dispute, w h i c h p r o b a b l y arose sometime i n 1494, may have been due t o an attempt o n Jakub's p a r t t o have Rendl's application for membership t u r n e d d o w n or, i f indeed he h a d already become a member earlier, t o b r i n g a b o u t his expulsion f o r h o l d i n g office contrary t o the o l d regulations o f the U n i t y . A n o t h e r source o f conflict may have been the fact that R e n d l , o w i n g to his position i n society, was allowed to j o i n the U n i t y as a secret member, an i n n o v a t i o n w h i c h , indeed, was n o t accepted for l o n g even by the M a j o r Party.

5

Jakub's charges may have carried considerable weight i n his o w n

congregation, b u t they c o u l d only a d d fuel t o the flames o f his dispute with Ambroz. F o r a l l these reasons the newly constituted I n n e r C o u n c i l considered the situation serious enough t o send a deputation o f three t o visit the turbulent province. M a t e j , L u k a s , and a t h i r d B r o t h e r whose name is n o t recorded arrived i n Steken i n Lent 1495 t o b r i n g the rebels to heel. B o t h sides were summoned to attend a meeting at w h i c h they were required t o state their case. The result was a foregone conclusion, since J a k u b a n d A m o s were obviously u n w i l l i n g to give u p their o p p o s i t i o n to the edict o f Brandys; while the new leadership o f the U n i t y n a t u r a l l y supported A m b r o l ' s standpoint i n the dispute. Accounts o f the meeting, w h i c h t o o k place i n Jakub's h o m e , fragmentary.

6

are

I t seems that Lukas defended w i t h v i g o u r the v a l i d i t y o f

oathtaking. There were, he claimed, three different types o f oaths. False oaths and ones l i g h t l y taken were f o r b i d d e n ; b u t oaths w h i c h contained the t r u t h were n o t only permissible, b u t 'whoever is u n w i l l i n g t o swear o n t r u t h , commits a sin and breaks the L a w . ' I f he, L u k a s , was 'required t o take such an o a t h , [he] w o u l d regard i t as a sin t o refuse.'

7

T h e argument,

as reported by Jakub, is certainly more radical t h a n i n previous discussions, 6

G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p p . 2 3 4 - 3 6 .

*

Cas. hist., p. 66.

'

A . J . B . , I V , fol. 5 6 v ( q u o t e d i n P a l m o v , Cheshkie

p. 156).

bratya

v svoikh konfessiyach,

II,

THE

157

SCHISM

w h e n oaths were to be taken only as a last resort a n d f u l l freedom was granted those w i l l i n g t o suffer f o r continued refusal. Lukás had been backed u p i n his argument by Matéj, w h o indeed denied there had ever been any serious differences o f o p i n i o n i n the U n i t y i n such matters. One o f the M i n o r Party, therefore, asked h i m whether he was n o t acting f r o m compulsion, pressure h a v i n g been b r o u g h t u p o n h i m t o give his support. Matéj r e p l i e d : ' I have come t o the same way o f t h i n k i n g as Lukás o f m y o w n free w i l l and w i t h o u t any pressure.'

8

A n o t h e r member

o f the M i n o r Party, an unlettered Brother called Blazek, attempted to defend the o l d doctrines and was i n f o r m e d t h a t his words contained 'immoderate and overhigh accusations.'

9

There was also a n angry exchange o f opinions between J a k u b and Pofimsky, w h o was t o l d by the f o r m e r : ' I t was n o t i n order t o spread lies f r o m province to province and create hatred a m o n g people that y o u were ordained priest.' This r e m a r k was p r o b a b l y i n answer t o

Pofimsky's

accusation, repeated several times, t h a t J a k u b h a d been s t i r r i n g u p t r o u b l e a m o n g members o f his congregation.

T h i s J a k u b , however, s t o u t l y

denied, m a i n t a i n i n g t h a t the discontent was a spontaneous reaction o n the p a r t o f those still l o y a l t o the o l d d o c t r i n e s .

10

T h e discussion c o n t i n u e d u n t i l late i n the evening.

T h e verdict o f

Matéj and the t w o visiting Brethren, therefore, was t o be p r o m u l g a t e d o n the f o l l o w i n g day, J a k u b and A m o s p r o m i s i n g t o remain i n the t o w n u n t i l then. T h e t w o rebels, however, realizing that this decision w o u l d inevitably go against t h e m , departed f r o m Stéken secretly d u r i n g the n i g h t . T h e verdict, calling u p o n them t o abandon their o p p o s i t i o n as w e l l as to become reconciled t o A m b r o z a n d R e n d l o f Ousava, a n d t o s u b m i t t o the decisions o f the Inner C o u n c i l - Lukás calls i t ousudek opravy - h a d to be sent o n t o them i n w r i t i n g .

L a t e r J a k u b made the rather ambiguous

statement that, i f he had k n o w n that Matéj w o u l d afterwards t r y t o conceal the fact o f his frequent changes o f o p i n i o n , 'we w o u l d never have left [i.e. i n the n i g h t ] , b u t instead have entered the congregation a n d proclaimed before b o t h the sexes what had taken place between us.' Doubtless a feeling o f h a v i n g been o u t w i t t e d coloured Jakub's version o f w h a t t o o k place.

11

A s was t o be expected, J a k u b a n d A m o s t o o k n o notice o f their con-

8

Ibid.,

fol. 51 ( q u o t e d i n G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p. 2 2 6 ) . C f . Cas.

4

Ibid.,

fol. 50v.

10

1 1

hist.,

pp.

65, 66.

Cas. hist., p. 6 5 . A . J . B . , I V , fol. 5 7 v . T h i s s e e m s t o i n d i c a t e t h a t M a t e j ' s d e c i s i o n o n t h e f o l l o w i n g

m o r n i n g w a s r e a d o u t before the w h o l e c o n g r e g a t i o n o f Stéken B r e t h r e n .

158

THE SCHISM

d e m n a t i o n , c o n t i n u i n g to p r o c l a i m their belief i n the obligatoriness o f the o l d principles o n a l l the Brethren and t o r a l l y support, wherever possible, among the membership. ' A n d hence once again no l i t t l e confusion arose w i t h i n the U n i t y , ' relates L u k a s , w h o maintains, however, t h a t the eventual result was beneficial, since i t relieved the U n i t y o f m a n y o f its most fractious members. The sources are n o t quite clear as t o the exact date when disciplinary action was taken against J a k u b and A m o s .

Its first stage was exclusion

f r o m the eucharist; f u l l expulsion f r o m the U n i t y only came several years later, after A m o s had created a b o u t 1500 a separate priesthood f o r the M i n o r Party.

The verdict o f excommunication may actually have

been taken at the Lent meeting at Sttiken, or i t may only have come afterwards as a result o f the rebel's non-compliance w i t h the decisions made there. L u k a s and the M a j o r Party, indeed, were always to m a i n t a i n t h a t their opponents were n o t expelled for their views, b u t o n account o f the ' s i n ' o f disobedience to the properly constituted a u t h o r i t y o f the U n i t y and their intolerance o f those Brethren w h o d i d n o t share their o p i n i o n s .

12

A f t e r the synod o f Rychnov, A m o s and J a k u b , w r o t e L u k a s , 'were n o t forced t o a n y t h i n g opposed to their conscience; o n the contrary, love was shown t o t h e m , so t h a t they m i g h t continue to t h i n k as they had t h o u g h t . '

13

The o r d i n a r y members o f the M i n o r Party were t o be tolerated f o r the time being w i t h i n the U n i t y , despite their disagreement w i t h the new doctrines.

I t was p r o b a b l y hoped t h a t the radical action to be taken

against their leaders, and the letters sent t o the Brethren o f the M i n o r Party by M a t e j d u r i n g or immediately after his visit t o Steken, declaring the v a l i d i t y o f o a t h t a k i n g and p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the state,

14

would put an

end to the disaffection among the rank-and-file, w h o had n o t yet been guilty o f acts o f indiscipline against their spiritual superiors. As

Matej

wrote i n the letter he sent to Jakub and t o Blazek, one o f the M i n o r Party present at the meeting, to w h o m he handed i t o n leaving St&ken: ' I n conversation w i t h us y o u several times asserted t h a t y o u cannot, and w i l l n o t , submit i n the matter o f w o r l d l y power and the o a t h , even t h o u g h i n the o p i n i o n o f others i t is n o t against Christ's c o m m a n d m e n t . B u t we have a m i n d to suffer y o u f o r a suitable t i m e . '

15

The accusations w h i c h the M i n o r P a r t y were constantly b r i n g i n g for1 2

proti

F o r M a t e j ' s visit a n d its aftermath, see L u k d s , ' O o b n o v e n i , ' fols. 9 9 v , 1 0 0 : odtriencom,

Odpis

fols, 4 5 , 45v, 4 8 v ( q u o t e d i n G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p p . 2 0 5 , 2 1 2 , 2 1 6 ) ;

Cas. hist., p p . 6 4 , 6 5 . »

A . J . B . , I V , fol. 145.

"

Ibid.,

fol. 51 ( q u o t e d i n G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p. 2 2 6 ) ; Cas. hist., p. 6 6 .

"

Ibid.,

f o l . 57 ( q u o t e d ibid., p. 2 2 7 ) ; fol. 3 3 .

T H E SCHISM

159

w a r d against M a t e j , however, h a d p r o b a b l y touched h i m on the raw. I n another letter, w r i t t e n i n the name o f the I n n e r C o u n c i l a n d now sent to the Brethren o f the M i n o r Party, he sought to rebut their assertions o f treachery o r at least to get them to moderate their tone.

'After much

w r i t i n g a n d direct talks w i t h y o u , let me r e m i n d y o u o f the d u t y o f b r o t h e r l y love.'

Let t h e m stop creating disturbances, 'since y o u are n o t

forced b y us i n any way either as regards actions or thoughts . . . we have t h r o u g h o u t wanted t o tolerate y o u i f y o u h a d n o t c o m m i t t e d other offences,' i.e. o f indiscipline. M a t e j n o w considered acceptance o f office under certain conditions as scripturally justified. 'Therefore we beseech y o u to take care n o t t o become offenders against G o d ' s commandments f o r the sake o f the letter (pro nekterd literni slovd) w h i c h , i t seems t o us, y o u d o n o t understand.' H e was prepared, however, to m a k e some concessions towards their p o i n t o f view. F i r s t , the avoidance o f office wherever possible was still considered advisable.

The second concession was one w h i c h h a d n o t

appeared before d u r i n g the course o f the controversy: 'We do n o t f o r b i d y o u [wrote M a t e j ] t o lead whomsoever y o u can o f the wealthy towards v o l u n t a r y poverty, . . . t o snatch t h e m f r o m offices, i n w h i c h their souls are i n m u c h danger', a n d lead t h e m 'towards a more perfect life a n d . . . a closer i m i t a t i o n o f C h r i s t . B u t t h a t is n o t f o r all m e n . ' A c c o r d i n g to C h r i s t i t was indeed difficult, b u t n o t impossible, f o r a r i c h m a n to enter the K i n g d o m o f Heaven. Some, t o o , w h o believed i n Christ, such as the R o m a n centurion, were men placed i n a u t h o r i t y . T h e views o f the M i n o r Party - w h i c h , o f course, h a d been those o f the whole U n i t y a few years before - were j u d g e d by M a t e j t o be u n s o u n d ; a n d he concluded his letter w i t h the threat o f 'avoidance,' o f a b o y c o t t by the l o y a l members o f the U n i t y against the r e f r a c t o r y .

16

Soon after this, o n the request o f some o f the pastors i n the provinces, M a t e j and his I n n e r C o u n c i l sent o u t a strongly w o r d e d directive as to the attitude t o be taken u p towards the rebel leaders, ' w i c k e d a n d b o l d m e n [they are called] w h o are unable to p r o f i t f r o m any a d m o n i t i o n o r talks "

Odpis,

fols, 5 4 - 5 5 ( q u o t e d i n p a r t i n G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p. 2 1 9 ) . T h e r e is n o c l e a r

i n d i c a t i o n o f the d a t i n g o f this letter. G o l l r a t h e r v a g u e l y p u t s it s o m e t i m e before the c o n f e r e n c e at C h l u m e c i n 1 4 9 6 ; w h i l e L u k a s m a k e s it precede t h e letter q u o t e d i n note 18, o r d e r i n g the b o y c o t t i n g o f t h o s e w h o r e m a i n e d i n the M i n o r

P a r t y . I t is e q u a l l y

difficult to p l a c e e i t h e r letter i n r e l a t i o n to J a k u b ' s S e c o n d T r a c t ; b u t they w o u l d b o t h a p p e a r t o h a v e b e e n w r i t t e n before its c o m p o s i t i o n . B o t h the t r a c t a n d the t w o letters s e r v e d to give w r i t t e n e x p r e s s i o n to the o p i n i o n s o f the t w o p a r t i e s d u r i n g the p e r i o d b e t w e e n the d i s c i p l i n a r y a c t i o n t a k e n a g a i n s t the M i n o r P a r t y after M a t e j ' s L e n t visit to Stfeken a n d the C h l u m e c c o n f e r e n c e o f the f o l l o w i n g y e a r .

160

T H E SCHISM

together.

F o r whatever is said t o them, they twist a r o u n d . . .

detriment.'

17

to our

Therefore, the pastors are advised t o w a r n :

Their people and their assistants n o t to speak w i t h them n o r even t o wish t o listen t o t h e m , b u t t o deal w i t h t h e m briefly, saying: ' W e believe according t o the Brethren [i.e., c f the I n n e r Council] i n salvation i n G o d ; i f y o u have a n y t h i n g against t h a t , tell i t to t h e m . ' F o r we are m o r e aware o f some o f their lies. B u t if, despite the general w a r n i n g , some continue to h o l d intercourse w i t h t h e m , t h e n they should be personally admonished. If, despite even that, these should still appear t o such persons more right and good . . . let t h e m have a taste, give them freedom. . . . F o r most probably the same sort o f persons w i l l j o i n t h e m as they are t h e m selves, people w h o w o u l d stick at n o t h i n g . 18

I n the same year as the p a r t i a l expulsion f r o m the U n i t y o f the leaders o f the M i n o r Party, A m o s and J a k u b , another step was taken towards the final eradication o f the p o l i t i c a l and social doctrines o f the O l d Brethren. A second conference was held at Rychnov t o discuss the question h o w far, i n view o f the recent changes, the writings o f ChelSicky, Rehof, and his contemporaries were n o w b i n d i n g o n U n i t y members.

U n l i k e the con-

ference o f the previous year, w h i c h had included b o t h priest and laymen, now only eighteen leading pastors were present, i n c l u d i n g a l l members o f the new Inner C o u n c i l and some, l i k e M a t e j and M i c h a l , w h o had f o r m e r l y been upholders o f the o l d viewpoint. The object o f the conference

was

t o find means to counter the accusation, made by the M i n o r Party, that i t was they w h o represented the t r u e U n i t y t r a d i t i o n , while the present I n n e r Council had betrayed the ideals o f its founder. Such arguments c o u l d obviously be used w i t h great effect a m o n g the rank-and-file Brethren, especially those o f the older generation used to regard the w r i t i n g s o f Brother Rehof as o f almost equal v a l i d i t y w i t h the scriptures. The decree (svoleni)

w h i c h embodied the conference's findings opened

by declaring that the U n i t y d i d n o t regard any previous sayings o r w r i t i n g s o f any o f its members, past or present, as 'unalterable laws.' T h e arguments to the c o n t r a r y o f those presentday Brethren, by w h o m A m o s and 17

"

Odpis, fol. 55v. Ibid, ( q u o t e d i n p a r t i n G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p. 2 1 9 ) . F o r dating, see M i i l l e r - B a r t o s ,

op. cit., p. 169. A t C h l u m e c i n the f o l l o w i n g y e a r the M a j o r P a r t y a c c u s e d J a k u b a n d h i s friends o f w r i t i n g to P r a g u e to incite the U t r a q u i s t M a s t e r s against t h e m . T h e

Minor

P a r t y , however, denied they k n e w a n y o f the P r a g u e M a s t e r s o r priests, a s s e r t i n g , o n the c o n t r a r y , that it w a s t h e i r o p p o n e n t s , e s p e c i a l l y T a b o r s k y , w h o h a d w r i t t e n s e v e r a l times t o P r a g u e —

seemingly i n p a r t i c u l a r to M . V i k t o r i n K o r n e l , the U n i t y ' s e r s t w h i l e

friend a n d later o p p o n e n t — to ' o u r a n d y o u r great e n e m i e s . ' T h e U t r a q u i s t priests, a s a result, m a k i n g use o f their d e n u n c i a t i o n s , h a d ' p r e a c h e d [i.e. against the M i n o r P a r t y ] i n their s e r m o n s . ' T h e references to these c o n t a c t s in the R e p o r t o f the M i n o r (Cos.

hist., pp. 65, 66) a r e n o t at a l l c l e a r .

Party

161

T H E SCHISM

Jakub were obviously meant t h o u g h their names were not

specifically

mentioned, w h o interpreted these writings i n such a way as to cause 'a general lack o f trust' a m o n g members a n d 'even t o b r i n g about a schism,' were on no account to be given credence. A f t e r a brief historical survey o f the origins o f the U n i t y i n the year 1457, the writers o f the decree went o n to express themselves very c r i t i c a l l y concerning the opinions given vent t o at t h a t time. The Brethren t h e n , i t was claimed, were w o n t to view matters f r o m an 'immoderately l o f t y ' standpoint, w h i c h had been handed o n t o succeeding generations as the official U n i t y line. A m o n g those responsible for the acceptance o f such ideas, persons ' w h o praised w h a t they themselves d i d not practice,' was Petr Chel5icky, whose w o r k s were especially p o p u l a r reading i n U n i t y circles. Even t h o u g h the Brethren f o u n d i t extremely h a r d t o live u p to such principles, the attempt was made t o base their way o f life u p o n the doctrines o f ChelSicky a n d R e h o f and their l i k e . N e w converts, t o o , were required to accept these principles as their o w n .

The net result was,

however, t h a t the Brethren came t o trust more i n their o w n good w o r k s than ' i n the cross o f C h r i s t . ' C o u n t e r i n g i n advance the accusation o f disrespect towards the f o u n d ers o f their society, the authors o f the decree p o i n t e d o u t t h a t Moses i n the O l d Testament a n d the apostles, and especially St. Peter, all fell short o f perfection and deserved admonishment for some o f their actions. ' I t was the same, also, w i t h the founders o f the U n i t y . ' A f t e r some time i t began t o be felt that some o f the doctrines accepted by the U n i t y were m i s t a k e n and even erroneous.

Therefore, they h a d n o w come to acknowledge t h a t

the w o r k s o f the early Brethren c o n t a i n i n g the official corpus o f U n i t y doctrine 'were w r i t t e n w i t h insufficiency.'

Several o f Brother Rehof's

writings were, indeed, specifically mentioned, t h o u g h i t is difficult t o identify t h e m exactly, as a result o f the imprecise use o f titles. O w i n g t o God's love and effective actions we have come t o realize [the decree goes on] that certain matters have been treated w i t h o u t m o d e r a t i o n and intemperately (nad miru a stridmosi) ... We, therefore, b o t h those w h o have been members f r o m the beginning and those w h o j o i n e d later, have unanimously and w i t h good intent decreed, after m u c h heartsearching, that we should n o t be impeded by these things n o r keep them for future guidance . . . B u t t h a t they s h o u l d be reckoned a m o n g the A p o crypha, and t h a t those writings for l o n g accepted b y a l l Christians, w h i c h are set o u t and contained i n the Bible, are sufficient. I n the present dissension a n d controversy w i t h i n the U n i t y o n the attitude towards the state, their chief concern should be t o strive patiently for the r e f o r m a t i o n o f the w r o n g t h i n k i n g and n o t to act simply f r o m anger and

162

T H E SCHISM

hatred. Towards the end o f the decree the writers called for the e x h i b i t i o n of a spirit o f brotherly love. T h e i r a i m i n m a k i n g this decree, they claimed, was to p u t an end t o the uncertainty and bickering w h i c h h a d existed hitherto, and to give a clear p r o o f o f the u n i t y w h i c h existed o n this subject among the leadership, between the younger members and those who had j o i n e d i n Brother Rehof's d a y .

19

The decree o f Rychnov was a l a n d m a r k i n U n i t y history. T h e o l d political and social doctrines, as expressed i n the writings o f ChelcSicky and Rehof, were n o t , i t is true, entirely rejected. They were still to have binding force 'so l o n g as they coincided w i t h the h o l y scriptures and served the purpose o f profitable e d i f i c a t i o n . '

20

As the Historia

Fratrum

expressed i t , the decree was designed t o b r i n g a b o u t 'a u n i t i n g and a harmonious calming o f a l l the divisions, w h i c h h a d existed h i t h e r t o i n the Unity of Brethren.'

21

B u t , i n actual fact, i t was t o have the effect o f re-

placing the t r a d i t i o n a l ideology by one w h i c h was by degrees to come to accept the existing social order w i t h o u t any reservations.

The appeal t o

the writings o f R e h o f o r ChelSicky, therefore, was n o longer t o be an irrefutable p r o o f o f the Tightness o f any given o p i n i o n , t h o u g h even a m o n g many o f those w h o accepted the new standpoint the a u t h o r i t y at least o f Rehof still had m u c h weight. This must, above a l l , have been true o f B r o t h e r M a t e j , b o u n d b y so many ties o f affection a n d respect t o Rehof's m e m o r y .

F o r this reason

probably the M i n o r Party n o w sent one o f their number, Benes V o d i c k a , to speak w i t h Matej w h i l e he was visiting L i t o m y s l , and to find o u t exactly what his views were o n these subjects.

Matej's reply to the

question whether he 'wished to stand by the early doctrine o r by the present decree' was typical o f his whole o u t l o o k : ' B y b o t h , since we tolerate b o t h (Ze pri prvnim i nynejsim, neb obemu ddvdme

miesto).'

22

I t was also for the present the official attitude o f the Inner C o u n c i l . A b o u t t h i s time, too, Jakub, w i t h the assistance o f A m o s and a t h i r d member o f the M i n o r Party, R i h a o f Votice, composed a lengthy manifesto w h i c h p u t s f o r w a r d i n somewhat chaotic fashion, b u t w i t h an almost fanatical earnestness a n d sincerity, the case f o r the M i n o r P a r t y . "

23

Jakub's

G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p. 2 0 9 - 1 1 , w h i c h r e p r i n t s the m a j o r p a r t o f the fuller v e r s i o n

given i n the Historia

Fratrum.

T h e v e r s i o n i n Dekrety

Jednoty

bratrske,

p. 2, i s v e r y

m u c h shortened. "

Dekrety,

"

S a f a f l k , ' B r . J a n a B l a h o s l a v a h i s t o r i e b r a t f i c e s k ? c h , ' C.

loc.

cit.

p. 108. "

Odpis,

**

G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p. 194.

fol. 54v ( q u o t e d i n G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p. 2 1 9 ) .

C. M.,

XXXVI

(1862),

THE SCHISM

163

Second T r a c t , as i t is usually called, was t o be o f considerable i m p o r t a n c e i n the ensuing stages o f the controversy. A t the outset J a k u b stressed, first, the virtues o f suffering and p o v e r t y : ' F r o m the beginning o f the w o r l d the g o o d people had had t o suffer.'

24

Renegades, l i k e L u k a s a n d K r a s o n i c k y , had tried t o prove t h a t i f a person 'suffers, being able to defend himself, his suffering is merely that o f an ass o r a beast.' B u t Christ had n o t taken this view. H e had n o t hesitated ' t o lay his y o k e ' u p o n his disciples ' f o r the sake o f God's k i n g d o m , ' r e q u i r i n g t h a t they should renounce p r o p e r t y and f a m i l y . H i s followers were f o u n d a m o n g the l o w l y a n d the p o o r , among servants, n o t rulers. ' F o r i t is n o t the poor w h o rule the w o r l d b u t the r i c h . ' C h r i s t i a n i t y , f o r Jakub and his l i k e , was a religion ' w h i c h blesses the p o o r . . . a n d a p p o r t ions misery t o the r i c h . ' D u r i n g the early years o f the U n i t y , he writes, ' m a n y people h a d renounced great estates, h o n o u r , fame and a l u x u r i o u s life and w i t h j o y undergone great trials, h a r d i m p r i s o n m e n t , cruel t o r t u r e and some even death i t s e l f . '

25

J a k u b mentions the names o f some o f these

' h i g h a n d noble' persons w h o , u p o n j o i n i n g the U n i t y , lived thereafter o n the same level as the 'simple' B r e t h r e n : persons belonging to the Sarovec and Sudomer families and Brother V o t i k , a b o u t whose lives however n o t h i n g further is k n o w n . These he contrasts w i t h the type o f person n o w recruited i n t o the U n i t y , w h o 'has acquired estates, has become r i c h , gained h o n o u r and r e n o w n a n d the friendship o f the w o r l d ' and risen and here R e n d l o f Ousava is p r o b a b l y referred t o - to h i g h office: a l l d u r i n g the p e r i o d when, as a neophyte, he should be d o i n g penance f o r his former sins i n the w o r l d .

2 6

Jakub's second p o i n t was t h a t the true C h r i s t i a n f a i t h h a d been held t h r o u g h o u t the centuries o n l y by a small m i n o r i t y o f the f a i t h f u l .

'When-

ever the n u m b e r o f people m u l t i p l i e d , they stifled the seed o f f a i t h ; b u t G o d preserves i t i n a small c o m p a n y . '

27

I t was better t o be o n the r i g h t

p a t h w i t h the chosen few t h a n o n the w r o n g w i t h the m a j o r i t y . I t was to the small flock t h a t Christ's words o f c o m f o r t were directed. This J a k u b illustrates b y the contrast between the history o f the official c h u r c h since the D o n a t i o n o f Constantine and t h a t o f the Waldenses, a persecuted m i n o r i t y . B u t even the latter had finally departed f r o m the teachings o f their founder, for every movement, t h o u g h 'begun i n G o d , . . . i n the course o f time undergoes a decrease and later a c o r r u p t i o n t h r o u g h the "

A . J . B . , I V , fol. 5 0 ( q u o t e d ibid., p. 2 2 5 ) .

25

Ibid.,

fols. 51v, 52, 5 3 , 54, 56.

«

Ibid.,

fol. 54v ( q u o t e d G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p p . 2 2 6 , 2 3 4 , 2 3 5 ) .

"

Ibid.,

fol. 5 0 ( q u o t e d i n p a r t i n ibid., p. 2 2 5 ) .

2

164

THE SCHISM

wicked enemy.'

T h i s , indeed, had n o w happened w i t h the Brethren.

' M a n y people were saying, as they called to m i n d their early w o r k s and saw what they were d o i n g at present, that the Brethren, h a v i n g begun i n the spirit, were ending w i t h the flesh.' This was the result o f the i n n o v a tions o f the M a j o r P a r t y .

28

They h a d , i t was i m p l i e d , abandoned the o l d

doctrines t o avoid persecution and t o w i n over large numbers o f people unwilling to make the sacrifices h i t h e r t o demanded on entry i n t o the U n i t y . T h i r d l y , the tract stressed the absolute b i n d i n g force o f every w o r d o f Christ, according to the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n given by the early Brethren. Christ w o u l d acknowledge

only 'those w h o accepted H i s teaching, so

cherishing i t that heaven a n d earth w o u l d first pass away before the least o f His w o r d s . '

29

This i n t e r p r e t a t i o n was o f course the one given by Chel-

cicky and Rehof, w h i c h h a d been accepted u n t i l recently b y almost a l l the Brethren. F o r the first time i n the polemical literature o f the U n i t y the question o f the oath comes t o the fore, t h o u g h i t does n o t as yet take the central position i n the controversy i t was shortly t o d o .

J a k u b devotes con-

siderable attention to i t a n d quotes the words o f Christ ( M a t t h e w V , 34-37) and St. James (James V , 12) to prove that every k i n d o f o a t h is f o r b i d d e n to the Christian. ' A n d w h e n the p r o h i b i t i o n concerning the o a t h is set aside [he writes] then the c o m m a n d m e n t to love one's enemies is b r o k e n too,' as well as all the other injunctions o f the Sermon o n the M o u n t . A n y attempt, therefore, t o lessen the force o f one c o m m a n d m e n t was an attack on all the others. The tract repeated the f a m i l i a r arguments against the p a r t i c i p a t i o n o i the Christian i n the w o r k o f the state. 'There is no p r o o f

whatsoever

[wrote Jakub] that the civil power ever had any p a r t i n the u n i t y o f the holy church.' T o m i x the t w o w o u l d be like c o m b i n i n g fire and water. Those Christian bodies, heedless o f Christ's injunctions i n the Sermon o n the M o u n t , w h o have allowed their members to participate i n the state, were i n fact 'the legions o f d a m n a t i o n ' . J a k u b rejected w i t h scorn his opponents' c l a i m that by the recent changes i n doctrine they had n o t simply accepted the standards o f the paganized C h r i s t i a n i t y o f the w o r l d . He even accused t h e m o f h i d i n g the f u l l implications o f their p o s i t i o n f r o m the ordinary members o f the U n i t y . F o r h i m the edict o f Brandys meant, not only that the Brethren m i g h t n o w take office, swear and fight i n the wars, but that 'a Brother m i g h t deliver u p a t h i e f to justice, to the rack and the scaffold, . . . and d o evil for evil.' "

Ibid., fols. 51v, 52, 5 3 - 5 4 , 56, 56v.

"

Ibid., fol 51 ( q u o t e d ibid., p. 2 2 6 ) .

165

T H E SCHISM

W h y h a d the M i n o r Party b r o k e n w i t h their opponents o f the M a j o r Party? I t was i n the first place, J a k u b replied, because ' y o u oppress us by force.' A second reason lay i n the fact t h a t they had no r i g h t to act as judges i n the dispute, 'since y o u are yourselves one o f the parties (neb jste strand).'

T h i r d l y , i t was impossible t o continue to s u b m i t t o ' y o u r

p r o s t i t u t i o n o f doctrine, by w h i c h y o u c o r r u p t the h o l y scripture' w i t h the assertion t h a t the former strict i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f Christ's c o m m a n d m e n t s m i g h t be abandoned. I t was i n fact rather the M a j o r P a r t y w h i c h h a d split o f f f r o m the M i n o r , since the latter alone held t o the p r i m i t i v e f a i t h o f the early Brethren. T h e former were 'the devisers o f new things a n d the defenders o f new-fangled' doctrines. J a k u b , therefore, flatly denied the M a j o r Party's c l a i m that the cause o f the schism was n o t a dispute a b o u t doctrine, b u t a case o f indiscipline a m o n g a m i n o r i t y o f the members, whose conscientious scruples were to be respected, so l o n g as the same t o l e r a t i o n was accorded to the opinions o f the m a j o r i t y .

30

M u c h space i n the tract was devoted to attacks on the leaders o f the M a j o r P a r t y : Klenovsky, Lukâs,

31

K r a s o n i c k y a n d Tûma the Scribe. B u t

the bitterest jibes were directed against M a t e j , the t u r n c o a t , the renegade w h o o n l y a few years earlier h a d confided i n J a k u b a n d his friends his distrust o f K l e n o v s k y and his l o y a l t y t o the o l d doctrines. ' Y o u are u n w o r t h y t o be a bishop a n d pastor', J a k u b t o l d h i m . 'The same doctrine w h i c h we n o w h o l d , B r o t h e r M a t e j held f o r m a n y years; a n d we are m i n d e d t o keep t o this doctrine u n t i l we die, f o r i t was observed f o r m a n y years under B r o t h e r Rehor a n d m a n y Brothers a n d Sisters still h o l d i t dear.' B u t n o w M a t e j h a d ' o f his o w n free w i l l ' deserted t h e m , even going so far as t o w a r n his congregations against contact w i t h t h e m , j u s t because o f their l o y a l t y to p r i n c i p l e .

32

The tract is badly constructed. Its arguments are t h r o w n together w i t h o u t m u c h attempt at any logical sequence. T h e arrangement is c o m pletely m u d d l e d a n d personal abuse is often substituted f o r reasoning. B u t i t is obviously the p r o d u c t o f a personality w h i c h , however u n t r a i n e d , 8 0

Ibid.,

3 1

I n J a n u a r y 1496 L u k â s h a d i s s u e d a t r a c t entitled O pfiâinâch

bratrske

fols. 5 1 - 5 2 v , 5 5 , 56v, 5 7 . oddlleni

( A . J . B . , I l l , fols 9 8 - 1 3 8 ) m a i n l y f o r the p u r p o s e o f c o n t r o v e r t i n g the

sepsâni Minor

P a r t y ' s thesis that the U n i t y s e p a r a t e d f r o m the U t r a q u i s t c h u r c h a s a protest a g a i n s t t h e m o r a l c o r r u p t i o n o f its clergy.

LukâS, o n the o t h e r h a n d , a s c r i b e d its o r i g i n t o

differences o v e r t h e o l o g i c a l a n d d o g m a t i c q u e s t i o n s r a t h e r t h a n to a m o r a l r e v o l t , t h e r e b y w e a k e n i n g the e m p h a s i s p l a c e d b y h i s o p p o n e n t s o n the p r o b l e m o f m o r a l b e h a v i o u r i n p o l i t i c a l a n d s o c i a l m a t t e r s . S e e M o l n â r , BoleslavSti

bratfi,

p. 4 3 . LukâS,

o n a c c o u n t o f h i s l i t e r a r y a c t i v i t i e s a n d h i s i n c r e a s i n g p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the dispute, w a s now 3 3

rightly

r e g a r d e d b y the M i n o r P a r t y a s o n e o f t h e i r m o s t weighty

A . J . B . , I V , fols. 5 7 , 57v.

opponents.

166

THE SCHISM

possessed a deep m o r a l seriousness. The atmosphere, w i t h its c o n t i n u o u s emphasis o n the n a r r o w path to be t r o d by the small a n d l o w l y flock o f true Christians, is the same as is f o u n d i n the w r i t i n g s o f Rehof

or

Chelcicky. Its author's b u r n i n g anger, the feeling o f frustration almost t o the p o i n t o f inarticulateness, was due to his realization that n o t o n l y were the ideals o f the U n i t y ' s founders being destroyed b y those w h o claimed to be the guardians o f its traditions, but t h a t a m o n g the latter were some even who, like M a t e j , had been Rehof's closest associates.

I t must, t o o ,

have become increasingly clear t h a t the b u l k o f the membership was prepared to stand by indifferent a n d see this happen, w i t h many Brethren, indeed, actively

t a k i n g p a r t i n the controversy o n the side o f the

innovators. Neither threats n o r attempts at conciliation were t o make the M i n o r Party more ready t o accept the existence w i t h i n the U n i t y o f any members u n w i l l i n g to keep to the strict m o r a l code o f Rehof's day. T h e threats only strengthened their c o n v i c t i o n o f the wrongness o f their adversaries. They scornfully rejected the l i m i t e d toleration o f their o w n views offered them by M a t e j . 'We are n o t i n the least grateful t o y o u [wrote Jakub i n his Second Tract] for suffering us i n those matters, where we are i n fact fulfilling God's commandments. Therefore, we d o n o t need y o u r tolerat i o n . ' Nevertheless, J a k u b went o n to h i n t that his p a r t y w o u l d welcome another meeting f o r discussion, a n d to protest even t h a t the disciplinary action taken against himself a n d other members o f the M i n o r Party was especially unfair, i n view o f the fact that so far they h a d been refused a further chance o f expressing their s t a n d p o i n t .

33

M a t e j a n d the I n n e r

C o u n c i l also still appear to have been anxious to confer w i t h J a k u b and his friends once more. The chances o f a successful outcome to such a meeting were, however, remote. A conference irozmlouvdni) Chlumec on the river C i d l i n a .

actually t o o k place o n 23 M a y 1496 a t 34

The object o f the conference i n the view

o f each side was the same, to convince the other p a r t y o f the wrongness o f its opinions: ' F o r the sake o f p u t t i n g t h e m r i g h t , ' as the R e p o r t

(Zprdva)

o f the M a j o r Party p u t i t . The immediate i n i t i a t i v e i n calling the conference seems to have come f r o m the latter. 'The Brethren i n the true suc¬ "

A . J . B . , I V , fol. 57.

'*

D e t a i l e d a c c o u n t s o f the c o n f e r e n c e a r e given i n the R e p o r t o f the M a j o r

Party

( A . J . B . , I V , fols. 2 6 - 3 3 v ) , w h i c h is a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y by Lukds", a n d i n t h a t o f the M i n o r P a r t y (Casopis

historicky,

1882, n o . 2, pp. 6 1 - 6 7 , r e p r i n t e d f r o m A . J . B . , I V ) , the

a u t h o r o f w h i c h w a s p r o b a b l y J a k u b . T h e c h r o n o l o g i c a l o r d e r i n w h i c h the d i s c u s s i o n s a r e presented, t h o u g h p r o b a b l y a c c u r a t e o n the w h o l e , is i n b o t h r e p o r t s s o m e t i m e s r a t h e r erratic.

167

T H E SCHISM

cession (v puovodu) [as they called themselves] were u n w i l l i n g to reply o n paper to the w r i t i n g s ' o f the M i n o r Party, prefering ' t o speak w i t h them i n person for the sake o f a better understanding between the t w o sides. Therefore . . . i t was left for them to choose when and where they wished to come together f o r a conference.'

The leaders o f the M i n o r Party

evidently chose Chlumec as being i n the centre o f the area where they had numerous supporters. T h e delegates o f the M a j o r Party, Matéj, P r o k o p , Lukás, Matéj Uhlíf, like Matéj a former protagonist o f the o l d doctrines, and Bernard o f Pfibislavice f r o m the congregation at L i t o m y s l , o n a r r i v i n g i n Chlumec o n the Saturday before W h i t s u n sent t o ask whether the M i n o r Party still 'wished f o r a meeting; and where and according to w h a t order o f speaking and before w h a t persons i t should take place.'

T h e M i n o r Party, i n

answer, designated the f o l l o w i n g M o n d a y for the conference

and the

house o f Bene§ V o d i c k a as its l o c a t i o n . Vodiéka was a t a i l o r a n d a p r o m i n e n t member o f the M i n o r Party w h i c h , as already related, had sent h i m n o t l o n g before o n a visit to Matéj to find o u t exactly where the bishop stood i n the controversy.

The M i n o r Party also proposed t h a t

'the rank-and-file Brethren o f the n e i g h b o u r h o o d (bratrí obecní, okolní y domacy)

should be s u m m o n e d ' t o attend its sessions.

Matéj and his

colleagues agreed t o this o n c o n d i t i o n t h a t 'they p r o v i d e d accomodation a n d provisions f o r t h e m . ' B u t the M i n o r Party were n o t at first ready t o f a l l i n w i t h their suggestion; n o r d i d they give an immediate answer as t o the rules under w h i c h the conference should be conducted, p r o m i s i n g however to give this later. O n the Sunday evening Matéj again sent a messenger t o the M i n o r Party asking for an answer, and also t o find o u t whether they wanted a general conference o f all the delegates or w o u l d prefer t o elect several o f their number for a more i n t i m a t e discussion. I t appeared, however, that the M i n o r Party had n o t at first understood the meaning o f the questions p u t to t h e m . They n o w answered that they wanted the conference t o be conducted ' w i t h o u t squabblings and as a friendly discussion, and t h a t they were ready to behave properly towards B r o t h e r Matéj.' B u t , they added, they were disappointed at the absence o f K l e n o v s k y , w h o m they r i g h t l y regarded as the leading personality i n the I n n e r C o u n c i l . I t is, indeed, quite possible that Klenovsky kept away f r o m the

conference

realizing that his rejection o f the o l d doctrines, being m o r e radical t h a n t h a t o f some o f his colleagues, m i g h t impede its success. O n the M o n d a y m o r n i n g the members o f the local congregation gathered t o hear the proceedings o f the conference, some Brethren also a r r i v i n g

168

T H E SCHISM

f r o m the n e i g h b o u r i n g congregation at N o v y B y d z o v .

35

These onlookers

were present at the request o f the M i n o r P a r t y ; a n d M a t e j a n d his colleagues, therefore, t h o u g h t i t advisable t o have t h e m warned, before the session opened, ' t h a t they should sit quietly i n silence a n d n o t take p a r t themselves i n a n y t h i n g . ' T h e n the disputants entered, M a t e j a n d his colleagues being shown t o one table and the Brethren o f the M i n o r Party t o another. The latter were well-represented, eleven o f their number being present as against only five f r o m the M a j o r Party. J a k u b a n d A m o s o f course attended as well as Benes V o d i c k a w h o acted as host. T h e i r other delegates were: M a t o u g the Weaver o f L a n s k r o u n , Ondfej the Cobbler, Jan the M i l l e r f r o m Susice, R i h a the Weaver f r o m Votice, H a v e l the C l o t h i e r f r o m L i t o m y s l , J i r i k the Cooper, also f r o m Votice, 'a c e r t a i n ' Jan C v i l d a , a furrier, a n d Pavel, f o r m e r l y a priest o f the Mikuldsenci.

36

They were

representative, i t w o u l d seem, o f the p r o l e t a r i a n element i n the U n i t y i n contrast t o educated theologians l i k e P r o k o p a n d L u k a s o f the v i s i t i n g delegation.

The greater size o f the M i n o r Party's delegation was u n -

doubtedly due t o the fact that its members mostly came f r o m the neighb o u r h o o d , where the M i n o r Party h a d strong support. The conference opened i n an atmosphere o f m u t u a l t o l e r a t i o n , w h i c h , however, was u n f o r t u n a t e l y n o t t o be m a i n t a i n e d for l o n g . Even the Report o f the M a j o r Party admits that some o f the members o f the opposing delegation 'came w i t h the object o f p r o m o t i n g peace a n d c o n c i l i a t i o n ' ; a n d before the session actually opened, o n Matej's proposal, b o t h sides had stood i n prayer together. Then all the delegates sat d o w n ; a n d V o d i c k a as host t h a n k e d M a t e j for consenting t o come, p r o m i s i n g that they w o u l d listen quietly to what he had to say. M a t e j spoke first, briefly o u t l i n i n g the reasons f o r h o l d i n g the conference. H e asked the M i n o r Party t o state whether they still held t o the attacks made o n h i m a n d his colleagues i n Jakub's Second T r a c t , w h i c h they seem to have distributed a m o n g b o t h the members o f the M a j o r C f . Odpis,

n

fol. 4 9 ( q u o t e d i n G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p. 2 1 6 ) , w h e r e L u k a S w r i t e s t h a t

the conference w a s h e l d 'before the l o c a l c o n g r e g a t i o n

a n d before m a n y

[Brethren]

gathered f r o m the p r o v i n c e o f H r a d e c K r a l o v e . ' "

F o r this sect, see J i r e c e k , ' M i k u l d s e n c i , ' C. C. M.,

1876, p p . 4 7 - 8 2 . T h e y a p p a r e n t l y

d i d n o t s h a r e the e a r l y U n i t y ' s pacifist a n a r c h i s m a n d were severely c r i t i c i z e d by J a k u b for their c o l l a b o r a t i o n w i t h the c i v i l a u t h o r i t i e s , A . J . B . , I V , fols. 55v, 56.

According

to J i r e c e k , op. cit., pp. 6 4 , 6 5 , they d i d n o t h a v e priests o f their o w n , b u t P a v e l m a y h a v e been o n e o f their elders w h o a d m i n i s t e r e d the affairs o f the sect. I t s m e m b e r s , i n c l u d i n g the elders, c o n s i s t e d a l m o s t entirely o f illiterate p e a s a n t s a n d a r t i s a n s . article ' T h e W e e p i n g B r e t h r e n o f B o h e m i a ' , 77K? Iliff W i n t e r 1956, pp. 1 5 — 2 0 .

Review

(Denver,

See also

my

Colorado),

T H E SCHISM

Party and 'others' outside the U n i t y .

3 7

T h e M i n o r Party i n answer

protested that ' i t is n o t r i g h t t o speak first o f y o u r affairs . . . we shall give y o u a proper reply concerning these i n o u r o w n time. Let us rather talk first concerning h o l y matters, fundamental and essential to salvation.' They then t u r n e d t o M a t e j and asked h i m : 'Was the U n i t y at the very beginning b u i l t u p o n the f o u n d a t i o n o f Christ?' P r o k o p b r o k e i n t o say that i t was, ' b u t that there was insufficiency i n the teaching o f the o r i g i n a l doctrine.' The M a j o r Party however, he added, were ready to agree that the o l d doctrines (prvnl smysl) were still t o be tolerated w i t h i n the U n i t y . The M i n o r Party t r i e d t o press them o n this p o i n t : 'We t h a n k e d t h e m t h a t they had spoken t r u t h a n d asked t h e m w h y they had made a second new doctrine w h i c h c o u l d n o t be confirmed b y the scripture, w h e n one c o u l d be saved t h r o u g h the first.' T h e reply was the same as M a t e j h a d given earlier t o V o d i c k a : t h a t b o t h doctrines m i g h t equally be held t o .

This

however, w i t h considerable j u s t i f i c a t i o n , the M i n o r Party were quite unprepared t o accept; f o r t h e m 'the one was the c o n t r a r y o f the other, like water and fire.' They discoursed eloquently o n the cruelties i n v o l v e d i n p u t t i n g the new doctrines i n t o practice i n the sphere o f j u d i c i a l a d m i n i stration. ' H o w can y o u say t h a t b o t h doctrines can be adopted [their speaker ended w i t h i n d i g n a t i o n ] t h a t one can hang a m a n w i t h l o v i n g kindness (aby mohl z Idsky obesiti).' * 3

'They had [he said] been b r o u g h t u p

i n [the o l d doctrine], f o r its sake they had b r o k e n away f r o m other religious societies a n d j o i n e d the B r e t h r e n , been baptised a second t i m e and entered i n t o the h o l y c h u r c h . A n d i t was for this doctrine t h a t they had split o f f f r o m the Brethren, when they came t o realize the significance o f the decree [i.e. o f Brandys] c o n t r a r y to i t . ' The t w o sides were i n fact a r g u i n g at cross purposes. T h e M i n o r Party wished t o centre the discussion o n the scriptural v a l i d i t y o f the o l d d o c trine. M a t e j and his colleagues, o n the other h a n d , w a n t e d t o make the whole question one o f U n i t y discipline. Tolerance having been granted t o the t w o points o f view, i t was a question, i n their o p i n i o n , h o w far the M i n o r Party were prepared to accept the c o n t r o l o f the p r o p e r l y constituted c h u r c h a u t h o r i t i e s ; whether they were w i l l i n g t o cease causing dissension, p r o v i d e d a guarantee was given that their conscientious scruples w o u l d be respected. F o r this reason perhaps, they again proposed to l i m i t the conference t o a smaller n u m b e r o f persons chosen by each side, w h i c h proposal the M i n o r Party had evidently t u r n e d d o w n earlier;

"

A . J . B . , I V , fols. 2 6 , 2 6 v .

38

Cas. hist., p. 6 2 .

170

T H E SCHISM

and the decisions reached i n this narrower circle were thereafter to be binding o n b o t h parties. B u t again the M i n o r Party refused.

39

The M i n o r Party continued, indeed, t o assert that i t was f o r their loyalty ' t o the o l d doctrine' that they h a d been disciplined. T h e i r o p p o nents answered: 'We do n o t exclude y o u because o f y o u r opinions, b u t o n account o f y o u r sins' o f indiscipline. Tempers began t o rise, since M a t e j and his colleagues, conscious perhaps t h a t the views o f the M i n o r Party were i n fact n o t at a l l unconnected w i t h the action taken against t h e m , refused t o enter u p o n any further details as t o the exact nature o f these alleged sins. N o w , indeed, the local Brethren, p r o b a b l y mostly sympathetic to the M i n o r Party, w h o were sitting r o u n d as mere spectators, forgetting the adjurations given them earlier o n n o account t o take p a r t i n the debates, began t o m u r m u r a n d demand ' t h a t o u r sins [i.e. those o f the M i n o r Party] s h o u l d be named i n f r o n t o f them a l l . ' The argument continued for some t i m e to go r o u n d i n a circle w i t h o u t either side showing any signs o f yielding its g r o u n d . When the M i n o r Party attempted t o give a d e f i n i t i o n o f the t w o r i v a l doctrines, their opponents strongly disagreed w i t h the r e m a r k that the new doctrine, as expressed i n the edict o f Brandys a n d later decrees, was equivalent t o accepting w o r l d l y conceptions 'even as far as the h a n g m a n . ' T h e n VodiSka got u p a n d said that he was ready t o prove this statement, n o t merely by the words o f the M a j o r Party, b u t by their deeds.

The

examples he went o n t o give, t h o u g h u n d o u b t e d l y his narrative was coloured by partisan bias, t h r o w an interesting l i g h t o n the practical application o f the U n i t y ' s new attitude towards the state and the a u t h o r ities. H i s first i l l u s t r a t i o n concerned a certain teacher (ucitel), a member o f the U n i t y called V a v f inec, w h o was himself present at the conference; a n d the incident presumably t o o k place i n the locality o f C h l u m e c .

40

Not long

before the neighbouring lord's official, o n the news that a gang o f thieves was active i n the district, had called o u t the l o c a l inhabitants, m a n y o f w h o m belonged t o the U n i t y , to h u n t the thieves d o w n . They chose Vavfinec as their captain (hejtman) and entrusted the greater part o f those captured to his charge, ' k n o w i n g that he w o u l d best take care o f t h e m . ' Vavfinec then delivered them over to the p r i s o n , where they were later hanged. "

A.

J.

B . , I V , fol. 2 6 v .

C f . A . J. B . , I V , fol. 3 1 , w h e r e it w o u l d s e e m , h o w e v e r , a s i f this i n c i d e n t m a y h a v e t a k e n place n e a r K u n v a l d i n n o r t h - e a s t B o h e m i a .

I t does n o t s e e m p o s s i b l e o n t h e

existing evidence to identify this V a v f i n e c w i t h V a v f i n e c K r a s o n i c k y , w h o is n o t m e n tioned a s being present at the conference.

THE SCHISM

171

His next example was taken f r o m the near-by t o w n o f N o v y Bydzov, f r o m w h i c h a n u m b e r o f the onlookers at the conference came. The local inhabitants h a d taken i n t o custody a m a n w h o h a d been condemned to t o r t u r e by the l o r d o f Chlumec. H i s official, gathering together the l o c a l peasantry, pursued the refugee f r o m j u s t i c e ; b u t the m e n o f

Bydzov

refused t o give h i m u p . T h e n the official said : 'Be prepared t o defend yourselves.' A n d a m o n g the men o f Bydzov there were m a n y Brethren a n d a m o n g the men o f Chlumec likewise. A m o n g the men o f B y d z o v there was a Brother w h o was a teacher, a n d a m o n g those f r o m Chlumec was his son, also a Brother. A n d they stood over against each other w i t h their arms ready, prepared to fight a n d s h o o t : Brethren against Brethren, father against son a n d son against father. A n d the m e n o f Bydzov h a d t o deliver up the prisoner, f o r there were few o f t h e m . B u t they said : ' I f there h a d been more o f us, either they w o u l d have t o have k i l l e d us o r we t h e m . ' Y o u tell us [ V o d i 5 k a went o n w i t h fierce i n d i g n a t i o n , t u r n i n g t o the representatives o f the M a j o r Party] t h a t as yet y o u d o n o t go t o the wars. B u t is n o t that abominable a n d disgusti n g warfare? . . . A n d i n this way y o u confuse a n d m u d d l e g o o d people, u n t i l they d o n o t even k n o w w h a t is good and w h a t evil. A t h i r d example was given by another member o f the M i n o r Party, w h o asserted t h a t the L a d y Johanka Tovacovskâ z K r a j k u , later t o i n h e r i t Mladâ Boleslav where Lukâs h a d his congregation, ' y o u r famous Sister, has more sentences carried o u t t h a n m a n y a l o r d i n the rest o f B o h e m i a . '

41

These illustrations o f h o w the rejection o f the o l d principles w o r k e d o u t i n practice were likely t o carry considerable weight w i t h the rank-and-file o f the U n i t y . The t w o incidents described must have been f a m i l i a r to most o f those present at the conference ; a n d the name o f the L a d y Johanka Tovacovskâ was w e l l - k n o w n a m o n g the Brethren as a patroness o f the Major Party.

42

I t was Lukâs w h o attempted t o answer the accusations. H e was h i m s e l f a friend o f Johanka a n d one o f those w h o wished t o see a m o r e f o r t h r i g h t acceptance o f the d u t y o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the state: the tone o f his arguments n o w appears t o have gone somewhat further t h a n the previous cautious statements o f Matëj a n d P r o k o p .

'The c i v i l power [he n o w

stated] w i t h its laws a n d punishments can be allowed i n o u r U n i t y a n d i n the h o l y church. A l o r d o w n i n g estates, castles, fortresses a n d towns may be accepted i n t o o u r U n i t y w i t h o u t h a v i n g t o relinquish the s w o r d , a n d " 4 2

Cas. hist., p p . 6 2 , 6 3 . M o t n â r , op. cit., p p . 4 1 , 4 2 , 7 7 , p o i n t s o u t t h a t , t h o u g h a l r e a d y a s y m p a t h i z e r ,

J o h a n k a d i d n o t a c t u a l l y j o i n the U n i t y until 1512. I t is n o t k n o w n t o w h a t p u n i s h m e n t s the M i n o r P a r t y w e r e referring i n the passage q u o t e d a b o v e .

172

T H E SCHISM

may become a Brother while c o n t i n u i n g to order punishments a n d executions.' I t was possible, he claimed, to hang a m a n having love t o wards h i m i n one's heart. Acceptance o f w o r l d l y power, c i v i l a u t h o r i t y , was not equivalent to acceptance o f w o r l d l y values.

43

I t was o n l y the abuse o f a u t h o r i t y that h a d been condemned by C h r i s t and not its use i n all circumstances. The reason w h y the M a j o r Party advocated that Brethren should, wherever possible, a v o i d t a k i n g office, exercising a u t h o r i t y , amassing wealth o r p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n p u b l i c activities, was ' n o t o n account o f power (moc)

i n itself, b u t because o f the evils

which are associated w i t h power or riches or landed p r o p e r t y . ' I t was, i t was true, difficult to keep a clean conscience i n such matters, b u t n o t at all impossible.

The

M i n o r Party, i n advocating the O l d Brethren's

theories o f the i n c o m p a t i b i l i t y o f w o r l d l y power i n any f o r m a n d under any conditions o n the grounds that this was f o r b i d d e n by C h r i s t d u r i n g the Sermon o n the M o u n t , was entirely mistaken. But by what standards, indeed, was the scripture to be interpreted? ' I t should be understood simply [replied Jakub] w i t h o u t any commentaries and glosses.' The M a j o r Party, however, t h o u g h t this i m p r a c t i c a l , a n d gave as an instance the m u d d l e d arguments used d u r i n g the lengthy speech j u s t made by M a t o u s the Weaver, w h o h a d once again been arguing against the v a l i d i t y o f the O l d Testament f o r the C h r i s t i a n . I n his view the T e n Commandments h a d given place f o r the C h r i s t i a n t o the Sermon o n the M o u n t . T h e M a j o r Party believed t h a t their opponents, i n t a k i n g such passages o f scripture as the Sermon o n the M o u n t ' s i m p l y , ' were i n fact applying their o w n i n t e r p r e t a t i o n t o t h e m , an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n w h i c h they believed t o be erroneous.

44

Several other matters were probably dealt w i t h either s t i l l d u r i n g the m o r n i n g session o r early i n the a f t e r n o o n .

45

Concerning tavern-keeping,

for instance, P r o k o p is said to have r e m a r k e d : ' W h y should n o t people live as best they can.' Inevitably, t o o , the question o f oaths cropped u p . Luka§ seems to some extent to have retracted his f o r t h r i g h t c o n d e m n a t i o n at Steken o f those w h o refused t o swear i f j u s t occasion arose.

B u t he

vigourously defended the M a j o r Party's p o s i t i o n t h a t oaths were n o t forbidden by Christ i n all circumstances. The M i n o r Party, realizing the very close connection between the o a t h a n d p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the state, n o w «*

C a r . hist., p. 63.

4 4

A . J . B . , I V , fols. 27v, 2 8 . S e e c h a p . I V , p. 136, n . 12.

4

*

I t is a l m o s t a l w a y s difficult, a n d often i m p o s s i b l e , to d e t e r m i n e w h e t h e r o r n o t t h e

s a m e a r g u m e n t is being described i n b o t h r e p o r t s . between direct r e p o r t i n g a n d l a t e r c o m m e n t a r y .

I t is difficult, too, to d i s t i n g u i s h

THE SCHISM

173

claimed that the M a j o r Party had been led to j u s t i f y o a t h - t a k i n g ' i n order that they m i g h t carry o u t every cruel punishment w i t h o u t fear o r conscience . . . i n order that [Brethren i n office] m i g h t order the executioner t o hang and quarter or break men o n the wheel.' A t that date, as has been seen, an o a t h was demanded o f a l l w h o held office: permission for Brethren to take office w o u l d , therefore, have been a dead letter i f they had been forbidden t o swear. A t the afternoon session the M a j o r Party consented to the reading o f the edict o f Brandys, w h i c h the M i n o r Party had asked for i n the m o r n i n g , o n c o n d i t i o n t h a t Jakub's Second T r a c t was also read o u t and discussed. N o w , however, the M i n o r Party w o u l d n o t hear o f this. ' W h a t a strange business [the M a j o r Party t o l d J a k u b a n d his friends]. F i r s t y o u are very insistent i n demanding a r e a d i n g ; and w h e n the Brethren agree, y o u then refuse.'

The M i n o r Party reluctantly gave their consent.

But it would

seem that i n fact only 'a couple o f paragraphs' o f the edict were read o u t , perhaps i n order t o save t i m e . T h e M a j o r Party proceeded to give their reasons f o r p r o m u l g a t i n g the edict, a r g u i n g t h a t its conclusions d i d n o t conflict w i t h Christ's teachings and that they h a d been reached as a result o f careful study o f the meaning o f the scriptures. They next went o n t o consider Jakub's Second Tract, w h i c h was read o u t ' w o r d by w o r d . ' I t then transpired, according t o the R e p o r t o f the M a j o r Party, that several o f the M i n o r Party's delegates had neither participated i n d r a w i n g i t u p n o r even approved o f its contents. I t had been almost entirely the w o r k o f three m e n : J a k u b , A m o s a n d R i h a o f Votice. A c c o r d i n g again t o the M a j o r Party, they seem to have made a rather p o o r showing i n their defence o f the tract, leaving this m a i n l y t o M a t o u s the Weaver, even t h o u g h he h a d had n o t h i n g t o d o w i t h its c o m position.

46

Luka§, f r o m the other side, t o o k the lead i n defending the

p o s i t i o n o f the M a j o r Party, n o t only against the personal attacks made o n the absent Klenovsky and i n the obscure dispute over an alleged connivance by the M a j o r Party at the loosening o f the marriage b o n d , b u t also i n regard to the m o r e general accusations made b y J a k u b i n his Second T r a c t .

47

There was little t h a t was new i n Lukas's argument, w h i c h he developed at great length, or indeed i n t h a t o f his opponents. T o the M i n o r Party's charge t h a t the M a j o r Party was a t t e m p t i n g to conceal f r o m the r a n k and-file o f the membership its real o p i n i o n o n these questions, L u k a s replied that they wished t o behave w i t h discretion and confine the discussion o f controversial matters t o the r i g h t occasion. " 4 7

Cos. hist., he.

cit.; A . J . B . , I V . , fols. 2 8 - 3 0 v .

A . J . B . , I V , fols. 2 9 v - 3 3 v .

Lukas did,

174

THE SCHISM

however,

stress that

his p a r t y were against a l l forms o f religious

persecution by the secular a r m : they were still one, therefore, w i t h the M i n o r Party i n condemning Sylvester f o r his alliance w i t h Constantine. He repeated once again the assurance that his opponents w o u l d never be penalized because o f their o p i n i o n s .

48

He was able t o c l a i m w i t h complete

justification that, anyhow, the M a j o r Party's views o n the relationship o f church a n d state were a great deal 'more moderate,' that is to say, still much closer to the o l d doctrines o f the U n i t y , t h a n those held by W y c l i f o r Hus o r M a t e j o f Janov, w h o m the M i n o r Party h a d claimed as their spiritual ancestors, as 'the true source a n d o r i g i n o f the faithful (pramen pofddny puovodu vernych).*

9

Interesting, t o o , is Lukas's argument that

t u r n i n g the other cheek may be obligatory f o r i n d i v i d u a l Christians, b u t not necessarily the d u t y o f Christian communities o r their r u l e r s .

60

Sometime d u r i n g these debates - i t is indeed difficult to ascertain at exactly what p o i n t - the delegates o f the M i n o r Party launched f o r t h o n a fierce attack o n p o o r B r o t h e r M a t e j . 'We have never dared to tell y o u the t r u t h directly o n account o f y o u r d i g n i t y [they t o l d h i m ] . . . . B u t the fulness o f t i m e has arrived f o r w h a t has been whispered i n the ear to be spoken out a l o u d (aby na svMe bylo pravend).'

1

They b r o u g h t u p against h i m his former adherence t o their p o i n t o f view, the criticisms he h a d made o f some o f his present colleagues d u r i n g the period o f the r e t u r n o f the O l d Brethren t o the I n n e r C o u n c i l , a n d the stand he was n o w t a k i n g i n favour o f the new views. He was, they claimed, excommunicating t h e m f o r the very opinions w h i c h he himself h a d adjured t h e m t o h o l d t o at a l l cost. ' I f I myself should ever speak otherwise [he had t o l d them] d o n o t believe m e ' ; t h o u g h M a t e j c o u l d n o t n o w remember having made this r e m a r k . B u t V o d i c k a b r o k e i n t o say t h a t he had heard h i m make i t d u r i n g one o f his visits t o this very congregation o f Chlumec. I t was M a t e j , therefore, w h o was the t u r n c o a t : they h a d b u t followed his instructions. W h a t you regarded as evil, w h a t y o u wrote against, y o u are n o w i n fact d o i n g ; while w h a t y o u f o r m e r l y described as good, w h a t y o u praised w i t h y o u r lips, y o u n o w condemn. Y o u revile us f o r these things. A t the same t i m e you p u t those i n hope [i.e. o f salvation], w h o against their c o n sciences swear oaths a n d deliver m e n up t o the executioner; a n d y o u a d m i t them to c o m m u n i o n . T h e i r o w n consciences were clear: they w o u l d be l o y a l t o the principles "

Ibid., fol. 3 1 .

"

Ibid., fol. 31v. Ibid., fols. 32, 32v.

175

T H E SCHISM

they h a d accepted o n entry i n t o the U n i t y , to the doctrines i n w h i c h they had been b r o u g h t u p . 'Here we stand [said Vodióka to Matéj] b u t y o u have n o t remained w i t h us.' The M i n o r Party p u t obedience to G o d , V o d i c k a went o n , before allegiance to any earthly superior. The wretched Matéj was evidently reduced by their taunts to silence, i f n o t to tears. 'We had a m i n d to ask B r o t h e r M a t e j ' several more questions, the M i n o r Party were to report, ' b u t we were sorry f o r h i m . '

5 1

T h e light began t o fail before they h a d finished reading Jakub's tract. T h e detailed discussion o f the various points as they h a d arisen h a d t a k e n u p m u c h time. Neither side h a d yielded an i n c h to its opponents. B o t h , indeed, had o n l y been strengthened i n their previous c o n v i c t i o n t h a t they were entirely i n the r i g h t and that their opponents were schismatics or traitors t o the f a i t h .

B o t h felt that the other side h a d been unable t o

answer the arguments p u t f o r w a r d a n d each was later t o c l a i m a v i c t o r y . I t is n o t suprising, therefore, that neither p a r t y was anxious t o continue the debate next d a y ; b u t n o decision seems t o have been t a k e n that evening. N e x t m o r n i n g P r o k o p a n d B e r n a r d were sent by Matéj to speak w i t h the delegates o f the M i n o r Party. A f t e r some skirmishing a b o u t the n u m b e r o f the sacraments a n d about some o f the accusations made the previous day by the M i n o r Party a n d various other disputed p o i n t s , the t w o emissaries departed. They h a d tried, says the Report o f the M a j o r Party, t o convince their opponents ' n o t to act i n so angry a fashion, but rather t o have regard t o the matter o n h a n d . They w o u l d n o t , however, be persuaded, b u t wished to speak as they h a d b e g u n . '

52

I t was thus i n a

spirit o f m u t u a l distrust a n d increased animosity t h a t the conference, whose beginnings h a d augured so favourably, was n o w b r o u g h t to an end. There h a d indeed been little chance o f a successful outcome i n view o f the irreconcilability o f the t w o positions. B o t h parties, as has been seen, h a d come t o the conference i n a f a i r l y conciliatory m o o d . The M a j o r Party a l l along expressed their desire t o tolerate their opponents as a m i n o r i t y w i t h i n the U n i t y : while the M i n o r Party, f r o m their side, claimed t o be ready to amend their doctrine o n whatever points they c o u l d be proved to be i n e r r o r .

53

B u t , as the conference proceeded, the debate

became more heated; abuse was often substituted f o r a r g u m e n t ; a n d i t became clear that neither side was i n practice prepared t o yield an i n c h , expecting the other p a r t y t o make a l l the concessions.

This was indeed

o n l y to be expected. The leaders o f the M a j o r Party were eager to make "

Cas. hist., p p . 6 4 - 6 7 .

"

Ibid., p. 6 7 ; A . J . B . , I V , fol. 3 3 v .

53

Cas. hist., p. 6 3 .

176

T H E SCHISM

an even more clearcut break w i t h the old principles than had been achieved by the edicts o f Brandys o r Rychnov, w h i c h to some extent represented a compromise

between o l d and new.

The

M i n o r Party, o n the other

hand, was o n the defensive, suspecting that every concession made to their opponents w o u l d be seized u p o n by c u n n i n g theologians, l i k e L u k a s or Krasonicky, to undermine their p o s i t i o n still further. T h o u g h the conference, therefore, was f r o m the outset almost inevitably doomed to failure, i t serves as an extremely i m p o r t a n t l a n d m a r k i n the history o f the controversy.

I t marks the last serious attempt t o reach

a modus vivendi between the t w o parties. O w i n g to the fact that each side has left its o w n account o f the proceedings, i t is indeed possible t o gain a clearer picture o f their m e n t a l processes than usual. The conference o f Chlumec reveals far better t h a n the somewhat a r i d pages o f their polemical tracts the workings o f the minds o f the h u m a n beings w h o played the leading parts i n the d r a m a . The remaining f o u r years o f the century b r o u g h t v i r t u a l l y n o developments i n the controversy.

new

I t was only a matter o f time before the

schism, already existing i n practice, was brought t o its f o r m a l conclusion o f a complete secession o f the M i n o r Party f r o m the reconstituted U n i t y . This period i n the history o f the U n i t y ' s p o l i t i c a l and social ideology was marked, first, b y the p r o m u l g a t i o n b y the M a j o r Party o f a series o f decrees, w h i c h gave detailed instructions o n various points o f practical conduct i n connection w i t h the attitude o f the i n d i v i d u a l U n i t y member to the state and society.

Synods were held each year: i n 1497 at a n

u n k n o w n l o c a t i o n ; i n 1498 at P r e r o v ; i n 1499 at Brandys, when the f u l l sessions were preceded by a meeting o f the Inner C o u n c i l at Prostejov; i n 1500 at Prerov and at Rychnov. The decrees passed d u r i n g these conferences are extremely i m p o r t a n t as evidence o f the state o f U n i t y t h i n k i n g on these subjects i n the period o f t r a n s i t i o n ; since, however, the issuing o f /

this series d i d not cease at the end o f the fifteenth, b u t continued o n i n t o the early years o f the sixteenth century, detailed discussion o f their contents w i l l be given i n Chapter V I I . Secondly, i n close connection w i t h these decrees a cycle o f polemical tracts was issued d u r i n g these years, the most i m p o r t a n t o f w h i c h were written about 1499 or 1500. They dealt p r i m a r i l y w i t h the theoretical background o f the controversy, the m a i n discussion n o w centring o n the problem

o f the validity o f o a t h t a k i n g among Christians.

The

appears to have opened i n July 1499 w i t h a short tract, Odpor

cycle smyslu

druhemu ( A Refutation o f the N e w Doctrine), w r i t t e n i n defence o f the M i n o r Party's views and addressed t o an unidentified Brother Benes. I t is

177

T H E SCHISM

a well-argued piece o f w o r k , clearly w r i t t e n and free f r o m the usual personal abuse. Its u n k n o w n a u t h o r was n o t a member o f the U n i t y at a l l ; the leaders o f the M i n o r Party, feeling that their o w n literary talents were no m a t c h for their opponents, had evidently commissioned some educated sympathizer to w r i t e i t i n their n a m e .

I n the same year, t o o ,

54

b o t h Lukas and K r a s o n i c k y t o o k u p the cudgels i n defence o f their party's p o s i t i o n , elaborating their objections t o the arguments o f the M i n o r Party's new c h a m p i o n and their o w n attitude to the o a t h .

55

These w o r k s ,

however, extremely i m p o r t a n t f o r the l i g h t they t h r o w o n the theoretical positions o f each side, w i l l be treated i n the next chapter i n connection w i t h a second cycle o f polemical tracts, w h i c h issued o u t o f the

renewed

controversy i n the first h a l f o f the 1520's between L u k a s a n d K r a s o n i c k y , o n the one h a n d , and A m o s and Jan Kalenec, his successor, o n the other. T h i r d l y , the last four years o f the century were filled w i t h several m o r e abortive attempts to prevent a final and complete split between the t w o parties and some further fruitless discussions.

This exchange o f view,

however, served only t o w i d e n the breach. T h e chronological order o f events d u r i n g this p e r i o d is, as G o l l points o u t , even m o r e confused t h a n h i t h e r t o .

56

A f t e r the conference o f Chlumec

the controversy appears t o have died d o w n somewhat; at least i t has left few traces i n the records. I n 1498 L u k a s made another j o u r n e y a b r o a d , this time t o I t a l y when he visited the Waldenses. The M i n o r Party h a d expressed their a d m i r a t i o n for this sect and stressed the

Waldensian

influence i n the history o f the U n i t y , frequently i l l u s t r a t i n g their arguments w i t h the example o f the adherence o f the Waldenses to the same p o l i t i c a l a n d social principles, t h o u g h i n fact the latter had b y n o w abandoned their pacifism and social radicalism. The name o f the sect had several times cropped u p d u r i n g the conference at Chlumec. T h o u g h the i m m e 6 1

H r e j s a , Dejiny

kfest'anstvi

v Ceskoslovensku,

I V , p. 141, suggests t h a t t h e a n o n y -

m o u s a u t h o r m a y h a v e been i n fact M . V i k t o r l n K o r n e l , the f a m o u s h u m a n i s t a n d e a r l i e r a s y m p a t h i z e r o f the U n i t y .

S e e A . J . B . , I V , fols. 75v, 8 3 , 9 3 ; G o l l - K r o f t a ,

op. cit., p p . 2 2 8 - 3 0 . 5 5

B o t h K r a s o n i c k y a n d L u k d S w r o t e t r a c t s e n t i t l e d Odpovid

I n addition, L u k a S wrote about this time one called nature.

T h e r e exists also a fourth

Dodatek

k odpovedi

na spis proti

tract emanating

pfisaze.

O

pfisaze

from

na spis proti o f a less

pfisaze. polemical

the M a j o r P a r t y e n t i t l e d

T h o u g h M u l l e r - B a r t o S , op. cit., p. 3 4 0 , l i s t

this w o r k a s i t e m 5 2 i n t h e i r b i b l i o g r a p h y o f L u k a i ' s w r i t i n g s , o n p. 173 t h e y f o l l o w G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p. 2 3 0 - a l m o s t c e r t a i n l y c o r r e c t l y - i n a t t r i b u t i n g it to K r a s o n i c k y . Spis

proti

smyslu

pfisaze

druhemu.

Party's tract,

Odpor

L u k a S ' s p h y s i c i a n brother, J a n C e m y , a l s o w r o t e a t r a c t , n o

longer

referred

to h e r e w a s o f c o u r s e the M i n o r

e x t a n t , w h i c h despite its title, Dialog,

ze kfesCanu

nenaleii

too, a defence o f the M a j o r P a r t y ' s p o s i t i o n , see ibid., p. 2 3 1 . 68

Ibid.,

p. 2 3 2 .

pfisahati,

was probably,

178

THE

SCHISM

f

diate reason for Lukas's j o u r n e y was his concern f o r the influence o f the pagan humanist tendencies, w h i c h were f i n d i n g their way f r o m I t a l y t o Bohemia, a secondary consideration may have been a desire to discover h o w far the Waldenses i n their native A l p i n e retreat lived u p t o the ideal picture painted o f t h e m b y the M i n o r Party.

L u k a s , indeed, returned

h o m e disillusioned as t o the existing c o n d i t i o n o f the Waldensian c o m munity.

5 7

I n the following year, before Easter, the M i n o r Party sent a d e p u t a t i o n to Brother M a t e j , still h o p i n g perhaps t o w i n h i m back to their side.

He

was asked whether he a n d his p a r t y 'wished to correct those matters w h i c h [they] had decided o n . ' M a t e j p u t off giving an immediate answer ' u n t i l we have spoken w i t h the Brethren i n M o r a v i a . ' A f t e r Easter, having i n the meanwhile seen the latter, M a t e j sent back his answer, a n u n c o m p r o m i s i n g defence o f the opinions o f the M a j o r Party. T h o u g h he and his Brethren were w i l l i n g to accept correction where they were shown to be w r o n g , they d i d n o t consider, he states, that the standp o i n t they had adopted was i n any way c o n t r a r y t o scripture. I n fact the M i n o r Party had completely misunderstood their p o s i t i o n . A s for the accusation, often repeated i n the polemical literature o f the M i n o r Party, t h a t the new doctrine i n a l l o w i n g Brethren to participate i n the execution o f justice was t h r o w i n g aside the teachings o f the Sermon o n the M o u n t , M a t e j answered sarcastically: W e consider that a l l w h o love justice regard i t as a g o o d t h i n g . . . t h a t thieves and marauders should n o t m u l t i p l y . A n d even those w h o speak [as the M i n o r Party d i d ] are glad that the higher power gives t h e m peace, so t h a t they may be the more safe b o t h at home a n d o n the highways. A n d those who thus approve are n o t far removed f r o m those w h o actually d o the w o r k . T h i s d i d not mean, however, MatSj insisted, t h a t the M a j o r Party gave /

t h e i r approval to the present methods o f justice, w h i c h were often l a c k i n g i n mercy. I t was the h u m a n i t a r i a n aims o f the state t h a t they supported. I t was not a sin, therefore, f o r a C h r i s t i a n 'placed i n a u t h o r i t y to give over the evildoer into the hands o f the executioner, according t o the order a n d c o m m a n d and judgement o f G o d , as H i s minister. F o r t o this end are the powers that be ordained o f G o d . . . t o execute w r a t h u p o n h i m that d o e t h evil and praise the g o o d ' (Cf. Romans X I I I , 1-5). I n d i v i d u a l members o f the M i n o r Party had been c i r c u l a t i n g a m o n g o t h e r U n i t y members, as w e l l as a m o n g non-members, slanderous attacks *'

M u l l e r - B a r t o S , op. cit., p p . 178, 1 7 9 ; M o l n a r , op. cit., p p . 4 4 - 4 7 .

179

T H E SCHISM

against their opponents.

Blazek and A m o s , M a t o u s the Weaver a n d

R i h a o f Votice a n d others h a d a l l been responsible for w r i t i n g various items.

I t was thus difficult, i n Matëj's view, t o distinguish what was

composed i n the name o f their p a r t y f r o m w h a t was merely a private expression o f o p i n i o n . 'Therefore, we w o u l d be glad i f a l l together y o u w o u l d w r i t e something o f h o w y o u t h i n k i n these matters.' T o w a r d s the end o f his epistle Matëj gave a b r i e f résumé o f his party's standpoint: W e d o n o t reject a u t h o r i t y i f , according t o divine order, i t has been purged f r o m the errors and sins o f the w o r l d f o r t e m p o r a l use. F o r G o d does n o t reject those i n a u t h o r i t y and a l l a u t h o r i t y is f r o m h i m . Matëj's final sentence, indeed, concluded o n a conciliatory note. H e was quite ready, he w r o t e , t o change his o p i n i o n i f i t c o u l d be shown h i m f r o m scripture t h a t the M a j o r Party's doctrine was incorrect, t h a t i n fact a l l c i v i l a u t h o r i t y was i n c o m p a t i b l e w i t h the C h r i s t i a n way o f l i f e .

58

The

contents o f his letter, however, showed t h a t the ageing bishop, whatever inner doubts and hesitations he m a y still have h a d , had definitely come d o w n o n the side o f the M a j o r Party. H i s expressions were identical w i t h those used by Klenovsky o r Lukâs. The u n k n o w n a u t h o r o f

Odpor

smyslu druhému has described Matëj's state o f dependence at this p e r i o d o n the more educated members o f his p a r t y ; 'he had [he writes] t o f o l l o w after the o t h e r s . '

59

Three further meetings between representatives o f the t w o parties t o o k place after Easter. One conference was held 'before the congregation at [Mladâ] Boleslav,' where Lukââ was pastor; and the other t w o at Prostëj o v a n d Hranice i n M o r a v i a .

6 0

T h e choice o f places i n M o r a v i a may have

been due t o the fact t h a t , d u r i n g the last few years o f his life, Matëj often resided i n this p a r t o f the c o u n t r y o r possibly to the fact t h a t the M i n o r Party h a d many supporters there. However, no account remains o f any o f these meetings. Matëj was already t o o i l l t o come i n person t o H r a n i c e ; and he therefore sent the delegates o f the M i n o r Party a letter i n w h i c h he called u p o n t h e m t o show a m o r e tolerant attitude t o their o p p o n e n t s .

61

T charge y o u

n o t t o condemn after hearing o n l y one side o n some one occasion, . . . b u t "

A . J . B . , T V , fols. 4 1 - 4 2 v , 1 4 7 ; Odpis,

fols. 4 9 - 5 1 v ( q u o t e d i n p a r t i n G o l l - K r o f t a ,

op. cit., p p . 217^,218, 2 2 2 ) . "

A . J . B . , T V \ fol. 7 4 ( q u o t e d i n ibid, p. 2 2 9 ) .

*°

Odpis,

fol. 4 9 ( q u o t e d ibid., p. 2 1 7 ) . T h e c h r o n o l o g i c a l o r d e r i n w h i c h t h e c o n -

ferences w e r e h e l d a n d t h e i r d a t i n g a r e n o t c l e a r . T h e y p r o b a b l y t o o k p l a c e d u r i n g t h e l a t t e r h a l f o f 1499 o r i n 1500. F o r the M l a d â B o l e s l a v m e e t i n g , see note 6 4 . "

G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p p . 186, 2 1 8 ; M u l l e r - B a r t o s . op. cit., p. 173.

180

T H E SCHISM

to enquire further i n regard to us . . . whether we actually are [as y o u have pictured us or n o t ] ' . T h e y needed t o consult together further to find o u t i f they were n o t perhaps mistaken i n their opinions concerning their former brethren, w h o m they should be prepared t o trust more t h a n other men. He went on once again to defend i n some detail the position taken u p by the M a j o r Party, repeating t h a t n o one i n the U n i t y was being penalized for his opinions. ' I f y o u cannot accept this doctrine i n so moderate a f o r m or believe' what the M a j o r Party teach, M a t e j concluded, 'still they are prepared gladly t o suffer y o u and to live together i n h a r m o n y w i t h you. Only give over dissension and slander . . . f o r they are greater sins than those about w h i c h y o u are q u a r r e l l i n g . '

62

This epistle appears t o have been MatSj's last p u b l i c utterance.

He

died, aged 48, i n January 1500 at L i p n i k , i n M o r a v i a . The last year o f the old century saw n o t only the death o f the U n i t y ' s first bishop, w h o h a d watched i t develop f r o m its obscure beginnings, b u t also the final c o m pletion o f the schism. The death o f M a t e j had removed f r o m the scene the one man o f influence i n the M a j o r Party, w h o m i g h t possibly have been w o n back f o r the o l d doctrines. T h r o u g h his influence, indeed, c o n t r o l o f the U n i t y ' s destinies m i g h t conceivably have been regained once more b y the M i n o r Party. After MatSj's death, therefore, the m o r e determined spirits i n the M i n o r Party, a m o n g w h o m A m o s was the chief, decided t o f o l l o w the Unity's example i n 1467 a n d establish a separate p r i e s t h o o d .

63

J a k u b and

several others, however, were unprepared f o r such a r a d i c a l step a n d returned to the U n i t y .

6 4

B y the end o f 1500, therefore, the schism was

complete. The re-enactment o f the edict o f Brandys i n 1494, a n d the p r o m u l g a t i o n i n 1495 o f the decree d e p r i v i n g the writings o f Chelcicky a n d Rehor o f any special a u t h o r i t y w i t h i n the U n i t y , signified a definite break w i t h the "

A . J . B . , I V , fols. 1 4 7 v - 1 4 9 v . B u t cf. fol. 85v, w h i c h s e e m s to i m p l y t h a t d i s c i p l i n a r y

a c t i o n c o u l d be e n f o r c e d for w r o n g t e a c h i n g a b o u t o a t h s . *

3

T h i s final step w a s t a k e n i n 1500 o r s o o n after, see G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p p . 186,

232. "

K r a s o n i c k y , ' P s a n i proti K a l e n c o w i o p u o w o d u odtrzencuw,' fol. 357v (quoted i n

G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p p . 187, 2 3 2 ) . A f t e r d o i n g p e n a n c e J a k u b w a s r e c e i v e d b a c k a s 'an ordinary Brother.'

V o d i i k a the T a i l o r left the M i n o r P a r t y a n d r e t u r n e d to the

U n i t y . B u t b o t h m e n s o o n b r o k e a w a y a g a i n a n d d i e d o u t s i d e the U n i t y . J a k u b , s a y s K r a s o n i c k y , w a s 'expelled for the s e c o n d t i m e o n a c c o u n t o f h i s f r e q u e n t i n g t a v e r n s . ' I t is i m p o s s i b l e to s a y i f this a c c u s a t i o n w a s t r u e o r m e r e s l a n d e r . A c c o r d i n g to Luke's a c c o u n t , Odpis,

fol. 4 9 ( q u o t e d i n G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p. 2 1 7 ) , it w o u l d s e e m to h a v e

been at the M l a d a

B o l e s l a v m e e t i n g t h a t J a k u b a n d h i s associates r e t u r n e d to the

U n i t y . I n this c a s e the m e e t i n g p r e s u m a b l y t o o k p l a c e after the final s e p a r a t i o n o f the M i n o r Party.

181

T H E SCHISM

p o l i t i c a l a n d social doctrines o f the O l d Brethren w h i c h , w i t h one b r i e f interlude i n 1490, had been b i n d i n g o n U n i t y members since its f o u n d a t i o n . The second h a l f o f the last decade o f the fifteenth century, at the end o f w h i c h the schism between the t w o parties w i t h i n the U n i t y was carried t o its logical conclusion o f complete separation, was a period o f indecision and h a l f measures.

Attcm;- , .

however, o w i n g t o the unwillingness o f

' > < *'-•• h>-^ • -'-> collapsed, :

. r side to .

essentials, o n the points w h i c h were i n fact i n dispute. B u t d m years members o f the M i n o r Party still n o m i n a l l y retained their membership o f the U n i t y , t h o u g h disciplinary measures had been taken against t h e m by the party n o w i n c o n t r o l o f its affairs. The efforts o f the M i n o r Party t o w i n over a m a j o r i t y o f the B r e t h r e n were unsuccessful.

Even

t h o u g h the rebels enjoyed considerable support i n certain parts o f the c o u n t r y , the average Brother was either indifferent or actively supported the M a j o r Party. E q u a l l y unsuccessful was the attempt t o w i n back Brother MatSj w h o , as bishop o f the U n i t y a n d one o f its oldest and most respected members, m i g h t have b r o u g h t w i t h h i m a considerable

section o f the

Brethren. The fundamental reason for the failure o f the M i n o r Party, apart f r o m errors i n tactics and practical leadership, lay i n the fact that the character o f the average member o f the U n i t y , o r at least o f those sections o f the membership w h i c h carried most weight i n its affairs, was r a p i d l y changing. The h u m b l e unlettered men, mostly peasants w i t h a s p r i n k l i n g o f artisans, w h o h a d at first f o r m e d the overwhelming m a j o r i t y o f the rank-and-file Brethren, a n d their simple self-educated leaders o f the type o f R e h o f o r M a t e j , were giving way t o the burgher Brethren, some o f w h o m had even managed t h r o u g h practising the virtues o f f r u g a l i t y and t h r i f t t o amass n o t inconsiderable wealth, a n d t o the university-bred leadership o f the younger m e n l i k e L u k a s or Krasonicky\

T h e ideology o f an earlier

generation could n o t be fitted satisfactorily t o the needs o f its successors w i t h o u t considerable adjustment. The process o f readjusting the p o l i t i c a l and social doctrines o f the Czech Brethren was, however, t o a m o u n t t o a r e v o l u t i o n i n theory and practice.

VI

THE THE

^

CIVIL

BRETHREN,

POWER,

AND

THE

OATH

The controversy a m o n g the Brethren was carried o n at t w o levels: the theoretical a n d the practical. H o w , first, was the U n i t y t o interpret the teachings o f C h r i s t , w h i c h b o t h parties were agreed o n t a k i n g as the touchstone o f conduct i n p o l i t i c a l a n d social matters as w e l l as i n the m o r e strictly religious? A n d , o n the basis o f this interpretation, w h a t was t o be the U n i t y ' s attitude to the often disputed p r o b l e m o f the relationship o f the Christian t o the state? W h a t i n fact was the Christian idea o f the state? W h a t , t o o , was the nature o f a t r u l y C h r i s t i a n c o m m u n i t y ? The second g r o u p o f questions, while flowing f r o m this fundamental problem, was m o r e directly related t o everyday life. H o w were the B r e t h ren t o react i n practice t o the concrete demands w h i c h the state was increasingly m a k i n g f o r their services either as executors o r instruments o f its commands? W h a t types o f occupation m i g h t properly be carried o n b y members o f the U n i t y ? The t w o groups o f problems were, i t is clear, closely interrelated. T h e y were, indeed, rarely differentiated by those actually engaged i n the c o n troversy. Nevertheless, there d o exist t w o types o f sources w h i c h correspond broadly to the t w o categories o f problems o u t l i n e d above. There is,

/

first,

the series o f tracts composed by Lukas a n d K r a s o n i c k ^ o n the one hand, and by members or sympathizers o f the M i n o r Party o n the other, d u r i n g the last few years o f the fifteenth century a n d later, after an i n t e r v a l o f twenty years, i n connection w i t h the o u t b r e a k o f renewed controversy i n the early twenties o f the sixteenth century. The second category, more closely related to everyday life, consists m a i n l y o f the decrees issued by the U n i t y synods d u r i n g the last few years o f the fifteenth a n d the first few years o f the sixteenth centuries i n order to guide the membership o n the practical problems, w h i c h n o w faced t h e m i n their relationship t o society and the state. They gave practical expression t o the new ideology w h i c h had w o n supremacy i n the U n i t y . The present chapter is concerned

w i t h the u n d e r l y i n g theoretical

T H E BRETHREN, T H E C I V I L POWER, AND T H E OATH

183

problems, the debate o n fundamentals. T h e more practical issues w i l l be dealt w i t h i n Chapter V I I . I T h e basis u p o n w h i c h the O l d B r e t h r e n h a d b u i l t their theoretical negation o f the state was their doctrine concerning 'the higher righteousness,' w h i c h C h r i s t h a d t a u g h t i n his Sermon o n the M o u n t . I n the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n accepted b y the Brethren i t precluded, as has been seen, any f o r m o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the affairs o f the c o m m u n i t y . T h e U n i t y remained a sect apart. T h e M a j o r P a r t y - a n d its t w o leading theologians o f the younger generation, L u k a s and K r a s o n i c k y , i n particular - sought t o u n d e r m i n e this p o s i t i o n by g i v i n g the words o f C h r i s t a completely different interpretation.

The righteousness t h a t C h r i s t preached, writes K r a s o n i c k y ,

was n o t intended t o supplant the L a w and the Prophets, b u t o n l y t o supplement t h e m . These d i d n o t lose their v a l i d i t y because o f Christ's teachings; rather d i d they gain new force, being purged f r o m the accretions o f the centuries. T h e righteousness t a u g h t i n the Sermon o n the M o u n t was, i t is true, higher t h a n the debased m o r a l code observed

by the

scribes a n d pharisees: i t was this c o r r u p t i o n t h a t was attacked by C h r i s t a n d n o t the o r i g i n a l law. I t was their teaching H e commanded should be shunned. . . . A n d hence H e t o l d H i s disciples t h a t i f their righteousness was n o t higher t h a n t h a t o f the scribes and pharisees - f o r H e was n o t referring here t o that o f the Jews as a whole - they w o u l d n o t enter i n t o the k i n g d o m o f heaven. . . . Therefore i n this place H e is n o t the creator o f new commandments, b u t refers back to the o l d . . . i n their p u r i t y . . . . C h r i s t never said o r intended that another C h r i s t i a n righteousness be contained i n these injunctions . . . as [the M i n o r Party] b l i n d l y infer. . . . He never meant that C h r i s t i a n righteousness should be higher than the Jewish i n these m o r a l c o m m a n d ments, w h i c h are ever pure i n themselves, f o r the w i l l o f G o d is e t e r n a l . . . . C h r i s t never created any new commandments beside o r above the o l d . C h r i s t h a d come, i n his o w n words, to fulfil a n d n o t t o destroy the L a w a n d the Prophets t h o u g h , indeed, he tempered these w i t h mercy and love.

1

I n the M a j o r Party's view, therefore, the books o f the O l d Testament were still v a l i d f o r Christians 'for the purpose o f i n s t r u c t i o n (k

naucenl)'

They were o f equal value t o the N e w Testament a n d n o t t o be set aside as o f i n f e r i o r w o r t h , as the M i n o r Party h a d done. ' L i k e C h r i s t a n d the

1

A k t a J e d n o t y B r a t r s k e , I V , fols. 8 7 - 8 9 v .

184

THE BRETHREN, T H E CIVIL POWER, AND THE OATH

apostles [writes Lukas] we have d r a w n o u r proofs n o t o n l y f r o m the N e w Testament, b u t also f r o m the O l d , ' w h i c h contained i n embryo Christ's gospel o f love.

2

F o r the M i n o r Party their doctrine o f the higher righteousness h a d meant that the fact that G o d i n the O l d Testament h a d seemingly approved executions a n d cruel punishments, law-courts a n d prisons, wars b o t h aggressive and defensive, c o u l d n o t be used as a n argument i n favour o f these things i n a c o m m u n i t y w h i c h strove t o f o l l o w Christ's example. F o r them the L a w o f C h r i s t h a d taken the place o f the lower Mosaic l a w .

3

I n the o p i n i o n o f such writers as the M i n o r Party's c h a m p i o n , the anonymous a u t h o r o f the Odpor smyslu druhe'mu, a literal i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f many passages i n the N e w Testament, a n d o f the Sermon o n the M o u n t i n particular, was the best guarantee o f the correctness o f such a n attitude. The reason w h y the R o m a n Catholic C h u r c h had strayed so far f r o m Christ's o r i g i n a l teachings was, the M i n o r Party's advocate claimed, because i t abandoned the simple attitude o f the first centuries. T h e Brethren o f the M a j o r Party were n o w themselves o n the same slippery road o f interpreting inconvenient passages away.

L e t t h e m , therefore,

cease t o rely so m u c h o n people o f ' w o r l d l y w i s d o m ' a n d r e t u r n t o their former simplicity a n d literalist attitude. ' I n m y o p i n i o n [he went o n ] i t w o u l d serve the B r e t h r e n best simply t o believe Christ's w o r d s , p u t t i n g aside deep interpretations, f o r i n this manner the early church went astray; a n d i n this way, also, the Brethren's p r i m i t i v e virtue is being l u l l e d asleep.' N o m i d d l e w a y existed, wrote A m o s a n d Blazek i n a letter t o their colleague J a k u b , between on the one h a n d c a r r y i n g o u t Christ's commandments i n their most literal sense a n d t o the last letter, and c o n f o r m i n g w i t h the ways o f the w o r l d o n the other. ' W h o is he w h o has discovered this mean a n d n o t strayed f r o m G o d and yielded t o the flattery *

K r a s o n i c k y , ' P s a n l p r o t i K a l e n c o w i , ' fols. 3 6 0 - 3 6 1 v ; L u k a s " , Odpowid

Kalencuo,

na

spis

f o l . 3 . I t is i n t e r e s t i n g t o note t h a t a s i m i l a r d i v i s i o n o f o p i n i o n o c c u r r e d

d u r i n g the latter h a l f o f the s i x t e e n t h c e n t u r y a m o n g the P o l i s h A r i a n s o n t h e v e r y s a m e subject o f their attitude t o the c i v i l p o w e r . T h o s e w i s h i n g t o t h r o w o v e r the e a r l i e r s o c i a l r a d i c a l i s m , i n p a r t i c u l a r S z y m o n B u d n y w h o i n h i s O urzedzie

miecza uzywajqcem

(1583)

w a s the m o s t forceful e x p o n e n t o f t h e n e w t r e n d s , r e l i e d v e r y largely o n a r g u m e n t s based o n the O l d T e s t a m e n t . O n the other h a n d , t h o s e a m o n g the A r i a n s w h o , l i k e t h e C z e c h M i n o r P a r t y , a d v o c a t e d a negative attitude t o t h e state, t e n d e d l i k e w i s e t o r e l e gate t h e O l d T e s t a m e n t t o a p o s i t i o n o f s e c o n d a r y i m p o r t a n c e c o m p a r e d t o t h e N e w , w h i c h they interpreted a l o n g s i m i l a r l i n e s . S e e K o t , Ideologja Braci Polskich,

polityczna

i

spoleczna

p p . 5 5 , 57. P r o f e s s o r K o t b r o u g h t o u t i n 1933 a n e w e d i t i o n o f B u d n y ' s

w o r k , w h i c h h e edited f r o m t h e o n l y s u r v i v i n g c o p y i n t h e l i b r a r y o f the C z a r t o r y s k i Museum in Cracow. "

A . J . B . , I V , fol. 68.

T H E B R E T H R E N , T H E C I V I L POWER, AND T H E OATH

o f the w o r l d (pochlebnik

aby nebyl svitu)!*

185

I f the scriptures were given

their simple, l i t e r a l meaning, a later leader o f the M i n o r Party, Kalenec, was to c l a i m , they w o u l d never find i n the N e w Testament any injunctions to the faithful to set u p a u t h o r i t y . B u t was the simple i n t e r p r e t a t i o n really o n the side o f the M i n o r Party? L u k a s stoutly denied this, asserting that 'anyone w i t h any understanding w h o reads o u r w r i t i n g s a n d yours w i l l find those o f the Brethren [i.e. the M a j o r Party] m u c h nearer s i m p l i c i t y . . . . W h e n y o u . . . cannot get any proofs, then i t is y o u take refuge i n s i m p l i c i t y . ' simplicity n o t o n the letter, b u t o n the t r u t h . '

5

' I t is proper t o base

9

T h o u g h the M a j o r Party c o u l d , and d i d , c l a i m t o be nearer i n their new doctrines t o the o r i g i n a l teachings o f Christ, they c o u l d n o t deny t h a t their opponents were closer i n the spirit and i n the letter to the conception o f the C h r i s t i a n c h u r c h p r o p o u n d e d by B r o t h e r Rehof.

I t was f o r this

reason, as has been seen, t h a t i n 1495 they had passed the edict o f R y c h n o v , declaring t h a t the latter's w r i t i n g s were n o longer b i n d i n g o n the U n i t y . 'We have always stood u n a n i m o u s l y f o r the things f o r w h i c h this U n i t y was founded according t o the doctrine o f C h r i s t , ' claimed the M i n o r Party.

' F o r we take n o t h i n g new u n t o ourselves

...

we f o l l o w the

doctrine derived by B r o t h e r R e h o f a n d the others f r o m H i s holy s p i r i t . '

7

T h i s conservative, fundamentalist attitude was challenged by the y o u n g reformers o f the M a j o r Party, w h o made little pretence o f t r y i n g t o square the new doctrines w i t h those o f the O l d Brethren. T h e change, they claimed instead, h a d taken place o n l y after m u c h heartsearching and lengthy discussion and earnest prayer. The results o f their deliberations were, they believed, 'better and more useful' t h a n the o l d doctrines had been, nearer t o the spirit o f Christ a n d more l i k e l y t o m a k e the U n i t y an effective instrument t o spread the gospel. T h e change h a d n o t come as a result o f 'carnal freedom, b u t o n account o f Christ's w o r d s ; a n d , t h r o u g h i t , G o d had s h o w n the doctrine i n t r o d u c e d i n t o the people by Petr ChelCicky and others o f their o w n w i s d o m to be unhealthy, and H e has helped towards one more moderate and realistic.' The U n i t y h a d rejected 8

the teachings o f its founders as unscriptural. The M a j o r Party, indeed, regarded the early Brethren's p o l i t i c a l and

4

Ibid.,

*

L u k a S , Odpis proti

'

A . J . B . , I V , fol. 8 3 .

fols. 6 6 , 7 5 , 7 5 v . odtriencom,

'

Ibid.,

fol. 67v.

»

Ibid.,

fols. 8 2 v , 9 3 , 9 4 v .

fols. 2 4 v , 2 5 v , 2 6 .

186

THE BRETHREN, T H E CIVIL POWER, AND T H E OATH

social doctrines as an u n w a r r a n t e d perfectionism. The C h r i s t i a n c h u r c h , the c o m m u n i t y o f believers, could never i n this w o r l d a t t a i n to the h i g h standard demanded by R e h o f and his l i k e : the saintly life was n o t for the multitude. ' T h a t a l l members [i.e. o f the church] should thus shine i n t r u t h . . . w o u l d be w o n d e r f u l [writes K r a s o n i c k y i r o n i c a l l y ] . B u t this i n m y o p i n i o n has never happened i n the w o r l d , even a m o n g the flock at the time o f Christ a n d H i s apostles.'

Even then, everyone was to some extent

seeking his o w n interest. 'Since this was so w i t h the priests and pastors, what then about the o r d i n a r y folk? . . . The Brethren w i l l be d o i n g enough i f they continue n o t t o give way to open wickedness . . . w i t h o u t repentance.'

9

L u k a s , t o o , d i d n o t believe t h a t everyone i n a C h r i s t i a n c o m m u -

nity could be perfect, t h o u g h seemingly some members m i g h t achieve this. 'The f a i t h f u l c o u l d n o t exist a m o n g the unrighteous Christians,' he writes, unless they were protected b y the c i v i l a u t h o r i t i e s .

10

F o r the

M i n o r Party a n d their predecessors, o f course, 'an unrighteous C h r i s t i a n ' was a c o n t r a d i c t i o n i n t e r m s : a c o m m u n i t y i n w h i c h force was needed t o repress the evil tendencies i n men c o u l d not, i n their view, be called a Christian one. The c i v i l power for the M a j o r Party was n o t a n unmitigated evil or, rather, i t was to be regarded as a necessary evil i n a sinful w o r l d . I t originated, according t o L u k a s , i n the F a l l o f M a n , ' f r o m the sin o f A d a m ' w h i c h introduced evildoing a m o n g m e n . 'The source o f the c i v i l power t o o k its beginning according to God's decree f r o m repentance after the fall o f A d a m and Eve, when G o d p u t the latter under the a u t h o r i t y o f her husband and their children later under the a u t h o r i t y o f the parents. The power o f the father over his household was i n the course o f time extended over still larger groups.

'The householders came together i n

greater or smaller numbers, and t h r o u g h such gatherings villages and towns and cities arose i n different parts o f the earth . . . those w h o h a d come together were unable to exist i n h a r m o n y and peace w i t h o u t order and a u t h o r i t y . ' T h u s , f r o m village c o m m u n i t y t h r o u g h city state, the need was felt to set u p some f o r m o f government ' f o r c o m m o n defence and the administration o f the c o m m u n a l life and business.'

Walls were

built r o u n d the towns, rulers chosen f r o m the c o m m o n a l t y and disturbers o f the public peace p u t d o w n . government

(rathtizy)

' I n the t o w n s ' there sprang u p 'seats o f

and numerous defences, for the towns a n d cities

could not exist for the wickedness o f some men, for their power a n d cruelty.' •

Ibid., fols. 93v, 9 4 ( q u o t e d i n p a r t i n G o l l - K r o f t a , Chelcicky

p. 230). 10

Odpis,

fol. 15v.

a Jednota

v XV.

stoleti,

THE BRETHREN, T H E C I V I L POWER, AND T H E OATH

187

G o d h a d , therefore, instituted one m a n o r one i n s t i t u t i o n t o c o n t r o l the evil tendencies i n m a n . T h a t , claimed L u k a s , was the o r i g i n o f the office o f every p r o p e r l y constituted ruler, f r o m m i g h t y emperor to h u m b l e alderm a n : that ' a l l s h o u l d i n a n o r d e r l y manner be b o u n d one u n t o another according to constituted a u t h o r i t y , higher and lower.' T h e establishment o f w o r l d empires h a d been intended by G o d as a means o f keeping i n order the lesser kings, continuously q u a r r e l l i n g a m o n g themselves, a n d o f b r i n g i n g the nations under one ruler. G o v e r n i n g according t o n a t u r a l law, the w o r l d emperors had r u l e d cruelly and w i c k e d l y : ' G o d h a d aroused [them] to p u n i s h the people o f Israel.' This d i d n o t , indeed, alter the fact that G o d had instituted the c i v i l power for man's u l t i m a t e well-being according t o the w r i t t e n law o f the O l d Testament, w h i c h was later t o be c o n f i r m e d by C h r i s t i n the N e w .

11

T h e M i n o r Party, o n the other h a n d , held republican doctrines.

Ka-

lenec, f o r instance, t r i e d to prove that, since Christ h a d refused the devil's offer o f all the kingdoms o f the w o r l d , i t was therefore w r o n g f o r any C h r i s t i a n t o exercise the functions o f k i n g . L u k a s n a t u r a l l y denied this, arguing t h a t the incident proved o n l y t h a t Christ's k i n g d o m was n o t o f this w o r l d .

1 2

I n his concept o f the state's o r i g i n L u k a s , therefore, differed fundamentally f r o m the explanation p u t f o r w a r d , f o r instance, b y ChelCicky i n his S i r ' vlry, even t h o u g h the latter gave a qualified a p p r o v a l t o c i v i l a u t h o r i t y a m o n g non-Christians. B u t i n their picture o f the place w h i c h the c i v i l p o w e r occupied i n the early C h r i s t i a n c o m m u n i t y , b o t h m e n drew very close i n their ideas.

The early Christians, according to L u k a s , lived

together f o r some 300 years o n the basis o f the L a w o f L o v e (zdkon milosti) alone. T h o u g h they remained subject to the powers t h a t be i n all matters n o t against conscience, they t o o k n o p a r t i n w o r l d l y affairs, w h i c h were left t o the pagans.

There were, indeed, a few rulers a m o n g the early

Christians; however, 'believers were n o t r u l e d by t h e m , b u t a l l together were subject . . . t o the spiritual administrators a n d , i n a d d i t i o n , t o the constituted c i v i l power,' w h i c h remained outside the C h r i s t i a n c h u r c h . T h e o n l y sanction they employed was expulsion o f wrongdoers f r o m the c o m m u n i t y o f Christians. A s time passed, the influx o f new members f r o m the r u l i n g classes

11

Ibid., fol. 4 v ; L u k a S , Spis o mocy swim,

fols. 4 - 7 . I n h i s c o n c e p t i o n o f t h e o r i g i n a l

e q u a l i t y o f m a n , a n d o f the state a s a result of, a n d a t the s a m e t i m e a r e m e d y f o r s i n , L u k a S follows St. Augustine.

F o r his acquaintance with the writings of St. Augustine

a n d o t h e r c h u r c h fathers, see M u l l e r - B a r t o S , Dcjiny "

Odpis,

fols. 18, 18v.

Jednoty

bratrske,

I , pp. 288, 289.

188

THE BRETHREN, THE C I V I L POWER, AND T H E OATH

greatly increased.

'They d i d not exercise their secular offices over o r

among the faithful, b u t over the w o r l d , ' says L u k a s . Chelcicky's view however, obviously not shared by L u k a s , had been t h a t i n such cases the Christian convert should resign his office a n d renounce c i v i l a u t h o r i t y o n j o i n i n g the c h u r c h . T h i s , as has been seen, was the practice enforced b y the early Brethren and still advocated by the M i n o r Party. F o r L u k a s , o n the other h a n d , what was w r o n g and unchristian was n o t that those i n authority retained their offices o n becoming Christians o r that Christians should accept a u i h o r i t y i n the outside w o r l d . I t was the exercise o f force i n matters o f f a i t h , the use o f the secular a r m i n s p i r i t u a l affairs, that was the legendary 'poison injected i n t o God's c h u r c h . ' T h e s p i r i t u a l a n d the secular, i n his view, should be kept strictly apart. B u t that d i d not mean either ' t h a t c i v i l power should n o t be b r o u g h t under the f a i t h ' or that those i n official positions, w h o had 'come t o the f a i t h , s h o u l d n o t o r c o u l d not be saved.'

13

l b his commentary, t o o , o n the legend o f the D o n a t i o n o f Constantine Lukas's attitude is o u t w a r d l y n o t dissimilar t o t h a t o f Chelcicky a n d the early Brethren. There is, however, this fundamental difference between the t w o w r i t e r s : that whereas Chelcicky saw i n the story a w a r n i n g against the participation o f the C h r i s t i a n i n a l l activities connected w i t h the state, Lukas merely regards the c o r r u p t i o n o f the c h u r c h , w h i c h was said t o have ensued f r o m the D o n a t i o n , as a result o f the fusion o f the secular and the spiritual spheres o f life. L i k e the Jews under their judges, writes Lukas", a later generation o f Christians 'demanded f o r themselves a k i n g and c i v i l power, that they should enjoy these things as other nations.' So G o d sent t h e m Constantine, w h o helped to p u t the false Christians under Sylvester i n t o power. The latter then proceeded to suppress all those w h o refused t o acknowledge their supremacy i n religious matters or t o approve o f their acquisit i o n o f a u t h o r i t y and wealth. 'The R o m a n E m p e r o r gave Sylvester power and a u t h o r i t y over the earth, i n order to p r o m o t e the priesthood i n this w o r l d , leading t h e m t o the seat o f a u t h o r i t y (na rathauz) as the devil led Christ t o the temple a n d up o n t o the m o u n t a i n . ' The f a i t h f u l few, w h o by an anachronism are pictured as having been at that time under the leadership o f Pierre Valdo, remained behind i n the forests, fleeing n o w f r o m the additional persecution o f a paganized church dressed i n Caesar's ' r o b e s . '

o mocy swita,

14

u

Spis

1 4

L u k a i , ' O o b n o v e n i , ' fols. 133, 135v, 2 1 4 , 2 1 6 . L u k a S does n o t a l w a y s s e e m t o h a v e

fols. 7 v - 1 0 .

been consistent i n rejecting the interference o f the s e c u l a r a r m i n s p i r i t u a l affairs. the f o l l o w i n g passage f r o m h i s Spis o mocy

swita,

Cf.

fol. 2 7 v : ' W h o e v e r w i l l n o t listen to

189

T H E BRETHREN, T H E C I V I L POWER, AND T H E OATH

I t was the existence o f evil that, i n Lukas's eyes, justified the p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f Christian laymen i n the affairs o f the w o r l d . Since evil a n d unrighteousness m u s t , according t o the scriptures, i n e v i t ably go o n increasing i n C h r i s t e n d o m u n t i l the end o f the w o r l d , G o d . . . has raised some m e n above others . . . i n order t o p u t d o w n evil. T h e reason f o r H i s d o i n g this has n o t g r o w n less. H e has n o t , therefore, abolished power by the L a w o f L o v e , so that i t should n o t be exercised over the w i c k e d a n d the t u r b u l e n t ; n o r has H e n o w made i t a sin a n d unrighteous because o f the p r o m u l g a t i o n o f this L a w . F o r this reason, therefore, G o d desired ' t o have his o w n n o t only a m o n g the c o m m o n a l t y subject t o a u t h o r i t y , b u t also a m o n g such o f those placed i n a u t h o r i t y as may be faithful to the gospel o f love.' W h a t then, i n Lukas's view, was the nature o f the C h r i s t i a n state? C i v i l a u t h o r i t y must, i n the first place, deal o n l y w i t h 'earthly a n d t e m p o r a l matters, never w i t h s p i r i t u a l . ' W i c k e d rulers were, indeed, t o be obeyed i n secular affairs, b u t evil spiritual advisers, even i f backed by the authority

of

unchristian

the state, were n o t t o be heeded actions.

Secondly,

the

civil

power

i f they must be

advocated properly

constituted (zrizeny) a n d directed o n l y against wrongdoers a n d those w h o infringed the c i v i l law. I t was to be exercised only t o c u r b 'the refractory and disobedient, the w i c k e d a n d unjust a n d unrighteous, the unrepentant, criminals a n d unpeaceable persons, f o r the sake o f w h o m the l a w o f the c i v i l power is set u p t o frighten a n d to p u n i s h . ' T h e purpose o f the law was t o punish evildoers a n d t o protect the good, w h o w o u l d otherwise perish f r o m the resulting disorders. G o d , therefore, ' h a d n o t condemned the l a w c o u r t a n d punishments,' i n c l u d i n g even the death penalty ' f o r those w h o w o u l d n o t repent, p r o v i d e d the judges themselves were w i t h o u t s i n . ' T h i r d l y , the power o f the state was n o t to be u n l i m i t e d . There were cases where subjects s h o u l d refuse obedience t o their rulers, t h o u g h such disobedience should always be passive.

True Christians must suffer the

consequences o f such disobedience, where to obey w o u l d be against their consciences.

Lastly, C h r i s t i a n rulers should strive after the welfare o f

their subjects, 'desiring o u t o f fatherly love t o be their benefactors.'

15

The

j u s t a n d benevolent lawgiver careful f o r the well-being o f his people, the l o r d conscious o f his obligations t o society, had i n the new social ideology the c h u r c h s h o u l d b e c o n s i d e r e d a s i n n e r a n d a p u b l i c a n . O v e r s u c h a p e r s o n , t h e c i v i l a u t h o r i t y a n d the l a w h a v e the p o w e r to use force, to c o m m a n d a n d to p u n i s h , f o r s u c h a r e n o l o n g e r u n d e r the L a w o f L o v e w h i c h h a s b e e n set u p f o r the penitent a n d the j u s t , b u t u n d e r the l a w o f fear a n d v e n g e a n c e w h i c h h a s p o w e r o v e r t h e m . '

B u t he m a y have

b e e n t h i n k i n g h e r e m a i n l y o f m o r a l offences r a t h e r t h a n a n y k i n d o f h e r e s y . "

Spis

o mocy

swlta,

fols. 1 0 v - 1 3 , 2 4 v , 2 5 , 2 9 v , 3 8 ^ 4 0 v .

.KX,

*.

)

x

vWyouUKV.

i , \ u

„,

,{»0

, m H w h „

U

H

X

*T ' n V ^ ™ * -

•me o f the apostles

(I

Conmhia,,. VI,

that St. Paul had g,ven his

m r a ^ r e - But, argued L u k a i , i f it had been

i l , a

VU\WUKLIM*

» tiri ZiVhi

M l , opponent* »md

1-7).

to

approval

,

c

m

n»

merely

»in St.

Paul

a

allied

i mp..„„y e

w o u l d never ),»*«

? C 3 s a s d t b a r esabiisfainent even for a short time. Indeed, the

necessity

fc* tbem was, on the contrary, likely to last for ever. C h r i s t i a n * ' w i l l tlways

have to have courts; the more they have bereaved

in number.

more differences have arisen.* * Secular courts were nowhere 1

IIK.

forbidden

i n the New Testament. Those who denied that the machinery o f justice c o u l d have any place in a Christian c o m m u n i t y , were themselves usually guilty i n spirit o f all the bad features allegedly involved i n the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f the law.

'When-

ever some w r o n g occurs [Lukas writes] they are the most offended, getting angry, aggressive, censurious, breathing f o r t h threats o f vengeance, etc. I t appears to them that i f they do this outside the c o u r t then i t is n o s i n . ' I t was true that at present courts were conducted i n a n unchristian f a s h i o n ; and i t was difficult to escape c o n t a m i n a t i o n . B u t i t was only such k i n d s o f courts that

Christ condemned

i n the

Sermon

on

the

Mount

( M a t t h e w V , 40) and n o t all courts; since, L u k a s adds, ' w i t h o u t t h e m i t w o u l d be impossible t o live, n o t only i n the w o r l d , b u t i n the church, f o r they are carrying out God's w o r k : the settlement o f disputes and the reconciliation and b r i n g i n g i n t o h a r m o n y o f persons, w h o w o u l d n o t o f themselves be able to reach this state.'

17

A Christian, Lukas went o n t o m a i n t a i n , was perfectly justified i n demanding a restitution o f his property, t h o u g h he added the somewhat ambiguous proviso that i t should be done ' w i t h o u t sin o r the chance o f worse e v i l ' arising and w i t h o u t cruelty. Christ had certainly taught his followers to love their enemies.

But i t was still necessary t o punish per-

sistent evildoers even, i f necessary, w i t h death itself. The execution o f justice, provided i t was tempered w i t h mercy, was n o t inconsistent w i t h l o v i n g one's enemies.

Lukas wrote i n justification o f his p o i n t o f view:

' G o d loves . . . just and good m e n ; and because o f them he hates the sins o f the wicked, so t h a t the former m i g h t live i n peace. B u t he loves, t o o , " 17

Odpis,

fols. 2 8 ,

2 8 v ; L u k a S , Odpowid

na spis Kalencuo,

Spis o mocy swita, fols. 3 3 v - 3 5 , 3 7 , 3 8 , 56. C f . Odpowid

fols.

5v,

na spis

6. Kalencuo,

fol. 5.

//tf/i,.,,, • f. ^

r

r

>*',:•#*.

*s,<»„,f.

x

U

*

•,,.„;.

„ ; ,A ,>„.,,,.,.,.,

—

.

,„/','

•

/

<

•

,'

>-',;•///;>

«'r&!. 'JA

sMi

IAKX>

o p i n i o n of

w>,»:*A)\Yj

U / W ; \n,m litKfii,

and th«; M a j o r Party, jrj

uuriK

»>,«./

fo
yt:US>iA ()/»: <)• I t u ' i .

\',u, in

//f

life a n d property. F o r their opponents o f the M i n o r I'a/ty, o n the ofl«-,i hand, such doctrine seemed the antithesis o f the C h r i s t i a n gospel; for t h e m spiritual warfare - the boj duchovni o f Chelcick^ - was the o n l y battle i n w h i c h t h e follower o f C h r i s t m i g h t participate. I n the Sermon o n the M o u n t , they wrote i n one o f their tracts, the r i g h t of'self-defence is taken away as is a l l revenge.' ' F o r when G o d forbids k i l l i n g he n o t o n l y excludes brigandage

(lotrovstvi),

w h i c h is n o t even allowed according t o the de-

clared laws, b u t he also warns against those things w h i c h are justified i n men's eyes.' Theirs was the u n c o m p r o m i s i n g doctrine o f complete n o n 19

resistance. Luka§ started w i t h a m o r e h i s t o r i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f the F i f t h C o m m a n d m e n t : ' T h o u shalt n o t k i l l . '

I n his view, i t was n o t a n absolute

p r o h i b i t i o n o f k i l l i n g under a n y circumstances as ChelSicky a n d his successors m a i n t a i n e d . I t meant o n l y t h a t 'whoever spilt h u m a n b l o o d w i t h o u t proper a u t h o r i t y a n d c o n t r a r y t o G o d ' s l a w a n d j u s t i c e ' was guilty o f a great sin. T h i s n a t u r a l l y d i d n o t exclude either t h e death penalty o r j u s t wars o r self-defence; a n d C h r i s t , w h o h a d come t o fulfil and n o t to destroy the law, h a d n o t altered its v a l i d i t y . I f he h a d , 'anyone c o m m i t t i n g m u r d e r w o u l d have n o fear o f j u d g e m e n t a n d sentence.' Indeed, L u k a s considered C h r i s t himself had made a d i s t i n c t i o n 'between legitimate k i l l i n g , p e r m i t t e d b y G o d , a n d the f o r b i d d e n forms o f k i l l i n g w h i c h are called m u r d e r . ' I t was n o t a sin f o r the magistrate o r those

o mocy

swita,

"

Spis

"

A . J . B . , I V , fols. 6 2 - 6 3 V , 6 5 .

fols. 4 1 , 41 v , 4 2 v , 4 4 , 4 4 v , 4 5 v .

192

THE BRETHREN, T H E CIVIL POWER, AND T H E OATH

enforcing the law o r defending the state t o k i l l 'the unrepentent wrongdoer and

other unrighteous persons.'

20

The official U n i t y position was p u t f o r w a r d as follows i n one o f their confessions o f f a i t h , w r i t t e n i n 1507:

•

21

The fifth [commandment] is fulfilled, w h e n anger leading t o revenge is w h o l l y renounced a n d vengeance against the objects o f one's dislike a n d i n one's o w n cause is taken away, a n d . . . also blasphemy and c o n t e m p t which, t o o , are the causes o f b o t h b o d i l y a n d spiritual murder. A n d i n addition t o anger envy, hatred, malice, b a c k b i t i n g , secret condemnations, treachery, l y i n g , slander, etc. are forbidden. F o r , i n acting i n this fashion, the scribes d i d n o t realize that they were going against the c o m m a n d m e n t : ' T h o u shalt n o t k i l l . ' I t is also being fulfilled when mercy, goodness, p i t y are taught, . . . w h e n vengeance o n wrongdoers is taken o u t o f the hands o f the c o m m o n people. Hence i t proclaims the order o f the c i v i l power as j u s t when performed w i t h o u t anger and unrighteousness, w i t h m o d e r a t i o n and love i n punishment a n d discipline. T h i s c o m m a n d m e n t is also f u l filled when i t . . . teaches the judge n o t t o j u d g e according t o o u t w a r d appearance (ne podle tvdfi), n o r according to his ungovernable i n c l i n a tions, b u t j u s t l y a n d l o v i n g l y . 22

The positive injunctions o f Christ given m a i n l y i n the Sermon o n the M o u n t , w h i c h were q u o t e d by the M i n o r Party i n defence o f their doctrine o f non-resistance, were also subjected b y L u k a s t o similar interpretation. Such injunctions were, for L u k a s , merely a n elaboration o f the truths already enunciated i n the L a w a n d the Prophets, a r e t u r n indeed t o the pristine p u r i t y o f their doctrine. There was no c o n t r a d i c t i o n between the t w o . 'Resist n o t evil,' f o r instance, was an a t t e m p t t o counteract a t o o great insistence by the Jews o n r e t r i b u t i o n for w r o n g done.

Christ's words

meant only that his followers were n o t ' t o resist evil f r o m anger, f r o m an /

inordinate desire for revenge i n one's o w n cause, w i t h o u t judgement by those p u t i n a u t h o r i t y and w i t h o u t p i t y o r mercy.' I t was n o t intended as an attack o n the c i v i l power, whether C h r i s t i a n o r pagan, acting ' n o t f o r vengeance, b u t t o b r i n g a b o u t peace o r a proper r e f o r m a t i o n ' o f the wrongdoer. I n an ordered society, i n the k i n d o f society where C h r i s t i a n principles were p u t i n t o practice, Lukas argued i n a passage w h i c h brings t o m i n d m o d e r n p o l i t i c a l theory, resistance t o evil was n o t left t o the " 1 1

Spis o mocy

swlta,

P a l m o v , Cheshkie

titled Spis

dosti

iinijcy

prwe imprytnowdn, "

fols. 2 1 - 2 4 , 5 0 v . bratya

pocijna

Ibid., I I , p. 2 9 3 .

v svoikh

z wijry, se

konfessiyach,

kteryito

sst'astni.

latijnskau

I , p. 2 7 3 . T h e c o n f e s s i o n w a s e n feci] Apologia

slowe,

w

Normberce

THE BRETHREN, THE C I V I L POWER, AND T H E OATH

193

i n d i v i d u a l citizen as i n more p r i m i t i v e communities, b u t entrusted to the p r o p e r l y constituted a u t h o r i t y .

23

T u r n i n g the other cheek, t o o , c o u l d n o t be explained literally. I n his lengthy tract o n the c i v i l power L u k a s gives this passage ( M a t t h e w V , 39) a far-fetched and complicated metaphorical i n t e r p r e t a t i o n by w h i c h he sought t o refute his opponents' claims t o find here a clear justification o f their p o i n t o f view. 'The r i g h t cheek [he says] is the t r u t h . . . . The left is the w r o n g o r fault o f the one w h o must suffer f o r i t . ' There was no o b l i g a t i o n for Christ t o t u r n his other cheek since he had c o m m i t t e d no s i n ; he suffered f o r truth's sake alone. 'Christ offered his r i g h t cheek f o r o u r left, f o r the innocent suffered for the g u i l t y . ' T u r n i n g the left cheek meant either to endure i n j u r y ' f r o m one against w h o m y o u have yourself done w r o n g , o r patiently to suffer the penalty o f the [civil] power and o f the c o u r t and h u m b l y make amends.' Lukas further interpreted i t to mean that Christians should n o t take i t u p o n themselves to avenge their o w n wrongs, b u t should leave this either ' t o G o d o r the order set u p by G o d , ' i n other words t o the state.

24

T h e i n j u n c t i o n to love one's enemies, w h i c h the M i n o r Party had regarded as a p r o h i b i t i o n n o t o n l y o f warfare a n d the death penalty, b u t o f the whole state system and the apparatus o f justice, d i d n o t apply, i n Lukas's view, t o the collective activities o f men. Forgiveness o f injuries was possible o n l y f o r the i n d i v i d u a l Christian. W h i l e people i n a u t h o r i t y should temper justice w i t h mercy i n cases where there were extenuating circumstances o r where the wrongdoer manifested genuine repentance, they c o u l d n o t fail t o take the requisite action against breakers o f the law. A n y h o w , claimed L u k a s , ' t o k i l l a n d destroy the enemies' o f the L o r d , p r o v i d e d i t was done 'justly a n d w i t h o u t hatred,' was n o t inconsistent w i t h showing at the same time love towards t h e m .

25

Lukas i n fact, convinced as he was f r o m practical observation o f the Tightness o f C h r i s t i a n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the state, was forced to adapt even the most refractory o f Christ's sayings to this conception.

The M i n o r

Party, o n the other h a n d , persuaded by their reading o f the N e w Testament, as well as by the w o r k s o f Chelcicky a n d the early Brethren, o f the i m m o r a l i t y o f such p a r t i c i p a t i o n , were led to take u p a w h o l l y negative position i n regard t o every aspect o f the f u n c t i o n i n g o f the c i v i l power. T h e use o f force, the M a j o r Party maintained, was i n fact justified i n t w o sets o f circumstances. o mocy

23

Spis

24

Ibid.,

fols. 3 2 v - 3 3 v .

swlta,

36

Ibid.,

fols. 30v, 5 1 - 5 2 .

First, Christians m i g h t carry some sort o f

fols. 3 1 - 3 2 .

194

THE BRETHREN, T H E C I V I L POWER, AND THE OATH

weapon for use i n personal self-defence, o r the defence o f one's property, i n cases where the law was unable to afford protection.

They must,

however, be careful to a v o i d such weapons as m i g h t lead persons o f a fiery

temperament

t o c o m m i t b l o o d t h i r s t y deeds.

'There is need o f

moderation i n this matter [writes Lukas] b u t I cannot properly regard i t as w r o n g t o go about w i t h daggers.'

Members o f the Christian c o m m u n i t y ,

26

i n the second place, m i g h t call i n the aid o f the c i v i l power t o assist t h e m i n defence o f their t e m p o r a l interests: I t is one t h i n g [writes L u k a s again] t o defend the church by the s w o r d lawfully i n regard t o its material welfare, and quite another to do this i n regard to spiritual matters. The former may r i g h t l y occur when those set i n a u t h o r i t y defend the temporal welfare o f the church o r its members, since for this purpose was the [civil] power instituted and the f a i t h f u l have made use o f i t t o this end. B u t Christians, c o n t r a r y t o the accepted practice o f the official c h u r c h since the D o n a t i o n o f Constantine, were never t o call u p o n the t e m p o r a l power i n the purely religious sphere, to enforce r i g h t belief o n heretics o r to impose C h r i s t i a n i t y o n non-Christians. F o r a C h r i s t i a n t o spread the faith by the use o f the sword 'against pagans' was to act ' u n l a w f u l l y and t o stray f r o m the p a t h (svodne).'

27

Christians fighting against the T u r k s ,

even though such p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n warfare m i g h t n o w be permitted the Brethren under certain circumstances, were n o t justified i n calling t h e m selves martyrs for the f a i t h , since G o d had i n fact sent such enemies as a punishment for the misdeeds o f the official c h u r c h w i t h its great 'wealth and power.' Besides, Lukas added, the T u r k s d i d n o t make converts by force to their r e l i g i o n .

28

The complete separation o f church and state, i n its consequences one o f the most revolutionary o f the tenets o f the early Brethren, was therefore still advocated by the M a j o r P a r t y .

29

B u t this separation o f the functions

o f church and state d i d not mean, as ChelSicky's school o f t h o u g h t argued, that members o f the c h u r c h c o u l d n o t take p a r t i n the state, the direction o f which must be left to non-Christians or n o m i n a l Christians. As has been seen, the M a j o r Party made frequent use o f the argument that f r o m the beginning practising Christians, like the R o m a n centurion for instance, who had not been t o l d by Christ ' t h a t he must resign his a u t h o r i t y for the *

OdpowSd

"

Odpis, fol. 1 0 ; ' O o b n o v e n i , ' fol. 186.

**

VlCek, Dijiny

2

knihy,jeni "

na spis Kalencuo, ceske

fols. 4 v , 5.

literatury,

slovii Apokalypsis

A . J . B . , v o l . I V , fol. 31.

(1501).

I , p. 3 7 6 , q u o t i n g

from LukaS's

Vykladove

na

195

T H E B R E T H R E N , T H E CIVIL POWER, AND T H E OATH

faith's sake,' h a d taken office ' w i t h o u t h a r m t o their salvation.' Indeed i t h a d often been their d u t y t o do so. 'Even t h o u g h they m i g h t receive payment a n d money here f r o m their service w i t h the c i v i l power, for this reason they were n o t c u t off f r o m the f a i t h ' ; rather m i g h t they expect t o be rewarded i n heaven f o r their good deeds i n succouring the p o o r a n d the oppressed.

30

A m o n g his contemporaries Lukas observed t w o erroneous viewpoints o n the relationship between C h r i s t i a n i t y a n d the state: 'the h i g h a n d the l o w , ' as he calls t h e m . There was, first, the p o s i t i o n o f his opponents i n the present controversy, w h o regarded c h u r c h a n d state as m u t u a l l y opposed t o each other. T h e n there were those w h o extolled the c i v i l power 'inordinately, i n w o n d r o u s fashion t w i s t i n g a n d falsifying the s c r i p t u r e s . '

31

A middle r o a d between the t w o extremes seemed t o L u k a s t o be the soundest doctrine, the one most consistent w i t h Christ's teaching. I n spiritual matters the Brethren h a d separated themselves f r o m the other C h r i s t i a n churches o f East a n d West w h e n these were a l l f o u n d w a n t i n g . I n regard to the c i v i l power, however, L u k a s w r i t e s : W e have n o t c u t ourselves off, n o r have we the i n t e n t i o n , as t h e T a b o r i t e s a n d others have h a d , o f t a k i n g up the sword i n defence o f the f a i t h . . . I t is o n l y t h a t some o f o u r members are engaged i n a d m i n i s t e r i n g the c i v i l power i n courts a n d i n offices . . . W e participate i n this, b u t w i t h o u t t a k i n g p a r t . . . i n any unrighteousness; a n d there is, indeed, n o scripture t h a t runs c o n t r a r y t o this, since i t happened even i n the early church. I n exactly w h a t circumstances m i g h t 'the f a i t h f u l , ' members o f the U n i t y o f Brethren, exercise t e m p o r a l power a n d enter the service o f the state? 'Those [answered L u k a s ] w h o have already j o i n e d us o r w h o w o u l d like t o d o so, being set i n a u t h o r i t y a n d unable t o escape f r o m i t , ' should be allowed t o remain i n office. Secondly, 'those w h o , n o t o f their o w n free w i l l , are forced to p e r f o r m some lesser functions a n d activities o f this a u t h o r i t y ' should n o t be considered t o have infringed i n any way the m o r a l code o f the U n i t y .

3 2

Despite the very measured terms i n w h i c h these conditions are f o r m u lated, w i t h their r e c o m m e n d a t i o n t o attempt first t o avoid c o l l a b o r a t i o n w i t h the w o r k o f government, Lukas's i n t e n t i o n is quite clear.

Obstacles

i n the way o f gaining new converts f r o m a m o n g the nobles a n d gentry, whose influence a n d p r o t e c t i o n was m u c h needed by the U n i t y to secure i t f r o m renewed persecution, were to be removed; a n d at the same time 3 0

Odpis,

31

Spis

32

Odpis,

fols. 2 , 5, 8.

o mocy

swita,

fol. 2 v , 14.

fols. 1 3 v - 1 4 v .

196

T H E BRETHREN, THE C I V I L POWER, AND T H E OATH

the p a t h o f the t o w n Brethren, g r o w i n g i n affluence a n d influence b u t d r a w n thereby i n t o increasingly close contact w i t h the j u d i c i a l a n d administrative machine, w o u l d be made smoother. G o d o f his love has delivered us [writes Lukas] f r o m these errors [i.e. o f the M i n o r Party concerning the c i v i l power]. H e has permitted us t o t h i n k t h r o u g h to a sound conception o f the c i v i l power i n Christendom . . . Therefore some members o f our U n i t y have become aldermen and judges and mayors (fojtove). A n d i f their conduct has been w o r t h y o f i t , some o f these have also been [our] teachers . . . These aldermen and mayors, w h o have acted r i g h t l y and j u s t l y , have been serving n o t t w o masters, n o t M a m m o n , . . . b u t the one G o d and H i s L a w , bearing others' burdens a n d thus fulfilling Christ's teaching. 33

The M a j o r Party, as has been seen, continued t o grant the doctrines o f the M i n o r Party, sanctified as they were by the a p p r o v a l given t h e m by ChelCicky, Rehof and the O l d Brethren, the right t o exist as a m i n o r i t y position w i t h i n the U n i t y .

3 4

The theoretical reason f o r this l i m i t e d

tolerance, w h i c h L u k a s and his party were ready to grant their opponents, lay i n their view o f w h a t constituted the essence o f U n i t y doctrine (puvod Jednoty).

Kalenec, f o r instance, claimed o n behalf o f the M i n o r Party

that, i n t h r o w i n g over the p o l i t i c a l and social ideology o f the O l d Brethren, the M a j o r Party had abandoned the fundamental principles o n account o f which the U n i t y h a d o r i g i n a l l y b r o k e n away f r o m the U t r a q u i s t c h u r c h .

35

The M i n o r Party, writes Lukas i n reply, 'consider the doctrine o n [civil] power and the o a t h as the o r i g i n ' o f the U n i t y . B u t i n fact such ideas arose ' f r o m the

flesh...

a n d not f r o m G o d ' ; they had never belonged t o

the essential tenets o f their faith. Such doctrines should never be made a touchstone o f salvation, since 'the scriptures p r o c l a i m other things as the o r i g i n and f o u n d a t i o n o f belief and salvation, . . . a n d i t was f o r them we separated and set u p o u r o w n organization. Since, therefore, we are i n every way closer to the scriptures,' we are ready t o accept 'as fellow Christians people o f g o o d w i l l ; and neither censure n o r condemn those placed i n a u t h o r i t y . '

36

I n l i k e manner they were prepared t o retain w i t h i n

the U n i t y , i f they were w i l l i n g to remain, those w h o still held to the o l d doctrines. B u t the M i n o r Party, w i t h their eyes fixed exclusively o n one issue, 'regarded the disparagement o f the [civil] power and the o a t h ( w h i c h i n **

Odpowld

"

Odpis,

5 5

na spis Kalencuo,

fols. 7v, 8.

fol. 3v, 56, 56v.

C f . t h e s i m i l a r s e n t i m e n t e x p r e s s e d b y B r o t h e r M i c h a l at the c o n c l u s i o n o f t h e

C o n f e r e n c e o f R y c h n o v (1494), see C h a p . I V , p. 149. "

Odpowld

na spis Kalencuo,

fols. 9 , 1 0 .

THE BRETHREN, T H E CIVIL POWER, AND

197

THE OATH

actual fact were instituted by G o d and b r o u g h t to fulfilment by Christ i n H i s higher righteousness) as alone c o n s t i t u t i n g the gospel o f C h r i s t . '

37

They were n o t even consistent, Lukas went o n , since n o t o n l y d i d they consider that Christ's condemnation o f the c i v i l power left pagans still free t o exercise i t , b u t i n practice they themselves 'made use o f this power w h i c h they despise.'

W h y indeed d i d they remain w i t h i n the C h r i s t i a n

c o m m u n i t y enjoying the benefits o f citizenship, while n o t prepared to undertake its obligations, asked Lukas sarcastically: ' W h y d i d y o u n o t rather go o u t a m o n g the pagans, where y o u m i g h t enjoy their p r o t e c t i o n , ' according to y o u r o w n principles and those o f y o u r master, Chelcicky? W i t h a strange ignorance o f the early history o f the U n i t y Lukas denied that there had ever been a single m a r t y r for the anti-state views o f the M i n o r Party, t h o u g h indeed, he c o n t i n u e d , neither suffering n o r smallness i n numbers were sufficient i n themselves, as the M i n o r Party seemed t o consider, to show where the r i g h t l a y .

38

F o r their u n c o m p r o m i s i n g attitude, Luka§ claimed, ChelCicky

was

largely responsible; a n d i n later life the former was to have little g o o d t o say f o r the teachings o f the m a n whose writings, more than a n y t h i n g else, had helped t o b r i n g h i m as a y o u n g m a n to the U n i t y . Doubtless the continuous q u o t i n g o n the p a r t o f the M i n o r Party o f

Chelcicky's

example made L u k a s anxious t o destroy his standing w i t h the Brethren o f b o t h camps.

Indeed, considering the central p o s i t i o n w h i c h his

pacifist anarchist ideas have i n Chelcicky's general p h i l o s o p h y o f life, i t w o u l d have been h a r d to continue t o h o l d his w o r k s i n the same h i g h esteem, while at the same t i m e rejecting i n practice the core o f his teaching. A p a r t f r o m attacks o f a personal character accusing Chelcicky o f n o t l i v i n g u p to the h i g h ideals w h i c h he preached i n his w r i t i n g s , Lukas's m a i n assault is n a t u r a l l y directed m a i n l y against the former's views o n state and society. Luka§ admits t h a t there was ' m u c h t h a t was useful i n his w r i t i n g s . ' B u t at the same time he considered

that

ChelSicky's

rejection o f the c i v i l power, his denial o f the need f o r any coercive a c t i o n i n a C h r i s t i a n c o m m u n i t y , his overemphasis o f the virtues o f suffering a n d poverty and the rustic life, c o u l d n o t be accepted w i t h o u t danger o f underm i n i n g the f r a m e w o r k o f civilized society. Such views, t h o u g h t L u k a s , arose f r o m the conditions i n w h i c h ChelciSky h a d lived, f r o m c o n t e m p l a t i o n o f the abuse o f the name o f religion d u r i n g the f r a t r i c i d a l warfare o f his t i m e . They arose i n h i m ' b y reason o f the w a r l i k e Taborites, i n connection w i t h the evil use o f the [civil] p o w e r ; a n d , being disgusted b y a l l this, he con¬ "

Ibid.,

fol. 4 v .

"

Ibid.,

fols.

7v, 9 , 1 7 ; Odpis,

fols.

13v, 18, 3 7 ; Spis

o mocy

swlta,

fol.

3.

198

THE BRETHREN, T H E CIVIL POWER, AND THE OATH

demned a n d despised i t as u n c h r i s t i a n . ' Therefore, ' n o one should c o n duct himself according t o [Chelcicky's] w r i t i n g s , f o r he himself was n o t under the rule o f s a l v a t i o n . '

39

Thus the wheel had come f u l l circle. T h e U n i t y w h i c h had taken the political a n d social teachings o f the village philosopher as its o w n , seeking t o model the c o m m u n i t y o f the Brethren according t o the pattern f o u n d i n his writings, had n o w n o t o n l y ceased t o give these doctrines any special place i n their society, b u t i t h a d replaced t h e m b y a set o f principles approving the very way o f life, w h i c h ChelCicky a n d his disciples h a d always regarded as the antithesis o f the C h r i s t i a n way. I t was Lukas w h o , more t h a n any other leader o f the M a j o r Party, was able t o p r o v i d e the new U n i t y w i t h this theoretical justification o f the r e v o l u t i o n w h i c h h a d taken place i n their m i d s t .

40

F o r , indeed, the p e r i o d o f the O l d Brethren

and the new epoch w h i c h was n o w beginning i n the U n i t y ' s history were divided b y a deep gulf, b o t h i n theory a n d i n practical behaviour. I t was to be the question o f the v a l i d i t y o f t a k i n g oaths that was t o become the symbol d i v i d i n g the t w o parties.

II The question o f the permissibility o f o a t h t a k i n g f o r t r u e Christians h a d , f r o m the middle o f the last decade o f the fifteenth century onwards, come more and more t o dominate the whole controversy between the M a j o r a n d M i n o r Parties i n the U n i t y . I n its scope i t overlapped b o t h the theoretical problems and the more practical issues, f o r m i n g a connecting l i n k between the t w o categories. I t was j u s t this p r o b l e m t h a t the i n d i v i d u a l Brethren i n their relationship to society had most frequently t o grapple w i t h i n their everyday lives. I t was a question w h i c h almost all m i g h t sometime be called u p o n t o face. Oaths were demanded u p o n entrance i n t o the most h u m b l e offices: refusal might mean severe and repeated punishment. Since, therefore, a refusal Odpowed

na spis Kalencuo,

fol. 6 v ; Spis o mocy

swita,

fols. 2 v , 1 4 ; Odpis,

28v, 29

( q u o t e d i n JireCek, ' P . J . S a f a f i k a s t u d i e o P e t r u C h e l c i c k e m ' , C. C. M., 1874, p p . 1 0 4 , 105). 4 0

C f . P a l m o v , op. cit., I I , p. 2 2 5 ; K r o f t a ,

O

bratrskem

dejepisectvi,

p. 24.

T h e literary h i s t o r i a n , V l c e k , op. cit., p p . 3 7 4 - 7 6 , h a s p o i n t e d o u t that, despite h i s

r e n u n c i a t i o n o f C h e l i i c k y ' s t h e o r i e s , several e v e n o f L u k d S ' s later w o r k s , b o t h i n f o r m a n d i n spirit, a r e r e m i n i s c e n t o f C h e l i i c k y . T h e i r a p p r o a c h , f o r i n s t a n c e , t o the R o m a n C a t h o l i c c h u r c h , which both m e n regarded as a n institution irreparably corrupted b y its alliance w i t h the p o w e r s t h a t be, w a s v e r y s i m i l a r , a s w a s their i d e a l i z a t i o n o f the w a y o f p o v e r t y a s p e c u l i a r l y a p p r o p r i a t e f o r the p r a c t i s i n g C h r i s t i a n . B u t b o t h ideas w e r e , indeed, c o m m o n t o the m e d i e v a l s e c t a r i a n t r a d i t i o n represented

by the

Waldenses.

THE BRETHREN, THE C I V I L POWER, AND T H E OATH

199

o f oaths was involved i n almost every p o i n t i n dispute between the t w o parties, since, too, i t was the one question w h i c h overlapped all the other problems, i t q u i c k l y came to be accepted as a party slogan easily understood b y the most simple. T h e M a j o r Party, therefore, became the ' j u r o r ' B r e t h r e n ; while the M i n o r Party were often k n o w n also as 'the n o n jurors.'

4 1

Earlier, indeed, the p r o b l e m o f o a t h t a k i n g h a d remained i n the background.

B u t ChelSicky and Rehof, t h o u g h they rarely dealt w i t h the

question i n their writings, had f o l l o w e d the Waldenses i n rejecting oaths as u n c h r i s t i a n ; a n d the early Brethren had likewise refused o n principle t o take oaths when these were demanded o f t h e m . The p r o b l e m , h o w ever, as has been seen, d i d n o t possess the same urgency d u r i n g the early years o f the U n i t y ' s existence as i t was to have later, when the n u m b e r o f Brethren settled i n the towns h a d greatly increased. W i t h the outbreak at the beginning o f the nineties o f the controversy over the U n i t y ' s attitude t o society a n d the state, the p r o b l e m came m o r e a n d m o r e t o the f o r e .

42

F r o m a n issue o f only secondary importance i t

was t o become a p a r t y cry i n the bitter ideological strife w h i c h eventually split the U n i t y . The struggle over the o a t h , however, was n o t a b a r r e n theological dispute over a f o r m a l i t y ; i t represented a radical cleavage o f o p i n i o n over some o f the most fundamental issues w h i c h have faced m e n i n their relationship to society.

Acceptance by the Brethren o f the o a t h

meant i n essence a reconciliation w i t h the existing c o n d i t i o n o f society, an abandonment o f the U n i t y ' s separation f r o m the c o m m u n i t y , o f its passive negation o f the state. A continued rejection o f the o a t h , o n the other h a n d , signified a r e t u r n t o the simple life o f an agrarian society, w h i c h had been enjoyed by an earlier generation o f Brethren. I t was i n p a r t a reflection o f the age-old conflict between u r b a n a n d r u r a l societies. B o t h parties w r o t e at considerable length o n the subject o f oaths.

As

m i g h t be expected f r o m university-trained theologians, leaders o f the M a j o r Party l i k e Lukas and K r a s o n i c k y presented a better argued and a more systematic presentation o f their a t t i t u d e . T h e M i n o r Party's case, as given i n the polemical tracts o f J a k u b and A m o s , or later o f Jan Kalenec, is a c o m p o u n d o f passion a n d righteous i n d i g n a t i o n , m i n g l e d w i t h somewhat chaotic argument based p r i m a r i l y o n a literal interpret a t i o n o f Christ's words i n the Sermon o n the M o u n t [ M a t t h e w V , 33-37]. I t was, therefore, the M a j o r Party w h i c h attempted i n the first place to define the nature o f an o a t h . ' A n o a t h [writes L u k a s ] is the c o n f i r m a t i o n 4 1

M i i l l e r - B a r t o S , op. tit., p p . 172, 173.

4 2

G o U - K r o f t a , op. tit., pp. 2 2 7 , 2 2 8 .

200

THE BRETHREN, THE CIVIL POWER, AND

THE OATH

[i.e. o f a statement] i n a process o f law by God's knowledge and testimony, i n other words, t h a t G o d knows that w h a t is said o r done o r to be done is the t r u t h , and that H e is able t o avenge a lie. . . . I t is t o call u p o n G o d as a witness.'

43

B o t h Lukas and K r a s o n i c k y frequently q u o t e d cases o f o a t h t a k i n g i n the O l d Testament, done either w i t h G o d ' s a p p r o v a l o r even at his express command. First, writes L u k a s , i n those times the Jews were p e r m i t t e d t o take oaths t o avoid the sin o f idolatry involved i n swearing by strange gods. A l l false oaths or oaths t a k e n i n the name o f any lesser being than G o d himself were strictly f o r b i d d e n . They were o n l y t o 'swear by H i s n a m e ' [Deut. V I , 13]. A second justification made i n the O l d Testament for o a t h taking lay i n the fact o f h u m a n imperfection w h i c h , o n account o f the frequent occurrence o f false witness, often made men l o a t h t o believe even the t r u t h unless backed by an oath. A n o a t h , therefore, was justified 'for the c o n f i r m a t i o n o f the t r u t h , when one m i g h t be compelled by the fear o f the person w h o summons a witness, he anxious lest he be considered a liar and a perjuror (kfivy priseznik).' Lastly, oaths were also justified i n the O l d Testament ' i n order to reconcile differences between people.'

44

The M i n o r Party, indeed, d i d not attempt to deny that the Jews had been permitted b y G o d t o take oaths. B u t , they said, Christ t h r o u g h his teaching o f 'the higher righteousness' h a d forbidden his followers to swear under any circumstances, as he h a d f o r b i d d e n t h e m to use evil means t o combat evil. 'The o a t h [writes their anonymous c h a m p i o n i n his Odpor smyslu druMmu\

is forbidden by C h r i s t t o Christians; f o r

pagans i t is allowed o n a l l occasions; while for the Jews i t is permissible o n some occasions

...

I f Christians may swear, i n w h a t manner is the

Christian righteousness higher than the Jewish?'

I f Christ had meant

Christians to swear, he w o u l d have left the Jewish commandments as they were and n o t mentioned them at a l l . I t was only such matters as needed correction that Christ dealt w i t h i n his teachings. F i r s t he had given the o l d Jewish doctrine o n the matter and then, i n the succeeding verses, he showed how his o w n differed f r o m i t [ M a t t h e w V , 3 3 - 3 7 ] .

45

LukaS and his school, o n the other h a n d , p u t a completely different interpretation o n these passages. F o r t h e m Christ's i n t e n t i o n had n o t been to change or supplement the teachings o f the O l d Testament, b u t only to purge them o f the abuses w h i c h i n the course o f the centuries had **

A . J . B . , I V , fol. 154 ( q u o t e d b y P a l m o v , op. tit., I I , p. 165).

Cf. Krasonicky's

s i m i l a r definition, fol. 9 0 v . **

Ibid., fols. 7 7 - 7 8 , 9 6 , 154, 154v.

*»

Ibid.,

fols. 7 3 , 7 3 v ( q u o t e d i n p a r t i n G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p p . 2 2 8 , 2 2 9 ) .

201

T H E B R E T H R E N , T H E C I V I L POWER, AND T H E OATH

g r o w n u p a r o u n d t h e m . H e h a d come t o fulfil a n d n o t t o destroy the L a w a n d the Prophets. The scribes a n d the pharisees h a d n o t observed either o f the t w o commandments concerned w i t h o a t h t a k i n g [Exodus X X , 7, 16], f o r they had imagined that God's ' p r o h i b i t i o n ' applied merely t o the external character o f the o a t h a n d n o t at a l l t o its actual contents. They t h o u g h t , therefore, that so l o n g as the matter witnessed was true, a n d the i n t e n t i o n o f fulfilment was present, then the o a t h was thereby justified, regardless o f the m o r a l nature o f its contents. Secondly, they were prepared t o swear i n the name o f things created by G o d , t a k i n g the commandments t o apply only against swearing by pagan g o d s .

46

I t was such an a t t i t u d e

t h a t Christ sought to rectify. ' C h r i s t [writes K r a s o n i c k y ] taught n o t h i n g i n regard to the m o r a l commandments, w h i c h was n o t contained i n e m b r y o i n the n a t u r a l o r i n the w r i t t e n l a w . ' H i s teachings were designed t o p u t this law i n a clearer l i g h t a n d to remove the imperfections w h i c h later interpreters h a d i n t r o d u c e d . ' H e c o u l d n o t possibly p u t o n one side t h a t w h i c h had been c o m m a n d e d to the Jews.'

47

The M a j o r Party were obliged t o give certain passages a rather forced interpretation i n order to fit t h e m i n w i t h their v i e w p o i n t . The m a i n s t u m b l i n g block lay i n the w o r d s : 'Swear n o t at a l l ' [ M a t t h e w V , 34], where the M i n o r Party, like the Mennonites and the Quakers a n d certain other p o s t - R e f o r m a t i o n sects i n later centuries, f o l l o w e d the example o f the early Brethren, a n d the Waldenses before t h e m , i n g i v i n g these words a literal i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . L u k a s a n d K r a s o n i c k y , b o t h classical scholars o f a sort a n d wellread i n the L a t i n c h u r c h fathers, h a d recourse t o the Vulgate. T h e words used there - non iurare omnino - they interpreted as m e a n i n g : 'Swear n o t i n all things,' i.e. n o t i n every instance where an oath may be d e m a n d e d .

48

T h e y were intended b y C h r i s t , i t was claimed, t o counteract the c u s t o m o f the scribes a n d pharisees ' t o take an o a t h i n every m a t t e r w h i c h was true.'

4 8

They d i d n o t preclude a follower o f Christ f r o m swearing under

certain clearly defined conditions. This was strongly denied by the M i n o r Party. N o t o n l y h a d C h r i s t meant t o f o r b i d his followers to swear under any c o n d i t i o n s ; he h a d also s h o w n t h e m the way they should behave i n such circumstances. H a d H e n o t s a i d : ' B u t let y o u r c o m m u n i c a t i o n be, Yes, yea; Nay, n a y : for whatso4 4

Spis

o mocy swgta, fols. 5 8 v , 59. C f . A . J . B . , I V , fols. 8 0 , 155v.

4 7

A . J . B . , I V , fol. 8 I v .

44

Ibid.,

"

fols. 7 9 , 8 3 , 9 1 , 156, 157. T h e p h r a s e i n C z e c h w a s nepfisahati

Spis o mocy swita,

fols. 59v, 6 8 .

ovSem.

^...v^-,,

i n t VIVIL POWER, AND T H E OATH

ever is more than these cometh o f e v i l ' [ M a t t h e w V , 37]? This was the pattern to be followed. Q u o t i n g C y p r i a n i n support o f the M i n o r Party's position, the author o f the ' O d p o r smyslu d r u h e m u ' gives a well reasoned presentation o f their case against w h a t they considered the sophistries o f their opponents. I t is m y o p i n i o n [he writes] that, i f these w o r d s were considered w i t h o u t . . . undue license, there w o u l d be n o need f o r so m a n y useless i n t e r pretations. F o r , where the words themselves are simple, they d o n o t need interpretation. B u t he w h o seeks o u t explanations i n simple matters, may be suspected o f inserting there something o f his o w n devising. . . . I n this way the Brethren have n o w begun variously t o interpret the L a t i n w o r d omnino ... w i t h the a i m , i t seems t o me, o f a l l o w i n g the o a t h . . . f o l l o w i n g the R o m a n interpretation t h a t . . . the L a t i n meant . . . non in omni causa a n d the Czech . . . ' n o t f o r every reason.' B u t i n m y o p i n i o n , although I d o n o t possess a great deal o f classical learning, omnino m a y be paraphrased i n L a t i n as nequequam . . . i n Czech nikoli. ... B u t I believe, indeed, t h a t simplicity, about w h i c h they used to t a l k m u c h i n their congregations, w o u l d serve the B r e t h r e n best. . . . I f they once enter u p o n explanations o f words they w i l l have little success a m o n g simple people. There w i l l be as m a n y interpretations as there are glosses; a n d even i f they d i d w a n t t o e m b a r k u p o n [this] . . . few o f t h e m are fit f o r coping w i t h such a t a s k . 60

The M a j o r Party, i t is true, d i d n o t countenance every k i n d o f o a t h . T h e y attempted t o define the type o f oaths w h i c h i t was permissible for Christians to take. I n a l l cases they were n o t t o infringe any o f the rules l a i d d o w n i n the O l d Testament. Besides this, first, the r i g h t must be o n the side o f the person t a k i n g the o a t h : the matter i n question m u s t be 'just, righteous, useful and necessary, t a k i n g away n o t h i n g that is anyone else's or giving anyone a n y t h i n g that is not his.' There must be n o question, either, o f any h a r m arising o u t o f the o a t h . Christians, i n the second place, should be certain that w h a t they were swearing contained the whole t r u t h and o n l y the t r u t h . T h i r d l y , oaths s h o u l d be taken only i n cases o f dire necessity, never l i g h t l y , ' w i t h o u t extreme need either o f oneself or one's fellows.'

61

T o the objection b r o u g h t up later b y Kalenec i n the 1520's t h a t , ' i f i t was not a sin to swear under pressure, t h e n n o sins w o u l d h a r m people i f committed under compulsion,' Lukas replied that this w o u l d be true o n l y o f an unrighteous oath. 'The o a t h is n o t sent f r o m G o d like his other commandments to be used freely w i t h o u t compelling need f r o m someone else. . . . The commandment concerning the oath is given o n account o f «°

A . J . B . , I V , f o l . 7 3 v ( q u o t e d i n p a r t i n G o l l - K r o f t a , op. tit., p. 2 2 9 ) .

"

Ibid., fols. 7 8 - 8 1 , 9 6 , 96v, 156v, 157, 158, 159v.

T H E BRETHREN, T H E CIVIL POWER, AND T H E OATH

203

h u m a n imperfection f o r the c o n f i r m a t i o n o f t r u t h a n d for the sake o f harmony.'

52

T h e object o f p e r m i t t i n g oaths i n a Christian society, i n

Lukas's o p i n i o n , was ' t o help f a i t h a n d the hope o f fulfilling promises a n d testimony. . . .

I t is essential f o r p u t t i n g an end to disagreements

between people a n d reconciling conflicting v i e w p o i n t s . '

53

Oaths, however, were never t o be used between one B r o t h e r a n d a n other, b y members o f the U n i t y a m o n g themselves. ' A m o n g the f a i t h f u l [ L u k a s explained] there is n o need o f the o a t h , since they are a l l members o f one another, simple children o f G o d w h o s h o u l d order their affairs according to the L a w o f Christ, so that their c o m m u n i c a t i o n be, Yea, yea; N a y , nay.' Oaths were o n l y justified i n the larger Christian c o m m u n i t y because o f the presence there o f 'bad people . . . a n d lovers o f the w o r l d , ' w h o were n o t accustomed t o speak the t r u t h a n d , therefore, suspected others o f n o t d o i n g so e i t h e r .

54

The o l d Brethren idea o f restricting the

conception o f a Christian c o m m u n i t y t o those w h o f o l l o w e d literally t h e strict r u l e l a i d d o w n by C h r i s t i n the Sermon o n the M o u n t is here abandoned ; a n d f o r i t is substituted the current medieval idea o f t w o levels o f Christian l i v i n g . I n the Catholic C h u r c h the higher way o f life was to be f o l l o w e d o n l y by m o n k s a n d , t o a lesser degree, by the secular clergy. I n the ideas n o w c u r r e n t i n the U n i t y this higher way o f life was t o be restricted t o the dealings o f the Brethren a m o n g themselves. I t was n o t t o preclude either c o n f o r m i t y t o a somewhat lower standard i n their relations w i t h the outside w o r l d o r to g r a n t i n g a l i m i t e d recognition t o that w o r l d . T r u e Christians s h o u l d never i n their private disputes demand oaths o f others. I t does n o t make any difference, says K r a s o n i c k y , 'whether y o u t h i n k he w i l l swear t r u l y o r falsely.'

55

B u t this p r o h i b i t i o n d i d n o t o f

course apply t o those whose offices entailed the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f oaths i n the course o f their legitimate duties. The M a j o r Party m a i n t a i n e d therefore t h a t , t h o u g h oaths m i g h t be taken b y members o f the U n i t y under c o m p u l s i o n i n certain c i r c u m s t a n ces, there were m a n y kinds o f oaths w h i c h were still f o r b i d d e n to the Brethren.

I n a d d i t i o n there were, f o r instance, various cruelties a n d

evils connected w i t h the i m p o s i t i o n o f oaths w h i c h were nevertheless i n accordance w i t h the l a w o f the l a n d . One o f the faithful, therefore, w h o takes an o a t h is n o t b o u n d t o d o a n d 62

Odpis,

53

Spis

"

Ibid.,

"

A . J . B . , I V , fols. 9 7 , 9 8 v .

fols. 34, 3 4 v .

o mocy

swita,

fols. 6 6 , 6 7 v .

fols. 6 9 , 6 9 v ; Odpowid

na spis Kalencuo,

fol. 8 ; A . J . B . , fol. 158v.

THE B R E T H R E N , THE C I V I L POWER, AND T H E OATH

204

fulfil whatever is contained i n c i v i l a n d m u n i c i p a l laws c o n t r a r y t o God's laws a n d judgements; n o r indeed should these laws, i f they are well made, lead t o this. . . . B u t wherever the c i v i l laws coincide w i t h God's justice and are n o t c o n t r a r y to Christ, i n this spirit m a y an o a t h be made and kept. 84

I n cases o f d o u b t the Brethren should consult w i t h their spiritual advisers t o ascertain whether the o a t h demanded m i g h t r i g h t l y be made.

For

oaths, says L u k a s , were neither g o o d n o r bad i n themselves: i t depended on the conditions i n w h i c h they were taken. Those whose j o b i t was t o advise the Brethren should first be sure i n their o w n minds what kinds o f oaths were permissible f o r Christians. Secondly, they must enquire i n t o the exact circumstances o f the o a t h i n q u e s t i o n .

67

The M i n o r Party had accused their opponents o f a l l o w i n g oaths f o r the same reason as they had justified p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the state: to escape persecution a n d to o b t a i n certain material advantages f o r the U n i t y . Their attitude, i t was claimed, was simply one o f expediency. They w a n t God's c o m m a n d m e n t [wrote the a u t h o r o f Odpor smyslu druhemu] t o go i n line w i t h their o w n needs. . . . So l o n g as the Brethren were n o t faced w i t h the need to swear, so l o n g were oaths w r o n g ; b u t when the necessity arose, then this evil was transformed i n t o a g o o d a n d just thing. This was vigorously contested by L u k a s a n d his p a r t y . They still held, the former w r o t e , t h a t where some act was definitely f o r b i d d e n b y G o d , the Brethren must suffer i m p r i s o n m e n t and death rather than obey. B u t they h a d n o w come t o believe that the t a k i n g o f oaths, like p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the state, was a necessity i n view o f the general wickedness o f m a n k i n d , that i t was allowed by G o d to prevent still greater evils f r o m arising. Just as the c i v i l power [wrote K r a s o n i c k y ] while h a v i n g its o r i g i n i n evil, is nevertheless set u p w i t h a good i n t e n t i o n and a g o o d a i m , a n d he w h o so administers i t does n o t sin, b u t carries o u t the L o r d ' s w i l l and serves G o d , i n l i k e manner may the oath be t a k e n f o r good o r f o r evil. Indeed, a good act done because o f evil is n o t itself evil, b u t i t is a n evil act w h i c h arises o u t o f evil t h a t is w r o n g . , 5 8

Historically, however, i t is h a r d t o deny the force o f the M i n o r Party's assertion t h a t i t was the changed circumstances i n w h i c h the Brethren f o u n d themselves, where i t was increasingly difficult t o escape the o b l i gations o f office a n d o a t h t a k i n g , t h a t h a d b r o u g h t about the change i n their views o n these subjects. This is b r o u g h t o u t b y L u k a s himself, w h o "

Ibid.,

"

Ibid.,

f o l . 103 ( q u o t e d i n G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p. 231). fols. 83v, 160v. C f . fol. 7 4 ( q u o t e d i n p a r t i n ibid., p. 2 2 9 ) .

"

Ibid.,

fols. 74v, 84, 99v.

T H E BRETHREN, T H E C I V I L POWER, AND T H E OATH

205

later wrote t h a t , ' w h e n m a n y years before certain [ o f the Brethren] encountered great difficulties i n connection w i t h the o a t h , many appealed t o the Brethren w i t h scriptural proofs, w h i l e the lords w h o sympathized w i t h the Brethren [appealed] w i t h t h r e a t s . '

59

Pressure f r o m above a n d

below was i n fact largely responsible f o r t h e i n t e r n a l r e v o l u t i o n , w h i c h was t o sanction o a t h t a k i n g along w i t h m a n y other p o l i t i c a l a n d social actions h i t h e r t o f o r b i d d e n t o the Brethren.

A t the same time, the

accusations o f hypocrisy and personal cowardice w h i c h the M i n o r Party b r o u g h t against the leading theoreticians o f the M a j o r Party may be discounted. I n the controversy over the o a t h , the leaders o f the M i n o r Party h a d s h o w n themselves bad tacticians i n a l l o w i n g their m a i n a t t e n t i o n t o be centred o n a single issue, one moreover w h i c h c o u l d i n fact o n l y be solved b y a learned theologian or philologist. Discussion over the exact meaning o f the words used by C h r i s t was n o t l i k e l y t o keep alive f o r l o n g the enthusiasm o f their simple followers. Even more significant was the fact that the p r o b l e m o f o a t h t a k i n g , w h i c h h a d o r i g i n a l l y served merely as a s y m b o l o f a whole philosophy o f society, o f the negative a t t i t u d e to the state w h i c h h a d been inherited f r o m ChelSicky and Rehof, a n d as a r a l l y i n g cry f o r those w h o c o n t i n u e d f a i t h f u l to the doctrines o f the

first

generation o f the Brethren, became before l o n g the m a i n p o i n t o f difference between the t w o parties. T h e real stakes h a d become overlaid i n the minds o f the protagonists b y a secondary issue. T h e M i n o r Party h a d substituted a s y m b o l f o r reality, argument over the l i t e r a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f certain passages o f scripture f o r the struggle f o r a whole p o l i t i c a l philosophy. C o n c u r r e n t l y w i t h the theoretical controversy o n the v a l i d i t y o f the o a t h and the c i v i l power i n a C h r i s t i a n c o m m u n i t y , changes, t o o , o f a more practical nature had been t a k i n g place w i t h i n the U n i t y that were t o t r a n s f o r m i t f r o m an obscure sect existing o n the fringe o f the c o m m u n i t y i n t o one o f the three leading denominations i n the l a n d a n d a force o f first-rate

importance, as w e l l , i n the p o l i t i c a l a n d c u l t u r a l life o f the

country.

T h r o u g h these changes, however, the U n i t y was largely t o

abandon its character as a protest against social injustice and its passionate advocacy o f the rights o f the c o m m o n m a n . T h e members o f the M i n o r Party, w h i c h c o n t i n u e d to u p h o l d the ideals o f the early Brethren, were at the same t i m e forced o u t i n t o the wilderness. By the m i d d l e o f the sixteenth century the social philosophy f o r w h i c h they stood h a d disappeared almost completely f r o m Czech n a t i o n a l life. "

Odpowid

na spis Kalencuo,

loc.

cit.

VII

THE

NEW

UNITY

The t h i r t y years between the death i n 1498 o f Klenovsky\ the o r i g i n a l leader o f the revolt against the ideals o f the O l d Brethren, and that o f Lukas, his successor a n d the v i r t u a l refounder o f the U n i t y , i n 1528, saw the r e v o l u t i o n i n the U n i t y ' s p o l i t i c a l and social doctrines b r o u g h t t o completion. I n the second h a l f o f the last decade o f the fifteenth century these doctrines had been the subject o f fierce controversy a m o n g the Brethren; a n d this controversy fills the pages o f the U n i t y ' s history f o r this period. T h r i t y years later they were almost forgotten and the very memory o f the struggles w h i c h rent the U n i t y was already f a l l i n g i n t o oblivion. This period has been w e l l named by M u l l e r 'the era o f B r o t h e r L u k a s , '

1

f o r i t was his personality more than that o f any other m a n , w h i c h i m p r i n t e d itself o n the h i s t o r y o f the U n i t y and controlled the direction i t t o o k d u r i n g these years so v i t a l f o r its future e v o l u t i o n .

8

They were

years, indeed, o f considerable difficulty for the U n i t y , o f great strain and stress. W i t h the marriage o f the impressionable Vladislav I I t o A n n e de Foix-Candale, a great enemy o f heresy, a time o f renewed persecution ensued. Legislation against the Brethren culminated i n 1508 i n the socalled Manddt

Svatojakubsky,

by w h i c h a l l the U n i t y ' s churches a n d

congregations were to be closed and its c o m m u n i o n services p r o h i b i t e d , its books confiscated and its p r i n t i n g presses shut d o w n . Severe measures, t o o , were ordered t o be taken against the U n i t y priesthood.

Though

several Brethren d u r i n g this period suffered death for their faith and many more imprisonment, the fact that conditions were easier i n M o r a v i a 1

*

M i i l l e r - B a r t o S , Dljiny

Jednoty

bratrski,

I , p. 175.

A r o u n d the t u r n o f the c e n t u r y d e a t h h a d r e m o v e d a n u m b e r o f the l e a d i n g p e r -

sonalities i n the U n i t y : T a b o r s k y ( d . 1 4 9 5 ) ; K l e n o v s k t f (d. 1 4 9 8 ) ; M a t e j (d. 1 5 0 0 ) ; M i c h a l (d. 1 5 0 1 ) ; E l i a S ( d . 1 5 0 3 ) ; a n d P r o k o p ( d . 1507). E v e n K r a s o n i c k j ? (d. 1532) a n d T u m a P f e l o u i s k j ? (d. 1518), w h o w e r e a c t i v e d u r i n g a l l o r the greater p a r t o f t h e p e r i o d o f L u k a T s s u p r e m a c y , p l a y e d a v e r y s u b o r d i n a t e role in c o m p a r i s o n w i t h t h e l a t t e r ; a n d this w a s e v e n m o r e true o f the r e m a i n i n g U n i t y leaders.

T H E NEW

UNITY

207

enabled most members o f the I n n e r C o u n c i l to find refuge there u n t i l the death o f Vladislav I I i n 1516 a n d the succession o f his son L u d v i k , a m i n o r w h o spent most o f his t i m e i n his other K i n g d o m o f H u n g a r y , b r o u g h t the persecution to an end. T h e ten years o f y o u n g K i n g L u d v i k ' s reign saw further momentous changes i n the U n i t y ' s e v o l u t i o n . I n the period 1518-24 leading Brethren were i n friendly contact w i t h L u t h e r and Erasmus; and a l t h o u g h L u k a s to the end o f his life stoutly m a i n t a i n e d the U n i t y ' s completely

separate

identity and m u c h o f the o l d t r a d i t i o n a l o u t l o o k i n the purely religious sphere, the U n i t y o f Brethren, l i k e the official U t r a q u i s t c h u r c h , was, as its subsequent development

was t o show, by n o means untouched by

either o f the new currents o f t h o u g h t : the religious R e f o r m a t i o n o r secular Humanism. I t had been L u k a s w h o had been responsible f o r carrying t h r o u g h , a n d completing, the r e v o l u t i o n i n the U n i t y ' s attitude t o state and society, begun i n the nineties under the leadership o f Klenovsky, T a b o r s k y and P r o k o p . The U n i t y for the last century o f its existence, before its suppression d u r i n g the reaction w h i c h followed as a result o f the Battle o f the W h i t e M o u n t a i n , was largely the creation o f Brother L u k a s . T h i s is nowhere more true than i n the realm o f p o l i t i c a l a n d social theory a n d practice. T h e theoretical apologia f o r the new doctrine, w h i c h was contained i n the series o f theological tracts composed by L u k a s and, t o a lesser degree, by K r a s o n i c k y , was supplemented b y a n u m b e r o f practical decisions taken b y the U n i t y , once again under Lukas's i n s p i r a t i o n , t o instruct its members as t o h o w they should conduct themselves i n everyday life under the new dispensation. The theoretical arguments were p r o b a b l y destined m a i n l y f o r the priests and the leading laymen o f each p a r t y ; i t is u n l i k e l y t h a t these learned tracts were read by the rank-and-file o f either side, t h o u g h the gist o f their arguments must have been k n o w n to m a n y at second-hand. B u t the schism i n the U n i t y had o r i g i n a l l y arisen o n a practical issue: the right attitude t o be taken u p by the L i t o m y s l Brethren i n face o f the various demands o f the authorities f o r their c o l l a b o r a t i o n . T h e c o n t r o versy d u r i n g subsequent years, t o o , remained very largely o n the plane o f practical b e h a v i o u r : i t dealt p r i m a r i l y w i t h the relationship o f the i n d i v i dual Brethren t o society as a whole. As has been seen, b y 1496, w i t h the failure o f the Conference o f Chlumec, the new doctrines had definitely w o n predominance

i n the

U n i t y . A t once the need was felt t o w o r k o u t their detailed a p p l i c a t i o n ;

208

T H E NEW UNITY

and t h r o u g h a gradual process o f e v o l u t i o n the full consequences were t o be d r a w n f r o m w h a t had at first been stated only hesitantly and halfheartedly. F r o m 1497 onwards, a series o f decrees was promulgated by U n i t y synods or by the Inner C o u n c i l , w h i c h attempted to regulate the new code o f social behaviour incumbent o n U n i t y members. U n f o r t u n a t e l y these decrees have n o t come d o w n i n their o r i g i n a l f o r m n o r are they arranged i n chronological order.

Few o f t h e m are indeed

dated, t h o u g h i t is clear that the most i m p o r t a n t g r o u p originated i n the last three years o f the fifteenth century a n d the first few years o f the sixteenth.

3

A l l those under discussion here, however, were p r o m u l g a t e d

d u r i n g B r o t h e r Lukâs's lifetime; they give expression, therefore, t o the r e v o l u t i o n i n ideas w h i c h he and the other leaders o f the M a j o r Party effected d u r i n g this p e r i o d .

4

The general purpose o f this series o f decrees a n d other similar d o c u ments was described b y Lukas himself i n 1523 i n the f o l l o w i n g w o r d s : Be i t k n o w n that this [civil] power is n o t p e r m i t t e d to members o f the U n i t y . . . except 'under guidance f r o m the L o r d ' s words. T h e noble, the r i c h , the m i g h t y , officials, judges a n d the rest possess . . . w r i t t e n instructions (zprâvy) regarding the reservations a n d conditions under w h i c h they m a y exercise such power. T h e Brethren have these f u l l instructions f o r a l l classes and ranks, f o r a l l trades and professions a n d a l l walks o f life . . . a n d each, according t o his a b i l i t y , s h o u l d order his life by t h e m . 5

' 4

Müller-Bartoä, op. cit., p p . 1 8 3 - 9 1 . Dekreiy

Geschichte

Jednoty

bratrske,

pp. V I , V I I .

C f . G ö l l . Quellen

und Untersuchungen

zur

der Böhmischen Brüder, I , p. 3 6 : ' L e i d e r besitzen w i r diese D e k r e t e b i s 1530

n i c h t i n i h r e r ursprünglichen F a s s u n g ; erst m i t d e m J a h r e 1531 folgen i n d e r S a m m l u n g die vollständigen T e x t e i n c h r o n o l o g i s c h e r O r d n u n g .

D e r S a m m l e r , der i n 17. J a h r -

h u n d e r t e a u f G r u n d eines S y n o d b e s c h l u s s e s v. J . 1617 die A r b e i t u n t e r n a h m , legte für die ältere Z e i t e i n W e r k z u G r u n d e , Zprâvy knliske

g e n a n n t , das bereits z u r Z e i t des

LukâS v o n P r a g e n t s t a n d e n w a r . D i e D e k r e t e b r i n g e n die Beschlüsse d e r S y n o d e n u n d des E n g e n R a t h e s bis 1531 n i c h t i n c h r o n o l o g i s c h e r , s o n d e r n i n s y s t e m a t i s c h e r O r d n u n g : i h r erster T h e i l enthält e i n e U b e r s i c h t d e r L e h r e u n d V e r f a s s u n g d e r Unität z u r Z e i t des LukäS.

E s ist b e z e i c h n e n d , dass j e n e s D e k r e t , d u r c h d a s i m J . 1495 d e n S c h r i f t e n

G r e g o r s eine b i n d e n d e Autorität a b g e s p r o c h e n w u r d e , d a s ganze W e r k eröffnet. D e r G e i s t d e r alten Unität ist i n diesen D e k r e t e n n i c h t m e h r z u finden.' T h e Zprâvy

knSiski,

w h i c h w a s the w o r k o f B r o t h e r LukäS, w a s p r i n t e d i n 1 5 2 7 ; a n d m u c h o f t h e s a m e m a t t e r w a s u s e d e a r l i e r i n the Dekrety

a n d i n Lukââ's Odpis proti odtriencom.

A small

a m o u n t o f m a t e r i a l d a t i n g b a c k before 1495 w a s a l s o i n c l u d e d i n the c o l l e c t i o n o f decrees. stoleti, XX, 5

See Müller-Bartoä, op. cit., p. 3 4 1 ; G o l l - K r o f t a , Cheliicky

a Jednota

p. 1 9 6 ; D o b i â S , ' H o d n o c e n i LukâSovych Z p r â v knfezskych,' Kfesfanskâ

v

XV. revue,

1953, pp. 8 4 - 9 0 .

LukâS, Spis o mocy swita,

fol. 5 7 . A r o l e , s o m e w h a t s i m i l a r t o t h a t o f the decrees o f

t h e C z e c h U n i t y , w a s p l a y e d a m o n g the P o l i s h A r i a n s b y the d i s c o u r s e s given b y t h e i r leader, F a u s t u s S o c i n u s , a t R a k ö w i n 1601 a n d 1602.

111686

discourses which m a r k e d

209

T H E NEW UNITY

O n the other h a n d , as seen f r o m the v i e w p o i n t o f the M i n o r Party ( w h i c h is given i n the report o f the U t r a q u i s t priest, Jan Bechyfika), the M a j o r Party were to be condemned f o r n o w advocating i n these decrees: T h a t a brother may be a c i v i l official, alderman, judge, etc.; that he may take an o a t h , participate i n courts o f law, go t o the wars, deliver u p criminals t o be p u t t o death, deal i n strong l i q u o r a n d trade generally; . . . that he may w i t h love i n his heart hang, i m p r i s o n , chain u p , . . . collaborate w i t h the w o r l d as far as the executioner; . . . t h a t c i v i l power w i t h its laws and punishments may find a place i n the U n i t y ; that a l o r d , having castles, fortresses a n d towns, may j o i n the B r e t h r e n and continue t o deal o u t vengeful punishments; indeed, t h a t the Brethren may inflict every manner . . . o f penalty so l o n g as they are n o t responsible f o r the death o f a n innocent person; that there is n o reason w h y men s h o u l d n o t earn a l i v i n g as best they can, even f r o m u s u r y ; that anyone u n w i l l i n g t o take an o a t h to c o n f i r m the t r u t h is c o m m i t t i n g a sin and t h a t the L a w is being fulfilled by [swearing]; that so l o n g as he has n o t actually been excommunicated (vyobcovdn), every member is t o be l o o k e d u p o n as a Brother, regardless o f his deeds. 8

This hostile s u m m i n g u p o f the new doctrines, w h i c h Bechyfika calls 'the articles o f the new dispensation (artikulove noveho svo/evj/),' was indeed 7

somewhat tendentious i n tone, t h o u g h correctly reflecting the attitude o f the M i n o r Party t o the changes t a k i n g place.

I n essentials i t gives a n

accurate, i f unsympathetic, picture o f the views o f the M a j o r Party as they f o u n d expression i n the series o f decrees passed under Lukas's inspiration, defining f o r the future the rights a n d obligations o f U n i t y members towards society. T h e v i r t u e o f patient suffering h a d , i n the M a j o r Party's o p i n i o n , been exaggerated by the U n i t y i n the past: i t had f o r m e d the kernel o f its doctrine o f non-resistance, o f its negation o f state and society. ' I t seems [announced one o f the decrees] that there was insufficiency; and suffering was valued m o r e highly t h a n was w a r r a n t e d . ' T h e i n j u n c t i o n n o t t o resist evil was meant by C h r i s t o n l y f o r 'the c o m m o n people, w h o h o l d n o c i v i l office.' F o r those whose d u t y i t was to enforce the law, i t was a sin n o t t o carry o u t their obligations, provided they acted for the public welfare a n d not to revenge personal wrongs. The j u s t i f i c a t i o n o f active resistance t o evil o n the p a r t o f the p r o p e r l y constituted authorities, a n d the policy a definite b r e a k w i t h e a r l i e r s o c i a l r a d i c a l i s m r a n g e d o v e r a n u m b e r o f subjects, i n c l u d i n g self-defence a n d w a r , o a t h s , c o u r t s o f l a w a n d the d e a t h p e n a l t y , c i v i l office, p r o p e r t y a n d usury, standards o f living a n d c h u r c h discipline in general. polityczna '

i spoleczna

Pohkich,

Ibid.,

p. 6 7 .

See K o t ,

Ideologja

pp. 8 0 - 8 5 .

" P s a n i j a k e h o s k n e z e J a n a A p p o l i n a f s k e h o , ' Casopis

68. 7

Brad

historicky,

1882, n o . 2 , p p . 6 7 ,

210

THE NEW

UNITY

o f state affirmation w h i c h went w i t h i t , was reflected i n a l l the decrees issued over the t h i r t y years d u r i n g w h i c h Lukâ§ v i r t u a l l y controlled the destinies o f the U n i t y . A

C h r i s t i a n ruler, then, was n o t a c o n t r a d i c t i o n i n terms.

Those

Brethren w h o held office, and those h o l d i n g office w h o wished t o become Brethren, were confirmed i n their positions by a decree o f 1499 w h i c h , indeed, d i d little more than repeat i n slightly less ambiguous language the decisions o f earlier synods. Concerning the c i v i l power [ i t was stated] according t o previous j u d g e ments we also acknowledge that . . . those lords o r officials, aldermen o r judges w h o are engaged i n this f o r suitable reasons a n d cannot get o u t , p r o v i d e d they steer clear o f other sins . . . a n d use their power properly t o the end appointed by G o d , m a y have a place a m o n g u s . 8

Detailed instructions were l a i d d o w n as t o the manner and spirit i n w h i c h such a C h r i s t i a n office holder should carry o u t his duties. H e was n o t t o seek his o w n glory t h r o u g h entry o n office n o r was he to consider himself superior o n that account, remembering always that a l l those set i n a u t h o r i t y were o n l y "God's servants, w h o must give account t o H i m f o r w h a t has been entrusted to t h e m ' and that m e n were ' n a t u r a l l y equal.' T h e y m u s t n o t be idle o r self-indulgent, c o r r u p t o r cruel, o r use their office f o r their o w n p r o f i t . Their a i m must be i m p a r t i a l justice towards a l l . They m u s t never seek 'revenge i n their o w n q u a r r e l . ' I n the view o f the U n i t y , the purpose o f c i v i l a u t h o r i t y was the welfare o f the o r d i n a r y citizen. Those summoned t o take office, therefore, ' s h o u l d realize that they have been called to this w o r k i n order t o serve and that, t h r o u g h service t o the people, they were acting r i g h t l y . ' The a i m o f their a d m i n i s t r a t i o n was to enable their subjects to 'live o u t their lives i n peace, c a r r y i n g o n their occupations . . . n o t h a r m i n g each other and free f r o m disturbers o f the peace.' T h e i r ultimate object was to fulfil God's w i l l o n e a r t h .

9

A separate set o f instructions was issued f o r officials o f the lower grades, w h o executed the commands o f their superiors and were for the m o s t p a r t i n direct contact w i t h the o r d i n a r y populace.

As elsewhere there was the

inevitable repetition o f the i n j u n c t i o n to a v o i d office where possible, a remnant o f the o l d ideology w h i c h was t o lose a l l meaning w i t h the passing o f time. Officials were, i n the first place, enjoined to take service only ' w i t h a l o r d l o v i n g righteousness a n d w i t h a hatred o f injustice w i t h its avarice and cruelty.' By this, presumably, n o t only actual members or sympathizers o f the U n i t y were indicated, b u t those lords w h o h a d a •

Dekrety,

•

Ibid.,

p. 8 7 .

p p . 9 0 , 91 ; Odpis,

fols. 57, 5 7 v .

211

T H E NEW UNITY

r e p u t a t i o n f o r treating their tenants well a n d seeking a fair a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f justice o n their demesnes.

Officials w h o were members o f the U n i t y

were t o serve their lords l o y a l l y a n d honestly, t o deal j u s t l y w i t h the people a n d n o t to oppress t h e m . They were, therefore, n o t t o consent t o a n y t h i n g 'against justice a n d their o w n conscience' o r t o be p r i v y t o a n y t h i n g ' c o n t r a r y t o their salvation,' either ' i n the acquisition o f profits o r i n the government o f m e n . ' They were, t o o , t o r e m a i n unswayed by any personal motives i n the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f justice a n d never ' t o accept gifts, w h i c h b l i n d a n d hide u p righteousness.' They were n o t t o be h a u g h ty i n their bearing a n d to concern themselves n o t merely w i t h their lord's profits, b u t also w i t h the welfare o f his tenants. F i n a l l y , they were to 'observe the obligations a n d customs o f the U n i t y a n d n o t to be ashamed o f their B r o t h e r h o o d . '

10

T h e h i g h m o r a l standards w h i c h the U n i t y

imposed o n its members made t h e m , indeed, extremely sought after b o t h b y the owners o f landed p r o p e r t y i n order t o manage their estates o r townships a n d b y their f e l l o w citizens i n the larger cities as their elected administrators. Every official, whether representing c r o w n , c i t y o r feudal l o r d , was closely concerned w i t h the carrying-out o f a system o f justice, w h i c h was often harsh a n d crude a n d sometimes extremely cruel i n the punishments inflicted. T h i s h a d been one o f the chief considerations leading Chelcicky" a n d the early Brethren t o reject the whole state system as inconsistent w i t h the C h r i s t i a n way o f life. B u t n o w t h a t c o l l a b o r a t i o n i n the w o r k i n g o f that system was w i t h i n certain l i m i t a t i o n s allowed even the strictest member o f the U n i t y , i t became necessary f o r the U n i t y t o issue some rules o f c o n d u c t f o r those Brethren w h o were engaged therein. The first d u t y o f a newly appointed official, as has been seen, was to take the oath o f office. A n undated decree, s u m m a r i z i n g succinctly the w h o l e position i n regard t o oaths w h i c h , as we have seen, was t o be p r o p o u n d e d at m u c h greater length i n the w o r k s o f L u k a s a n d K r a s o n i c k y , declares t h a t : A t first i t was h e l d t h a t under n o circumstances was [an o a t h ] t o be made, since i t was an unchristian t h i n g . T h e U n i t y has altered t h i s : t h a t is t o say, that when a m a n , a v o i d i n g any unrighteous a n d unjust act, intends . . . t o speak the simple t r u t h a n d d o justice, a n d p r o v i d e d he neither demands the o a t h himself n o r compels anyone to i t , t h e n , being forced b y one w h o is n o t a member o f the U n i t y t o c o n f i r m . . . the case . . . b y 10

Ibid.,

Dekrety

p p . 9 2 , 9 3 ; Odpis,

fols 5 8 v - 5 9 v .

I t is i n t e r e s t i n g t o n o t e t h a t , w h e r e the

a d j u r e s officials to ' o b e y t h e i r l o r d i n e v e r y t h i n g , ' the Odpis

qualifies t h i s b y

a d d i n g the adjectives 'just, h o n e s t a n d g o o d . ' T h e latter is p o s s i b l y a n o l d e r v e r s i o n m o r e i n h a r m o n y w i t h the e a r l i e r d o c t r i n e a b a n d o n e d o n l y s e v e r a l d e c a d e s before.

212

T H E NEW UNITY

calling u p o n the name o f G o d , he does n o t break G o d ' s commandments by d o i n g this w i t h the solemnity o f a judgement a n d o n t r u t h and j u s t i c e . 11

I n practice only t w o kinds o f oaths were still f o r b i d d e n the B r e t h r e n : those s w o r n on the saints or by the V i r g i n M a r y . T o swear by these was t o i n c u r 'the sin o f i d o l a t r y ' ; a n d therefore i t was r i g h t f o r the Brethren openly t o resist such a demand - w h i c h was indeed fairly frequent i n the Czech lands at that p e r i o d - a n d to suffer the consequences o f their refusal.

12

These r e m a i n i n g reservations against o a t h t a k i n g were thus devoid o f any social content, such as had largely inspired the objections o f the O l d B r e t h r e n t o swearing as p a r t a n d parcel o f the u n c h r i s t i a n c i v i l power. A second i m p o r t a n t f u n c t i o n o f most officials was t o participate i n some capacity i n courts o f law t r y i n g cases o f v a r y i n g significance.

The

U n i t y had n o w granted the legal system a definite place w i t h i n the Christi a n c o m m u n i t y : its f u n c t i o n i n g , i t was claimed, h a d the sanction o f the scriptures behind i t . I t had been instituted 'so t h a t the subject people m i g h t carry o n their l i v e l i h o o d i n peace and live together i n society

...

w i t h o u t h a r m to each other and freed f r o m disturbers o f the peace.' Special advice was given t o those w h o actually served as judges i n the courts. They were t o have a clear understanding o f the purpose o f courts o f law, w h i c h was to distinguish 'between one case and another t h r o u g h hearing each side, e n q u i r i n g and weighing u p correctly the c i r c u m s t a n t i a l evidence (priciny

okolostojici)

w i t h o u t any i m p r o p e r bias.' They were n o t

t o give j u d g e m e n t u n t i l they had heard a l l the evidence, first t a k i n g i n t o consideration ' w h o , what, when, w h y , by whose help, etc., as well as the time, place, person a n d reason' o f the offence.

They should n o t be

swayed at all by o u t w a r d appearances or fine words o r by the acceptance o f any bribe o r by any personal predilection o r ties o f friendship, or be overawed by the p o s i t i o n o r influence o f any o f the persons concerned. They were to remember that they w o u l d finally have t o account before G o d f o r a l l their actions; and, therefore, they s h o u l d endeavour t o ' b r i n g the c i v i l laws . . . i n t o line w i t h G o d ' s commandments a n d judgements, so that they may n o t be opposed to each other.' Otherwise, ' t h r o u g h their o w n lack o f knowledge or the s t u p i d i t y ' o f the c i v i l law, they m i g h t c o n demn someone w h o was innocent i n the eyes o f G o d . They were, therefore, t o take care to be responsible f o r the deaths o f none save those unrepentant criminals, ' w h o m G o d w i l l n o t suffer b u t gives over to vengeance.' A n i l l u s t r a t i o n o f the h u m a n i t a r i a n i s m w h i c h was t o distinguish the p o l i t i c a l t h i n k i n g o f the U n i t y , even after its social radicalism h a d been 11

"

Dekrety, Ibid.,

p. 87.

p. 8 2 . See a l s o Odpis,

fol 6 4 . C f . K o t , op. cit., p. 8 3 .

THE NEW

213

UNITY

discarded, is t o be f o u n d i n the d i s t i n c t i o n t o be made between the motives w h i c h led t o the commission o f an offence. Crimes w h i c h arose ' f r o m inadvertence o r f r o m excessive passion or f r o m incitement,' f r o m accidental circumstances rather t h a n f r o m an evil way o f life, were t o be treated m o r e leniently, where c o n t r i t i o n was shown, t h a n deliberate and calculated misdeeds. ' B u t these matters [the decree rather helplessly adds] are very unclear a n d , therefore, a m a n should, wherever possible, steer clear o f having t o give judgement concerning t h e m . '

13

F u r t h e r regulations defined more specifically the duties a n d functions o f those Brethren w h o were chosen t o be village magistrates (rychtdri) aldermen {konsele).

F i r s t , the relevant decree lays

down

that

or

such

offices should be filled by 'a suitable person, u n c o r r u p t e d b y anger and greed . . . a n d w i t h complete c o n t r o l over h i m s e l f

H e was t o excel others

i n w i s d o m a n d prudence a n d t o be capable o f sound judgement.

The

remaining injunctions are m a i n l y elaborations, m o r e detailed versions o f those given i n general t o those w h o had t o act o n occasion as j u d g e s . L u k a s adds an interesting i t e m i n his Zprdvy,

14

where such judges a n d

aldermen as were members o f the U n i t y were required to seek to act l i k e arbitrators i n a dispute a n d , wherever possible, t o lead b o t h parties to accept a m u t u a l l y satisfactory conclusion. I n this way 'they can preserve love and friendship,' w h i c h was the Christian s o l u t i o n . B u t the course most i n line w i t h C h r i s t i a n doctrine, L u k a s also says i n this A d v i c e , was t o a v o i d such offices altogether ' o n account o f the m a n y dangers w h i c h generally accompany t h e m . '

15

The m a i n objects o f the m o d e r n j u d i c i a l system are t w o f o l d :

the

p r o t e c t i o n o f the innocent a n d l a w - a b i d i n g b y the i n f l i c t i o n o f various punishments o n the w r o n g d o e r a n d , secondly, the r e f o r m a t i o n o f the wrongdoer himself by m a k i n g h i m once m o r e a decent member o f the c o m m u n i t y . W i t h the latter a i m the M i n o r Party a n d their teachers c o u l d have had n o q u a r r e l . B u t the first purpose was, they w o u l d have claimed, n o t only u n c h r i s t i a n ; i n the case o f harsh punishments a n d the death penalty i t was actually i n conflict w i t h the other alleged a i m o f justice. I t was punishment rather t h a n r e f o r m a t i o n t h a t , i n their view, d o m i n a t e d the legal procedure o f their day.

The validity o f a t h i r d m o t i v e

for

instituting courts o f law - the settlement o f disputes between otherwise law-abiding members o f society - was also denied b y those w h o t h o u g h t like the M i n o r Party. This was n a t u r a l i n a pagan c o m m u n i t y , they said, "

Dekrety,

"

Ibid.,

"

Odpis,

pp. 91, 93, 94.

pp. 9 5 , 96. fol. 6 1 , 61v ( q u o t e d i n p a r t i n G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p. 2 2 1 ) .

4»

T H E NEW

IT

UNITY

but i t had no place i n a social order w h i c h claimed to be C h r i s t i a n ; t h o u g h even Chelcicky, for instance, was prepared t o a l l o w a r b i t r a t i o n w i t h i n the church. I t was above all the p r o b l e m o f legal punishment, and o f the death penalty i n particular, t h a t continued t o vex the minds o f U n i t y members even after they had discarded the strict application o f the o l d doctrines. T h e note o f hesitancy a n d uncertainty as to h o w far the new doctrine m i g h t be carried, apparent indeed i n most o f the decrees issued o n social questions d u r i n g the p e r i o d immediately f o l l o w i n g the schism, is especially strongly m a r k e d here. T h e judge were first t o endeavour, i f possible, t o effect'the r e f o r m a t i o n o f the c r i m i n a l . M i l d e r forms o f punishment were recommended, such as h o l d i n g the wrongdoer u p to p u b l i c censure o r reproving h i m i n private. T h e motives o n account o f w h i c h the offence was c o m m i t t e d were t o be taken i n t o consideration; and w i t h these i n m i n d punishment was to be administered ' w i t h m o d e r a t i o n and prudence.'

Heavier punishments

m i g h t take three basic f o r m s : d e p r i v a t i o n o f property, o f h o n o u r , o r o f liberty o r life a n d l i m b . I n the first case, care was t o be taken t h a t n o desire f o r personal p r o f i t entered i n t o the sentence o f confiscation, b u t only the wish t o see justice done.

T h e punishment, t o o , m u s t fit the

c r i m e : n o more m i g h t be taken i n compensation t h a n a n equivalent o f the i n j u r y done, as h a d been taught i n the O l d Testament. B u t i t was the severer penalties i n v o l v i n g c o r p o r a l punishment a n d the loss o f l i b e r t y , l i m b and even life, a l l c o m m o n at t h a t t i m e , t h a t were most difficult t o square w i t h the Christian gospel. Concerning punishment by b o d i l y t o r t u r e , beating, i m p r i s o n m e n t , starv a t i o n , shackling [says one o f the decrees] they may only be practised u p o n . . . those w h o can be deterred f r o m their evil d o i n g neither b y exhortation n o r b y shame n o r by a fine, b u t alone t h r o u g h dread o f this. As t o deprivation o f limbs, and even m o r e o f life, i t is proper t o k n o w God's judgement as to whether he deserves i t by reason o f this crime o r not . . . and whether he cannot be led away f r o m his evil d o i n g by some other means. . . . I n connection w i t h every punishment i t is proper t o avoid cruelty, anger, revenge, hatred a n d other forms o f unrighteousness and to do justice w i t h mercy . . . [civil] power, too, should be exercized neither against the prohibitions o f the O l d a n d N e w [Testaments] n o r i n support o f spiritual concerns. * 1

There are several interesting variations i n the different wordings o f this decree; o f interest, too, are various a d d i t i o n a l injunctions o n the same "

Dekrety,

pp. 91, 92.

THE NEW

UNITY

215

subject to be f o u n d i n other decrees. They a l l serve to b r i n g o u t the underl y i n g disquietude w h i c h continued f o r some t i m e a m o n g the Brethren as t o the C h r i s t i a n character o f the penal system o f their day. The

decree on the duties o f village magistrates and aldermen, f o r

instance, advises these officers, 'as regards the death penalty, to act circumspectly (JbdzlivS se miti) and as far as possible to have n o t h i n g t o d o w i t h i t , so t h a t above all they should n o t occasion i t by w i l l , m i n d , speech o r a c t i o n ; since such a matter needs a judgement f r o m G o d , for i t is H i s to kill.'

1 7

L u k a s i n his Zprdva soudcim svStskym recommends 'the penitent

(kajicy) m a n to escape f r o m this judgement [i.e. o f death] where he m a y . . . a n d n o t t o be present at executions o f his o w n free w i l l . ' I n another place he advises against 'excessive cruelties' i n the i n f l i c t i o n o f certain p u n i s h ments. The death penalty was n o t , f o r example, a f i t t i n g punishment f o r c o m m o n thieving p r o v i d e d this was n o t accompanied by violence. B r e t h ren i n office, therefore, ' s h o u l d take care n o t to j u d g e always according t o the letter o f the l a w alone, especially when this is cruel, merciless a n d i n some respects u n j u s t . '

18

B u t i t is clear t h a t the U n i t y ' s earlier testimony

against the death penalty a n d the brutalities o f the penal system o f the day had o n the whole been abandoned, even t h o u g h this system was n o t yet accepted i n its entirety w i t h o u t a certain a m o u n t o f protest. A p a r t f r o m appearing as judges o r i n the capacity o f accused - this last a very u n l i k e l y circumstance i n a member o f the U n i t y , except i n c o n nection w i t h religious persecution, a n d one w h i c h w o u l d otherwise have entailed expulsion - the Brethren m i g h t n o w also participate i n courts o f law either as litigants i n c i v i l suits or as witnesses or i n the role o f lawyers. Calling i n the a i d o f the authorities, recourse t o the law, was n o t n o w forbidden the Brethren p r o v i d e d i t was n o t a question o f a purely religious matter. Concerning the t e m p o r a l affairs o f this life the Brethren may f o r sufficient reasons have recourse to [the authorities] i n their defence, where this w o u l d promote justice and may be done w i t h o u t further h u r t . T h e y must bear i n m i n d t h a t they should p u t their neighbours' salvation before the things o f the flesh . . . they should be acquainted w i t h the Christian rule that i t is sometimes better t o endure an i n j u r y . . . as Christ says: ' B u t whosoever shall smite thee o n t h y right cheek, t u r n t o h i m the other also. A n d i f any m a n w i l l use thee at the law, a n d take away t h y coat, let h i m have the cloak also.' [ M a t t h e w V , 39, 40]. Indeed we are n o t to make use o f the c i v i l p o w e r i n those matters w h i c h affect salvation, so t h a t some should heed us t h r o u g h fear o f i t . A l l should have a free w i l l i n this matter, "

Ibid., p p . 9 5 , 9 6 .

"

Odpis,

fols. 6 0 - 6 1 ( q u o t e d i n p a r t i n G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p p . 2 2 0 , 2 2 1 ) .

216

THE NEW

UNITY

either t o be w i t h us o r . . . t o leave . . . or, i f they have been disciplined b y us for disobedience t o the church, they s h o u l d be treated as . . . open sinners, then left i n peace; and the aid o f the [civil] p o w e r should n o t be s o u g h t . . . There must always be heresy i n order t h a t some may be t r i e d . 1 9

The conditions under w h i c h the Brethren m i g h t go t o c o u r t were, as was usual w i t h a l l their contacts w i t h the outer w o r l d , discussed i n several o f their decrees. Once again, too, the language i n w h i c h these are framed is so loose, the t h o u g h t so unclear and the conclusions so often contradictory, that i t is n o t always possible t o be sure o f the exact meaning intended by those w h o originally drew them u p . Disputes, however, between one U n i t y member and another were, as under the O l d Brethren, t o be kept o u t o f the courts a n d submitted instead to a panel o f arbitrators appointed f r o m a m o n g fellow

members.

I n other cases, o r i f t w o U n i t y members were unable t o f i n d suitable arbitrators w i t h i n their o w n society, a Brother should, especially i f he was o f an intemperate disposition, first be quite certain t h a t the r i g h t was o n his side and t h a t the quarrel c o u l d n o t be settled amicably o u t o f c o u r t - o r at least early i n the proceedings - before t a k i n g the decision t o proceed. I f these conditions were satisfied, i n the last resort legal proceedings m i g h t be instituted w i t h a clear conscience, so l o n g as ' h u m i l i t y , c a l m , obedience a n d patience are preserved, and calumny a n d slander, vengeance a n d threats eschewed.' B u t even should the cause be a j u s t one, i t was n o t right t o take the matter t o c o u r t i f i t was o f a t r i v i a l nature. I f a Brother was summoned to c o u r t ' f r o m anger and revenge,' he was to conduct himself t h r o u g h o u t i n a becoming manner, bearing i n m i n d Christ's i n j u n c t i o n to repay good for evil a n d ready to suffer loss and injury, and even life itself, rather than break one o f G o d ' s commandments. He was not t o press for the punishment, still less i f this involved the death penalty, o f the one w h o h a d injured h i m , t h o u g h presumably the fact that (

his suit m i g h t end i n this way was n o t necessarily a reason for n o t p r o ceeding w i t h i t . I n any case the decision o f the c o u r t , even i f i t went i n favour o f the other party, was t o be accepted w i t h o u t ill-feeling. I n a l l instances where legal action m i g h t be taken, whether between one B r o t h e r and another or w i t h someone outside the U n i t y , 'the faithful should be aware that they must not proceed t o c o u r t w i t h o u t the advice o f the elders,' w h o w o u l d judge o f the necessity i n the l i g h t o f the p a r t i c u l a r circumstances. "

Dekrety,

"

Ibid.,

20

p. 8 8 .

p p . 9 4 , 9 5 ; Odpis,

2 2 1 ) . O n c e a g a i n t h e Odpis

fols. 6 2 v - 6 3 v ( q u o t e d i n p a r t i n G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit.,

p.

is slightly n e a r e r the spirit o f the o l d U n i t y t h a n the v e r s i o n

217

THE NEW UNITY

Brethren m i g h t also appear i n c o u r t as witnesses.

Before reluctantly

consenting t o bear witness, however, they were t o take advice, presumably f r o m one o f their elders, as to whether their evidence contained ' a n actual certainty o r something heard o r a vague supposition f r o m something seen, heard or assumed.' Since there was m u c h that was unclear (mnohe nejistoty bezi) i n such matters, the best course was t o refrain f r o m g i v i n g evidence at a l l . B u t , i f one was forced t o d o so o r was compelled by a sincere desire t o be o f assistance t o one's neighbour i n distress, care m u s t still be taken that greater evil should n o t arise than that w h i c h i t was intended t o avoid. Brethren must be o n their guard f o r any h i n t o f bribery or avarice or flattery, f o r any lack o f charity or bloodthirstiness i n their readiness t o act as witness. They m u s t distinguish clearly i n their evidence between what was merely hearsay a n d w h a t they had observed themselves; a n d o n every occasion they must refrain f r o m t a k i n g an o a t h o r r e q u i r i n g others t o d o so 'unless this was actually required by l a w . ' The t h i r d capacity i n w h i c h Brethren m i g h t appear i n c o u r t , apart f r o m t h a t o f j u d g e o r j u d g e d , was i n t h a t o f an advocate (fecnik).

' N o one [ i t

says i n the Dekrety] m a y become an advocate by profession under penalty o f ecclesiastical censure.' B u t i f the l a w requires one o f the Brethren t o take o n this j o b , he is as usual first to consult w i t h the elders. I f they a l l o w h i m t o go ahead, he must still make certain t h a t 'he whose lawyer he is t o be has justice o n his side. I f n o t , he m u s t lay i t aside; he is n o t i n any way consciously to make o u t an unjust [case] t o be j u s t . ' I n c o u r t a member o f the U n i t y when acting as a lawyer had to observe a f a i r l y strict code o f professional behaviour.' ' H e was t o refrain f r o m all unnecessary, libellous o r vindictive speeches. H e was t o hear o u t the previous speaker to the end a n d n o t i n t e r r u p t his speech o r m a k e difficulties.' H e was t o behave honestly and soberly a n d ' n o t cause trouble to the j u d g e . ' F i n a l l y , he was t o conduct his case so t h a t 'friendship o r love' w o u l d r e s u l t .

21

E q u a l l y abhorrent t o Chelcicky and the O l d Brethren h a d been a second f u n c t i o n o f the state w h i c h , together w i t h the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f the police and j u d i c i a l systems, f o r m e d one o f its most i m p o r t a n t activities. T h i s was the waging o f war against external enemies.

The o l d U n i t y , as has been

seen, p r o h i b i t e d its members f r o m p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n any f o r m o f warfare, defensive o r aggressive, whether against n o n - C h r i s t i a n o r between the n o m i n a l l y C h r i s t i a n ; a n d one o f the major difficulties i n w h i c h l o y a l t y t o their previously accepted principles had involved the L i t o m y s l Brethren o f the Dekrety

w h i c h h a s c o m e d o w n to u s . I t s p r o h i b i t i o n o f B r e t h r e n t a k i n g d i s p u t e s

between o n e a n o t h e r to a c i v i l c o u r t is m o r e definite i n its w o r d i n g . "

Dekrety,

pp. 9 6 , 97.

C f . K o t , op. cit., p . 8 1 .

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about 1490 h a d been, f o r instance, what t o do i n the face o f the repeated demands f r o m the authorities and their fellow citizens t o take a share i n the defence o f the t o w n o r i n certain circumstances i n t h a t o f the state as a whole.

The decree defining the a t t i t u d e to be adopted by Brethren

conscripted f o r war service (zprdva na vojnu jdoucim) brings o u t , perhaps even more clearly t h a n the other decrees dealing w i t h p o l i t i c a l and social behaviour, the radical break w i t h t r a d i t i o n w h i c h the new standpoint signified, despite the fact t h a t , as i n the new U n i t y ' s other official p r o nouncements, this break was often concealed here t o o by the indecisive manner o f presentation. I n this decree the Brethren were, first, admonished t o a v o i d p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n w a r altogether wherever possible. A t the outset, however, a distinction was made even here between j u s t wars o f defence and unjust wars, t h o u g h the conditions o f a j u s t w a r are nowhere l a i d d o w n w i t h a n y t h i n g l i k e the exactitude, for instance, o f C a t h o l i c theology. A j u s t war was merely defined as one where: the k i n g o r l o r d seeks and follows peace a n d does n o t give occasion f o r fighting, b u t he o r his subjects suffer cruelty a n d h u r t f r o m another [ruler, w h o ] . . . continues i n his wickedness a n d w i l l n o t agree t o any truce. T h e one against w h o m this happens is forced, w i t h a p p r o v a l f r o m o n h i g h , t o take u p arms to defend justice a n d his o w n people; . . . a n d t o assist h i m i n this he may call u p o n the subject people, a m o n g w h o m m a y be some o f the f a i t h f u l . 'Such a t h i n g [the decree goes on] appears m o r e tolerable . . . t h a n ' p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a w a r i n w h i c h the right is o n the opposing side. A n unjust war, o n the other h a n d , was defined as one where: The matter over w h i c h the war is fought is f r o m the side o f the one w h o summons to i t unrighteous a n d unjust, arising f r o m pride o n l y o r greedy desire, anger, cruelty, w r o n g or some s p i r i t u a l matter f o r w h i c h i t is fitting t o suffer patiently, since a C h r i s t i a n m a y n o t be a partaker i n unrighteousness under the cover o f justice. I n the second place, the Brethren were f o r b i d d e n t o enrol as mercenaries even i n a j u s t cause.

B u t curiously enough they were at the same t i m e

advised, wherever possible, t o hire a substitute, i f conscripted, t o take their place i n the a r m y . If, nevertheless, this was n o t possible and there was no other way o u t , a further set o f instructions was issued f o r those forced t o serve i n the wars. The Brethren conscripts were, first, t o t r y t o get appointed t o n o n combatant duties, t o those tasks ' i n the a r m y where i t w o u l d be suitable for them, b y the waggons o r i n other services, o r at home where they

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m i g h t stand g u a r d i n the castle or fulfil other duties.' B u t , i f even this d i d n o t prove possible a n d they were compelled t o take an active p a r t i n battle, they were t o : A v o i d pushing themselves f o r w a r d as w e l l as the acquisition o f glory t h r o u g h bravery, since excessive bravery as w e l l as cruelty and l o o t i n g a n d b o o t y a n d avaricious desires a n d other unrighteousness were t o be shunned. They were n o t t o proceed w i l l i n g l y t o these things [i.e. w a r service a n d its concomitants] b u t o n l y under compulsion w i t h the wish t o be free o f t h e m . T h e y were t o beseech G o d t o deliver t h e m f r o m evil, for i n w a r m a n y evils come t o pass. M e n died i n battle i n a state o f sin o r k i l l e d others - the decree uses the w o r d ' m u r d e r e d ' - i n a state o f s i n ; and fighting b r o u g h t w i t h i t a m u l t i t u d e o f attendant evils. W a r , therefore, was still t o be regarded as i n itself a n e v i l ' c o n t r a r y t o the n a t u r a l , Jewish a n d C h r i s t i a n l a w s . '

22

On whom,

then, fell the g u i l t f o r the w r o n g w h i c h inevitably arose as a result? 'Whoever starts a w a r [so runs the Advice] a n d compels the people t o i t , is p r i m a r i l y responsible for whatever evil results c o n t r a r y t o G o d a n d justice, and n o t the subject a n d obedient people.'

Less evil, too, was

l i k e l y t o result f r o m w a r waged 'against the infidel T u r k s , unrighteous a n d unjust men,' t h a n against fellow Christians. O f a l l wars c i v i l w a r 'against m e n o f the same language' was most t o be d e p l o r e d .

23

But

whatever the nature o f the particular war, the m a i n b u r d e n o f g u i l t was t o rest o n the shoulders o f the ruler w h o started i t w i t h o u t j u s t cause and o n any w h o , f r o m love o f renown or desire for gain, m i g h t volunteer their services. The least a m o u n t o f blame attached to 'those w h o being under c o m p u l s i o n cannot escape, yet have n o t h o u g h t o f m u r d e r . . . n o r o f any unrighteousness.'

24

I t is, indeed, rather strange for the m o d e r n reader t o find n o m e n t i o n made o f a n y w h o m i g h t volunteer f o r w a r service o u t o f c o n v i c t i o n o f the Tightness o f the cause.

B u t the decree o n the subject was i n effect a

compromise between the earlier absolute pacifism o f the U n i t y , w h i c h was still palely reflected i n its pronouncements, a n d the somewhat

hesitant

f o r m a l expression o f its abandonment i n practice. A second reason f o r such an omission lay i n the nature o f the c o m p o s i t i o n o f the armies o f the day, w h i c h consisted m a i n l y , as far as the l o w e r ranks were concerned, "

Ibid.,

"

Odpis,

M

p. 9 7 . fols. 6 5 , 6 5 v ( q u o t e d i n G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p. 2 2 2 ) .

Spis o mocy swita,

fol. 51. C f . the s i m i l a r p r o c e s s o f d i s c a r d i n g t h e i r e a r l i e r pacifist

tenets w h i c h t o o k p l a c e e a r l y i n t h e seventeenth c e n t u r y a m o n g the P o l i s h A r i a n s , s e e K o t , op. cit., pp. 78, 7 9 , 8 2 , 9 5 , 9 9 , 1 2 1 , 1 2 2 , 1 3 4 - 3 6 .

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either o f mercenary soldiers serving f o r p r o f i t a n d w i t h o u t any

fixed

principles, religious or n a t i o n a l , or o f peasants a n d townsmen conscripted for the purpose. V o l u n t a r y service i n defence o f the fatherland was o n the whole left t o the n o b i l i t y ; the o r d i n a r y citizen's h o r i z o n n o r m a l l y d i d n o t stretch m u c h further than the defence o f his village o r t o w n s h i p . T h i r d l y , the experiences o f the religious wars w h i c h plagued the Czech lands d u r i n g a large p a r t o f the fifteenth century, b r i n g i n g home the devastating effects o f w a r o n the life a n d economy o f the c o u n t r y , made the soldier's profession u n p o p u l a r a m o n g m a n y sections o f the p o p u l a t i o n w h o were unaffected b y the pacifist scruples o f the O l d Brethren or, l i k e the new U n i t y after the schism, had consciously abandoned t h e m .

25

I n the theoretical system o f ChelSicky a n d the O l d Brethren a society based o n violence a n d war, w h i c h f o u n d its highest expression i n the organized oppression o f the state, was largely due t o the failure o f professing Christians t o eliminate class inequalities a n d t o replace an unjust social a n d economic order w i t h one m o r e i n line w i t h C h r i s t i a n principles. I t was n a t u r a l therefore that, as a result o f the changes i n doctrine w h i c h t o o k place i n the 1490's, the leaders o f the victorious p a r t y i n the c o n t r o versy should devote considerable a t t e n t i o n t o f o r m u l a t i n g i n concrete terms the new attitude t o these problems. The o l d U n i t y i n p r i n c i p l e h a d n o t acknowledged the existence o f class differences a m o n g the B r e t h r e n , especially where these were associated w i t h the exercise o f administrative or j u d i c i a l power. A s has been seen, they had usually demanded o f those f r o m the upper ranks o f society w h o desired to j o i n the U n i t y that they should first renounce a l l that was associated w i t h such functions, w i t h the result t h a t very few members o f the n o b i l i t y were t o be f o u n d a m o n g their n u m b e r d u r i n g the early decades o f the U n i t y ' s existence. The degree o f sacrifice, the magnitude o f the break w i t h society w h i c h membership i n such cases entailed, h a d meant that o f the m a n y p o t e n t i a l recruits f r o m the upper classes, attracted t o the U n i t y by its h i g h spiritual a n d m o r a l tone contrasting w i t h the deadness o f the contemporary U t r a q u i s t church, there were i n fact few ready t o take the final step. I t was o n account o f their continued adhesion t o the strict views o f the early Brethren that the M i n o r Party were accused "

N e v e r t h e l e s s , q u i t e a c u l t o f Z i z k a w a s to a r i s e a m o n g t h e B r e t h r e n . I n t h e i r s e c o n d

letter to D r . A u g u s t i n K a s e b r o d i n 1508 the U n i t y w r i t e t h a t : ' I f Z i z k a h a d n o t d r i v e n [the R o m a n C a t h o l i c c r u s a d e r s ] f r o m B o h e m i a a n d M o r a v i a w i t h h i s flails, c o m m u n i o n i n two k i n d s e v e n t o - d a y w o u l d n o t h a v e been p o s s i b l e . ' - P a l m o v , Cheshkie svoikh

konfessiyakh,

( q u o t e d i n G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p. 5 9 ) ; P f e l o u c s k y , Spis o puvodu chudych

bratya

v

I , p. 2 8 9 . C f . L u k a s i n A k t a J e d n o t y B r a t r s k 6 , I V , fols. 114v, 115

lidech, p p . 3 8 , 4 7 - 4 9 , 5 2 .

Jednoty

bratrske

a o

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by their opponents o f preventing 'the penitent f r o m entering' the U n i t y . ' W h a t our predecessors once held to be w r o n g and a sin according to the scriptures, [the M a j o r Party] advocated as a proper means t o increase the numbers i n the U n i t y . '

2 8

T h r o u g h their wealth and influence the presence

inside the U n i t y o f comparatively large numbers o f 'the rich and well b o r n , ' to use the words o f the decrees, w o u l d , i t was hoped, afford the Brethren as a whole protection i n times o f trouble and a better standing i n the c o m m u n i t y . T h e victory o f the M a j o r Party signified a departure f r o m the perfecti o n i s m o f the O l d Brethren, a step towards accomodation w i t h the w o r l d . I t was i n this new spirit that the decree regulating the reception i n t o the U n i t y o f members o f the n o b i l i t y , o f the rich a n d educated, was framed. I t seems only r i g h t t h a t we s h o u l d love as o u r o w n whomsoever f r o m the r i c h , noble a n d learned . . . is able t o receive the teaching o f C h r i s t o r the apostles . . . whenever they s u b m i t t o , a n d are b o u n d by, i n s t r u c t i o n a n d admonishment . . . a n d are ready t o c o m p o r t themselves o n a n equal f o o t i n g w i t h the p o o r a n d the unlettered, undergoing shame a n d danger w i t h us. . . . Since even i n the most h u m b l e trades, a m o n g spinners a n d weavers f o r example, danger l u r k s , and falsehood a n d deceit are t o be f o u n d , since i t can be a m o n g the p o o r that there is carousing, v o l u p t u o u s ness a n d pride, licentiousness a n d readiness to take offence, while a m o n g the r i c h , w e l l - b o r n and learned h u m i l i t y , patience a n d obedience can exist, i t is therefore proper t o leave the separation [i.e. o f the wheat f r o m the tares, as i n the parable] t o the angels at the end o f the w o r l d . . . . Even i n Christ's day a n d under the apostles there were g o o d as w e l l as b a d [ i n the church], a n d rich as w e l l as p o o r ; i t was the same w h e n we came together at the beginning, being still few i n n u m b e r s . 27

There has been a subtle change o f emphasis here.

The O l d Brethren

regarded the exercise o f any f o r m o f c i v i l power as a sin i n a C h r i s t i a n ; a n d since such power was an inevitable c o n c o m i t a n t o f r a n k and wealth, the possession o f these was thereby automatically rejected.

The

new

U n i t y , having discarded its testimony against the exercise o f c i v i l power, was n o w free to acknowledge that the C h r i s t i a n virtues m i g h t be f o u n d a m o n g h i g h b o r n rulers as well as a m o n g l o w l y craftsmen a n d peasants. O n l y one c o n d i t i o n was n o w imposed o n neophytes f r o m the upper ranks o f society, that is, p r o v i d e d they possessed the necessary m o r a l a n d religious attributes o f a member o f the U n i t y . ' I n 1503 i t was decreed t h a t everyone s h o u l d openly acknowledge his membership o f the U n i t y a n d n o t keep this h i d d e n . ' T h i s resolution was directed i n p a r t i c u l a r against Rendl o f Ousava w h o , o n account o f his unwillingness to declare p u b l i c l y "

A . J . B . , I V , fol. 6 7 v .

"

Dekrety,

pp. 6 4 - 6 6 .

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his allegiance t o the despised U n i t y , was thereby excluded f r o m its fellowship.

28

H i s influence o n the momentous decisions w h i c h the U n i t y t o o k

at the Assembly o f Brandys i n 1490 has already been mentioned. D u r i n g the first few years after the M a j o r Party's r e t u r n t o power i n 1494 the new leadership had evidently n o t felt itself strong enough t o demand an open declaration o f membership f r o m new recruits a m o n g the r u l i n g class. By the end o f a decade, however, the s i t u a t i o n was i m p r o v e d enough f o r t h e m t o p u t f o r w a r d the open accession o f the n o b i l i t y as an essential p r e c o n d i t i o n o f their acceptance i n t o the U n i t y . I n this way, t o o , u n scrupulous and ambitious politicians o f the same type as R e n d l o f OuSava w o u l d have less scope f o r using the U n i t y as an i n s t r u m e n t for the furtherance o f their o w n private ends. Members o f the n o b i l i t y , whether b o r n i n t o the U n i t y or Brethren b y convincement, were required t o behave i n their station according t o certain principles w h i c h are outlined i n several o f the U n i t y ' s decrees a n d advices.

They were, first, n o t to consider themselves superior t o t h e i r

fellow Brethren o n account o f their b i r t h : B u t t o recognize that they were o n a n equality f r o m the p o i n t o f view o f nature w i t h the p o o r people, f o r w h o m the most noble o f a l l , C h r i s t , . . . gave himself . . . even u n t o a shameful and i g n o m i n i o u s death. H e called t h e m brothers and sisters, so that the others m i g h t k n o w that they are t o imitate Christ i n h u m i l i t y and n o t p u f f themselves u p w i t h p r i d e . Secondly, the privileges o f their b i r t h h a d been granted them i n order more easily t o fulfil their social functions a n d serve those p u t under their care a n d protection. Therefore those nobles i n the U n i t y w h o h a d n o estates t o administer, n o tenantry to care for, for w h o m the raison d'être o f their privileged position had i n fact disappeared, were

especially

enjoined to show a h u m b l e spirit, t o earn their l i v i n g by their o w n hands 'along w i t h the rest o f the people,' and n o t to m a r k themselves o f f f r o m the w o r k i n g people by finer dress o r style o f l i v i n g . I n the U n i t y ' s view i t was only the obligations o f r a n k that justified its privileges.

' F o r when

someone has no [subject people], even t h o u g h he was b o r n o f a noble stem, he does n o t achieve the end o f his n o b i l i t y . ' Brethren f r o m the n o b i l i t y were, i n the t h i r d place, warned against c o n f o r m i n g too closely w i t h the w o r l d l y display o f their class. They were t o show 'their n o b i l i t y n o t by their clothes o r their idle entertainments, b u t t h r o u g h v i r t u e , h i g h morals, honesty and w o r k . . . o n behalf o f their "

Ibid.,

p. 8 2 . R e n d l , h o w e v e r , c o n t i n u e d to f a v o u r the B r e t h r e n e v e n after h e h a d

severed a l l f o r m a l c o n n e c t i o n s w i t h the U n i t y , see G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p. 2 3 6 ; M u l l e r B a r t o S , op. cit., p p . 215, 2 3 5 .

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neighbours.' They were t o disregard the o p i n i o n o f the w o r l d , n o t take offence q u i c k l y or l i g h t l y at any slight to their d i g n i t y , and steer clear o f any tendency t o show off their wealth and power i n dress, ornament o r manner o f l i f e .

49

N o w h e r e , indeed, were class distinctions at t h a t p e r i o d more easily noticeable than i n the matter o f c l o t h i n g . T h e U n i t y was to issue several decrees impressing o n its members the necessity o f dressing soberly a n d w i t h o u t undue ostentation o r any tendency t o arouse lasciviousness, and w a r n i n g Brethren engaged i n the c l o t h i n g i n d u s t r y t h a t those c o n n i v i n g at the p r o d u c t i o n o f luxurious o r immodest garments w o u l d be held equally responsible by G o d w i t h those w h o actually wore t h e m . B u t i n a d d i t i o n to the n a t u r a l differences due t o sex, age and f u n c t i o n , the U n i t y was n o w ready t o a d m i t t h a t inequalities i n social r a n k , t o o , m i g h t r i g h t l y f i n d expression, even a m o n g the Brethren, i n different styles a n d qualities o f c l o t h i n g w o r n . T h e noble a n d wealthy were, i t is true, warned n o t t o 'oppress the p o o r o r their people' i n order t o o b t a i n money t o dress t h e m selves u p i n finery a n d live o n a lavish scale. B u t , as a decree o f 1506 says, 'there is one k i n d o f raiment proper t o the peasant, another to the burgher a n d still another for the nobleman, e t c ' A n undated decree f r o m a b o u t the t u r n o f the century gives an even clearer i l l u s t r a t i o n o f the degree to w h i c h the U n i t y was n o w ready t o come t o terms w i t h existing society: Those persons w h o come t o repentance f r o m the noble, gentry o r burgher classes, a n d w h o are accustomed t o different f o o d and c l o t h i n g f r o m the c o m m o n people, should, i t is apparent, be i n d u l g e d i n these matters . . . since i t can help t h e m t o continue i n their repentance. T h e c o m m o n people, however, f r o m the lower orders s h o u l d n o t copy their example, but s h o u l d be instructed that they m u s t behave as is proper i n such matters and, indeed, a m o r e simple apparel and c u t is appropriate f o r t h e m . T h e n follows the threat that i f U n i t y members f r o m a m o n g the o r d i n a r y people d i d n o t f o l l o w this advice, w h i c h h a d f o u n d expression ' i n m a n y ordinances (od mnohych svo/em),' they were liable t o i n c u r disciplinary action. T h e egalitarian ideas o f the O l d Brethren i n this connection were now regarded as 'a f a i l i n g (nedostateky w h i c h i t was necessary to p u t aside.

30

The picture o f the ideal U n i t y nobleman w h i c h emerges f r o m the decrees and advices and other contemporary documents o f a similar character is one o f p a t r i a r c h a l benevolence, o f a consciousness

o f the obligations

o f the class to w h i c h he had been b o r n and bred towards those w h o m G o d had pleased to place i n a lower station i n life. There is, indeed, a recog"

Odpis,

"

Dekrety,

fol. 58 ( q u o t e d i n G o U - K r o f t a , op. cit., p. 2 2 0 ) ; Dekrety, p p . 8 9 , 9 0 , 127.

pp. 97, 98.

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THE NEW

UNITY

n i t i o n o f the n a t u r a l equality o f a l l m e n i n the eyes o f G o d ; b u t the note o f protest against manmade inequalities,- so p r o m i n e n t a feature i n the writings o f ChelSicky" and the early Brethren, has gone completely. N o b l e m e n w h o j o i n e d the Brethren were reminded t h a t they were to use their wealth and privileged position f o r the g o o d o f the c o m m u n i t y . ' T h e y are to a v o i d v a i n show and extravagant expenditure . . . o n t h e m selves, their wives, c h i l d r e n and servants, and n o t p o u r o u t money o n their houses a n d horses and w o r l d l y ornament, b u t t o give rather t o the poor among their p e o p l e . '

31

'They are n o t to keep superfluous servants,

horses, o r other things, only for showing off o r for pride o r vanity, b u t rather should they spend their wealth o n necessities serving the g o o d o f their tenants.' They were, wherever possible, t o administer their estates themselves a n d not as absentee landlords t h r o u g h their bailiffs. They must act as protectors o f their tenantry and n o t as their oppressors, succouring the needy a n d helpless, acting as a father t o the servants, a n d n o t b u r dening their tenantry w i t h excessive dues a n d l a b o u r services. The n o b i l i t y had been set b y G o d i n a u t h o r i t y over t h e m : So that they m a y serve them, a n d i n exchange they m a y receive respect and dues for their sustenance, . . . B u t f o r this they w i l l have t o give a n account t o their . . . L o r d . . . . Therefore . . . they are n o t to imagine that they [i.e., their tenants] are theirs to do w i t h as they please; they are theirs to govern a n d preserve and defend. I n reality they are G o d ' s , p a r t i c u l a r l y when they are a C h r i s t i a n p e o p l e . 38

Nobles were n o t t o justify acts o f oppression against their tenantry b y saying t h a t : They have bought them and they are inscribed i n the l a n d books (ve dckdch) and i n the registers a n d have been i n the possession o f their forefathers f r o m time i m m e m o r i a l . . . . A l s o nobles belonging t o the f a i t h f u l should w i l l i n g l y provide food and d r i n k f o r p o o r persons, w h o w o r k for t h e m . . . they must n o t cheat t h e m o f any p a r t o f their wages . . . n o r take by force c h i l d r e n f r o m their parents o r money f r o m orphans, b u t provide the latter, as is j u s t , w i t h guardians. I n regard t o their fellow Brethren o f i n f e r i o r station, nobles i n the U n i t y were t o make use o f their greater opportunities t o f o r w a r d their c o m m o n interests. 'They were n o t to s u m m o n t h e m to offices or to services against their conscience . . . they were to be obedient to the elders.' They were also to consult the elders i n i m p o r t a n t business, such as appearing i n court. As regards members o f their household w h o likewise belonged t o « S !

Odpis, Dekrety,

fol. 57v. pp. 9 8 , 9 9 .

T H E NEW

225

UNITY

the U n i t y , they were t o h o l d divine service together w i t h t h e m .

3 3

'They

are n o t t o p u t any obstacles i n the way o f their attending services, b u t as they themselves keep fast-days, C h r i s t i a n holidays a n d festivals, and Sundays, they s h o u l d encourage t h e m t o o to fulfil their religious d u t y . '

3 4

A t a p e r i o d when, w i t h the laws passed b y the B o h e m i a n diet i n 1497 a n d 1500, the peasantry were r a p i d l y losing their free status a n d s i n k i n g t o the p o s i t i o n o f serfs b o u n d t o the l a n d , while the towns were becoming increasingly dependent o n the landed aristocracy, i n an era when the laws were still enforced by the l a n d o w n i n g class, as w e l l as b y r o y a l officials, w i t h great cruelty o n the subject p o p u l a t i o n , the U n i t y h a d abandoned its protest against the whole system o f class differentiation and contented itself henceforth w i t h the a t t e m p t merely to ameliorate that system's most blatant injustices. I n the M i n o r Party's view its a i m was n o w t o j u s t i f y ' i n C h r i s t i a n lords a separate way o f life a n d customs f r o m those o f the o r d i n a r y people,'

35

i n exchange f o r w h i c h , i t m i g h t pleaded,

members o f the r u l i n g class w h o adhered t o the U n i t y were t o devote their lives t o the people's welfare a n d p r o t e c t i o n . T h e U n i t y h a d i n fact r e t u r n e d t o the W y c l i f i t e conception o f 'the threefold people,' against w h i c h Chelclcky h a d directed some o f his bitterest and most effective invective.

T h e 'happiness' o f the ' f a i t h f u l

nobles' was n o t to lie i n the renunciation o f their p o s i t i o n a n d a u t h o r i t y , as i n the earlier days o f the U n i t y , b u t i n fulfilling the duties o f their station, dealing o u t punishment t o the wrongdoer, t h o u g h w i t h mercy and conscious o f their u l t i m a t e responsibility to G o d for their earthly stewardship.

'We consider [Luka§ wrote a b o u t 1498] such C h r i s t i a n

nobles o r kings t o be happy, w i t h the hope here and i n the f u t u r e ' o f eternal b l i s s .

38

A s late as 1512 the p r o b l e m o f w h a t members o f the n o b i l i t y should d o w i t h their estates a n d their feudal rights o f j u r i s d i c t i o n o n j o i n i n g the U n i t y was threshed o u t again b y the I n n e r C o u n c i l at their meeting i n Brandys i n N o v e m b e r o f that year. The p o s i t i o n was complicated by the fact t h a t the person a r o u n d w h o m the debate revolved was a w o m a n , Johanka z K r a j k u , whose name has cropped u p i n connection w i t h the M

Odpis,

"

Dekrety,

' "

5

fols. 5 8 , 5 8 v ( q u o t e d ibid.).

C f . w i t h C h e l i i c k y ( C h a p t e r I , p. 6 4 ) .

p. 9 9 .

A . J . B . , I V , fol. 6 3 v . Ibid., fol. 6 2 ( q u o t e d i n M o l n a r , BokslavSti

bratfi, p p . 4 7 , 4 8 ) . T h i s s h o r t s t a t e m e n t

is a c c o m p a n i e d b y the c o m m e n t f r o m a n u n k n o w n m e m b e r o f the M i n o r P a r t y t h a t ' h e r e t h e M a j o r P a r t y , t h a t is, L u k a S a n d h i s f e l l o w B r e t h r e n , c u t s its c l o t h to s u i t t h e n o b l e s (Tuto

vetSi strana,

LukdS

s svymi

bratfimi

panuom

skrojuji

vhod plait'ek).'

Its

c o n t e n t s give a n excellent p i c t u r e o f w h a t t h e U n i t y n o w d e m a n d e d f r o m its n o b l e m e m b e r s . C f . D o b i a S , op. cit, p p . 8 4 - 8 6 .

226

T H E NEW U N I T Y

discussions d u r i n g the conference o f Chlumec (1496). The L a d y Johanka was the wife o f Jan o f Selmberk, one o f the U n i t y ' s protectors f r o m a m o n g the Catholic n o b i l i t y , and herself f o r l o n g its close sympathizer before actually j o i n i n g . A s the owner also i n her o w n r i g h t o f a vast n e t w o r k o f estates a r o u n d M l a d a Boleslav and Brandys, she ' t o o k counsel w i t h the elders whether she should leave her castle, h a v i n g renounced the use o f her estates, or continue t o enjoy t h e m . ' A f t e r lengthy discussion i t was decided that i n p r i n c i p l e there was no reason w h y she should n o t continue as before t o keep possession o f her estates. The I n n e r C o u n c i l , however, despite the serious p o s i t i o n i n w h i c h the U n i t y was then placed t h r o u g h the persecution w h i c h i t was undergoing a b o u t this t i m e , and undeterred by the fact that Brandys itself where they were confering was o n Johanka's property, still felt strong enough t o lay d o w n some f a i r l y stringent conditions before c o n f i r m i n g Johanka i n membership.

These followed i n

the m a i n the general principles o u t l i n e d above concerning the conduct o f Brethren f r o m the n o b i l i t y . One interesting v a r i a t i o n , however, due probably t o the fact t h a t i t was a w o m a n w h o was involved, was t h a t Johanka was n o t herself t o administer her estates; she was t o 'install her brother i n her place t o manage and govern' according to these principles. I n the f o l l o w i n g year the L a d y Johanka d i d i n fact sell her estates to her brother, K u n r a t K r a j i f z K r a j k u , w h o , together w i t h his wife, was also a member o f the U n i t y .

3 7

The same conception o f stewardship was present i n the decree defining the duties o f those U n i t y members, whether f r o m the n o b i l i t y o r u n t i t l e d burghers, w h o h a d either inherited wealth o r acquired i t by their o w n efforts. First, i t was asked, had they come by this wealth by just means and, i f so, were they i n the second place p u t t i n g i t to good use? N o clear definition, however, was given o f precisely w h a t means were to be c o n sidered as justifiable o r exactly h o w wealth j u s t l y acquired m i g h t r i g h t l y be expended. I t should n o t have been obtained, i t was said, ' b y sinful means o r any k i n d o f unrighteousness or as a result o f w r o n g done to one's neighbours' o r by r o b b i n g and oppressing the p o o r a n d defenceless. R e s t i t u t i o n was t o be made i n such cases to the injured p a r t y or, i f this were impossible, atonement was to be by giving to the poor. "

Dekrety,

I m p r o p e r use o f wealth

pp. 8 8 , 8 9 ; M o l n a r , op. cit., p. 77. M o l n a r r e g a r d s the U n i t y ' s i n t e r v e n t i o n ,

a s i n this c a s e , i n the m a t e r i a l affairs o f its m a g n a t e m e m b e r s a s o n e o f the last vestiges o f the o l d r a d i c a l d e m a n d f o r s o c i a l j u s t i c e o n c e v o i c e d b y the T a b o r i t e s , a s d i s t i n c t f r o m later r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s m e r e l y to exercise c h a r i t y . H e does n o t c o n s i d e r that J o h a n k a interfered i n the life o f the i m p o r t a n t U n i t y c o n g r e g a t i o n e s t a b l i s h e d i n h e r t o w n of M l a d a B o l e s l a v a n d u n d e r the s p i r i t u a l c a r e o f B r o t h e r L u k a S . - Op. cit., p. 4 2 .

T H E NEW

UNITY

227

occurred when, instead o f devoting i t t o help the p o o r and needy, i t was expended o n luxuries and r i o t o u s l i v i n g . Forgiveness for such sins c o u l d o n l y be earned 'by almsgiving' a n d ' b y c o m i n g t o realize that, i n regard t o their wealth, they are o n l y G o d ' s stewards according to H i s w i l l and . . . the L o r d w i l l demand a n account.' W e a l t h was n o t a j u s t i f i c a t i o n f o r any appearance o f superiority over the less w e a l t h y ; a n d the wealthy were always to bear i n m i n d that riches by themselves w o u l d n o t help them t o enter the K i n g d o m o f H e a v e n .

38

There were, indeed, very occasional glimmers o f the o l d c o m m u n i s t i c doctrines w i t h w h i c h the U n i t y started; as, f o r instance, w h e n i t was stated i n one o f the decrees that 'the earth . . . produces f o r a l l a l i k e ; and i n v a i n d o some consider themselves guiltless, w h e n they take t o themselves the c o m m o n g o o d things w h i c h they have f r o m G o d a n d d o n o t distribute them.'

B u t the conclusion d r a w n is n o t any f o r m o f c o m m u n i s m o f

goods, even a m o n g a l i m i t e d circle as at the very beginning o f the U n i t y o r a m o n g the monastic orders o f the medieval c h u r c h . I t is merely an e x h o r t a t i o n t o give a l m s .

39

T h e way was n o w open, therefore, f o r Brethren i n the towns to l a u n c h o u t i n t o enterprises w h i c h were t o b r i n g an increasing a c c u m u l a t i o n o f wealth i n t o their hands. I n the future the o n l y l i m i t a t i o n placed by the discipline o f the U n i t y was the observation o f certain m o r a l standards as w e l l as the o b l i g a t i o n t o exercise charity o n behalf o f the poor.

Indeed,

such h i g h m o r a l standards, enjoining honesty i n business and the a v o i d ance o f superfluous expenditure o n articles o f l u x u r y , m i g h t themselves serve, as they have since done w i t h other religious sects elsewhere, t o b r i n g success i n the affairs o f this w o r l d . W h i l e one set o f regulations sought t o define the general principles o f c o n d u c t f o r the r i c h a n d noble a n d those i n a u t h o r i t y , a further series dealt w i t h the rights and duties o f Brethren w h o derived f r o m the w o r k i n g people, peasants and artisans a n d servants, the p o o r and the needy. T h e latter were above a l l urged to display a spirit o f obedience i n a l l things l a w f u l and o f p a t i e n t endurance o f w r o n g . T h e element o f resistance, albeit passive, and o f protest against an unjust social order largely disappeared f r o m the official utterances o f the U n i t y i n the p e r i o d after the schism. The peasantry as tenants o f the n o b i l i t y and gentry, a n d subjects i n general i n relation t o their rulers, were instructed t h a t as members o f the Unity: "

Dekrety,

"

Ibid.,

p p . 9 9 , 100.

p. 123.

228

THE NEW

UNITY

They should realize that the w o r l d order is ordained b y G o d f o r their o w n good ; they s h o u l d k n o w their place, a n d t h a t the servants o f the w o r l d [i.e. those i n a u t h o r i t y ] are set u p f o r their g o o d also a n d t o preserve t h e m f r o m evil. They must be subject to t h e m n o t o n l y o u t o f fear b u t f o r conscience' sake, since G o d wills this. They should be obedient, . . . never exercise a u t h o r i t y n o t p r o p e r l y entrusted t o t h e m b u t rather endure sufferi n g ; they should show a readiness f o r every good deed . . . neither swear nor curse, pay their dues a n d taxes a n d show love towards g o o d a n d f a i t h f u l l o r d s . T h e y should refrain f r o m s t r i v i n g after equality . . . b u t surpass them i n honesty, . . . gladly suffer w r o n g k n o w i n g that the L o r d has s a i d : 'Vengeance is m i n e : I w i l l repay' [Romans X I I , 19]. . . . T h e Brethren are t o be taught t o suffer things patiently i f ever i n any c o m m u nity (v obci) more is imposed u p o n one person t h a n u p o n the o t h e r s . 40

Even t h o u g h , i n the w o r d s o f B r o t h e r Matëj w r i t t e n at the end o f the fifteenth

century, 'there are none i n o u r lands less free t h a n those w h o

may be sold and settled under the nobles,' yet the peasants 'must be subject i n the fear o f the L o r d according to the apostle's t e a c h i n g . '

41

Any

h i n t o f s t i r r i n g u p the peasantry against their masters was to be avoided at all costs, any suggestion t h a t the Brethren were c a r r y i n g o n the radical social t r a d i t i o n s o f the 'Picards' o r the dreaded Taborites. We d o n o t h i n g against the government o f the w o r l d , against its lands and kingdoms [states an u n t i t l e d U n i t y confession dan na rathauz i n 1507] we are subject t o H i s Majesty the K i n g a n d o u r lords. W e are n o t w i c k e d disturbers o f the peace, malefactors, thieves o r traitors, . . . we seek after peace and h a r m o n y between men, n o t t a k i n g the vengeance o f wrongs i n t o o u r o w n hands ; instead we either suffer or l o o k t o the l a w f o r rectification, . . . we pay [tithes] to the priests where we are settled, even t h o u g h we d o not make use o f their services. W h y then-are, we to be harried? 42

Their acceptance, as a result o f the changes i n U n i t y doctrine, o f the framework o f the existing social order h a d given the Brethren the o p p o r t u n i t y b o t h to rebut charges made by the central authorities o f anarchy and p l o t t i n g a n d , at the same time, to p u t f o r w a r d a b o d y o f social teaching that w o u l d n o t frighten away l i k e l y converts a m o n g persons o f r a n k and influence. 44

43

Ibid., p. 9 8 . C f . ibid., p p . 1 2 8 - 3 0 ; Odpis,

fol. 59v (quoted i n part in G o U - K r o f t a ,

op. cit., p. 2 2 0 ) , w h e r e the d u t y o f s u b m i s s i o n t o s o c i a l s u p e r i o r s is e n j o i n e d o n a r t i s a n s , a p p r e n t i c e s , a n d the s e r v a n t c l a s s respectively.

T h e m o r a l dangers c o n n e c t e d w i t h

s e r v i c e i n the h o u s e s o f the n o b i l i t y m a d e it a d v i s a b l e , it w a s urged, to a v o i d s u c h w o r k . B u t i f t h i s w a s n o t possible, B r e t h r e n w e r e at least n o t to imitate the frivolities a n d l u x u r i o u s w a y o f life o f t h e i r m a s t e r s . 4 1

A . J . B . , I V . , fol. 4 1 v . C f . Odpis,

4 1

P a l m o v , op. cit., I I , p. 2 7 7 .

4

*

fol. 50 ( q u o t e d ibid., p. 217).

C f . D e n i s , Fin de l'Indépendence Bohême, I , p. 3 4 0 : ' U n e p a r t d e responsabilité d a n s

l a révolution q u i s ' a c c o m p l i t a l o r s e n B o h ê m e n e revient-elle p a s a u s s i à l'Unité?

T H E NEW

229

UNITY

T h e m a j o r i t y o f the U n i t y ' s f o l l o w i n g , however, continued t o be d r a w n f r o m the poorer sections o f the c o m m u n i t y , and i n p a r t i c u l a r f r o m the peasantry, even t h o u g h this class n o longer set the tone o f its social creed. T h e M i n o r Party, f o l l o w i n g i n the footsteps o f Chelôicky" and the l o n g line o f Czech reformers b o t h before a n d after H u s , n a t u r a l l y still regarded the peasant's a n d the artisan's calling as the only way o f life really consistent w i t h true C h r i s t i a n i t y ; f o r t h e m one o f the signs o f a follower o f C h r i s t was his 'consorting w i t h peasants (s sedlâky obcovâni).'**

But

something o f this idealization o f the peasant, o f this cult o f the c o m m o n m a n , continued t o find expression i n the writings o f the U n i t y ' s new leadership d u r i n g the first few decades f o l l o w i n g o n the schism, despite the increasing conservatism w h i c h coloured most o f its utterances o n social topics. Lukâ§, f o r instance, i n one o f his most lengthy a n d elaborate treatises, O obnoveni cirkve svaté, is c o n t i n u a l l y inveighing against the oppression o f the p o o r by the r i c h and p o w e r f u l . H e frequently emphasizes, q u i t e i n the style o f the O l d Brethren, the superiority o f t h a t poverty a n d simple piety w h i c h predominated i n the early C h r i s t i a n c h u r c h - as i n his o p i n i o n i t still d i d a m o n g the Brethren o f his day - over the riches, power a n d learning o f this w o r l d . T h e Brethren, he writes i n phrases reminiscent o f Chelôicky, unwelcome i n h i g h society, were really at home o n l y a m o n g the lower orders o f society, ' w i t h beasts, t h a t is, a m o n g the despised, d o w n t r o d d e n people w i t h o u t significance i n the w o r l d . T h e p r o u d a n d the m i g h t y , regarding these as beasts w i t h o u t understanding, treat t h e m harshly a n d b r u t a l l y as i f they were animals, frequently oppressing t h e m w i t h u n l a w f u l corvées a n d dues.'

45

Elsewhere he writes t h a t i n the early

c h u r c h , even before Constantine's day, as the numbers o f its adherents began t o increase ' m a n y o f the w e l l - b o r n a n d those i n a u t h o r i t y t u r n e d t o i t a n d rested i n the shade' o f the c h u r c h , thereby c o r r u p t i n g its pristine p u r i t y . A similar process, Lukas" was ready t o a d m i t , c o u l d easily take place w i t h i n the U n i t y i f extreme care were n o t t a k e n t o prevent i t , since 'once more the devil had t r i e d t o instil the v a n i t y o f the w o r l d i n t o the U n i t y t h r o u g h persons o f b i r t h a n d h i g h r a n k , ' decked o u t ' i n sumptuous and immodest a p p a r e l . '

48

A m o n g the leaders o f the M a j o r Party a n even m o r e ardent advocate o f the earlier simplicity was t o be f o u n d i n o l d Tûma Pfelouôsky w h o , E n prêchant a u x p a y s a n s l'obéissance et l e sacrifice, n'a-t-elle p a s énervé l e u r f o r c e d e résistance et facilité l'établissement général d u servage?* 4 4

A . J . B . , I V , fol. 64.

4 5

LukâS, ' O o b n o v e n i , ' fol. 2 7 . C f . C h e l c i c k y , O trojim

44

Ibid.,

fols. 124v, 133.

lidu, p. 7 1 .

230

T H E NEW

UNITY

indeed, differed f r o m Lukâs, especially, o n m a n y matters t o u c h i n g the increasing use o f ceremonial i n the U n i t y . I n his open letter ' t o the noble l o r d , L o r d A l b r e c h t o f Sternberk,' composed i n 1502, Tûma comes forw a r d as a c h a m p i o n o f the rights o f the semi-serf peasantry and o f the p o o r i n general. H i s object, he writes, was t o examine : H o w [the peasants] are treated b y their lords, since G o d f r o m o f o l d has diligently commanded kings, princes, lords a n d a l l w h o rule over the people t o act j u s t l y towards t h e m . . . G o d grant t h a t H i s Majesty a n d his c o u n c i l . . . may, as is the o b l i g a t i o n o f their office, l o o k t o the princes, lords, knights and squires, f r o m the highest t o the lowest, t o see h o w they treat their p o o r f o l k . . . . His Majesty w o u l d then discover t h a t they have burdened t h e m w i t h numerous unjust corvées and extraordinary dues recently contrived, over a n d above ancient justice, a n d raised the customs duties, so t h a t o n t h a t account i t is difficult f o r t h e m t o travel. . . . A n d these things are c o n t i n u a l l y increasing f r o m one day t o a n o t h e r ; a n d their n u m b e r grows greater l i k e river water after r a i n , so t h a t n o w the p o o r people do n o t k n o w w h a t t o do f o r such oppression. . . . B u t i f ever they should t u r n i n their distress t o the k i n g . . . a n d the k i n g after listening t o their h u m b l e p e t i t i o n should give t h e m a letter t o the l o r d s e x h o r t i n g these to leave t h e m w i t h their j u s t rights, a n d they prepare t o r e t u r n home j o y f u l l y under the impression t h a t their p l i g h t w i l l be alleviated, t h e n , when they have presented the letter [i.e. t o the lords i n council] . . . these thereupon revile t h e m , calling t h e m varlets (chlapi) a n d traitors a n d make o u t a lengthy indictment, h o w they have accused their lords before the k i n g . Thus they go hence i n s o r r o w a n d , instead o f amendment, something quite different results, f o r at home their l o r d is a w a i t i n g t h e m to t h r o w them i n t o p r i s o n ; and some he strips as one does a l i m e tree (a nëkteré odfe co lipu). A n d later i t is twice as bad as i t was b e f o r e . 47

Tûma attacked i n b i t i n g language the priests, and the mendicant orders i n particular, f o r n o t c o m i n g f o r w a r d i n support o f the oppressed c o m m e n a l ty against the r i c h and the powerful, f o r flattering the latter instead, i n order t o o b t a i n some share o f their wealth and power. ' I n this way they act quite contrary to the apostles.'

' I t w o u l d be better [he concludes] f o r

a m a n to be b u r i e d at the crossroads as a righteous person w i t h o u t any offering, so l o n g as his spirit were carried by the angels t o A b r a h a m ' s b o s o m ' to be w i t h Lazarus, t h a n to be given a fine church b u r i a l if, despite the ministrations o f the m o n k s a n d friars, his soul were thereupon to lodge for eternity w i t h Dives i n hell. Tûma acknowledged the v a l i d i t y o f 'just tithes . . . f o r service,' b u t at the same time he denounced those U t r a q u i s t o r Catholic priests w h o levied excessive tithes o r demanded t h e m o n unoccupied o r uncultivated g r o u n d . 4 7

C f . K r o f t a , Dêjiny sehkého stavu, pp. 1 4 3 - 5 0 . P r e l o u c s k y , i n u s i n g the s i m i l e o f the

limetree, is e c h o i n g C h e l c i c k y , be.

cit.

231

T H E NEW UNITY

H e was equally unsparing i n his denunciations o f secular lords w h o h a d fallen short i n their role o f protectors o f their people.

Sternberk, the

nobleman t o w h o m T u m a ' s letter was addressed, was t o l d quite f r a n k l y : ' U n d e r Y o u r Grace, i t is said, there are m a n y grievances.'

The princes,

nobles and wealthy o f the r e a l m , instead o f p u t t i n g the major p o r t i o n o f their burdens o n 'the p o o r people' i n the f o r m o f a d d i t i o n a l t a x a t i o n and compulsory enlistment f o r m i l i t a r y service, were exhorted themselves t o make enormous c o n t r i b u t i o n s i n m e n a n d money f o r the defence o f C h r i s t e n d o m , ' f o r i f ever there was a t i m e since the beginning o f the C h r i s t i a n f a i t h w h e n i t was necessary t o fight against the T u r k s , i t is n o w . '

4 8

I n spite o f T u m a ' s zeal for social justice, his genuine sympathy w i t h the depressed peasantry whose status i n society was steadily worsening, a n d his championship o f their rights against the oppression o f the landlords, his p o s i t i o n is i n fact more a k i n t o Stitny's, f o r instance, t h a n t o that o f the U n i t y ' s s p i r i t u a l founder, Chelcicky, w h o denounced alike war, social inequality and the whole f r a m e w o r k

o f contemporary

society.

The

u n d e r l y i n g assumption t h r o u g h o u t T u m a ' s treatise, o n the other h a n d , is the recognition o f class divisions a n d inequalities even w i t h i n a C h r i s t i a n society; he demands merely that the lords should observe their agreements a n d fulfil their obligations, n o t r e q u i r i n g m o r e o f their tenants t h a n custom a n d l a w h a d previously p r e s c r i b e d .

49

L i k e his contemporary,

L u k a s , o r the earlier Czech reformers o r the E n g l i s h m a n , W y c l i f , he accepts the existing order o f society as compatible w i t h C h r i s t i a n p r i n ciples, w i s h i n g o n l y t o r e f o r m o r eliminate the abuses t h a t had g r o w n u p within it. T h e basic acceptance

o f the existing society, so different f r o m the

passive dissent o f Chelcicky a n d the early Brethren, comes o u t especially clearly i n the new U n i t y ' s whole attitude to the p r o b l e m o f poverty.

The

d i v i s i o n i n t o r i c h and p o o r is accepted as equally n a t u r a l f o r a C h r i s t i a n society as f o r a n o n - C h r i s t i a n one. The p o o r o f the U n i t y were counselled t o show patience and contentment w i t h their l o t , n o t t o be envious o f their wealthier neighbours and to place their hopes i n happiness i n the next w o r l d , where 'the future life eternal i n heaven is f u l l o f every delight w i t h o u t any k i n d o f imperfection (beze vsech nedostatk&v).''

They were

not t o expect assistance as a r i g h t f r o m those better placed materially, b u t to show gratitude for any help given. O n the other h a n d , they were n o t t o 'become flatterers o f the r i c h for the sake o f w h a t they c o u l d get o u t 0 1 t h e m , ' b u t to 'serve them f a i t h f u l l y . ' 'They were neither t o seek t o be "

P f e l o u c s k y , op. cit., pp. 30, 3 1 , 5 9 - 6 7 .

"

Ibid., p . 39.

232

THE NEW UNITY

unjustly enriched . . . n o r t o ask for, or take, a n y t h i n g n o t theirs . . . n o r were they t o c o m m i t any sin o n account o f their distress.' They were, t o o , never t o ask f o r assistance unless i t was absolutely necessary and t o make good use o f w h a t they d i d receive i n alms, n o t f r i t t e r i n g i t away i n wasteful expenditure. Instead, they were t o be industrious and f r u g a l , ready themselves t o be o f assistance t o o t h e r s .

80

The more prosperous Brethren, likewise, h a d duties towards their fellow members w h o were less w e l l situated. B u t almsgiving, n o t the transformation o f society, was n o w the o b l i g a t i o n o f U n i t y members. i

Detailed instructions were l a i d d o w n f o r those w h o were entrusted w i t h the task o f caring f o r the funds destined f o r d i s t r i b u t i o n a m o n g the p o o r , and the requisite qualifications f o r such an office were enumerated.

The

almoners appointed f o r this purpose were t o keep strict account o f every transaction; ' n o one m a y either receive o r disburse o n his o w n , b u t o n l y by agreement' w i t h his fellow almoners.

'One is to have the coffer, a

second the key a n d a t h i r d the pen o r register.' They were t o 'visit the poor, the orphans, the widows, the sick a n d the indigent . . . a n d having indicated what was needed, they were t o distribute c l o t h i n g , money o r other material according t o the advice o f the elders.' ' A t Easter a n d o n St. J o h n the Baptist's day the Brethren i n each congregation are t o be exhorted t o give a l m s ; a n d at a given t i m e the almoners must render account t o the elders.' Those u n w i l l i n g t o give as they should were t o be referred t o various scriptural texts o n the subject a n d , i f this still failed t o move t h e m , 'for such often a reminder o f death and future judgement is helpful.'

The miserly were t o remember, t o o , t h a t they were sinning

against G o d i n refusing assistance t o those i n need, since a l l wealth was only held o n trust f r o m o n h i g h . (

M o r e detailed advice followed concerning the actual m e t h o d o f dist r i b u t i n g alms; and pains were taken t o a v o i d any h i n t o f condescension o r o f a p a t r o n i z i n g o r m o r a l i z i n g manner. T h e almoners were t o be f r a n k and sympathetic, realizing 'that w h a t they were g i v i n g o u t was n o t theirs but the L o r d ' s . ' They were, therefore, t o act as careful stewards, choosing as recipients o f their charity only those w h o really deserved help.

The

Brethren who drew up these decrees were p a r t i c u l a r l y concerned t o p u t the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f relief, the succour o f indigent members, o n a systematic basis. Brethren, therefore, were admonished n o t t o give indiscriminately and immoderately (nerozsafni)

and t o a v o i d acts o f charity done solely

w i t h the a i m o f being taken for great benefactors o f their fellows. "

Dekrety,

»'

Ibid., pp. 1 2 1 - 2 3 .

p p . 100, 122.

51

T H E NEW UNITY

233

A separate decree was enacted regulating the conditions under which legacies might be left for the use of the poor. Such endowments were to be administered only by lay members, presumably since, if the priests were to take responsibility for this task, they might become too involved in mundane affairs.

"Whatever may be left privily for the poor (tajne na

chude) should be placed in the coffer of the whole province, unless there be some immediate case of crying need.' Should a legacy be left to a Unity priest, he was immediately to consult with the elders as to what was to be done with i t .

52

I n their attitude to the problem of economic inequality, therefore, the Brethren had abandoned entirely their former social radicalism. T h e organization of charity which they worked out i n such detail applied, understandably enough, primarily to members of their own

congrega-

tions, since their feeling of group responsibility, or indeed their material possibilities, did not extend to the wider community. Nevertheless, in the methods they adopted for alleviating material distress, the Brethren may rightfully be considered among the pioneers of organized social relief, even if their horizons were still limited to the narrow circle of their co-religionists - while the wider vision of a classless society, which had appeared fitfully to ChelSicky and the Old Brethren, had disappeared. This vision was the creation of a thinker who had identified himself with the lowest strata of society; and it had been the peasantry and the urban proletariat who had filled the ranks of the early Unity and coloured its social thinking until the schism in the nineties. Thereafter, the well-to-do trader and shopkeeper, and to a lesser degree the landowner and the university-trained theologian, were to predominate, if not in numbers, then at least in influence. A special series of decrees was indeed issued at the very beginning of the sixteenth century, regulating the business practices of those Brethren engaged in trade and manufacturing and attempting to define which occupations were permitted to members of the Unity. A m o n g those callings forbidden in the decrees were 'dicing, gaming, juggling, painting, prophesying, fortune-telling, witchcraft, usury, alchemy, pimping, prostitution, m u s i c . '

53

Painting seems to have been

condemned on account of its close association with the decoration of Catholic or Utraquist churches, and secular music because of its connection in the villages with the kind of merrymaking frowned on by the Unity which, nevertheless, was a great patron of various forms of church »'

Ibid., p.

M

Ibid., p. 128.

Si.

T H E NEW U N I T Y

234 music.

54

The c o n d e m n a t i o n o f the r e m a i n i n g occupations, w i t h the

exception o f usury the denunciation o f w h i c h was indeed c o m m o n t o all medieval theology,

55

was o n purely m o r a l grounds devoid o f a l l social

significance. The list o f allowed professions is m o r e interesting. T h e y include 'farming,

fishing,

a g r i c u l t u r a l and b u i l d i n g crafts, the p r o d u c t i o n of

articles o f f o o d and d r i n k and c l o t h i n g a n d other necessaries . . . w h i c h people cannot d o w i t h o u t , . . . when they are n o t accompanied by display, unrighteousness, adornment, l u x u r y a n d i n j u s t i c e . '

56

The superiority o f

the agriculturalist a n d the simple craftsmen is still clearly emphasized; but the way is n o w left open t o pursue other more lucrative occupation* and for a gradual a m e l i o r a t i o n o f the o l d suspicion towards the g r o w i n g urban economy. Honesty i n trade, fair business practice, was the m a i n content o f the new U n i t y doctrine i n this field. Avarice, the desire to enrich oneself at the expense o f j u s t dealing a n d the welfare o f one's neighbours, was deprecated i n the strongest terms. Avarice was defined as ' a n uncontrolled and insatiable lust f o r wealth,' and 'avaricious desire is the r o o t o f all evil.' Its signs a m o n g those w h o carried o n trade, commerce or industry were enumerated. First came 'the covetous acquisition o f wealth w i t h the omission o f things needful for salvation, its immoderate increase, and excessive preoccupation w i t h business.'

Brethren must, secondly,

not

strive to add 'one trade to another, when one was sufficient f o r a l i v i n g , ' n o r change f r o m a useful occupation to one less beneficial to the c o m m u n i t y , unless there was n o other alternative. T h i r d l y , they were t o avoid 'the acquisition o f possessions' i f accompanied by 'scandal o r h u r t ' to others or outbreaks o f anger as a result o f misfortune i n business, w h i c h might easily lead to l i t i g a t i o n and disputes. A f o u r t h sign o f an avaricious attitude lay i n the practice o f depreciating the value o f goods i n order t o buy cheap, then inflating i t i n order t o sell dear.

The

final

'medicine

against avarice' f o r use against any o f the Brethren w h o continued i n such practices after all milder remedies had failed, was t o be expulsion f r o m the U n i t y as an example to show 'that we a l l o w n o place amongst us t o such blatant e v i l . '

57

M

M i i U e r - B a r t o S , op. cit., p. 189.

"

C f . Luka§ in h i s Spis o mocy swita,

fols. 4 2 , 4 2 v , a n d h i s s o m e w h a t o l d e r U t r a q u i s t

c o n t e m p o r a r y , K o r a n d a , i n the tract O

lichvl

V a c l a v a K o r a n d y m l a d S i h o z N o v e P I z n g . ' Listy 229. Dekrety, "

loc.

cit.

Ibid., pp. 1 2 4 - 2 6 .

( p r i n t e d i n 1493). K r o f t a , ' O filologicke,

spisech

1912, X X X I V , p p .

228,

THE

NEW

UNITY

235 But

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» « > . . • • • n o r were they t o waste S;"'' luxurious o r delicate Jr In^^lu^ * * r e t o attend t o their o w n for, a n d lend t o , the p o o r . " A ^ p r o d ^ l of

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+'jr<&y • - « » h / a r c - . j i fiorrs vj^r, -///^VM * * u /w/.

±tt p r o d u c t i o n o f fashionable ga.rrr.<;riU of w ^ o ' i c t out or

T i - d e r j i s I D " s u t t o n y , feasting, drunkenness a n d lechery,' wen; to tv; i'r.---=d

altogei'aer."

Indeed, even after the schism the U n i t y f o r l o n g retained m u c h o f its earlier suspicion o f a l l f o r m s o f activity connected w i t h the amusement, ar. d recreation o f the people, associated as these usually were w i t h d r u n k e n ness a n d coarse h u m o u r . Brethren were neither t o attend c o u n t r y wakes (posviceni)

n o r t o a l l o w t h e i r households to d o so n o r to h o l d them t h e m -

selves, e x p l a i n i n g to t h e i r neighbours that such was n o t the custom o f their sect. ' B u t i f a B r o t h e r has a wife, w h o is n o t at one w i t h h i m i n her t h i n k ing,

a n d she, w i s h i n g t o i n v i t e friends [i.e. for such a purpose], w i l l n o t

hear o f a n y t h i n g else, f o r the sake o f peace he may give way to her, p r o v i d e d she conducts things decently; w h i l e he can, i f he wants, keep out o f the way himself.' Heavy d r i n k i n g , feasting a n d carousing a n d l u x u r i o u s l i v i n g i n general, attendance at p o p u l a r entertainments a n d j u n k e t i n g s were f o r b i d d e n to members o f the U n i t y . Fairs a n d markets were also to be avoided whenever possible, especially i f held on a S u n d a y . But

60

the existence o f class distinctions even a m o n g the B r e t h r e n was

here once again given official recognition. A c c o r d i n g t o a decree o f 1506 concerning 'measure i n the t a k i n g o f f o o d a n d d r i n k , ' 'the requirements o f one's class

(potreba slavu)'

were a m o n g the factors w h i c h were to be

taken i n t o account i n governing the standards o f behaviour t o be observed "

Ibid., p. 128.

"

Ibid., p p . 1 2 6 - 2 8 .

"

Ibid., p p . 9 0 , 9 6 , 125, 129.

236

T H E NEW UNITY

i n this respect.

81

A n o b l e m a n o r rich burgher, therefore, w h o was also a

member o f the U n i t y , was n o t n o w expected to c o n f o r m t o the same m o dest standard o f l i v i n g as his Brother f r o m the peasantry o r artisan class. Innkeeping a n d brewing, w h i c h h a d been f r o w n e d u p o n i n the days o f the O l d Brethren, were n o w given qualified a p p r o v a l . Indeed, this overt recognition by the M a j o r Party o f a banned occupation was, as has been seen, one o f the counts made against their opponents b y the leaders o f the M i n o r Party. The former, i t is true, only permitted i t t o U n i t y members i f they had n o other means o f gaining a l i v e l i h o o d . They were t o sell wholesale by the barrel rather than carry o n retail t r a d e ; b u t this, t o o , was allowed ' t o travellers i n need' o f refreshment o r t o their neighbours i n their o w n homes, so l o n g as they d i d n o t sell t o t h e m ' o n t i c k (na Fad neddvalty o r themselves become 'servants o f drunkenness' or i n any way give encouragement to evil and disorder. A f t e r the schism the same type o f qualified recognition was granted also t o commerce i n general. ' A l l commerce is dangerous [says the decree o n the subject] i t is better t o be clear o f i t i f one can find another way o f earning a l i v i n g , ' especially w h e n the articles traded were m a i n l y l u x u r y items. I t was j u s t f r o m such forms o f commerce t h a t 'traders eat and d r i n k a n d lodge well, l i v i n g i n idleness.' B u t necessary a n d useful commerce w h i c h is the result o f l a b o u r , a l t h o u g h dangerous, is however m o r e tolerable; . . . i n salt, f o r instance, o r i n i r o n o r other necessities, w h i c h are n o t t o be f o u n d l o c a l l y i n the province, b u t must be b r o u g h t w i t h effort and danger. L o c a l trade . . . w h i c h demands l i t t l e o r n o effort is unsuitable. . . . [Traders] are t o be admonished n o t t o seek excessive o r q u i c k returns i n the acquisition o f wealth, n o t t o oppress the righteous, n o r t o buy falsely, t o have correct (spravedlive) weights and measures, n o t t o lie n o r take oaths, to shun drunkenness a n d other w i c k e d nesses w h i l e j o u r n e y i n g , . . . a n d suffer losses patiently and n o t inflict them o n others o n the w a y . 82

N o t o n l y were traders and tradesmen given a recognized place w i t h i n the U n i t y , b u t w h a t w o u l d to-day be k n o w n as the intelligentsia was n o w also more numerously and securely represented i n the ranks o f the Brethren. Even after the schism, however, the U n i t y still c o n t i n u e d t o regard higher education w i t h considerable suspicion, b u t university trained men were t o come more and more t o h o l d leading positions i n i t ; the c o m m o n n o t i o n , assiduously propagated by its enemies, t h a t the U n i t y consisted entirely o f semi-illiterate artisans or rustics was o f course quite erroneous. "

Ibid.,

p. 8 9 .

"

Ibid.,

p p . 130, 131. T h e i n j u n c t i o n n o t t o s w e a r w a s p r e s u m a b l y g i v e n o n the

u n d e r s t a n d i n g t h a t o a t h s w e r e a l l o w a b l e w i t h i n the c o n d i t i o n s l a i d d o w n e l s e w h e r e .

THE NEW

237

UNITY

There was at first, however, little contact w i t h the new h u m a n i s m w h i c h was m a k i n g its influence felt i n the c u l t u r a l life o f the c o u n t r y . The i n t e l lectuals o f the U n i t y such as L u k a s , for example, l o o k e d inside the U n i t y for the source a n d i n s p i r a t i o n o f their ideas. Certain humanist writers none the less, such as R e h o f H r u b y o f J e l e n i

63

o r M . V i k t o r i n K o r n e l and

later the great Erasmus, adopted a friendly p o s i t i o n towards the B r e t h r e n ; a n d i n one respect, i n their attitude towards the education o f w o m e n , the latter were more advanced t h a n most contemporary Czech humanists. I n the history o f p r i n t i n g i n the Czech lands, too, the Brethren played a notable part f r o m the beginning o f the sixteenth century. I n 1503 the U n i t y set u p its first p r i n t i n g press o n Bohus Kostka's estate at L i t o m y s l ; a n d d u r i n g the first quarter o f the sixteenth century nearly a t h i r d o f all the books p r i n t e d i n the Czech lands were produced at one o r another U n i t y press. E d u c a t i o n at a l l levels remained o n a strictly practical basis; the teachi n g o f L a t i n , for instance, was n o t considered necessary either f o r the l a y m a n o r candidates f o r the priesthood.

Even L u k a s , t h o u g h himself

well acquainted w i t h L a t i n and, t h r o u g h the various catechisms and h y m n books w h i c h he compiled, a great p r o m o t o r

of popular

education,

adopted o n the whole a conservative p o s i t i o n i n regard to education, defending the U n i t y i n the 1520's against L u t h e r ' s chidings o n account o f the general ignorance shown b y its priests o f the L a t i n , Greek and H e b r e w tongues.

44

The w o r k s o f the c h u r c h fathers and doctors, says one o f the

decrees f o r instance, t h o u g h they m i g h t sometimes be read w i t h p r o f i t , were n o t t o be placed o n a level w i t h the Bible, w h i c h alone was t o be the touchstone o f a l l conduct.

Care was t o be taken, the decree went o n

somewhat smugly, especially w i t h more recent writings such as those o f T h o m a s A q u i n a s , to distinguish the true f r o m the false i n t h e m .

8 8

But

even so, the U n i t y had o f course m o v e d far f r o m the o r i g i n a l attitude o f ChelCicky and its founders o r f r o m the negative p o s i t i o n still taken b y the M i n o r Party. A p a r t f r o m a g r o w i n g n u m b e r o f educated Brethren f r o m the ranks o f the n o b i l i t y o r the richer burgher families, the priesthood o f the U n i t y f o r m e d its m a i n intellectual class.

The o b l i g a t i o n encumbent o n every

priest o f w o r k i n g w i t h his hands still remained i n force. 'Those w h o are active a n d strong [says one o f the decrees] should undertake m a n u a l w o r k ™

F o r s i m i l a r i t i e s o f v i e w b e t w e e n H r u b y a n d t h e U n i t y , see H r e j s a , Dijiny

anstvi

v Ceskoslovensku,

4 4

U r b A n e k , Jednota

"

Dekrety,

I V , p. 182. bratrskd

pp. 59, 60.

a vySSi vzdildni,

pp. 34-46.

kfest'-

238

THE NEW

UNITY

t o a v o i d idleness and indifference or as a relaxation.' B u t this was to be done ' w i t h o u t detriment t o their office'; m a n u a l w o r k , therefore, was to be performed rather as an example to others t h a n as the chief means o f gaining a l i v e l i h o o d . Trade a n d the medical profession were altogether f o r b i d d e n t o U n i t y priests.

They were n o t t o accumulate money

or

possessions 'above their need': f o r a l l legitimate purposes these w o u l d be p r o v i d e d f o r t h e m by their congregations. They were i n theory t o continue to h o l d a l l things i n c o m m o n after the m o d e l o f the p r i m i t i v e Christian c o m m u n i t y , as they had done f r o m the f o u n d a t i o n o f the U n i t y , and t o l i m i t their needs t o the bare necessities o f life. I n this way, unencumbered w i t h the things o f this w o r l d , they w o u l d be the more ready t o suffer persecution and, i f necessary, death itself. A t first, t o o , priests o f the U n i t y had been celibate, b u t i n 1498 their marriage was expressly allowed. This h a d opened the way f o r a watering d o w n o f the o l d principle o f c o m m u n i t y o f goods a m o n g the clergy a n d o f the strict observance a m o n g t h e m o f apostolic poverty. T o the question: ' S h o u l d priests save money?' - a positive answer was n o w given. I f they can save a n y t h i n g f r o m their earnings they m a y do so a n d , likewise, i f they are left a n y t h i n g b y friends. B u t single men, especially w h e n any o f t h e m should have acquired money t h r o u g h service and faithful l a b o u r , are n o t t o leave a n y t h i n g except t o their helpers i n the w o r k a m o n g their fellow Brethren [i.e. fellow priests], unless they get permission t o d o otherwise. 88

T h e acquisition o f special c o m m u n i t y houses, c o n t a i n i n g under one r o o f rooms f o r religious services and f o r a t r a i n i n g school f o r candidates f o r the priesthood as well as accomodation f o r the priest himself a n d his assistants, m a r k e d a further stage i n the a p p r o x i m a t i o n o f the life o f the U n i t y priest t o t h a t o f his Catholic and U t r a q u i s t counterparts. These houses were usually presented t o the U n i t y by sympathetic l a n d o w n e r s ; the first o f a number o f such donations was made at T o v a c o v a n d M l a d a Boleslav i n 1496 by A d a m o f C i m b u r k . The earlier U n i t y ideal o f the wandering priest w i t h o u t any

fixed

h a b i t a t i o n , m o v i n g r o u n d among the f a i t h f u l and preaching the gospel t o all w h o w o u l d hear, the ideal w h i c h the M i n o r Party still clung t o , had given way t o a more r i g i d church organization. I n the rules for the priest's office, issued i n 1501 under the title Rdd ci agenda tykajici se ordinovdni ci fizeni knezi bratrskych, i t was l a i d d o w n t h a t a priest 'may n o t visit other provinces or congregations f o r the purpose o f preaching o r pastoral w o r k "

Ibid.,

p p . 54, 56, 57, 100, 1 0 1 ; G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p p . 1 8 9 - 9 1 .

239

T H E NEW U N I T Y

(k zprävS) w i t h o u t permission f r o m the elders o r the a d m i n i s t r a t o r (zprävce) o f t h a t province where his assistance may be needed.'

97

Never-

theless the unendowed, ' p o o r ' priest still remained the U n i t y ideal even after the schism, when the severity o f the rule o f poverty was to some extent relaxed. A s Lukas w r o t e : [ G o d ] has n o t attached p r o p e r t y a n d maintenance t o the offices o f the U n i t y , so t h a t i n this way they should n o t be sought after a n d the d e v i l worshipped i n t h e m ; b u t H e has given spiritual poverty, so t h a t [priests] may take the scriptures as their guide, . . . seeking n o t the glory o f the world, but living humbly and patiently. 98

I n the decrees, then, the o r d i n a r y Brother or Sister m i g h t find for his o r her use a detailed code o f social behaviour. There were specific regulations f o r members o f each section o f the social hierarchy f r o m noble and ruler t o serf peasant. There were regulations, t o o , to instruct members how they should react to the various demands society m i g h t m a k e o n t h e m . However, the C a t h o l i c h i s t o r i a n , Gindely, was n o t far f r o m the t r u t h when he w r o t e o f these decrees that i n regard t o their social teaching: 'Sie sagen a m Ende gar nichts, was n i c h t schon längst die K i r c h e i h r e n Gläubigen gesagt h a t t e . '

69

The new U n i t y no Ionger rejected the state power w i t h its concomitants o f lawcourts a n d oaths, punishments a n d w a r s ; i t n o longer regarded the social order, w i t h its class distinctions a n d division i n t o r i c h a n d p o o r , as i n c o m p a t i b l e w i t h the C h r i s t i a n f a i t h ; i t no longer viewed the u r b a n way o f life, trade a n d commerce and b o o k learning, w i t h as deep a suspicion as before.

Chelcicky's vaguely c o m m u n i s t i c dream o f a classless, n o n -

violent federation o f peasant communities had given place t o a qualified acceptance o f the existing structure o f society, w i t h the emphasis o n the virtues o f honest dealing a n d t h r i f t i n business relations, integrity a n d justice i n p u b l i c service, respect f o r the established a u t h o r i t y , a charitable spirit towards the p o o r a n d the u n f o r t u n a t e , and simple piety i n private life. *'

7 0

T h e century a n d a quarter w h i c h remained before the U n i t y ' s

W i n t e r , Zivot

obnoveni,

fols.

cirkevni

122v,

v Cechäch, p p . 4 7 6 - 7 9 ; G o l l - K r o f t a ,

v i l l a g e for t h e L i t o m y S l c o n g r e g a t i o n church.*

cit.

I n his

O

o n the g r o u n d s

that t h i s w o u l d

' c o r r u p t the

G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p. 191, q u o t i n g t h i s passage, d a t e s the r e f u s a l to the

p e r i o d before the s c h i s m , w h e n J a n K o s t k a w a s l o r d o f L i t o m y J l . "

loc.

123, LukäS m e n t i o n s the refusal b y the U n i t y o f a n offer o f a

'

' O o b n o v e n i , * f o l . 123v.

"

G i n d e l y , Geschichte

"

C f . T r o e l t s c h ' s p e n e t r a t i n g r e m a r k s a b o u t the t w o m a i n d i v i s i o n s i n C h r i s t i a n

der Böhmischen Brüder, I , p. 8 5 .

s o c i a l t h i n k i n g i n a n c i e n t a n d m e d i e v a l t i m e s : ' C h r i s t i a n i t y s e e m s to influence s o c i a l life i n t w o w a y s : E i t h e r , o n the o n e h a n d , it d e v e l o p s a n i d e a l i s t i c a n a r c h i s m a n d t h e c o m m u n i s m o f l o v e , w h i c h c o m b i n e s r a d i c a l indifference o r h o s t i l i t y t o w a r d s the rest o f

240

THE NEW

UNITY

suppression after the Battle o f the W h i t e M o u n t a i n was t o see the almost complete integration o f its social ethos w i t h that o f the rest o f the community.

the s o c i a l o r d e r w i t h the effort t o a c t u a l i z e t h i s i d e a l o f l o v e i n a s m a l l g r o u p ; o r , o n t h e o t h e r h a n d , it d e v e l o p s a l o n g s o c i a l - c o n s e r v a t i v e l i n e s i n t o a n a t t i t u d e o f s u b m i s s i o n t o G o d a n d H i s W i l l , s o far a s the w o r l d is c o n c e r n e d , c o m b i n e d w i t h a s t r o n g i n d e p e n d e n c e o f a n o r g a n i z e d c o m m u n i t y w h i c h m a n a g e s its o w n affairs, w h i c h , a s its r a n g e o f influence i n c r e a s e s , finds t h a t i t c a n n o t i g n o r e s e c u l a r i n s t i t u t i o n s , but that i t m u s t d o its u t m o s t to u t i l i z e t h e m for its o w n p u r p o s e s .

T h e first i d e a l is the s o u r c e o f e v e r -

r e n e w e d r a d i c a l s o c i a l p l a n s for s m a l l e r o r l a r g e r g r o u p s o f p e o p l e , w h i l e the s e c o n d i d e a l p r o d u c e s the c o n s e r v a t i v e p r i n c i p l e s o f p a t i e n c e a n d suffering w i t h i n the w o r l d , w h o s e o r d i n a n c e s a r e p e r m i t t e d b y G o d , w h o s e possibilities C h r i s t i a n s u s e for t h e i r o w n e n d s , a n d w h o s e c o n t i n u a n c e t h e y e n d u r e , b e c a u s e i n w a r d l y t h e y a r e unaffected b y them.' -

The Social

Teaching

of the Christian

Churches,

I , p. 8 2 . T h e s c h i s m i n t h e

U n i t y o f B r e t h r e n w a s i n fact a n e x a m p l e o f a t r a n s i t i o n t a k i n g p l a c e w i t h i n a C h r i s t i a n c o m m u n i t y f r o m the first w a y o f t h o u g h t to the s e c o n d .

VIII

THE DECLINE OF THE OLD

DOCTRINES

W i t h its establishment at the beginning o f the new century o f a separate priestly order the M i n o r Party had b r o k e n once and f o r a l l w i t h the victorious m a j o r i t y i n the U n i t y . I t continued t o exist i n obscurity f o r almost another h a l f century, b u t i t ceased to have any influence o n the further e v o l u t i o n o f the U n i t y o r t o play a significant role i n the religious life o f Bohemia and M o r a v i a . W i t h the final disappearance o f the M i n o r Party i n the m i d d l e o f the sixteenth century, the social radicalism w h i c h the U n i t y h a d represented f o r almost h a l f a century disappeared f r o m the p o l i t i c a l t h i n k i n g o f the Czech people.

too

A few comparatively

u n i m p o r t a n t remnants o f this earlier radicalism, however, lingered o n i n the theory and practice o f the reformed U n i t y r i g h t u p t o its final suppression i n the years immediately f o l l o w i n g the n a t i o n a l disaster o f the W h i t e M o u n t a i n . Thereafter, u n t i l the reawakening o f n a t i o n a l consciousness d u r i n g the nineteenth century, the earlier p o l i t i c a l a n d social doctrines o f the U n i t y o f Czech Brethren, as w e l l as the teachings o f their spiritual founder, Petr Chelcicky, were relegated t o almost

complete

oblivion.

I

W i t h Jakub's r e t u r n to the U n i t y as a result o f his unwillingness to see the schism b r o u g h t t o c o m p l e t i o n by a f o r m a l separation f r o m the m a i n b o d y , the leadership o f the M i n o r Party f r o m 1500 onwards passed to the m o r e resolute A m o s , whose followers o n t h a t account were usually d u b b e d 'Amosites' by their opponents. 1

1

Very l i t t l e is k n o w n , however, o f the

T h e M a j o r P a r t y , r e g a r d i n g the s c h i s m a s d u e s o l e l y t o the o b s t i n a c y a n d p e r s o n a l

a m b i t i o n s o f t h e i r r i v a l s , a l s o f r e q u e n t l y referred to the M i n o r P a r t y a s 'the s c h i s m a t i c s (odtrienci).'

F o r a r e a s o n e d defence o f s u c h a n o m e n c l a t u r e , see K r a s o n i c k y , ' P s a n i

p r o t i K a l e n c o w i o p u o w o d u o d t r i e n c u w , ' fols. 3 5 6 , 356v.

242

THE D E C L I N E O F THE O L D DOCTRINES

history o f the M i n o r Party d u r i n g this p e r i o d , w h i c h lasted u n t i l A m o s ' s death a b o u t 1522.

2

A m o s ' s decision to separate was p r o b a b l y precipitated by the election i n 1500 o f f o u r new bishops o f the U n i t y , a l l decided opponents o f the o l d doctrines, to take the place o f Matej w h o h a d died at the beginning o f that year. N o n e o f the U n i t y priests had j o i n e d the M i n o r P a r t y ; and i t is n o t k n o w n i n w h a t manner A m o s and several more o f his followers received their o r d i n a t i o n . Likewise, the sources give n o i n d i c a t i o n o f the numerical 3

strength o f the M i n o r Party at any stage o f its existence. I t evidently had sympathizers scattered t h r o u g h o u t Bohemia a n d M o r a v i a ; b u t apart f r o m Prague i t was o n l y i n south Bohemia, i n the c o u n t r y a r o u n d Prachen and K l a t o v where religious radicalism h a d always been influential, the home c o u n t r y o f A m o s and J a k u b , t h a t the M i n o r Party seems t o have been strongly represented.

A t first quite a n u m b e r o f e n q u i r i n g spirits

b o t h w i t h i n a n d outside the U n i t y m a y have been attracted towards the rebels by their u n c o m p r o m i s i n g sincerity, as w e l l as by their l o y a l t y t o the t r a d i t i o n a l principles o f the U n i t y .

4

B u t , as the lack o f i n f o r m a t i o n i n the

sources concerning any widespread activity o n the p a r t o f the M i n o r Party w o u l d seem t o indicate, its numbers, never large, must have decreased over the t w o f o l l o w i n g decades, u n t i l by the t i m e o f A m o s ' s death the t i n y sect showed l i t t l e signs o f life. I t s temporary resuscitation b y Jan Kalenec d u r i n g the m i d 1520's resulted f r o m the efforts o f one w h o was, indeed, new to the body. T h e character o f the M i n o r Party as a proletarian movement, as one o f the last expressions i n the Czech lands o f the expiring t r a d i t i o n o f social radicalism, is well b r o u g h t o u t by K r a s o n i c k y when he writes t h a t i t was the a i m o f its leaders to 'inveigle the c o m m o n people i n t o i t i n order to be ministers and teachers over t h e m . '

5

W i t h the exception o f a certain

Izaias u pana Jastrebskeho, 'a good L a t i n scholar,'

6

n o member o f the

M i n o r Party appears t o have possessed m u c h education. This, indeed, comes o u t clearly i n those o f their polemical tracts w h i c h they composed w i t h o u t outside help. *

M u l l e r - B a r t o S , Dijlny

*

LukaS, ' O obnoveni,'

G o l l - K r o f t a , Chelckky v Ceskoslovensku,

Jednoty

bratrske,

I , pp. 173,270.

fols. 100, lOOv; Odpis

a Jednota

v XV.

stoleti,

proti

odtriencom,

fol. 4 9 ( q u o t e d i n

p p . 2 0 5 , 2 1 7 ) . H r e j s a , Dejiny

krest'anstvi

I V , p. 150, suggests that o r d i n a t i o n m a y h a v e b e e n o b t a i n e d either

f r o m P a v e l , the f o r m e r priest o f the Mikuldienti, elected b y the M a j o r P a r t y i n 1500 w e r e :

o r from C v i l d a . T h e four new bishops T u m a Pfelouisky,

Ambroi

Skutecsky,

EliaS Chfenovick^, and LukaS. *

O d l o z i l i k , ' J e d n o t a b r a t f i H a b r o v a n s k y c h , ' C. C. H.,

5

K r a s o n i c k y , op. tit., fol. 356v.

*

U r b a n e k , Jednota

bratrskd

a vyifi

vzdll&ni,

p. 23.

1923, X X I X , p. 12.

243

T H E D E C L I N E OF T H E OLD DOCTRINES

A t first the dissidents caused the U n i t y considerable trouble. A c c o r d i n g t o L u k a s and K r a s o n i c k y , i n 1503 the leaders o f the M i n o r Party wrote a private m e m o r a n d u m t o K i n g Vladislav, accusing their opponents o f the M a j o r Party o f treasonable designs against the c r o w n , a n d o f h a v i n g changed their doctrine concerning 'the exercise o f the c i v i l power w i t h a l l its laws and punishments' expressly f o r this purpose. O n hearing o f this the k i n g was said t o have burst o u t a n g r i l y : 'So n o w they wish t o act l i k e Tilka

(zizkovati);

we w i l l l o o k to i t t h a t t h a t does n o t come to pass.' T h e n ,

says K r a s o n i c k y w h o gives most detail i n his account o f the incident, the k i n g 'ordered a l l Brethren o n his lands and o n lands mortgaged to such nobles as [ K r i s t o f o f ]

Svamberk

t o be b u r n t ; a n d t o the towns o f his

k i n g d o m he w r o t e t o order them t o unseat [the Brethren] f r o m office a n d expel t h e m , a n d likewise he wrote t o t h e Prague masters a n d t o t h e A d m i n i s t r a t o r t o tell a l l their priests h o w [the Brethren] should be dealt w i t h . ' A s a result o f the renewed persecution, i n N o v e m b e r six B r e t h r e n were b u r n t by the L o r d o f

Svamberk

i n his t o w n o f B o r (near Plzen).

7

T h e U n i t y , however, stoutly denied the least t a i n t o f d i s l o y a l t y ; a n d 8

the Oratio excusatoria w h i c h i t sent t o the k i n g i n the same year, t h o u g h i t d i d n o t deal specifically w i t h the question o f c i v i l a u t h o r i t y , was u n doubtedly i n p a r t intended t o refute any such suggestions.

9

O n the other h a n d , the account given b y the M a j o r Party, i n face o f the lack o f evidence f r o m any other source, cannot be accepted w i t h o u t reservation. I t is p r o b a b l y true t h a t the M i n o r Party presented some k i n d o f document t o the k i n g , i n w h i c h perhaps they p o i n t e d o u t the evils arising, i n their o p i n i o n , f r o m their opponents' abandonment o f t h e i r previous negative a t t i t u d e t o c i v i l a u t h o r i t y . This i n f o r m a t i o n may have served t o inflame the anger o f the k i n g against the hated 'Picards.' B u t that i t was a case o f conscious delation t o the authorities, o r the sole o r even the m a i n cause o f the renewal o f persecution against the U n i t y , is n o t proven. A year later a second incident occurred w h i c h , t h o u g h w i t h o u t i m m e diately dangerous consequences, showed that, even i n the minds o f the 7

L u k a S , Spis

o mocy

swita,

f o l . 5 7 v ; ' O d p o w S d n a s p i s K a l e n c u o , * fols. 4 , 1 5 ;

K r a s o n i c k y , op. cit., fols. 359v, 3 6 0 . C f . M u l l e r - B a r t o S , op. cit., p p . 2 0 5 , 2 0 7 , 2 0 8 ; G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p p . 2 1 5 , 2 1 6 . 8

Cf. Macek,

Husitski

revoluini

hnuti,

p. 175, w h o , i n alluding

to this incident,

m i s i n t e r p r e t s t h e attitude o f the t w o parties i n the U n i t y t o the n o b i l i t y . '

L u k a S i n h i s Spis

o mocy

swita,

loc. cit., w r i t e s : ' T h e B r e t h r e n , h a v i n g a s c e r t a i n e d

t h a t i t w a s f r o m the m e m o r i a l fpf the M i n o r P a r t y ] t h a t t h e i r t r o u b l e s arose, d r e w u p a s t a t e m e n t (podet

vydavajice)

c o n c e r n i n g the c i v i l p o w e r a s to w h a t they h o l d a n d t h i n k

o n t h e basis o f the h o l y s c r i p t u r e s . ' I t i s n o t c l e a r e x a c t l y t o w h a t d o c u m e n t L u k a S i s referring here. C f . M u l l e r - B a r t o S , op. cit., p. 2 1 1 .

244

T H E D E C L I N E OF THE OLD DOCTRINES

well-informed, the tenets o f the t w o r i v a l sections o f the U n i t y , a n d the nature o f the schism w h i c h had taken place, were n o t clearly comprehended. Jan Bechynka, a famous U t r a q u i s t preacher a n d an ardent defender o f his d e n o m i n a t i o n against b o t h Catholics and Brethren, sent a copy o f the Report o n the conference o f Chlumec (1496) composed by the M i n o r Party t o the L a d y Krescencia Z m r z l i k o v a , a member o f the M a j o r Party i n the U n i t y a n d one o f its most powerful patrons, i n order to convince her o f the wickedness a n d errors o f her sect. H e describes the R e p o r t as 'their treatise w r i t t e n by their o w n h a n d against themselves,' a n d ' i n reading i t [he tells the L a d y Krescencia] y o u w i l l be able t o discover what sort o f people they are a n d w h a t they are a i m i n g a t . '

1 0

A n g r y at the use

made by an outsider o f the charges b r o u g h t against the M a j o r Party by their opponents d u r i n g the recent controversy, the L a d y

Krescencia

herself sent a detailed reply to Bechynka. H e r answer, however, is n o t free f r o m the p r o b a b l y w i l f u l confusion w h i c h m a r k e d the priest's o r i g i n a l letter. She first denied altogether the existence o f any schism o r even o f any division o f o p i n i o n w i t h i n the U n i t y ; a n d then went o n to give r o u g h l y the same version o f recent events as can be f o u n d i n the other w r i t i n g s o f the M a j o r P a r t y .

11

A f t e r these t w o isolated incidents at the very beginning o f the century the M i n o r Party v i r t u a l l y disappears f r o m view, u n t i l i n the early twenties Kalenec's activities gave i t a new, i f brief, lease o f life. D u r i n g the intervening p e r i o d writers such as Lukas devote little attention to the M i n o r P a r t y o r a refutation o f its doctrines: a sure sign that i t was n o longer considered a menace t o the security o f the U n i t y or the maintenance a m o n g its members o f a positive attitude to the state a n d the demands o f contemporary society; a n d a clear i n d i c a t i o n also t h a t after a few years the M i n o r Party must have fallen i n t o a state o f semi-inactivity. A f t e r Amos's death the leadership passed to Kalenec, w i t h whose name the revival o f the M i n o r Party is associated, t h o u g h once again the a m o u n t o f i n f o r m a t i o n w h i c h has survived is scanty. Kalenec, a Prague cutler, h a d been b o r n a member o f the U t r a q u i s t c h u r c h a n d at first was a f o l l o w er o f the p r o m i n e n t neo-Utraquist preacher, Jan Poduska, rector o f the famous T y n C h r u c h i n Prague a n d a great admirer o f L u t h e r . A t some unspecified date he came i n t o contact w i t h the U n i t y , visiting their c o n gregations at Brandys a n d Boleslav, where he talked w i t h B r o t h e r L u k a s . B u t his independent spirit was unable to find spiritual satisfaction amongst 1 0

' P s a n i j a k e h o s knfeze J a n a A p p o l i n a r s k d h o , ' Casopis

6 1 , 6 8 . F o r B e c h y n k a , see J i r e c e k , Rukovit 1 1

k dijindm

A k t a J e d n o t y B r a t r s k i , I V ( O p i s ) , fol. 3 5 1 .

historicky,

literatury

1882, n o . 2,

ceske,

pp.

I , pp. 54, 55.

245

T H E D E C L I N E OF T H E OLD DOCTRINES

the Brethren - o r possibly a sufficiently p r o m i s i n g field for his desire f o r leadership. (Lukas, indeed, afterwards rejoiced ' t h a t such a one k e p t clear o f us and the U n i t y . ' ) . Kalenec then returned to Prague where he 1 2

f o u n d a ready welcome there a m o n g the t i n y g r o u p w h i c h had remained f a i t h f u l t o the M i n o r Party.

The leader o f the sect, the aged A m o s ,

bestowed priestly orders o n h i m ,

1 3

a n d shortly before his death, a b o u t

1522, appointed h i m his successor. I n 1524 the Prague g r o u p appears t o have been quite active as a result o f the new impetus given i t by Kalenec.

The meetings w h i c h i t held na

Oujezde, and the fact that the number o f its adherents was increasing, n o w came to the a t t e n t i o n o f the authorities, w h o t o o k p r o m p t action against the g r o u p . I n December Kalenec was arrested, branded o n the face a n d , after being p u b l i c l y w h i p p e d , expelled f r o m the c a p i t a l . Thereafter

he

settled at Letovice i n M o r a v i a , where he established a small congregation made u p o f his former disciples a n d those newly converted. I n the years 1526-27, as a result o f a short-lived conservative U t r a q u i s t reaction under Havel Cahera, the Prague g r o u p appears t o have been finally suppressed: three o f Kalenec's followers, t w o w o m e n and a m a n , were condemned t o be b u r n t f o r heretical views concerning the L o r d ' s Supper, and others suffered lengthy i m p r i s o n m e n t .

14

T h e revival o f the activities o f the M i n o r Party b r o u g h t w i t h i t a renewal o f the controversy w i t h the U n i t y o n the c i v i l power a n d o n oaths, w h i c h had been carried o n w i t h so m u c h bitterness d u r i n g the 1490's. M a n y o f the leading protagonists o n each side were dead. B u t L u k a s , n o w an o l d m a n , was still there to c h a m p i o n the v i e w p o i n t w h i c h h a d prevailed a m o n g the B r e t h r e n ; a n d he was assisted as before i n this task by his contemporary K r a s o n i c k y , w h o composed tract against Kalenec.

d u r i n g this p e r i o d a short

O f the leaders o f the M i n o r Party all were either

dead o r no longer active; so that Kalenec, a m a n w h o - as K r a s o n i c k y expressed i t - had n o personal knowledge o f 'the o r i g i n o f these schismatics,'

15

was left to defend

the m i n o r i t y p o s i t i o n alone.

Personal

antagonism, as well as fierce ideological differences, c o m b i n e d w i t h the lack o f restraint usual i n most contemporary polemical literature t o give "

' O d p o w f i d n a spis K a l e n c u o , ' fol. Iv, 2 v .

"

T h e o t h e r three priests o f the M i n o r P a r t y w e r e : A m o s himself, C v i l d a w h o

figures

i n the c o n t r o v e r s i e s o f the 1 4 9 0 ' s , a n d M i k u l a s V f e t a n a f w h o w a s b u r n t i n P r a g u e i n 1526. 1 4

' K r o n i k a p r a z s k a B a r t o S e P i s a f e , ' p p . 2 0 8 - 1 9 ; ' P a m S t i o b o u f i p r a z s k d r o k u 1524,'

p p . 3 3 9 - 4 2 i n Forties rerum bohemicarum, H r e j s a , op. cit., I V , p p . 2 9 7 - 3 0 0 ; V , p. 7. 1 5

K r a s o n i c k y , he.

cit.

V I . C f . M u l l e r - B a r t o S , op. cit., p p . 2 7 0 , 2 7 1 ;

246

T H E D E C L I N E OF T H E O L D DOCTRINES

the controversy the same bitter a n d angry tone i n w h i c h the earlier debate had been conducted. Since the early years o f the century Lukas h a d w r i t t e n l i t t l e o n the subject o f p o l i t i c a l and social theory. I n 1512 he had composed a treatise against the Amosites entitled Psani proti tern, ktefiz samymi pismy bez zprdvcuo neb knezl zpravovati se chteji, w h i c h he had circulated i n m a n u script. N o w fearing perhaps t h a t the increased a c t i v i t y o f the M i n o r Party m i g h t undermine the allegiance o f some o f the Brethren or serve t o discredit the U n i t y i n the eyes o f the outside w o r l d , L u k a s set a b o u t the revision o f t w o earlier treatises o n the subject o f c i v i l power a n d oaths, neither o f t h e m any longer extant: 0 pfisaze a stavfch, fadich a potfebdch rozlicnych, d a t i n g r i g h t back t o a b o u t 1493, and, secondly, his Psani bratrske o zfizenetn spaseni i o moci sve'tske' tez i o pfisaze i o poSivdni jeji, o r i g i n a l l y w r i t t e n i n 1500 and extended and revised i n 1513. These labours resulted i n a comprehensive w o r k , w h i c h he completed b y July 1522 a n d had published at the U n i t y press i n M l a d a Boleslav i n February 1523 under the title Spis o mocy svita.

T h e b o o k gives a reasoned apology f o r

the U n i t y ' s change o f o p i n i o n a n d its new attitude t o the state a n d its demands; a n d i n the preface Lukas directs his attack specifically against the Amosites, i n particular against their new leader, K a l e n e c .

His

16

object, he writes, was t o show ' t h a t we have n o t p e r m i t t e d a n y t h i n g t o enter i n t o o u r m i d s t , w h i c h is against the L a w o f L o v e o r the teachings o f Christ, a n d t h a t we have no i n t e n t i o n o f d o i n g so,' t o show, too, ' w h a t is allowed b y the L a w o f Love and h o w far, and what is n o t p e r m i s s i b l e . ' ' 1

Kalenec then answered Lukas w i t h w h a t the latter calls, i n the w o r d s o f the title o f the w o r k w h i c h he i n his t u r n composed i n reply to Kalenec, 'a treatise w h i c h he has scurrilously and i n a very unchristian manner, w i t h o u t any fear o f G o d , filled w i t h his unrighteous notions. I n i t [Luka§ goes on] he brazenly condemns all and sundry t o d a m n a t i o n , especially the Brethren, and Lukas i n p a r t i c u l a r . '

18

B u t neither this treatise n o r t w o

others, w h i c h L u k a s says Kalenec composed o n the same subject,

19

are

n o w extant, t h o u g h extracts are sometimes quoted by L u k a s i n his w o r k s . Lukas, indeed, replied to Kalenec i n t w o stages. First, a shorter w o r k was published at the U n i t y ' s press at LitomySl i n July 1523 under Lukas's o w n n a m e ; by the end o f the year, however, he had completed a fuller rejoinder, w h i c h he issued at M l a d a Boleslav i n January 1524 under the 1 8

" 1 8

"

M i i U e r - B a r t o S , op. cit., p p . 2 7 5 - 7 7 , 3 4 0 . Spis

o mocy

swlta,

fol. 14v. C f . Odpis,

fol. 65v.

' O d p o w S d n a s p i s K a l e n c u o , ' fols. 1, l v . Ibid.,

fol. 13v.

247

T H E D E C L I N E OF T H E OLD DOCTRINES

title Odpis proti odtrzencom.

This tract is divided into three sections. T h e

first part consists of a detailed refutation of the arguments recently put forward by Kalenec; in the second, L u k a s goes on to give his own version of the events which led up to the schism, taking as a basis for his account the treatise he composed against the Amosites in 1521; and he ends with a section in which he prints a number of decrees (zprdvy) on political and social issues taken from his own writings and the official declarations of the Unity. Before they came to any judgement as to the rights and wrongs of the case, L u k a s appealed to those who were acquainted only with Kalenec's version to read carefully first both his original treatise on the civil power and oaths as well as his present reply to K a l e n e c .

20

Kalenec's expulsion from Prague in the following December seems to have temporarily brought the controversy to an end. Nearly three years later, however, shortly before his death, L u k a s delivered a last broadside against the Minor Party in his treatise on the origins of the Unity, composed sometime in 1527. It is i n the form of an answer to an earlier work attributed by L u k a s to Amos, which was probably written about 1496 and circulated in manuscript by Kalenec after the latter's death. It appears to have reached LukaS's knowledge only several years later.

Amos's

thesis was, briefly, 'that the most certain beginning of our gathering together was at K r o m e r i i with the priest

Stepan';

21

in other words, the

birthplace of the Unity was in fact the south Bohemian province where the Minor Party was strongest, since it was here that the followers of StSpan finally settled and here that they came into contact with Brother Rehof in 1458-59.

22

T h e first section of L u k a s ' s answer was devoted to a detailed refutation of the Minor Party's arguments and a bitter personal attack on Amos himself.

23

Lukas" writes of Amos's tract:

T h e schismatics puff themselves up by deriving themselves from [the Klatov Brethren] and by claiming that their lineage . . . is ancient. I n this way the writer of the tract tries to show that another body of Brethren, more sure in their origin, existed before Brother Rehof . . . [and that] "

Odpis,

"

A . J . B . , I V , fols. 1 0 6 - 1 0 9 V .

"

F o r the w a n d e r i n g s o f the f o l l o w e r s o f S t S p a n a n d t h e i r s e t t l e m e n t i n K l a t o v , see

fol. 4 v .

C h a p . I I , p. 7 6 . L u k a S ' s v e r d i c t ( A . J . B . , I V , fol. 111) t h a t A m o s ' s t r a c t d o e s n o t c o r r e s p o n d i n the m a i n w i t h h i s t o r i c a l t r u t h is m o d i f i e d b y G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p. 5 8 , w h o c o n s i d e r s t h i s unjustified.

A m o s ' s m a i n error, according to G o l l , was merely to

o v e r e m p h a s i z e the i m p o r t a n c e o f the K l a t o v B r e t h r e n ' s c o n t r i b u t i o n t o the tradition. "

A . J . B . , I V , fols. 1 1 0 - 1 1 3 .

Unity

248

T H E D E C L I N E OF T H E OLD DOCTRINES

o n l y some time later Brother R e h o f j o i n e d t h e m i n K l a t o v a n d u n i t e d with them. 24

L u k a s then went o n t o give his o w n version o f the f o u n d a t i o n o f the U n i t y t o prove t h a t the true succession rested w i t h the m a i n body o f B r e t h r e n .

25

This second p e r i o d o f controversy between the t w o parties concerning their p o l i t i c a l a n d social doctrines b r o u g h t l i t t l e to the debate that was original.

F o r this reason the theoretical content o f its literature has

already been dealt w i t h i n a previous chapter i n c o m b i n a t i o n w i t h a discussion o f the earlier polemical literature, the arguments o f w h i c h i t serves to elucidate and amplify. Neither side was n o w productive o f new ideas.

26

Lukas still preserved his o u t w a r d l y conciliatory attitude, m a i n t a i n i n g that, t h r o u g h o u t , his p a r t y ' h a d behaved i n a fatherly fashion t o w a r d s ' their opponents, w h o m they were even w i l l i n g t o tolerate w i t h i n the U n i t y provided they ceased their campaign o f abuse.

27

B u t they h a d

again revived all their o l d slanders, says L u k a s i n 1521. 'Therefore he was w r i t i n g to w a r n the faithful, so that they m i g h t recognize that these people are o f the same spirit as their fathers, f r o m w h o m these lies c a m e . '

28

O n the other h a n d Kalenec, on w h o m A m o s ' s mantle h a d n o w fallen, denied, according t o Lukas, that anyone w h o disagreed w i t h h i m o n the subject o f the c i v i l power o r oaths c o u l d attain s a l v a t i o n .

29

L u k a s , too,

accused Kalenec o f inconsistency b o t h for f o l l o w i n g Chelcicky i n his view that c i v i l power was permissible a m o n g pagans — Christ's p r o h i b i t i o n

»«

Ibid.,

" "

fol. 110. fols. 1 1 3 v - 1 2 2 v .

C f . K r a s o n i c k y ' s v e r d i c t i n h i s ' P s a n i p r o t i K a l e n c o w i , ' fol. 357, a s to the l a c k o f

o r i g i n a l i t y i n the a r g u m e n t s u s e d b y K a l e n e c . T h e s a m e , h o w e v e r , m i g h t a l s o b e s a i d a b o u t t h o s e o f the M a j o r P a r t y . I t i s , i n d e e d , difficult to d o full j u s t i c e to K a l e n e c , s i n c e s o few f r a g m e n t s o f h i s w r i t i n g s h a v e c o m e d o w n i n c o m p a r i s o n w i t h the c o p i o u s w o r k s i

o f h i s l e a d i n g a n t a g o n i s t s , L u k a s a n d K r a s o n i c k ^ , to w h o m , m o r e o v e r , w e are i n d e b t e d i n their c i t a t i o n s f r o m the t r a c t s o f their a d v e r s a r y for w h a t little o f K a l e n e c ' s w r i t i n g s h a s survived from this period. 2 7

I t is interesting to note t h a t o v e r 2 5 0 y e a r s l a t e r , d u r i n g t h e A m e r i c a n W a r

Independence

(1775-1783), somewhat

of

s i m i l a r a r g u m e n t s w e r e u s e d b y the s o - c a l l e d

' F r e e Q u a k e r s , ' a s m a l l s e c t i o n o f the S o c i e t y o f F r i e n d s w h o d e m a n d e d

tolerance

for

t h o s e a c c e p t i n g the right o f self-defence a n d the d u t y o f m i l i t a r y service i n defensive wars.

B u t i n t h i s c a s e the o v e r w h e l m i n g m a j o r i t y o f m e m b e r s h e l d t o the o l d

viewpoint;

a n d it w a s its o p p o n e n t s

who

a t t e m p t i n g to discredit their a d v e r s a r i e s

w e r e forced

to leave the S o c i e t y .

rigorist After

w i t h a c c u s a t i o n s o f d i s l o y a l t y t o the state

the ' F r e e Q u a k e r s , ' l i k e the m u c h e a r l i e r M i n o r P a r t y , w e r e to d i s a p p e a r w i t h i n h a l f a c e n t u r y . See M a r g a r e t E . H i r s t , The Quakers

in Peace

and War ( L o n d o n , 1923), p p .

411-13. 2 8

"

A . J . B . , I V . , fol. 1 5 1 ; Odpis, ' O d p o w e d , * fol. 14.

fol. 3 v ; ' O d p o w e d n a s p i s K a l e n c u o , ' fols. 2 , 1 0 , l O v .

249

T H E D E C L I N E OF T H E OLD DOCTRINES

being interpreted as extending o n l y to his o w n followers, w h o m i g h t continue t o live under the protection o f pagan rulers so l o n g as they themselves d i d n o t collaborate actively w i t h the s t a t e — a n d for a l l o w i n g the t a k i n g o f oaths i n spiritual matters unconnected w i t h the machinery o f state and a d m i n i s t r a t i o n .

30

B u t at this date i t was n o t so m u c h the opinions t h a t Kalenec p u t forw a r d , w h i c h p r o m p t e d Lukâs t o reply w i t h so m u c h v i g o u r and at such length. A l t h o u g h the latter w i t h considerable exaggeration alleged that the views o f the M i n o r Party, a n d the disturbances w h i c h ensued u p o n their p r o p a g a t i o n , were such 'as were never before heard o f i n Christendom,'

i t was rather the use t h a t m i g h t be made o f Kalenec's attacks by

3 1

the enemies o f the U n i t y , eager t o seize every o p p o r t u n i t y t o discredit i t i n the eyes o f the authorities, p u b l i c o p i n i o n and its o w n members, that p r o v i d e d the chief motive f o r h i m to take u p his pen once again i n defence o f the U n i t y ' s new p o s i t i o n . ' C e r t a i n p r o m i n e n t persons [he writes], b o t h lay and clerical, enemies o f the Brethren, have praised [Kalenec's tract] and made use o f i t against the Brethren, even w i s h i n g t o get i t p r i n t e d . '

32

A s far as is k n o w n , however, n o w o r k by a member o f the M i n o r Party ever actually appeared i n p r i n t . A f t e r Kalenec's expulsion f r o m Prague at the end o f 1524 w h e n he settled i n M o r a v i a , a n d the suppression o f the t i n y group i n the capital i n 1526-27, the M i n o r Party was apparently confined solely t o the remnant w h i c h gathered r o u n d their leader i n Letovice. B u t they and their attacks o n the 'learned' persons w h o m they considered had c o r r u p t e d the U n i t y were still considered i m p o r t a n t enough f o r K r a s o n i c k y a b o u t 1530 t o compose a special treatise, w h i c h goes by the name O ucenych, i n order t o prove that such 'learned' men had played a p r o m i n e n t p a r t i n the U n i t y f r o m the b e g i n n i n g .

33

The Letovice g r o u p , however, gave few signs o f life u n t i l the early forties. I n 1542 Kalenec issued an open letter, Proti "

>

Odpis,

wsem, w r i t t e n i n

fols. 5 , 1 8 , 4 1 v . LukâS, ibid., fol. 2 1 v , a l s o c o u n t e r s K a l e n e c ' s a t t e m p t t o find

s u p p o r t i n L u t h e r ' s w r i t i n g s for h i s o w n v i e w s a s to the i m p e r m i s s i b i l i t y o f C h r i s t i a n participation in warfare.

K a l e n e c , writes L u k a S , h a d obviously never read

Luther

p r o p e r l y o n t h i s subject. I f h e h a d , h e w o u l d p r o b a b l y ' i n v e i g h m o r e e v e n a g a i n s t h i m t h a n a g a i n s t m e , ' p u t t i n g L u t h e r i n the s a m e

category

as 'hangmen,

murderers,

b a s t a r d s , false p r o p h e t s , etc., a n d d e p r i v i n g h i m o f e v e r y v i r t u e a s w e l l a s o f s a l v a t i o n . ' T h e reference t o K a l e n e c ' s qualified a p p r o v a l o f c e r t a i n k i n d s o f o a t h s is n o t at a l l c l e a r , s i n c e e l s e w h e r e h i s rejection o f o a t h s a p p e a r s to be a b s o l u t e . "•

Spis

M

' O d p o w e d , ' f o l . 2.

o mocy

"

K r a s o n i c k y , ' O u c e n y c h , ' f o l . 2 , 2 v ; G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p. 5 8 ; K r o f t a , O

dejepisectvi,

swita,

p. 2 8 .

fol. 56v. bratrskem

250

T H E D E C L I N E OF THE OLD DOCTRINES

c o l l a b o r a t i o n w i t h Pavel o f Hofice, one o f his elders, defending the views o f the M i n o r Party a n d fiercely a t t a c k i n g a l l w h o disagreed; a n d i n the f o l l o w i n g year he composed a second letter, addressed this time t o the leading figure i n the U n i t y , Jan Augusta. Kalenec's attitude towards the c i v i l a u t h o r i t y , oaths a n d the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f the law, towards a l l methods o f punishment as well as a l l kinds o f warfare, remained u n changed. H e attacked, f o r instance, the Swiss reformer, Z w i n g l i , and his followers f o r resorting t o arms against the counsel o f St. Paul that 'the weapons o f o u r warfare are n o t carnal, b u t m i g h t y t h r o u g h G o d t o the p u l l i n g d o w n o f strongholds' [2 Cor. X , 4]. The

antitrinitarianism,

w h i c h f r o m the outset f o u n d expression i n such members o f the M i n o r Party as M a t o u s the Weaver, h a d become by the forties a d o m i n a n t m o t i f i n its d o c t r i n a l system, together w i t h the continued espousal o f the anarchist pacifist p o s i t i o n o f Chelöicky a n d the O l d Brethren. Sometime d u r i n g the first h a l f o f the 1540's, i n spite o f its extremely small membership, a split t o o k place w i t h i n the M i n o r Party as a result o f disputes concerning ' u n c h r i s t i a n professions and the use o f costly stuffs a n d ornaments.' Kalenec n o w called himself 'senior o f the Lesser Brethren o f the M i n o r Party.' T h e last m e n t i o n o f Kalenec o r either o f the branches o f the M i n o r Party occurs i n 1546; a n d Kalenec himself must have died soon after this d a t e .

34

Thereafter, the name o f the M i n o r

Party disappears f r o m history. I t h a d , indeed, been due largely t o the energy a n d remarkable powers o f leadership s h o w n b y Kalenec t h a t the life o f the e x p i r i n g sect had been prolonged f o r another quarter o f a century after A m o s ' s d e a t h .

35

Despite its small numbers and the fact that after the c o m p l e t i o n o f the schism the U n i t y itself apparently remained impervious t o a l l its rival's efforts t o w i n over at least some o f the B r e t h r e n t o its p o i n t o f view o n p o l i t i c a l and social matters, the M i n o r Party was n o t w i t h o u t influence i n this respect a m o n g several o f the radical m i n o r i t y groups, w h i c h appeared i n the Czech lands d u r i n g the first h a l f o f the sixteenth century. I n a rather ambiguous passage i n the preface t o his treatise o n the c i v i l power o f 1523 "

Müller, Geschichte

der Böhmischen Brüder, I I , p p . 1 0 0 - 0 2 ; H r e j s a , op. cit., V , p p .

9 7 , 9 8 ; Odlozüik, op. cit., p p . 14, 3 5 1 - 5 7 . "

A c c o r d i n g to O d l o i i l i k , op. cit., p. 3 5 6 , t h o u g h K a l e n e c d i d n o t receive a g o o d

e d u c a t i o n i n h i s y o u t h , h e w a s r e m a r k a b l y w e l l r e a d i n the t h e o l o g i c a l l i t e r a t u r e o f h i s time, a n d he was even acquainted with G r e e k . F o r another favourable estimate f r o m a m o d e r n h i s t o r i a n o f K a l e n e c ' s c h a r a c t e r a n d a c h i e v e m e n t s , see H r e j s a , op. cit., p . 9 8 . C f . K r a s o n i c k ^ , ' P s a n i proti K a l e n c o w i , ' fol. 357, w h o

describes K a l e n e c as

p o s s e s s e d w i t h ' o v e r - m u c h z e a l w i t h o u t u n d e r s t a n d i n g (Je pfiliS

horlivy

bez

one

umini).'

B u t K r a s o n i c k y , u n l i k e Lukää, w a s n o t a p p a r e n t l y a c q u a i n t e d w i t h K a l e n e c p e r s o n a l l y ; h e s h a r e d to the full, h o w e v e r , L u k a S ' s d i s l i k e a n d c o n t e m p t for t h i e r less e d u c a t e d

rival.

251

T H E D E C L I N E OF T H E O L D DOCTRINES

Lukâs speaks, indeed, o f 'this doctrine concerning the [civil] power a n d the o a t h , w h i c h we as well once held, a n d m a n y t o this day f r o m the Czech party [i.e. the U t r a q u i s t s ] , b o t h priests a n d laymen, still m a i n t a i n , deriving i t n o t f r o m the writings o f G o d ' s L a w according to the true conception intended by the H o l y Spirit, b u t f r o m Petr C h e l c i c k y . '

38

I t is n o t

clear f r o m the context t o w h o m exactly he is r e f e r r i n g : whether to specific individuals a m o n g the Utraquists, or t o a vague general sentiment b o t h w i t h i n this c h u r c h and outside as t o the unchristian character o f the state as an i n s t i t u t i o n .

37

There is, however, clear evidence concerning the contacts between the M i n o r Party d u r i n g the p e r i o d o f Kalenec's leadership a n d at least t w o other religious sects w i t h similar p o l i t i c a l and social tenets. I n the case o f the M o r a v i a n Anabaptists, o n the m a i n issues each side had already reached the same conclusions quite independently: there was, therefore, no question o f one accepting its views f r o m the other. B u t i n the second a n d m o r e i m p o r t a n t i n s t a n c e — t h e contacts o f the M i n o r Party w i t h the so-called H a b r o v a n y B r e t h r e n — t h e latter were definitely influenced i n f o r m u l a t i n g their social creed b y Kalenec's teachings. T h e M o r a v i a n Anabaptists were recruited f r o m the local

German

p o p u l a t i o n as w e l l as f r o m Swiss exiles, w h o a b o u t 1526 f o u n d a refuge f r o m persecution near M i k u l o v a o n the estates o f t w o noble brothers, the Barons v o n Liechtenstein. T h e

brothers h a d granted the Anabaptists

religious freedom i n their settlements. O w i n g t o the great power wielded t h r o u g h o u t the Czech lands by the n o b i l i t y , the Liechtensteins were able t o give the Anabaptists adequate p r o t e c t i o n against attempts at coercion, i n the same way as the noble patrons o f the U n i t y o f Czech Brethren were able to d o f o r their protégés; and i n r e t u r n they hoped t o benefit f r o m the economic a b i l i t y f o r w h i c h the settlers were already renowned. T h e newcomers b r o u g h t w i t h t h e m f r o m Switzerland a n u m b e r o f radical religious a n d social doctrines.

A m o n g these the chief were a d u l t baptism a n d

anarchist pacifist beliefs a k i n t o those o f Chelcicky, w h i c h they t o o m a y have i n p a r t derived f r o m the Waldenses.

"

Spis o mocy swêta, fol. 2 v ( q u o t e d i n H r e j s a , op. cit., I V , p. 2 9 8 ) .

"

C f . the r e m a r k s o f the y o u n g C a t h o l i c h u m a n i s t , B o h u s l a v HasiStejnskj? o f L o b k o -

v i c e , w r i t i n g i n 1489, c o n c e r n i n g the p r e v a l e n t U t r a q u i s t a t t i t u d e t o w a r d s the d e a t h p e n a l t y : ' I t is e x t r e m e l y r a r e for a c r i m i n a l to b e p u n i s h e d b y d e a t h i n t h i s t o w n [i.e. Prague].

F o r , at the instigation o f their priests, they have become i m b u e d with the

c o n v i c t i o n t h a t i t is w r o n g a n d c o n t r a r y t o G o d ' s l a w t o k i l l a m a n , b e h e the greatest c r i m i n a l . ' - H r e j s a , op. cit., I V , p. 87. B u t these s c r u p l e s i n r e g a r d to t h e d e a t h p e n a l t y , w h i c h w e r e e a r l i e r e n t e r t a i n e d e v e n b y the T a b o r i t e s , w e r e n o t o f c o u r s e e q u i v a l e n t t o a g e n e r a l o b j e c t i o n t o the c i v i l p o w e r o r to w a r f a r e , s u c h a s C h e l c i c k y h a d m a i n t a i n e d .

252

THE D E C L I N E OF THE OLD DOCTRINES

B u t soon dissension b r o k e o u t o n this very subject. The followers o f Balthasar H u b m a i e r , m a i n l y native converts f r o m L u t h e r a n i s m and called the Schwertler o n account o f their positive attitude to C h r i s t i a n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the state and warfare, were p i t t e d against the disciples o f Hans H u t a n d Jacob Wiedeman, mostly exiles f r o m Switzerland and the T y r o l a n d later k n o w n as the Stabler, the staff symbolizing their rejection o f the state and all forms o f violence.

H u b m a i e r a n d H u t soon disappeared

f r o m the scene b u t the division o f o p i n i o n r e m a i n e d ; and a t h i r d source o f dissension, an i n n o v a t i o n w h i c h soon came t o be associated w i t h the name o f Jacob H u t t e r , n o w appeared i n the f o r m o f c o m m u n i s t i c doctrines w h i c h f o u n d concrete expression i n a series o f Bruderhofe, households o f persons practising c o m m u n i t y o f goods, l i v i n g under strict m o r a l discipline a n d , f o r the most p a r t , abstaining at the same time f r o m a l l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the state or the life o f the society a r o u n d t h e m . I n 1535, however, the year i n w h i c h the chiliastic Anabaptists o f M i i n s t e r met their end, a l l the M o r a v i a n Anabaptists were expelled f r o m the l a n d . But the Hutterites at least gradually filtered back again d u r i n g the next few years; a n d they were to remain o n i n M o r a v i a u n t i l forced to emigrate once m o r e as a result o f the Catholic reaction w h i c h f o l l o w e d the Battle o f the W h i t e M o u n t a i n .

3 8

I t was presumably w i t h the non-resistant g r o u p o f Anabaptists t h a t Kalenec established contact sometime after settling i n M o r a v i a at the end o f 1524. Kalenec himself was i n favour n o t o n l y o f adult b a p t i s m b u t also o f the c o m m u n i s m o f the Bruderhofe.

I n a letter to them he writes: ' W e

rejoice at the fact that y o u have condemned i n f a n t b a p t i s m , baptising a second time i n f a i t h , and also that y o u have attained the equality o f the First K i n g d o m , t h a t is, o f the C h u r c h , where none may say: this is m i n e . ' B u t the attempts at a rapprochement appear to have b r o k e n d o w n o w i n g t o the lukewarmness and exclusiveness o f the A n a b a p t i s t s .

39

B o t h sides, as has been seen, h a d reached a similar p o s i t i o n o n such subjects as the state, war and oaths independently. I n regard t o a d u l t baptism, however, a n d even more as regards c o m m u n i t y o f goods, i t was Kalenec w h o was p r o b a b l y indebted t o the Anabaptists for his acceptance o f these tenets. B u t i t is interesting t o note the possibility that the A n a b a p tists f r o m their side may have been f o l l o w i n g the example o f the M i n o r Party i n their a d o p t i o n o f the stave as a symbol o f their non-violent creed. I n 1523, that is, several years even before the appearance o f the Anabaptists i n M o r a v i a , Lukas i n one o f his attacks on the M i n o r Party "

S m i t h , The Story

"

Odlozffik, op. cit., p. 357.

of the Mennoniles,

p p . 4 9 - 6 3 , 346, 3 6 7 - 7 0 .

253

T H E D E C L I N E OF T H E O L D DOCTRINES

writes o f the latter as f o l l o w s : T highly disapprove o f these v a i n pharisees wandering a r o u n d w i t h staffs (s holmi), w h o display their righteousness, angrily a n d poisonously c o n d e m n i n g other people a n d upsetting men's minds.'

The c a r r y i n g o f staffs instead o f swords, therefore, was evi-

40

dently a practice o f the M i n o r Party at this p e r i o d . The influence o f the M i n o r Party o n another c o n t e m p o r a r y religious c o m m u n i t y , that o f the H a b r o v a n y Brethren, was b o t h more palpable and o f greater extent. Founded i n 1528 by a M o r a v i a n U t r a q u i s t noblem a n , Jan Dubcansky, this sect was recruited f r o m the native Czech populat i o n i n the n e i g h b o u r h o o d o f its patron's estates at H a b r o v a n y a n d LileC. I t s theological doctrines were largely derived f r o m those o f the Swiss reformer, Z w i n g l i , w h i c h were finding adherents at that p e r i o d i n the Czech lands. Its social creed however, w h i c h i n c l u d e d the theoretical rejection o f the c i v i l power, oaths a n d war, seems t o have come f r o m a reading o f the w o r k s o f Chelcick^ a n d the O l d Brethren, as w e l l as f r o m personal contact w i t h Kalenec a n d his t i n y g r o u p o f disciples w h o h a d settled n o t far a w a y .

41

Neither o f the t w o m o d e r n historians o f the H a b r o v a n y Brethren have indicated w h i c h o f the sects' leaders was responsible f o r i n t r o d u c i n g the element o f social radicalism i n t o its m i d s t . I t w o u l d seem most probable, indeed, that this was due t o Vaclav o f LileS rather t h a n t o D u b c a n s k y himself, w h o w i t h M a t e j Poustevnik, an independent m i n d e d U t r a q u i s t preacher, f o r m e d a t r i o directing a n d i n s p i r i n g the sect's activities and t h o u g h t . Vaclav was a former rector o f the V i l e m o v m o n a s t e r y ;

42

and it

was here that i n 1521 the M i n o r Party h a d h a d Chelcicky's Sit' viry p r i n t e d , p r i m a r i l y f o r use as a weapon i n their controversy w i t h the M a j o r Party i n the U n i t y . V i l e m o v , moreover, was situated i n the province o f Prachen, Amos's home c o u n t r y and the area where the M i n o r Party was strongest, a n d the monastery itself was under the latter's influence.

43

Vaclav, therefore, must already have been i n close contact w i t h the M i n o r Party, i f n o t an actual sympathizer w i t h its ideas, even before his collab o r a t i o n w i t h DubSansky a n d his Brethren. ' O d p o w S d n a s p i s K a l e n c u o , ' fol. 5.

4 0

T h e habit of wearing a wooden sword, as

p r a c t i s e d b y the P o l i s h B r e t h r e n ( A r i a n s ) d u r i n g the p e r i o d o f t h e i r e a r l y s o c i a l r a d i c a l ism,

was

derived

from

d i r e c t c o n t a c t s w i t h the M o r a v i a n A n a b a p t i s t s .

B u t it is

p o s s i b l e that B i e r n a t o f L u b l i n , o n e o f the p r e c u r s o r s o f the P o l i s h B r e t h r e n i n t h e i r r e j e c t i o n o f the d e a t h p e n a l t y , m a y h a v e c o m e u n d e r the influence o f the M i n o r P a r t y . S e e K o t , Ideologja

polityczna

i spoleczna

Braci

Polskkh,

4 1

H a n a k , ' B r a t f i a stars"! z H o r y l i l e c k e , ' C. M.

4 i

O d l o z i l i k , op. cit., p. 3 9 .

4 3

T o b o l k a , Tisk Chelcickeho

M.,

pp. 5 - 1 1 , 1 5 , 19.

1929, L I U , pp. 11, 37, 3 8 .

Siti viry z roku 1521, p p . 7 - 1 0 . C f . P r e f a c e

to C h e l c i c k y , Sit' viry, p p . 1-4.

(pfedmluva)

254

THE D E C L I N E OF T H E OLD DOCTRINES

Concerning the precise views held b y the H a b r o v a n y Brethren o n p o l i t i c a l and social matters there is indeed some confusion i n the sources. N o treatise o n the subject emanating f r o m their circle has come d o w n ; and i t is probable that they never f o r m u l a t e d their views i n systematic fashion. Reliance has to be placed, therefore, o n chance allusions i n t h e i r other w r i t i n g s , m a i n l y o f a polemical nature, a n d i n the w o r k s o f their opponents.

F u r t h e r m o r e , i n practice DubSansky, f o r instance, certainly

d i d n o t observe the non-violent, anarchist p o s i t i o n w h i c h his Brethren appear t o have held i n t h e o r y .

44

A f t e r its f o u n d a t i o n the sect soon entered i n t o personal contact w i t h Kalenec's g r o u p , b u t attempts at fusion b r o k e d o w n despite agreement o n /

almost all points. T h e H a b r o v a n y Brethren were u n w i l l i n g to accept Kalenec's c o n d i t i o n o f a d u l t baptism, w h i c h also prevented t h e m f r o m c o m i n g t o an understanding w i t h the A n a b a p t i s t s ; and they disagreed t o o w i t h his a n t i t r i n i t a r i a n views. F r o m their side they p u t f o r w a r d a demand f o r obedience, w h i c h seemingly Kalenec refused.

45

The t w o sects, h o w -

ever, c o n t i n u e d t o exist side b y side w i t h o u t any violent polemics u n t i l 1542 when Kalenec and Pavel o f Hofice issued a letter directed against the H a b r o v a n y Brethren, reproaching t h e m f o r their approval o n the basis o f certain sayings o f Christ and St. P a u l o f various harsh forms o f p u n i s h ment, a n d also f o r f o l l o w i n g their master, Z w i n g l i , i n g i v i n g a qualified support t o war.

A c c o r d i n g t o Kalenec the H a b r o v a n y Brethren, 'as

regards marriage, dress, occupations a n d offices are t o some extent o n a n equality w i t h [the M a j o r Party] i n n o t keeping to the rule o f C h r i s t . '

46

But,

i n view o f the absence o f direct evidence, i t is difficult to judge h o w far Kalenec's accusations may have been exaggerated. Differing views o n the c i v i l power, w a r and oaths certainly

figured

p r o m i n e n t l y i n the controversy w h i c h broke o u t between the H a b r o v a n y Brethren a n d the M a j o r Party i n the U n i t y after various attempts at reaching some k i n d o f rapprochement h a d b r o k e n d o w n .

4 7

Odlozilik

suggests t h a t one o f the reasons f o r DubSansky's theoretical acceptance o f 4 4

O d l o Z i l i k , op. tit., p. 3 4 4 ; H a n á k , op. tit., 1928, L I I , p p . 115, 116. O d l o Z i l i k c o n -

siders t h a t t h i s i n c o n s i s t e n c y m a y h a v e a r i s e n f r o m a d i v i s i o n o f o p i n i o n a m o n g t h e elders w h o c o n t r o l l e d the s e c t ; a n d he p o i n t s a t Matéj P o u s t e v n i k a s the c h i e f e x p o n e n t o f the M i n o r P a r t y v i e w p o i n t .

F o r t h e r e a s o n s g i v e n a b o v e , it w o u l d s e e m m o r e l i k e ,

h o w e v e r , that this r o l e w a s p l a y e d by Václav o f L i l e i . 4 5

Müller-Barto§, op. tit., p. 2 8 3 .

4 4

O d l o z i l i k , op. cit., p. 3 5 7 ; H a n á k , op. cit., L I I , p p . 6 1 - 6 3 , 115, 116.

4 ?

F o r the c o n t a c t s between the H a b r o v a n y B r e t h r e n a n d the U n i t y , see Müller-BartoS,

op. cit., p p . 2 7 9 - 8 3 ; M i i l l e r , op. cit., I I , p p . 9 3 - 1 0 0 . T h e U n i t y a l s o e n g a g e d a t t h i s p e r i o d i n s o m e fruitless negotiations for f u s i o n w i t h the M o r a v i a n A n a b a p t i s t s , see M i i l l e r - B a r t o S , op. cit., pp. 2 8 3 , 284.

255

T H E D E C L I N E OF T H E O L D DOCTRINES

the M i n o r Party's p o l i t i c a l and social doctrines may have been the use that c o u l d be made o f t h e m against the official U n i t y .

4 8

Undoubtedly it

was their lack o f success i n t r y i n g to w i n over the M i n o r Party that h a d led the H a b r o v a n y Brethren t o t u r n their a t t e n t i o n t o its opponents o f the M a j o r Party. I n 1531 the H a b r o v a n y Brethren issued an attack o n the U n i t y , s h o w i n g 'the deficiencies o f the elder Brethren o f the M a j o r Party as well as their rudeness towards us' a n d attacking t h e m , a m o n g other things, f o r their acceptance o f office i n the state and f o r a p p r o v i n g the t a k i n g o f oaths; a n d they developed their arguments i n several further p o l e m i c a l treatises. The debate c u l m i n a t e d i n a meeting between representatives o f b o t h sides, held at K y j o v i n February 1535. I n their discussion o f p o l i t i c a l and social questions the H a b r o v a n y Brethren accused the U n i t y , i n the first place, o f d i v i d i n g their c o m m u n i t y i n t o t w o halves.

T o their clergy they forbade a l l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the

activities o f the state w h i c h , none the less, was p e r m i t t e d t o laymen.

The

H a b r o v a n y B r e t h r e n , o n the other h a n d , made n o d i s t i n c t i o n between priest a n d laymen.

Secondly, they argued, i t was w r o n g f o r either as

Christians t o h o l d office, t h o u g h here the U n i t y was able, w i t h a reference t o Dubôansk^'s example, t o t a u n t t h e m w i t h inconsistency. The U n i t y was also able t o indicate some confusion i n the t h i n k i n g o f the H a b r o v a n y Brethren o n this subject; f o r they appear t o have agreed w i t h the U n i t y that the c i v i l power even i n a C h r i s t i a n society c o u l d be ordained by G o d , and that he m i g h t l o o k w i t h f a v o u r o n those w h o acted l o y a l l y towards h i m i n fulfilling their official duties. T h o u g h f r o m other passages q u o t e d i n U n i t y w r i t i n g s i t w o u l d seem as i f the H a b r o v a n y Brethren, disregardi n g the teaching o f Z w i n g l i o n this p o i n t , condemned C h r i s t i a n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n state activities altogether, the somewhat anomalous p o s i t i o n o f their leader a n d p a t r o n , Dub5ansky, as the owner o f landed property, and the executor o f the law therefore i n regard t o his tenantry, may have led to such inconsistencies i n defending their p o s i t i o n . ' Y o u r chief bishop a n d elder [the Brethren w r i t e o f DubCansky] being o n o a t h . . . administers the laws w i t h an o a t h , a n d by their means quarrels and holds f o r t h i n a c o u r t o f law (k prâvom pfiseinym

stavâ soudent se skrze né svâfi a

recnuje).'

I n the t h i r d place, the H a b r o v a n y Brethren apparently accepted - at least i n theory - the M i n o r Party's i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f 'the higher righteousness' as a ban o n every f o r m o f activity w h i c h involved k i l l i n g and violence against a fellow h u m a n being o r the t a k i n g o f an o a t h ; and the arguments, a n d sometimes 4 8

the very w o r d i n g , o f their attacks o n the U n i t y are

O d l o z i l i k , op. cit., p. 3 4 4 .

256

T H E D E C L I N E OF T H E OLD DOCTRINES

strongly reminiscent o f similar passages i n the polemical writings o f the M i n o r Party earlier o n .

4 9

The H a b r o v a n y Brethren existed as an organized sect f o r a m u c h shorter t i m e t h a n the M i n o r Party.

T h e i r organization was seriously

jeopardized by the arrest o f DubCansky i n 1538. A f t e r his release f r o m p r i s o n he lost most o f his earlier energy and his sect began to disintegrate. I t had been largely his special creation, and i t was o n his estate i n M o r a v i a that its members f o u n d refuge. Its fate, therefore, was b o u n d up w i t h that o f its p a t r o n and protector. A n o t h e r cause o f decline lay i n the fact that, despite DubSansky's efforts t o spread its principles, i t never got f i r m r o o t f

a m o n g the masses o f the p o p u l a t i o n . Its numbers always remained small and, w i t h Dubcansky's death i n 1543, i t gradually died a w a y .

50

The last

mention o f the existence o f the H a b r o v a n y Brethren occurs i n 1558, l o n g after i t had ceased to play a significant role i n the religious life o f the country.

51

W i t h the final disappearance o f the M i n o r Party i n the 1540's and o f the H a b r o v a n y Brethren i n the f o l l o w i n g decade, social radicalism, t o o , vanished almost entirely f r o m the religious t h o u g h t o f the Czech people. I t remained alive, indeed, a m o n g the M o r a v i a n Anabaptists, a g r o u p o f largely alien o r i g i n l i v i n g their o w n c o m m u n i t y life apart f r o m the life o f the people a m o n g w h o m they dwelt. I t was t h r o u g h one o r other branch o f the Anabaptists t h a t that socio-religious radicalism derived, w h i c h was to find expression, for instance, a m o n g the Polish A r i a n s , a n d afterwards a m o n g such denominations as the D u t c h Mennonites, the English Quakers and the G e r m a n D u n k a r d s , w h o still to some extent m a i n t a i n these teachings to-day.

B u t neither party a m o n g the Czech Brethren was t o

exercise any direct influence on their historical evolution. I n the course o f the sixteenth century the U n i t y , having shed its earlier /

radicalism, d i d its best to remove a l l traces o f such doctrines f r o m its ideology. T h e M i n o r Party, o n the other h a n d , was t o o small and obscure to exert any influence outside the very small circle o f its adherents and sympathizers. I t lacked the inner dynamic power and the depth o f religious thought, w h i c h had enabled Rehor a n d the O l d Brethren to s u r m o u n t a l l obstacles i n the way o f m a k i n g the U n i t y a force t o be reckoned w i t h i n the religious life o f the c o u n t r y a n d , finally, a movement w h i c h has left its m a r k i n the history o f central Europe. "

O d l o i i l i k , op. cit., pp. 3 0 7 , 343, 3 4 4 ; H a n a k , op. cit., L I I , p p . 64, 7 2 , 7 9 , 3 4 6 ; L I I I ,

p. 3 7 . "

O d l o i i l i k , op. cit., pp. 3 4 6 - 5 1 .

"

M i i l l e r , op. cit., I I , p. 100.

257

THE D E C L I N E OF T H E OLD DOCTRINES

II D u r i n g the period between the death o f the last Jagiellonian k i n g at Mochacs i n 1526 and the opening o f the T h i r t y Years W a r , w h i c h was t o b r i n g the suppression o f b o t h n a t i o n a l independence a n d o f the Protestant religion, the Czech lands were governed successively by five monarchs o f the House o f H a b s b u r g .

T h o u g h the rule o f the great nobles,

who

preserved intact their power and privileges gained at the expense o f c r o w n , t o w n and peasantry, continued as before, Ferdinand I , w h o had succeeded t o the throne i n 1526, began the process towards a stronger centralized government and closer ties between the various H a b s b u r g d o m i n i o n s under his sway: a process w h i c h went o n d u r i n g the remainder o f the p e r i o d before the Battle o f the W h i t e M o u n t a i n . F r o m the beginning, t o o , Ferdinand's hereditary claims t o the throne had been acknowledged

by

the diets o f M o r a v i a , Silesia a n d the Lusatias, despite the fact t h a t the Bohemian Estates w o u l d only recognize h i m as k i n g by election. The first years o f H a b s b u r g rule i n the Czech lands were m a r k e d by the ever present threat f r o m the south-east o f invasion b y the T u r k s , w h o h a d already o v e r r u n most o f H u n g a r y , as well as by the spread f r o m the west o f L u t h e r a n and Calvinist doctrines. D u r i n g these years the U n i t y o f Brethren was comparatively free f r o m persecution, except f o r a p e r i o d after the defeat o f the league o f Protestant Bohemian noblemen, w h o h a d j o i n e d together i n 1547 d u r i n g the W a r o f Schmalkalden i n defence o f their liberties. T h e n the Brethren were made a scapegoat f o r the k i n g ' s anger against the insurgents. W h i l e their leader, Jan Augusta, was kept i n prison f o r some sixteen years, m a n y Brethren were forced t o go i n t o exile i n the f o l l o w i n g years. This m i g r a t i o n led to the f o u n d a t i o n o f the U n i t y ' s branch i n Poland, where most o f the emigrants eventually settled. I n the second h a l f o f the century t w o events - the Peace o f A u g s b u r g o f 1555, w h i c h established peace i n G e r m a n y

between

Protestant

and

C a t h o l i c o n the principle cuius regio, eius religio, a n d the C o u n t e r R e f o r m a t i o n , i n i t i a t e d by the C o u n c i l o f T r e n t and carried o u t largely t h r o u g h the instrumentality o f the Jesuits, w h o m F e r d i n a n d I had i n v i t e d t o Prague i n 1556 - i n great measure m o u l d e d the course o f history i n the Czech lands as i n the other H a b s b u r g d o m i n i o n s i n central

Europe.

Czech Protestantism, however, was t o be greatly strengthened by the p r o m u l g a t i o n i n 1575 o f the Czech Confession (Confessio representing a compromise

between

Bohemica),

Calvinist, L u t h e r a n a n d U n i t y

doctrines. I t guaranteed f u l l freedom o f w o r s h i p t o a l l Protestants and set u p fifteen Defensores t o w a t c h over their interests. T o w a r d s the end o f the

258

T H E D E C L I N E OF T H E OLD DOCTRINES

century the o l d conservative U t r a q u i s t p a r t y merged imperceptibly w i t h the Catholic C h u r c h ; while the m a i n b o d y o f U t r a q u i s t s came t o f o r m i n effect a L u t h e r a n d e n o m i n a t i o n . T h o u g h the U n i t y grew close i n doctrine t o the Calvinists, i t retained its separate i d e n t i t y t o the end. T h e battle waged between the t w o greatest figures i n the h i s t o r y o f the Brethren i n the period after Lukas's death, Jan Augusta, the supporter o f fusion w i t h the general b o d y o f Protestants, a n d Jan Blahoslav, the advocate o f c o n t i n u e d separation, was w o n by the latter. The gains achieved by the Protestants at the time o f the Czech Confession were enshrined i n the famous Letter o f Majesty issued i n 1609 by the E m p e r o r R u d o l f I I i n his capacity o f K i n g o f Bohemia. The Letter o f Majesty, a n d the subsequent Agreement d r a w n u p between Protestants and R o m a n Catholics, guaranteed freedom o f religion to a l l classes o f the p o p u l a t i o n . Each confession was given the right t o b u i l d churches o r schools wherever these d i d n o t already exist. I t was, indeed, the infringements o f the Letter o f Majesty perpetrated by the r o y a l officials that eventually led t o the famous Defenestration o f Prague o n 23 M a y 1618, the subsequent deposition o f the Habsburgs f r o m the Bohemian t h r o n e , and the outbreak o f w a r between Protestant a n d Catholic t h r o u g h o u t the E m p i r e . T h e defeat o n 8 November

1620 at the Battle o f the W h i t e

M o u n t a i n o f the c o m b i n e d forces o f Frederick o f the Palatinate, w h o h a d been chosen K i n g o f Bohemia i n place o f F e r d i n a n d I I , a n d o f the Protest a n t Czechs spelled the end o f the country's independence a n d religious freedom. W i t h the suppression o f a l l forms o f U t r a q u i s m i n 1627 by the r e t u r n i n g Habsburgs a n d w i t h the v i c t o r y o f the Counter R e f o r m a t i o n , the U n i t y o f Brethren was driven u n d e r g r o u n d o r i n t o exile. The character o f the Brethren's c o m m u n i t y h a d , indeed, changed greatly d u r i n g the last century a n d a quarter o f its existence. B y the end o f the sixteenth century, a l t h o u g h the r o y a l decrees issued against the U n i t y h a d n o t i n many cases been officially suspended, the Brethren h a d become a power i n the l a n d w i t h m a n y influential adherents a m o n g the great nobles a n d the landed gentry. I n the c u l t u r a l sphere their translation o f the Scriptures k n o w n as the K r a l i c e Bible, completed between 1579— 93, was one o f the greatest achievements o f the golden age o f Czech literature; and the successes i n the field o f educational theory a n d methods o f the last and greatest figure i n the U n i t y ' s history, Jan A m o s K o m e n s k y , whose m a i n w o r k however was done d u r i n g his l o n g exile, b r o u g h t h i m lasting i n t e r n a t i o n a l fame. A t the time o f its suppression the U n i t y h a d become a prosperous, c u l t u r e d a n d highly respected a n d influential c o m m u n i t y , whose p o s i t i o n was at last safeguarded i n the laws o f the

T H E D E C L I N E OF T H E OLD DOCTRINES

259

l a n d : a religious b o d y far removed i n spirit f r o m the social radicalism o f the p e r i o d before Brother Lukás a n d his friends had carried o u t the i n t e r n a l r e v o l u t i o n o f the 1490's. A f t e r the schism the Brethren o f the victorious p a r t y i n the U n i t y h a d n o t been able, indeed h a d n o t wished, t o reject at once a l l their former p o l i t i c a l a n d social doctrines. T h e process o f e l i m i n a t i o n was a slow a n d gradual o n e ; a n d the Battle o f the W h i t e M o u n t a i n came before the e v o l u t i o n was completed.

O n the other h a n d , i t is t r u e that the i n t e r n a l

r e v o l u t i o n carried t h r o u g h at the end o f the

fifteenth

century was a

t h o r o u g h one; and w h a t survived f r o m the earlier p e r i o d was o f secondary importance. T h e m a i n p a t t e r n o f t h o u g h t had changed. T h e death o f B r o t h e r LukáS i n 1528 m a r k e d the end o f an era i n the history o f the U n i t y . M o r e t h a n any other o f its leaders he h a d been responsible f o r c o m p l e t i n g the r e v o l u t i o n i n social theory and practice w h i c h his older colleagues had i n i t i a t e d . T h i s r e v o l u t i o n h a d been successful. I t h a d come at a time when the U n i t y was t e m p o r a r i l y free f r o m pressure f r o m outside. A s Lukás r e m a r k e d : ' I f m a r t y r d o m h a d come at t h a t t i m e I d o n o t k n o w w h a t w o u l d have happened to m a n y ' o f the B r e t h r e n .

88

T h e q u a l i t y o f the leadership displayed by the M a j o r

Party, its intellectual level a n d comparative m o d e r a t i o n , proved superior t o t h a t o f its opponents, w h o made their m a i n appeal to literalism i n B i b l i c a l i n t e r p r e t a t i o n a n d the sentiment o f t r a d i t i o n . A b o v e a l l , i t was the s u p p o r t o f the new elements i n the U n i t y , the t o w n Brethren, the 'learned' Brethren a n d the noble sympathizers, as well as new c o n d i t i o n s o f life w h i c h affected almost the whole membership, t h a t had enabled the M a j o r Party t o carry t h r o u g h its p r o g r a m m e o f changes. B u t even after Luká§'s death, a certain tension c o n t i n u e d to exist a m o n g the leaders o f the U n i t y between those l i k e M a r t i n Skoda ( d . 1532) f o r instance, o n the one h a n d , w h o strove after the o l d native simplicity a n d , o n the other, the younger men like Jan R o h w h o l o o k e d w i t h more favour o n the new tendencies emanating f r o m the G e r m a n Reformation.

I t was the latter g r o u p w h i c h soon gained predominance;

a n d later, under the leadership o f A u g u s t a , the Brethren were f o r a t i m e t o d r a w very near t o the L u t h e r a n c a m p .

53

W i t h the support o f K r a s o n i c k y , the new generation o f y o u n g U n i t y priests n o w sought t o o b t a i n for their calling a higher standard o f education more i n line w i t h the times.

Lukás indeed, l i k e the other

apologists o f the U n i t y before and after h i m , had always been ready 52

O obnoveni,

8 3

M i i l l e r , op. cit., p p . 2 - 5 .

fol. 101.

260

THE D E C L I N E OF T H E OLD DOCTRINES

d u r i n g his lifetime t o submit all his writings to the a p p r o v a l o f the whole body before c i r c u l a t i n g t h e m ; and s h o r t l y after his death, at a synod held i n A p r i l 1531, the Brethren ordained t h a t his w o r k s , w h i c h included some w r i t t e n f r o m a standpoint hostile t o humanist education, were n o t t o be regarded as b i n d i n g o n future generations.

I t was also decided at this

synod, c o n t r a r y t o Lukas's view, to recommend a more t h o r o u g h t r a i n i n g f o r those boys i n t e n d i n g to enter the m i n i s t r y . But a few years later i n the forties, b o t h Augusta a n d R o h , disillusioned by what they h a d learned o f the lax m o r a l i t y prevalent at the L u t h e r a n universities i n G e r m a n y , t o o k u p a more suspicious attitude towards education i n general reminiscent o f the U n i t y ' s earlier standpoint. B o t h men were self-educated, A u g u s t a w o r k i n g i n his father's trade as a hatter, while R o h was a linen-weaver; and their social b a c k g r o u n d u n d o u b t e d l y helped to f o r m such a n attitude. W r i t i n g i n 1567 Blahoslav says o f A u g u s t a : 'Est e n i m . . . bonus v i r misomusos et a l i o r u m studia contemn e n t i u m d u x et f a u t o r . ' As early as 1532 A u g u s t a himself i n his anonymous dialogue Rozmlauwanie swlta

gednoho

muze

ufeneho

czest a

rozkoS

wiece neili boha milugijcyho, druhiho neuceneho ackoli sedlskiho,

wssak boha a spasenie znagicyho Hoveka, the very title o f w h i c h brings t o m i n d something o f the cult o f the simple m a n o f Brother Rehof's day, makes his peasant say to the scholar: 'We are n o t shy o f receiving wholesome teaching . . . even f r o m one w h o w o r k s w i t h his hands. T h e L o r d Jesus d i d n o t seek o u t wise and . . . learned m e n t o preach H i s h o l y w o r d , b u t He chose f o r t h a t purpose fishermen a n d other artisans w i t h o u t any b o o k learning.' I t was Augusta's r i v a l , Blahoslav, w h o i n his writings d u r i n g the first t w o decades o f the second h a l f o f the century finally reconciled the U n i t y w i t h the new h u m a n i s m . This i n t u r n led t o a definite relaxation o f the o l d t r a d i t i o n o f simplicity, w h i c h had f o r l o n g after the schism continued to carry weight a m o n g the B r e t h r e n — a s is shown, f o r instance, b y the frequent recurrence o f testimonies to this effect i n the obituaries o f eminent Brethren given i n Vavfinec O r l i k ' s Kniha ianrti (The B o o k o f the D e a d ) .

54

M o s t o f the social content o r i g i n a l l y associated w i t h this t r a d i t i o n o f simplicity had vanished at the beginning o f the century. B u t certain traces still remained as p a r t o f the life o f the U n i t y . T h e o b l i g a t i o n for its priests t o engage i n some f o r m o f m a n u a l w o r k was perhaps the most s t r i k i n g o f these survivals. T h r o u g h o u t the whole M

Ibid.,

46-55.

p p . 2 - 5 , 8, 9 , 7 8 - 8 1 ; U r b a n e k , Jednota

bratrskd

a vyiii

vzdildnl,

pp. 32, 35,

261

THE D E C L I N E OF T H E OLD DOCTRINES

o f its existence the U n i t y never officially w i t h d r e w this demand, t h o u g h i n t i m e i t moderated the breadth o f its a p p l i c a t i o n ; and latterly the B r e t h r e n d i d n o t require their priests t o live entirely f r o m the proceeds o f their work.

F r o m a f u l l - t i m e employment m a n u a l l a b o u r became f o r the

priesthood a p a r t - t i m e occupation. D u r i n g the sixteenth century and the early decades o f the seventeenth, there are frequent references to this practice.

I n 1531, f o r instance,

K o n r a d z K r a j k u , an influential n o b l e m a n w h o had j o i n e d the U n i t y i n the previous year, defending his action i n a l l o w i n g a f u r r i e r to preach i n his church at Brandys, explained t h a t the U n i t y was o n l y f o l l o w i n g the example o f the apostles i n r e q u i r i n g its priests t o w o r k w i t h their hands for a l i v i n g .

58

I n 1542 i n the Listove dikana na Hordch i t is l a i d d o w n t h a t

'a Brethren priest m u s t w o r k w i t h the flail i n the b a r n , w i t h the scythe o n the meadows o r go o u t [i.e. t o fish] i n a boat o n the p o n d , thus keeping himself by his o w n l a b o u r . '

56

I n the f o l l o w i n g year A u g u s t a , replying t o

the taunts o f the U t r a q u i s t priests t h a t he was only a hatter, stated p r o u d l y : 'Because I may be a p o o r m a n a n d an artisan o f scant importance i n the w o r l d , can I n o t still serve the C h u r c h o f G o d a n d H i s saints? Is i t indeed a sin t o k n o w a trade a n d w o r k w i t h one's hands, a n d n o t rather a v i r t u e a n d w o r t h y o f praise w i t h G o d a n d all sensible m e n ? '

57

I n 1555 a U n i t y synod recommends t h a t priests ' s h o u l d w i t h greater willingness t u r n f r o m w o r k o n the l a n d o r i n the vineyards t o some craft.'

58

B u t now, even the practice o f handicrafts was n o t demanded i f a

priest was occupied f u l l y i n tasks considered m o r e essential; for, as the OsvedSeni bratfi o f 1558 stated, 'a l o v i n g people s h o u l d n o t a l l o w t h i s . ' T h e t r a d i t i o n continued none the less, despite a relaxation o f its o b l i g a t o r y character.

A s late as 1610 Jan F r i d r i c h o f Z e r o t i n , a p o w e r f u l

noble

member o f the U n i t y , granted t o any U n i t y priest assigned t o a congreg a t i o n situated w i t h i n his lands a n d b o t h capable and w i l l i n g t o c a r r y o n some handicraft, the right t o do so w i t h o u t hindrance. T h i s privilege shows t h a t the custom h a d b y no means died o u t even d u r i n g the final p e r i o d o f the U n i t y ' s existence.

"

Müller, op. cit., p. 6 0 .

"

W i n t e r , iivot

5 7

Müller, op. cit.,

cirkevni p. 9.

v Cech&ch,

pp. 4 8 4 , 4 8 5 .

B u t cf. K a l e n e c ' s c r i t i c i s m s , c e r t a i n l y e x a g g e r a t e d , o f t h e

U n i t y p r i e s t s ' w a y o f life at t h i s p e r i o d : ' Y o u l e a d a life o f i d l e n e s s l i k e p r e l a t e s a n d , b e i n g a b l e t o s u c c o u r the m o r e i n d i g e n t f r o m the s u r p l u s , y o u e r e c t i n s t e a d fine m e e t i n g houses a n d weigh d o w n your ordinary Brethren with various contributions.' It w a s o n l y the d e a c o n s w h o d i d a n y w o r k , h e c l a i m e d , the elders d o i n g n e x t to n o t h i n g . O d l o z i l i k , op. cit., p. 3 5 5 . "

Dekrety

Jednoty

bratrske,

p. 178.

-

262

T H E D E C L I N E OF THE OLD DOCTRINES

The life o f the priesthood remained to the end a h u m b l e and simple one. Even when a priest inherited money f r o m friends o r relatives, i t was his superiors w h o decided h o w m u c h he m i g h t keep f o r himself and w h a t p r o p o r t i o n must be devoted to the charitable undertakings o f the U n i t y .

5 9

A t least d u r i n g the fifteenth century m a n u a l w o r k had been regarded as the major source o f a priest's income. This was closely connected w i t h the fact t h a t the U n i t y o f Brethren, at least as far as the Czech lands are concerned, never became an established c h u r c h recognized as such by the authorities. The major Protestant bodies w h i c h emerged as a result o f the R e f o r m a t i o n , n o t differing i n this respect f r o m their R o m a n

Catholic

adversaries o r the earlier Czech Utraquists, were soon adopted i n places as the state religion enforceable o n a l l the prince's subjects. T h e U n i t y , however, continued to stand for the separation o f c h u r c h a n d state and f o r religious tolerance, a p o i n t o f view shared at t h a t time o n l y by the equally u n p o p u l a r G e r m a n Anabaptists and Polish A r i a n s , as well as b y a few other m i n o r radical sects.

A s Augusta w r o t e i n 1541 t o Bucer i n

Strasbourg: T h e c i v i l p o w e r is insufficient and, indeed, n o t suited t o b u i l d Christ's k i n g d o m . O n l y o u r k i n g , the l o r d o f souls, can do this, n o t t h r o u g h c i v i l a u t h o r i t y but t h r o u g h the H o l y S p i r i t and H i s w o r d made manifest. . . . Thus one . . . cannot expect the renewal, perfecting a n d edification o f H i s Christian c h u r c h to come about t h r o u g h the exercise o f c i v i l a u t h o r i t y . . . . I f o u r forefathers . . . h a d n o t placed their hopes i n this power o f G o d i n Christ, then the edification o f o u r U n i t y i n f a i t h a n d i n the pure t r u t h t o this very day w o u l d n o t have taken place. . . . I t seems t o us t h a t t h r o u g h such an exercise o f force [i.e. i n the field o f religion, as Bucer i n fact advocated] m u c h more h a r m t h a n good can come t o the c h u r c h . 6 0

B u t i n Poland, where the Brethren fled i n large numbers i n 1548 t o escape f r o m the fierce persecution o f the U n i t y i n their home c o u n t r y , their congregations settled o n the estates o f p o w e r f u l noble protectors, m a i n l y i n the province o f Great Poland a r o u n d Poznan, came t o approximate W i n t e r , loc. cit.

U n i t y priests w e r e n o t p e r m i t t e d t o b e c o m e officials, d o c t o r s o r

t r a d e r s (see Dekrety,

p. 2 1 6 ) . I t is interesting to note, t o o , t h a t the P o l i s h A r i a n s a l s o

**

a d o p t e d a t first the c u s t o m o f r e q u i r i n g t h e i r p r i e s t s to c a r r y o n s o m e k i n d o f m a n u a l w o r k , see K o t , op. cit., p p . 2 0 , 5 5 . T h e p r e s e n c e i n the P o l i s h C o m m o n w e a l t h o f g r o u p s o f C z e c h B r e t h r e n f r o m 1548 o n w a r d s m a y h a v e influenced the P o l e s i n t h i s respect, i n a d d i t i o n to t h e i r c o n t a c t s w i t h the M o r a v i a n A n a b a p t i s t s .

T h e Unity in Poland, how-

ever, w a s a p p a r e n t l y m o r e l a x i n e n f o r c i n g the o b l i g a t i o n o f m a n u a l w o r k o n their priesthood. octavus,

L a s i c k i i n h i s Historiae

Chap. X V I I I , 'De

de origine et rebus gestis Fratrum

F r a t r u m laboribus

m a n u a r i i s , ' p.

Bohemorum

94, w r i t e s :

liber 'Habent

M i n i s t r i i n P o l o n i a fundos, q u o s v e l i p s i s u a c u m f a m i l i a e x c o l u n t , v e l h o r u m certam a D o m i n i s agrorum seu pecuniam sue a n n o n a m , capiunt.' "

Müller, op. cit., I I , p p . 119, 120, 155.

loco

THE D E C L I N E OF THE O L D DOCTRINES

more and more to a state c h u r c h .

81

263

Although the Polish Protestant

nobles denied the accusations of their opponents that they used compulsion towards their tenants in religious matters, yet there was undoubtedly some pressure exerted on the latter to accept membership. I n the case of noblemen belonging to the Unity its church was often the only one allowed to be erected on the estate. Thus even the Brethren's testimony against the use of force in matters of religion was considerably watered down among at least certain sections of the Unity. But the revolution in ideas which had taken place at the end of the fifteenth century was perhaps most apparent in the change of attitude among the Brethren in the sphere of social and economic distinctions in the community. E v e n here however the old ideas, as in other matters, were never entirely eradicated. I n the sixteenth century the Unity came to a compromise with the capitalist economic system, which was just beginning to arise and formed the environment in which many of the most influential Brethren, those settled in the towns, carried on their lives. Possessions, property, ownership, according to the new doctrines were, as Smolik notes, 'morally neutral'; and in this view the new Unity was, indeed, not far removed from the Old Brethren. Riches, it was still recognized, were a source of much temptation.

T h e Brethren were always to be careful in their

conduct of worldly affairs to see that they were not being motivated by a desire for personal gain.

'Is it from real and unavoidable need [asks

the Napomenuti ucinéné vsechnem vérnym of 1584] that they are carrying on so much business, or from avarice and greed, or perhaps in order to lead an easy and luxurious life and enjoy plenty in all things, lacking nothing?' T o use wealth for God's glory, says Augusta for instance in his Kázání o stavu manzelském, is not wrong. But it is a sin [he goes one] neither to realize that one from G o d , nor to thank G o d for it and give use it for sins forbidden by G o d . . . and not be help others with these gifts, keeping them for one's and not using them or giving to others.

this has been given to H i m the praise, but to ready to comfort and self, hiding them away

64

I n other words the mere acquisition of wealth, which had been frowned on, though never definitely forbidden, i n the Unity of the fifteenth

"

Ibid.,

I l l , pp. 68, 69. T h e Polish branch o f the U n i t y continued a s a separate

r e l i g i o u s c o m m u n i t y u n t i l t h e e n d o f the eighteenth c e n t u r y . "

S m o l i k , 'Sociálni püsobení J e d n o t y bratrské,' Theologia

pp. 92, 93.

evangélica,

1948, n o . 2 ,

THE D E C L I N E OF T H E OLD DOCTRINES

century, was quite consistent w i t h the C h r i s t i a n life. I t was o n l y its use that was still to some extent regulated a n d circumscribed. Even the ban o n usury was relaxed. I n June 1540 d u r i n g the synod held at M l a d a Boleslav, a decree o n the subject entitled 0 lichve soud bratrsky, was enacted, w h i c h expressly sanctioned i n certain circumstances b o t h the l e n d i n g a n d b o r r o w i n g o f money at interest. There h a d previously been, i t was said, innumerable discussions as t o the rights a n d wrongs o f usury ' u n t i l they were weary o f i t (az do tesknosti)';

and i n practice the U n i t y

h a d evidently p e r m i t t e d t w o categories o f newly j o i n e d members t o continue t o deal i n loans at interest u n t i l they c o u l d satisfactorily dispose o f such business. There were, i n the first place, certain noblemen p a r t o f whose estate was t i e d u p i n money invested at interest.

The second

category consisted o f p o o r persons, whose o n l y means o f l i v e l i h o o d was the lending o f money t o the r i c h i n need o f ready cash. Such persons h a d been required, o n j o i n i n g the U n i t y , t o sell u p their businesses a n d b u y l a n d . ' B u t before this c o u l d be done, a l o n g time m i g h t elapse i n some cases.' These exemptions had resulted i n confusion, as w e l l as c r i t i c i s m f r o m certain quarters 'that we have p e r m i t t e d usury t o the Brethren.' This i n fact was exactly what the synod w i t h their decree then proceeded t o do. A s a result o f their examination o f the scriptures the Brethren, i t was stated, had come t o the conclusion that ' G o d has b o t h disallowed a n d , at the same time, p e r m i t t e d ' usury. There were i n principle three k i n d s o f usurers. F i r s t , there were p o o r persons w h o b o r r o w e d at interest o n account o f their poverty. I n this case i t was those w h o exploited t h e m that were the sinners, deserving the name o f 'robbers a n d plunderers o f the p o o r . ' Those w h o indulged i n usurious dealings unnecessarily i n order t o acquire wealth, m o t i v a t e d by 'unappeasable avarice and desire,'

formed

the second category mentioned i n the decree. The crimes o f such persons were depicted i n the darkest colours and their activities condemned in toto. Persons o f wealth w i t h money t o spare s h o u l d n o t t u r n usurer, b u t instead help t o set u p i n business ' p o o r w o r k i n g men, artisans a n d peasants, those w h o w o r k t o gain their bread.'

T h o u g h to make such an

investment w i t h o u t r e q u i r i n g interest was t o be regarded as equivalent t o 'loaning t o G o d o n interest,' nevertheless the t a k i n g o f interest i n such cases does n o t seem to have been definitely f o r b i d d e n . O n the whole, i t was agreed, the best medicine against avarice a n d greed a m o n g members was a g o o d example set b y the U n i t y priesthood.

the

B u t there

was still a t h i r d class o f persons w h o lent money at interest: 'lonely widows a n d aged people, the sick a n d the halt and such others as are n o t fit t o make a l i v i n g b y their o w n efforts.' The t a k i n g o f interest by these

265

T H E D E C L I N E OF T H E O L D DOCTRINES

persons was n o t f o r b i d d e n , i f they made their loans t o the rich and n o t t o needy artisans for w h o m repayment w o u l d o n l y be a further burden and if, above a l l , they really h a d n o other means o f s u p p o r t i n g themselves. Even then they were t o realize, as a later decree o f 1553 states, that they were ' n o t altogether w i t h o u t s i n . ' A s late as 1612, however, B r o t h e r K o n e c n y i n his Kniha o povinnostech krest'anskych

strongly criticizes the practice o f usury, t h o u g h he makes

the n o w customary exceptions t o the general r u l e .

6 3

I n the contemporary

C h u r c h Government, a b o o k o f discipline d r a w n u p after the Letter o f Majesty o f 1609 a n d i n 1616 presented t o , a n d approved by, the general synod at Zeravice i n M o r a v i a , the w o r d i n g is even m o r e f o r c i b l e : ' T h a t they shun U n l a w f u l a n d Suspicious wayes o f seeking Subsistence, abstaining altogether f r o m U s u r y , because o f the D i v i n e Threatenings, and the several Iniquities c o n c u r r i n g t h e r e i n . '

64

Nevertheless, i n general, so far as the d a i l y life o f the average B r e t h r e n o f the sixteenth a n d early seventeenth centuries went, the b i t i n g w o r d s penned by Kalenec i n the early 1540's, t h o u g h u n d o u b t e d l y exaggerated, were n o t w i t h o u t f o u n d a t i o n . H e w r i t e s : Y o u p e r m i t the c a r r y i n g o n o f various trades [i.e. previously forbidden] : usury and b u y i n g cheap a n d selling dear. M a n y o f y o u r Brethren, w h o c o u l d exist o n a single craft, pursue freely several trades; moreover, they a d d one field t o another, gardens, meadows a n d vineyards, and b u y u p one house after another a n d even village after v i l l a g e . 65

T h e Brethren were s t i l l a closely k n i t c o m m u n i t y , sharing m u c h i n c o m m o n a n d b o u n d b y a v o l u n t a r i l y accepted f a i t h . B u t their fellowship h a d lost m u c h o f its former egalitarian character: i t h a d become almost patriarchal i n o u t l o o k . T h e C h u r c h G o v e r n m e n t referred t o above, f o r instance, has a chapter t r e a t i n g ' o f the D o m e s t i c k O r d e r o f the People,' i n w h i c h i t is l a i d d o w n 'that according as G o d has called every one, and placed t h e m either Master o r Mistress o f a F a m i l y , o r Son o r Servant, so they s h o u l d keep their o w n station i n the fear o f G o d . ' *» 44

Ibid., p. 9 4 ; Dekrety, Primitive

Church

T h e relationship

p p . 1 6 0 - 6 2 , 1 6 4 , 1 7 4 . C f . M i i U e r , op. cit., I I , p. 127.

Government

some Notes of John-Amos

6 6

in the Practice

Comenius,

of the Reformed

in Bohemia

with

p. 4 1 . F o r a r e p r i n t o f the o r i g i n a l C z e c h a n d L a t i n

v e r s i o n s , see ' H a d c i r k e v n i J e d n o t y b r a t f i c e s k y c h ( R a t i o d i s c i p l i n a e o r d i n i s q u e e c c l e siastici in unitate fratrum b o h e m o r u m ) '

in Komensky,

VeSkere

spisy,

XVII

(Brno,

1912), the i n t r o d u c t i o n to w h i c h c o n t a i n s a n a c c o u n t o f the w o r k ' s o r i g i n a n d a list o f the v a r i o u s e d i t i o n s p u b l i s h e d .

T h e E n g l i s h v e r s i o n is a s o m e w h a t free t r a n s l a t i o n ,

first p u b l i s h e d i n 1661. 4 5

O d l o i i l i k , op. cit., p. 3 5 4 .

44

Primitive

Church

Government,

p. 4 0 .

266

T H E D E C L I N E OF THE OLD DOCTRINES

between employer and employee was to be one o f m u t u a l t r u s t , free o n either side f r o m any taint o f e x p l o i t a t i o n f o r personal p r o f i t . Journeymen and apprentices were t o be treated b y their masters as members o f the f a m i l y ; a j u s t wage was to be p a i d ; and the religious life o f the whole household was to be cared for. O n the other h a n d , 'the j o u r n e y m a n w h o w o r k s w i t h a pious employer

[says the Napomenuti

o f 1584] s h o u l d

w i l l i n g l y suffer want and insufficiency i n some things, so far as his b o d i l y wants go,' rather t h a n leave his master. Employers w h o were members o f the U n i t y were n o t t o entice apprentices away f r o m other masters.

A

p r i m i t i v e f o r m o f l a b o u r exchange was even set up by the a p p o i n t m e n t o f certain Brethren to act as officers (bratfi soudce) responsible f o r arranging f o r the employment o f apprentices belonging to the U n i t y . Otherwise, i t was t h o u g h t , there w o u l d be a danger o f their d r i f t i n g away f r o m the U n i t y i f they f o u n d w o r k at such an impressionable age w i t h an employer unsympathetic t o its ideals. A similar scheme was operated f o r female servants w i t h Sisters i n the role o f employment officers. The organization o f society was n o t conceived by the Brethren entirely i n static terms. Change o f employment, f o r instance, i n order t o a v o i d some k i n d o f t e m p t a t i o n or m o r a l h a r m was permissible. B u t any tendency, such as had existed under the O l d Brethren and had lingered o n l o n g after the schism, towards the idealization o f the l o w l y and unlettered as against the educated and those i n a u t h o r i t y , o f the c o u n t r y as against the t o w n , h a d gone by the early years o f the seventeenth century. K o n e c n y w r i t i n g i n 1612 divided the various kinds o f occupation i n t o t w o groups : the one represented by those engaged i n spiritual w o r k , l i k e the priesth o o d , or i n the w o r k o f government or i n the realm o f learning or the law, and a lower g r o u p formed f r o m those w h o gained a l i v e l i h o o d f r o m more ordinary o c c u p a t i o n s .

67

I n the same way the m o r a l o b l i g a t i o n encumbent o n U n i t y members to give alms freely, a survival f r o m the early days o f the o l d egalitarian ideology, was n o t n o w conceived i n any way as an attempt t o level o u t social differences. I t was merely, as i n the other branches o f the C h r i s t i a n church, a medicine against avarice, an act o f personal piety. I t m i g h t even be a m e t h o d o f expiation for sins c o m m i t t e d , a sop to set at rest the consciences o f the rich a n d powerful, as comes o u t i n the A d v i c e i n the Napomenuti o f 1584; ' L o r d s should repay their riotous spending

(mar-

notratenstvi) by almsgiving.' Such charity was n a t u r a l l y confined m a i n l y t o members o f the same c o m m u n i t y , t o the needy Brethren. B u t t h e U n i t y "

S m o l i k , op. cit., pp. 8 9 - 9 1 .

267

T H E D E C L I N E OF T H E OLD DOCTRINES

gave a fine example by the way i n w h i c h i t cared for its o w n p o o r .

68

T h e C h u r c h Government has some interesting instructions, w h i c h give a picture o f the way i n w h i c h c h a r i t y was organized d u r i n g the early years o f the seventeenth century. I n the section t r e a t i n g ' O f A l m s ' we r e a d : 1. These the People b r i n g as V o l u n t a r y Oblations i n t o the C h u r c h Treasury, according as they are w i l l i n g , f o r the Use o f the Poor a m o n g the F a i t h f u l , 2. A s this is free t o every M a n , w h e n he pleases, so there used t o be n o j o i n t Collections b u t o n the days o f Prayer, a n d Fasting, and the H o l y C o m m u n i o n , a n d i f any extraordinary Necessity fall o u t , 3. These used t o be given o u t a n d d i s t r i b u t e d t o the Poor, according t o every ones Necessity, either by p r o v i d i n g f o r some o f t h e m F o o d a n d R a i m e n t i n Hospitals, o r by affording some H e l p to those w h o are w o r n by Age o r Sickness. T h e task o f administering the funds collected i n this way was allotted t o a n u m b e r o f 'almoners,' described i n the C h u r c h G o v e r n m e n t as: Prudent M e n , Conspicuous f o r Vertue a n d Fidelity, to w h o m is c o m m i t ted the Care o f the Treasury, ( i n t o w h i c h any o f the People p u t i n , w h e n a n d w h a t they t h i n k fit, that the Left H a n d may n o t k n o w w h a t the R i g h t is doing,) that, when need requires, they may take M o n e y o u t o f i t , record i t i n Books, and dispense i t t o the Poor, the Pastor i n the mean t i m e being acquainted t h e r e w i t h . F o r , as m u c h as is possible f o r us, we prevent Beggary i n any o f ours, according t o God's C o m m a n d . I t is their Office also t o see to the Orphans, the W i d o w s , the Sick, a n d those t h a t are banished f o r the Gospel, t h a t they be n o t destitute o f a l l H e l p . ' 6

Begging, says a decree o f 1562, is forbidden t o any members o f the U n i t y . Every able-bodied B r o t h e r o r Sister was expected t o w o r k or attend t o household responsibilities. B u t i f anyone, t h r o u g h n o f a u l t o f his o w n , was i n need o f assistance, and the l o c a l congregation was unable t o provide this, the elders were t o have recourse to 'other more wealthy congregations.'

B u t that the U n i t y felt n o responsibility f o r the destitute

outside its o w n c o m m u n i t y , that its social conscience had n o t developed widely enough to embrace society as a whole, comes o u t clearly i n the

"

Ibid.,

pp. 96, 97.

Primitive

Church

Government,

pp. 5, 6 , 3 6 . C f . Dekrety,

p. 149, w h i c h s h o w s that i n

1534 the s a m e p r i n c i p l e s c o n c e r n i n g a l m s g i v i n g w e r e i n o p e r a t i o n .

T h e s e date back i n

fact to the p r e v i o u s c e n t u r y . K a u t s k y i n h i s Communism

Europe

of the Reformation,

in Central

in the

w o r d s ' a s m u c h a s is p o s s i b l e for u s , w e p r e v e n t beggary i n a n y o f o u r s (aby se nejvyS

moine" iebroty

Time

p. 8 8 , s e e m s to be p u t t i n g a r a t h e r f o r c e d i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o n t h e nedopoustiloY

w h e n he writes: 'they n o w . . .

tolerate m e n d i c i t y . . . h e n c e there w a s n o l o n g e r a n u n c o n d i t i o n a l o b l i g a t i o n the B r e t h r e n to h e l p e a c h o t h e r . '

pokudi

w e n t s o far a s t o among

268

T H E D E C L I N E OF T H E O L D DOCTRINES

same decree. ' O n n o account may letters [i.e. o f recommendation]

be

given to strange beggars [ i t states] n o r s h o u l d . . . pleas be made o n their behalf i n the congregations, f o r i t is n o t fair o n o u r p a r t either t o be generous at another's expense o r to r o b o u r o w n i n order t o h a n d i t over t o knaves f r o m o u t s i d e . '

70

T h e early U n i t y ' s radical social ethic, therefore, h a d been replaced by a strict p u r i t a n m o r a l code. I n line w i t h this, while indeed they advocated days o f rest f r o m l a b o u r , the Brethren remained r i g i d l y opposed to the c o m m o n sports a n d pastimes o f the people. They continued t o condemn all forms o f dancing, card games, d i c i n g , draughts, stage

spectacles,

country-wakes and other seemingly innocent recreations, i n a d d i t i o n t o the more clearly i m m o r a l varieties o f h u m a n pleasure.

71

O n the other

h a n d , according t o a decree o f 1538 tavern-keeping and brewing, t h o u g h f r o w n e d o n as i n earlier pronouncements, were no longer considered 'a sin i n themselves.'

Thus, p r o v i d e d such a trade was carried o n w i t h o u t

entailing drunkeness o r i m m o r a l i t y , i t m i g h t be pursued by those Brethren w h o either h a d no other means o f gaining a l i v e l i h o o d o r were under c o m p u l s i o n f r o m the authorities. Detailed regulations, p a r t l y i n c o r p o r a t i n g the findings o f previous decrees, were then l a i d d o w n as to the manner i n w h i c h such undertakings should be r u n so as n o t t o conflict w i t h the principles o f the U n i t y .

7 2

The U n i t y i n theory still maintained its testimony i n favour o f simplicity o f dress. B u t i t is obvious f r o m the repeated injunctions against

finery

and exaggerated modishness alone, that a c o n t i n u a l struggle had to be kept u p against the insidious effect w h i c h riches a n d p o s i t i o n h a d u p o n m a n y Brethren f r o m the upper and m i d d l e classes.

73

A c c o r d i n g t o the

somewhat unreliable Kalenec, w r i t i n g i n the early 1540's: ' B r o t h e r L u k a s h a d been w o n t to exhort clothiers, dyers and tailors . . . to repent o f the vanity a n d wickedness o f the w o r l d . ' B u t n o w , he writes further o n accusing the Brethren o f i n d u l g i n g i n showy apparel a n d sumptuous houses, ' y o u r Sisters likewise according t o y o u r example wear costly robes laced w i t h velvet, h a v i n g u n d e r c l o t h i n g o f l a w n variously e m b r o i d ered . . . a n d dresses decorated w i t h silk o f g o l d . '

74

B u t the leader o f the

M i n o r Party was i n fact o n l y echoing i n his rather more c o l o u r f u l style p a r t o f the contents o f a decree passed i n 1538, w h i c h attacked the wearing

">

Dekrety,

"•

Ibid.,

n

Dekrety,

"

E g . , ibid., p p . 9 0 , 9 8 , 127, 156, 178, 2 4 0 .

pp. 215, 216.

p p . 156, 158, 2 1 6 , 2 3 6 , 2 4 0 , 2 4 1 ; S m o l i k , op. cit., p p . 9 1 , 9 2 . pp. 156-58.

O d l o i i l i k , op. cit., p p . 354, 355.

269

T H E D E C L I N E OF THE OLD DOCTRINES

o f "immodest apparel' i n men and w o m e n and enumerated disapprovingly the various forms o f finery then i n fashion, p a r t i c u l a r l y as regards female attire.

I t is obvious t h a t such garments were by n o means u n k n o w n

a m o n g members o f the U n i t y .

Indeed, i n 1544 A u g u s t a himself felt

7 5

called o n p u b l i c l y to w a r n the y o u n g , especially, against this excessive l u x u r y i n dress styles w h i c h had become n o t u n c o m m o n even a m o n g the Brethren.

76

T h e sumptuous way o f l i v i n g , against w h i c h U n i t y divines f u l m i n a t e d i n v a i n and U n i t y synods composed angry decrees, was i n fact the inevitable outcome o f the compromise the U n i t y h a d reached w i t h the c o n t e m p o r a r y w o r l d . I t was p a r t and parcel o f the life o f the n o b i l i t y o f the day, a class w h i c h had come t o play such a n i m p o r t a n t role w i t h i n the U n i t y , a n d o f the wealthy burghers w h o aped their manners a n d customs. A l r e a d y at the beginning o f the sixteenth century members o f several p o w e r f u l families - K o s t k a o f Postupice, Z e r o t i n , Tovacovsky o f C i m b u r k , K r a j i r z K r a j k u , f o r instance - h a d j o i n e d the U n i t y .

7 7

Though

L u k a s i n 1523 was still able t o c l a i m t h a t there were then 'very few o f the p o w e r f u l a n d w e l l - b o r n ' i n the U n i t y ,

7 8

the confession presented to the

k i n g i n 1535 o n behalf o f the U n i t y was signed by 12 lords and 33 k n i g h t s . F o r t y years later i n 1575 a p e t i t i o n was sent to the E m p e r o r , signed this t i m e b y 17 lords a n d 142 k n i g h t s .

79

This gives some idea o f the g r o w t h i n

numbers and influence o f the n o b i l i t y and gentry inside the U n i t y . Some o f the most o u t s t a n d i n g Brethren o f the last years o f the U n i t y ' s existence - K a r e l o f Z e r o t i n , f o r example, o r Vaclav Budovec o f B u d o v - were at the same time typical representatives o f the Czech n o b i l i t y a n d the spokesmen o f their class i n B o h e m i a o r M o r a v i a .

8 0

Members o f the n o b i l i t y were s t i l l , indeed, subject t o U n i t y discipline, w h i c h was n o t merely a dead letter b u t enforced i n p r a c t i c e .

81

A decree

o f 1555, f o r instance, states: 'The subject o f avaricious lords a n d their oppression o f their tenantry was discussed . . . They s h o u l d be dealt w i t h according t o the findings o f the Brethren ; a n d , s h o u l d they be u n w i l l i n g t o submit, disciplinary action must be taken against t h e m . ' "

Dekrety,

7 8

Müller, op. cit., I I , p. 181.

8 2

The U n i t y

p. 156.

"

Müller-BartoS, op. cit., p. 198.

7 8

' O d p o w ë d n a s p i s K a l e n c u o , ' fol. 6.

'»

Müller, op. cit., I I , p p . 71, 4 5 4 , 4 8 1 - 8 5 .

8 0

D e n i s , Fin de l'Indépendance Bohême, I , p. 3 3 9 , attributes the n o t a b l e p a r t p l a y e d by

t h e U n i t y i n C z e c h p o l i t i c a l life i n the s i x t e e n t h a n d e a r l y s e v e n t e e n t h c e n t u r i e s to i t s c o n n e c t i o n w i t h the i m p o r t a n t s e c t i o n o f the n o b i l i t y w h i c h g a v e it t h e i r a d h e r e n c e . 81

Dekrety,

8 1

Ibid., p. 178. C f . A u g u s t a ' s w o r d s o f r e p r i m a n d w r i t t e n i n 1548 to Bohuä K o s t k a t h e

p p . 125, 2 3 8 , 2 3 9 .

270

T H E D E C L I N E OF THE OLD DOCTRINES

continued, t o o , t o consider that the advantages o f b i r t h entailed equivalent obligations. W h e n , therefore, i t was f o u n d t h a t 'many lords, o n account o f age or the lack o f obedience a m o n g servants or because o f debts o r to avoid c o m m o n burdens or because they had no heir, were anxious to sell their estates and lead a more comfortable life i n the t o w n , l i v i n g off money invested at interest,' a synod o f 1591, held at L i p n i k and composed

of

representatives f r o m Poland as well as f r o m Bohemia and M o r a v i a , advised strongly against such a course o f a c t i o n . ' L o r d s should remain l o r d s and o n n o account escape f r o m their c a l l i n g . '

83

B u t even i f i n m o r a l matters the U n i t y continued t o the end t o make severe demands o n its members f r o m the upper classes,

84

i t must n o t be

forgotten that i n social doctrine i t had l o n g tolerated the different standards o f life a n d conduct, w h i c h were entailed b y its acknowledgement o f social inequalities. A r i s i n g logically f r o m this basic compromise w i t h the existing state o f society w h i c h came w i t h the v i c t o r y o f the M a j o r Party at the end o f the fifteenth century, the U n i t y ' s a t t i t u d e towards such m a n i festations o f c i v i l a u t h o r i t y as courts o f law and o a t h t a k i n g and war, w h i c h h a d once been t o t a l l y condemned as unchristian, showed a p r o gressive a c c o m m o d a t i o n to the ideas o f the rest o f the c o m m u n i t y . Participation i n the w o r k i n g o f the law either as judge, legislator o r executor, lawyer o r l i t i g a n t , was n o w considered as quite consistent w i t h the calling o f a Brother. Disputes between fellow members o f the U n i t y w h i c h c o u l d easily arise especially i n m i n o r matters were, however, still t o be settled i f possible o u t o f court. I n the second decade o f the seventeenth century the C h u r c h Government advises the Brethren 'that they be n o t hasty to go t o law, but rather take up friendly the differences that fall o u t , either by the Eldership o r chosen A r b i t e r s . '

85

Lawyers were expected only

t o take o n 'just cases,' according to a decree o f 1572, w h i c h also expressly p e r m i t t e d the t a k i n g o f lawyers' fees, ' p r o v i d e d i t was n o t done w i t h a I

y o u n g e r o f P o s t u p i c e , a m e m b e r o f the U n i t y , for h i s o b e d i e n c e to the k i n g ' s o r d e r s t o c a r r y o u t p u n i t o r y m e a s u r e s against the B r e t h r e n .

I n h i s letter A u g u s t a

refers

to

C h r i s t ' s w o r d s c o n c e r n i n g the difficulties i n the w a y o f a rich m a n e n t e r i n g i n t o the k i n g d o m o f G o d [ M a r k X , 2 3 - 2 5 ] . - Müller, op. cit., I I , p. 2 1 7 . 63

Dekrety,

8 4

O f P e t r V o k o f R o z m b e r k , a m e m b e r o f o n e o f the m o s t p o w e r f u l

p. 2 4 6 . and wealthy

C z e c h n o b l e families, w h o j o i n e d the U n i t y i n 1582, largely t h r o u g h his wife's influence, Müller, op. cit., H I , pp. 1 9 7 - 9 9 , w r i t e s : ' W a r er für die Brüder e i n s c h w i e r i g e s K i r c h e n mitglied, z u m a l a u c h sein n i c h t e i n w a n d f r e i e s a u s s c h w e i s e n d e s P r i v a t l e b e n D i f f e r e n z e n m i t d e n Brüdern h e r v o r r i e f . '

I t is d o u b t f u l w h e t h e r h a l f a c e n t u r y e a r l i e r s u c h a m a n

c o u l d h a v e l o n g r e m a i n e d a m e m b e r o f the U n i t y . 86

Primitive

Church

Governmet,

p. 4 1 . T h e o r i g i n a l C z e c h m a k e s it c l e a r that r e -

c o u r s e to a c o u r t o f l a w w a s p e r m i s s i b l e , e v e n a m o n g B r e t h r e n , i f a r b i t r a t i o n refused.

C f . Dekrety,

p. 156 ( f r o m 1538).

was

271

THE D E C L I N E OF THE O L D DOCTRINES

desire f o r gain and the oppression o f the n e e d y . '

I n regard t o oaths, b y

86

1540 the complicated and hair-splitting differentiations and

provisos

w h i c h a b o u n d i n the writings o f Brother L u k a s and i n the earlier decrees o n the subject have already vanished.

The permissibility o f oaths is

stated p l a i n l y ; several b i b l i c a l texts are quoted i n support o f t h i s ; a definition o f an o a t h is then g i v e n ; and false oaths and swearing i n the name o f any o f G o d ' s creations are expressly f o r b i d d e n . B u t there is n o w none o f the hesitancy w i t h w h i c h at first the M a j o r Party approached the question.

87

I n regard t o p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n warfare, the similar note o f indecision disappeared perhaps even earlier t h a n w i t h oaths. A p r o o f that by 1530 m a n y Brethren were actively, and sometimes even v o l u n t a r i l y , participati n g i n m i l i t a r y service was the official p u b l i c a t i o n by the U n i t y i n t h a t year o f a b o o k destined for U n i t y soldiers captured by the T u r k s , and instructing uiaqj h o w they should behave d u r i n g a l o n g captivity.

The

b o o k , p r o b a b l y the w o r k o f B r o t h e r Jan R o h , was w r i t t e n i n the years immediately succeeding the defeat o f the Hungarians at Mohäcs i n 1526, when there was i m m i n e n t danger o f an invasion o f the Czech lands. B u t its repeated r e p r i n t i n g shows t h a t i t c o n t i n u e d to be regarded as the official doctrine o f the U n i t y .

8 8

I f called u p o n t o take p a r t i n defence against the T u r k s , the Brethren were t o d o so w i l l i n g l y ; and i f i n the course o f their duties they were forced t o k i l l some o f the enemy, they were to p u t aside a l l qualms.

The

T u r k s were crueller and more b l o o d t h i r s t y than w i l d beasts, against w h o m i t was the o b l i g a t i o n o f all t o fight. T o f a l l i n battle for such a cause should be regarded by a Brother i n the same l i g h t as t o die f r o m some illness.

89

I n 1559, w h e n the subject o f w a r came up d u r i n g a conference o f elders at zteravice, the delegates were once again referred back to the Instructions o f 1530 as p r o v i d i n g U n i t y members w i t h suitable advice o n the proper line o f behaviour i n a war emergency. A promise was given, however, to issue some k i n d o f supplement, w h i c h w o u l d be for the use o f the pastors rather than the o r d i n a r y Brethren. A t the same t i m e , the assembled elders "

Dekrety, Ibid.,

"

p. 2 3 9 .

p p . 162, 163.

Müller, op. cit., I I , p p . 3 6 , 3 7 ; W i n t e r , Kulturni

full title w a s Zprawa pecnych nynigssjch "

pfi spasenj

a naucenj boljm

pfichäzegicych

kfesfanCim

fjditi zprawowati od näsylj tureckeho

obraz

ceskych

wirnym,

gakby

a w nlm

rüsti meli:

mist,

se w techto

I , p. 3 4 3 . I t s casych

ano y pfi

gak se mjti a zachowäwati

nebezteikostech

magji.

Müller, op. cit., p p . 3 7 , 38. T h e U n i t y w a s r e b u k e d by the H a b r o v a n y B r e t h r e n for

i s s u i n g s u c h i n s t r u c t i o n s . B u t b o t h sides i n the c o n t r o v e r s y a c c u s e d the o t h e r o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n w a r l i k e e x p e d i t i o n s . - O d l o z i l i k , op. cit.

p. 3 4 4 .

272

T H E D E C L I N E OF T H E O L D DOCTRINES

expatiated on the horrors of war and the moral and physical dangers to which soldiers were exposed on campaigns. War was, indeed, 'a scourge of G o d ' with which Unity members were to avoid getting mixed up. But to die in defence of the faith or the fatherland was the duty of a true Christian, especially when the aggressor was the heathen Turk, with whom, it is added, only the pacifist Anabaptists were ready to make peace at any price. Therefore, the elders decree, the Brethren should be: Most earnestly entreated to be ready . . . with a clear conscience to suffer and die. . . . I f they are called up for the militia (na vefejnosf), they should conduct themselves in all things obediently, submissively and humbly . . . so that they be not reckoned as traitors or Anabaptists, who say: ' I don't know; let this T u r k come if he must, e t c . ' 90

The Unity, as Smolik has pointed out, during the century and a quarter after the schism never attempted, any more than it had done in the first half century of its existence, to work out in systematic fashion its political and social philosophy.

91

Nevertheless, this period saw an almost complete

withdrawal from its former position. What remained survived by chance, not by design. A certain tendency continued to extol, at least on paper, the virtues of simplicity in the things of the mind as well as in more mundane affairs such as dress, food, shelter and recreation. T h e duty encumbent on the ablebodied priests to engage, at least part-time, in some kind of manual work remained, too, as a relic of the Unity's proletarian origins. T h e stand which it never relinquished in favour of the separation of church and state was, indeed, a notable contribution to the history of religious toleration and freedom of thought. The privileges of wealth and rank, conceived as being held on trust from G o d , were never completely divorced in the eyes of the Brethren from the duties which these entailed; the unrestrained and unlimited acquisition of power and riches was condemned ; and all members of the Unity continued to be subject to a strict moral discipline. I n the face of G o d all men were equal; and the Unity never quite lost sight of this principle which had inspired so much of its earlier thought, even though the obligation of helping a neighbour in distress was now restricted for the most part to the distribution of charity within the narrow circle of the poorer Brethren. The idea of the Unity, of all Brethren of high and low degree, as one large family never ceased to have some reality. E v e n in their attitude to the law and the military, the two fields where compromise appears to have been most complete, the •°

Dekrety,

1 1

S m o l i k , op. c/r., p. 8 8 .

p. 2 0 2 .

T H E D E C L I N E OF T H E O L D DOCTRINES

273

Brethren never came t o accept w i t h o u t qualification the current o u t l o o k . B u t true as i t is that the process was never completed, the v i c t o r y o f the M a j o r Party i n the 1490's h a d none the less initiated a series o f d o c t r i n a l changes w h i c h , b o t h i n theory as well as i n their practical effect, were t o alter entirely the social character o f the U n i t y . T h e u n d e r l y i n g t r u t h o f the words w r i t t e n by A n t o n G i n d e l y a h u n d r e d years ago remains u n changed to-day, despite the subsequent researches o f several generations o f historians. I n his classic history o f the U n i t y he writes as follows o f the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n w h i c h the U n i t y underwent after the schism : A u s den böhmischen P u r i t a n e r n , . . . die z u Peter v o n ChelCic m e h r wie zu H u s hielten, die nach Paulinischer Lehrweise die Ehelosigkeit verzogon, keine Eide schworen, k e i n A m t verwalteten, keinen L u x u s sich gestatteten, keinen R e i c h t h u m duldeten, n i c h t a u f Zinsen liehen, den K r e i g verabscheuten, waren ganz wohlhabende K a p i t a l i s t e n , ganz ehrbare Ehemänner, ganz geschickte Gewerbsmänner, ganz anständige Bürgermeister u n d Geschworne, ganz tüchtige Generäle u n d Staatsmänner g e w o r d e n . 94

**

G i n d e l y , Geschichte

der Böhmischen Brüder, I I , p. 3 1 2 .

CONCLUSIONS

The p o l i t i c a l a n d social doctrines o f Chelcicky a n d the early Czech Brethren represented the most radical p o s i t i o n taken u p d u r i n g the M i d d l e Ages towards the ever r e c u r r i n g p r o b l e m o f the relationship o f the i n d i v i d u a l towards society i n its organized f o r m o f the state. T h e y were concerned, therefore, w i t h questions w h i c h have lost none o f their interest for o u r generation. H o w far was the c o m m u n i t y entitled to use force t o coerce its i n d i v i d u a l members? I n w h a t circumstances, o n the other h a n d , were the citizens o f a state justified i n disobeying the authorities, and was such disobedience to be active o r passive? Was n o t perhaps the ideal society the one w h i c h possessed n o government at all, r u l e d by m o r a l suasion alone? W h a t was to be the proper relationship between c h u r c h a n d state? Was the death penalty ever justified for serious crimes a n d , even more v i t a l , m i g h t the C h r i s t i a n participate i n warfare a n d bloodshed under certain conditions? A n d i f these were i n fact forbidden, h o w should he behave i n the face o f oppression a n d wrongdoing?

W h a t , t o o , was to be the right p r o p e r t y

relationship i n a well-ordered society, a n d was there any place i n i t f o r class differences?

C o u l d equality be p u t i n t o effect i n the economic as well

as i n the p o l i t i c a l and social spheres? W h a t place should be granted t o superior talents or education? D i d certain occupations possess a greater social value than others a n d was, f o r instance, an agricultural economy ethically superior to an u r b a n one? The b o d y o f U n i t y doctrine concerned to give an answer t o questions such as these was, moreover, n o t merely the p r o d u c t o f a single philosopher like, f o r instance, the d a r i n g p o l i t i c a l theories o f Marsilius o f Padua, created i n isolation f r o m the c o m m u n i t y , theories w h i c h h a d l i t t l e practical effect o n the daily lives o f o r d i n a r y m e n and w o m e n . They were not destined either, as the social radicalism o f the medieval c h u r c h h a d been, o n l y f o r a select few l i v i n g a celibate and secluded life, w i t h o u t application f o r the rest o f society o r o f purely theoretical v a l i d i t y f o r the

275

CONCLUSIONS

o r d i n a r y citizen. The Czech Brethren, o n the other h a n d , t r i e d to live o u t , i n the w o r l d as i t then was, the p o l i t i c a l and social theories w h i c h they h a d accepted f r o m their teacher, ChelSicky.

T h e i r history for the first

h a l f century o f their existence tells the story o f this a t t e m p t ; and the schism w h i c h arose i n the 1490's is, indeed, so f u l l o f interest to-day j u s t because i t reflects the problems and difficulties w h i c h were encountered i n the effort t o b r i n g the theories o f the p o l i t i c a l philosopher i n t o the realm o f practical l i v i n g . Social radicalism o f v a r y i n g shades h a d f o u n d expression t h r o u g h o u t the M i d d l e Ages i n a l o n g series o f sects leading u p t o the widespread activities o f the Waldenses.

B u t neither the Waldenses, n o r their n u m e r -

ous predecessors, n o r even the later L o l l a r d s i n E n g l a n d , appear t o have w o r k e d o u t their attitude t o society i n a n y t h i n g approaching the detail w h i c h C h e l & c k y a n d the early B r e t h r e n lavished o n the p r o b l e m .

In

a d d i t i o n , the m a i n sources for the former's life a n d t h o u g h t are t o be f o u n d i n the reports o f their opponents: other documentary evidence is extremely scanty, especially when contrasted w i t h the numerous treatises t o u c h i n g o n p o l i t i c a l a n d social problems w h i c h have been left b y Chelfcicky a n d the early Brethren. H u s and his predecessors and successors i n the Czech r e f o r m movement, as well as the Taborites and the Adamites, were all concerned t o some extent, t o o , w i t h p o l i t i c a l and social questions. A large literature directed against various social abuses had resulted. B u t , apart f r o m the b r i e f chiliastic p e r i o d , n o serious attempt was made even i n theory to r e m o u l d the existing order so as to b r i n g i t more i n line w i t h the C h r i s t i a n gospel o f justice and love. T h e a i m was merely piecemeal r e f o r m , n o t a r a d i c a l t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f society. F o r a l l his o r i g i n a l i t y Chelcicky\ o f course, d i d n o t arise as an isolated phenomenon i n the history o f p o l i t i c a l t h o u g h t , w i t h o u t precursors o r uninfluenced by his intellectual e n v i r o n m e n t ; n o r was the social r a d i c a l ism o f the early U n i t y w i t h o u t close parallels elsewhere i n succeeding centuries, despite the fact that i t came t o be disclaimed by a later genera t i o n o f Brethren. W h i l e , therefore, f r o m one p o i n t o f view the appearance o f ChelSicky and the early Brethren m a r k e d the c u l m i n a t i n g p o i n t i n the development o f the social radicalism o f the medieval sects, at the same time i t ushers i n the new social radicalism o f the left-wing o f the Protestant R e f o r m a t i o n .

T h o u g h the genetic connection is slight, the

social t h o u g h t o f a number o f post-Reformation sects presents many close parallels w i t h that o f the earlier Czech Brethren. I n the G e r m a n a n d D u t c h speaking lands there were the Anabaptists and the M e n n o n i t e s

276

CONCLUSIONS

and their offshoots; i n the Slav w o r l d there were the Polish A r i a n s a n d , later, Tolstoy w h o i n his t u r n influenced the H i n d u G a n d h i , as well as many Russian sectaries; i n England there were the Quakers a n d several lesser N o n c o n f o r m i s t Two

bodies.

features have been characteristic o f the social

doctrines

of

almost all these sects. There is, i n the first place, a strongly emphasized utopianism, a perfectionism w h i c h strives to realize i n the present the m a x i m u m m o r a l p o t e n t i a l i t y o f w h i c h the h u m a n race is capable.

Second-

ly, there is the C h r i s t i a n f r a m e w o r k ; the u l t i m a t e source o f a u t h o r i t y for the social teaching, as for the more purely theological, lies i n the example o f Christ and his apostles as portrayed i n the N e w

Testament.

I n a d d i t i o n , the social o r i g i n o f the m a j o r i t y o f the sectaries has derived f r o m the h u m b l e r sections o f the c o m m u n i t y . They have m o s t l y been, at least at the beginning, peasants and artisans a n d petty tradesmen; and this has been reflected i n the character o f their c o m m u n i t i e s ' social ideology.

I n every case this ideology has t o some extent, therefore, been a

gospel o f revolt and protest, albeit passive, against the existing social order. I n the West historians o f p o l i t i c a l and social ideas, i n tracing back the origins o f m o d e r n democracy o r o f contemporary movements l i k e socialism and anarchism, have usually ignored the great c o n t r i b u t i o n , w h i c h d u r i n g the fifteenth century the Czech people made to their development i n the f o r m o f the p o l i t i c a l and social doctrines o f Chelcicky a n d the U n i t y o f Brethren. Nevertheless, the importance o f these doctrines, as o f the attempt to give t h e m practical application i n everyday life, reaches far beyond the borders o f the Czech lands. They deserve, indeed, a place i n the history o f European p o l i t i c a l t h o u g h t .

fitting

APPENDIX

THE

OLD

DOCTRINES IN

UNITY

HISTORIOGRAPHY T h e significance for the history o f the Brethren's social radicalism, and o f the schism w h i c h resulted i n the 1490's, o f the w o r k s o f those historians o f the second h a l f o f the sixteenth a n d o f the seventeenth centuries w h o , whether members o f the U n i t y or only friendly observers, dealt w i t h the early p e r i o d o f the U n i t y ' s existence, does n o t lie so m u c h i n w h a t they wrote b u t rather i n w h a t they o m i t t e d f r o m their w r i t i n g s . T h e controversy between the M a j o r a n d M i n o r Parties w i t h i n the U n i t y p r o v i d e d indeed the incentive f o r the Brethren's first efforts at history w r i t i n g .

1

B u t the w o r k s w h i c h resulted f r o m the pens o f Lukás

and K r a s o n i c k y o r their opponents o f the M i n o r Party, first-hand sources f o r the events related i n the previous chapters a n d invaluable f o r this history as p r i m a r y w o r k s , were produced i n the heat o f the struggle. W i t h the possible exception, i n so far as these dealt w i t h the beginnings o f the Brethren's history, o f K r a s o n i c k ^ ' s O ucenych o r Lukás's w o r k o n the origins o f the U n i t y , they made l i t t l e pretence t o a c o o l h i s t o r i c a l n a r r a t i o n or any a t t e m p t at a considered analysis o f the events described. Indeed, the whole spirit o f c o n t e m p o r a r y historiography, as K r o f t a has pointed o u t , was coloured b y the passion aroused by the controversies o f the day, w h i c h were m a i n l y o f a religious n a t u r e ; and this was nowhere more true t h a n i n the h i s t o r i c a l w o r k s w r i t t e n o n the U n i t y t h r o u g h o u t the p e r i o d before its final suppression.

2

Nevertheless, the w o r k s p r o d u c e d

after the death o f those l i k e Lukás, K r a s o n i c k y o r Kalenec, w h o had actually taken a p r o m i n e n t p a r t i n the controversy over the U n i t y ' s political a n d social doctrines, c o u l d make greater claims t o i m p a r t i a l i t y than a n y t h i n g w r i t t e n while the battle was o n . O n the other h a n d , w h i l e to the very end such w o r k s m i g h t still c o n t a i n i m p o r t a n t details preserved

1

*

K r o f t a , O bratrském dëjepisectvi, p. 2 4 . Ibid., p. 8.

278

APPENDIX

i n U n i t y circles by o r a l t r a d i t i o n , they naturally lacked the value o f an eyewitness account possessed by the earlier w r i t i n g s .

3

T h e most outstanding o f the U n i t y historians was Jan Blahoslav (1523-1571), the m a n w h o c o n t r i b u t e d most towards, t h o u g h he d i d n o t initiate o r complete, the c o m p i l a t i o n o f that great collection o f documents relating t o the history o f the Brethren k n o w n as the Acts o f the U n i t y o f Brethren. H e was also the a u t h o r o f t w o narratives w h i c h deal w i t h the period o f the early Brethren. The first w o r k , a treatise i n Czech o n the origins o f the U n i t y o f Brethren based largely o n Krasonick^'s earlier w o r k O ucenych, a n d t o a lesser extent o n writings by L u k a s as well as o n various other o r i g i n a l documents a n d o n o r a l t r a d i t i o n , was composed early i n Blahoslav's career between 1547 a n d 1551. I t was destined f o r an u n k n o w n i n d i v i d u a l Brother a n d n o t f o r general c i r c u l a t i o n a m o n g U n i t y members.

It

contains l i t t l e t h a t t h r o w s l i g h t o n the U n i t y ' s early social ideology, n o r indeed was this subject closely connected w i t h the m a i n theme o f the w o r k .

4

Even m o r e s t r i k i n g , however, especially considering that Blahoslav h a d access t o m a n y o f the o r i g i n a l documents d a t i n g f r o m the period w h i c h ended i n the schism, is his neglect o f the whole subject i n a second w o r k , also unpublished. The Swnma quaedam brevissima collecta ex

variis

script is Fratrum, qui /also Waldenses vel Piccardi vocantur, de eorundum Fratrum origine et actis was w r i t t e n i n 1556 w i t h the object o f defending the U n i t y against Flacius Illyricus's assertion t h a t the Brethren were identical w i t h the Waldenses. I n his efforts t o prove Flacius I l l y r i c u s w r o n g Blahoslav, indeed, goes t o o far when he writes o f the founders o f the U n i t y , w h o had previously been disciples o f Rokycana, t h a t : ' n u l l a fuerant commercia c u m Waldensibus, i m m o . . . v i x q u i s q u a m W a l d e n sium visus fuit.

N a m i l l i l a t i t a b a n t iis temporibus dispersi per regiones

istas circa Boemiam.' T h i s playing d o w n o f Waldensian influence o n the development o f the U n i t y , while at the same t i m e overemphasizing the part played by Rokycana and the Utraquists i n b r i n g i n g the U n i t y t o *

O w i n g to the difficulties w h i c h p r e v e n t e d m e f r o m c a r r y i n g o u t m y r e s e a r c h i n

P r a g u e i n p e r s o n , a n d the p r a c t i c a l necessity o f r e s t r i c t i n g r e q u e s t s f o r m i c r o f i l m s to the m o r e i m p o r t a n t s o u r c e s , I h a v e n o t h a d a c c e s s to s e v e r a l w o r k s o f l a t e r U n i t y h i s t o r i a n s w h i c h h a v e r e m a i n e d i n m a n u s c r i p t , s u c h a s f o r i n s t a n c e the b u l k y Historia

Fratrum,

w h i c h c e r t a i n l y m a k e s p a s s i n g reference t o the e a r l y p o l i t i c a l a n d s o c i a l d o c t r i n e s a n d to the s c h i s m (see S a f a f i k , ' B r . J a n a B l a h o s l a v a h i s t o r i e b r a t f i C e s k y c h , ' C. C. XXXVI,

M.,

1852, p a r t I ) , o r the w r i t i n g s o f B r o t h e r Jafet. I h a v e h a d , therefore, to r e l y

h e r e o n references o r extracts i n s e c o n d a r y w o r k s . 4

O d l o z i l i k , ' B r a t r a J a n a B l a h o s l a v a Pferovskdho spis O p i i v o d u Jednoty b r a t r s k i a

f a d u v n i , ' Vistnik

krdlovske

ceske spolecnosti

article w i t h s i m i l a r title i n C. 6. M.,

nduk, 1928, esp. p p . 1 , 6 - 1 0 ; Y a s t r e b o v ' s

V I I I , 1902, p p . 5 5 , 6 1 , 6 2 .

279

T H E OLD DOCTRINES IN UNITY HISTORIOGRAPHY

b i r t h , is also accompanied b y the purposeful omission o f Chelcicky's p o w e r f u l influence o n the f o r m a t i o n o f the early U n i t y ' s t h i n k i n g .

5

K r o f t a , indeed, suggests that the reason w h y Blahoslav passed over i n complete silence the epochmaking controversy between the M a j o r a n d M i n o r parties a n d the events that led u p t o i t , may have been his reluctance t o d w e l l o n i n t e r n a l differences i n a w o r k designed for c i r c u l a t i o n a b r o a d . * This m a y i n fact have been one o f the considerations i n B l a h o slav's m i n d i n t r e a t i n g i n such a tendentious manner the early h i s t o r y o f the U n i t y . B u t Göll is p r o b a b l y nearer the t r u t h w h e n he

connects

Blahoslav's a t t i t u d e w i t h the tendency to be f o u n d a m o n g a l l the h i s t o r i ans o f the U n i t y w h o f o l l o w e d h i m o f i g n o r i n g the whole subject o f the schism; a n d he goes o n t o find the reason f o r this i n the r e v o l u t i o n i n the U n i t y ' s p o l i t i c a l a n d social doctrines at the end o f the fifteenth century, w h i c h made i t seem desirable t o later generations t o push the whole subject i n t o the b a c k g r o u n d . The r a p i d disappearance after this date o f the t r a d i t i o n s connected w i t h the early Brethren's social ideology, w i t h the result t h a t these ideas were soon quite forgotten a m o n g almost a l l except a h a n d f u l o f scholars, was l i n k e d up w i t h the v i c t o r y o f the M a j o r Party a n d the complete e l i m i n a t i o n b y the m i d d l e o f the century o f the M i n o r Party.

7

The historical works o f Blahoslav, u n o r i g i n a l t h o u g h they were as far as the history o f the U n i t y i n the

fifteenth

century is concerned,

p r o f o u n d l y influenced the writings o f later historians such as Camerarius, L a s i c k i , Jafet, Regenvolscius, and even K o m e n s k y .

8

T h e first systematic history o f the U n i t y d i d n o t come f r o m the pen o f a member, b u t was w r i t t e n by a sympathetic G e r m a n Protestant scholar, Joachim Camerarius the elder (1500-74). Camerarius was a professor at Leipzig U n i v e r s i t y , well k n o w n as a h u m a n i s t a n d a follower o f the theologian M e l a n c h t o n . H i s w o r k is based i n p a r t o n o r i g i n a l authorities

6

G ö l l , Quellen

und Untersuchungen

5 3 - 5 6 , 1 1 4 - 2 8 ; P a l m o v , Cheshkie

zur Geschichte

bratya

v svoikh

der Böhmischen Brüder, I , p p . 4 9 ,

konfessiyakh,

I , p. 4 0 7 . A c c o r d i n g t o

B l a h o s l a v J a n Germ?, his mentor, wrote t h a t : ' F r a t r u m U n i t a s n o m e n nolit agnoscere, debere deduci.'

Waldensium

a c v e r a m originem F r a t r u m a H u s s i o , R o c h e z a n a , L u p a c z i o etc. C e r n y i n 1555 h a d a l s o w r i t t e n to F l a c i u s I l l y r i c u s to t h i s effect.

For

a n o t h e r e x a m p l e o f t h e c u r r e n t t e n d e n c y o n the p a r t o f the B r e t h r e n to seek t h e i r o r i g i n s i n the g e n e r a l U t r a q u i s t t r a d i t i o n r a t h e r t h a n i n Chelöicky o r the W a l d e n s e s , see the OsvSdienl iivot

clrkevnl

Jednoty

bratrski

proti näfküm nestfldmym

•

K r o f t a , op. tit., p. 103.

'

G o l l - K r o f t a , Chelöicky a Jednota

in Central *

o f 1558, q u o t e d i n W i n t e r ,

v Cechäch, I , p. 3 6 .

Europe

v XV.

stoleti, p p . 5 9 , 6 0 . C f . K a u t s k y ,

in the Time of the Reformation,

Y a s t r e b o v , op. cit., pp. 5 2 - 5 5 , 6 2 , 6 6 , 6 7 .

p. 8 8 .

Communism

280

APPENDIX

and, i n treating o f the early history o f the U n i t y , he seeks to l i n k u p the Brethren w i t h the remnants o f the Taborites.

A l t h o u g h he devotes con-

siderable space t o the early p e r i o d o f the U n i t y ' s history, he manages however to a v o i d m a k i n g any m e n t i o n o f the o l d p o l i t i c a l a n d social doctrines o r o f the schism i n the 1490's. His b o o k was first published i n Heidelberg i n 1605, over t h i r t y years after his death, i n an edition b r o u g h t out by his grandson.

There was added, as a n appendix to the volume,

a n essay w r i t t e n by E s r o m Riidinger i n 1579 entitled De Fratrum doxorum

in Bohemia

et Moravia

ecclesiolis narratiuncula.

ortho-

This, how-

ever, is n o t i n fact a complete history o f the U n i t y i n m i n i a t u r e , b u t rather an essay on its Hussite and T a b o r i t e o r i g i n s . ' T h e next historian t o deal comprehensively

w i t h the history o f the

U n i t y likewise came f r o m outside its ranks. Jan t a s i c k i

(1534-1602)

was a Polish Protestant nobleman, w h o spent m u c h o f his life c o m p i l i n g a history o f the Czech Brethren f r o m their beginnings i n the previous century. H i s first d r a f t was considered unsatisfactory b y the leading Brethren, t h o u g h they had allowed h i m access to their archives for his research; a n d even his revised version, finished i n 1599 three years before his death, has remained i n manuscript, except for the eighth b o o k , w h i c h

Komensky

p r i n t e d at Leszno i n 1649 w i t h an i n t r o d u c t i o n b y himself as well as a summary o f the whole together w i t h certain selected passages f r o m the other seven books. W i t h o u t being able t o consult the o r i g i n a l manuscript i t is impossible to speak w i t h certainty concerning the whole

work.

B u t i t is significant t h a t neither i n Komensky"'s s u m m a r y o f Books I I a n d I I I , w h i c h dealt w i t h the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, n o r i n the extracts f r o m them w h i c h he published, is there any m e n t i o n o f the Brethren's early radicalism o r o f the s c h i s m .

10

I f t a s i c k i d i d i n fact treat

o f these subjects, K o m e n s k y evidently d i d not consider t h e m i m p o r t a n t enough for insertion i n the published w o r k . L i k e t a s i c k i Brother Jan Jafet (d. 1614) never lived to see any o f his historical w o r k s appear i n p r i n t . His writings are o f a more distinctly polemical nature t h a n those o f the Pole, and were composed for the most part to defend the U n i t y against the attacks o f the Counter

Reformation.

Perhaps for t h a t reason, i n order to be forearmed against any possible accusation o f h o l d i n g subversive opinions concerning the social and *

Camerarius,

Moravia 1 0

Historica

et Polonia,

t a s i c k i , Johannis

Bohemorum particularia

liber

narratio

passim. Lasitii,

octavus

quaedam

...

de

Fratrum

orthodoxorum

ecclesiis

in

Bohemia,

See also K r o f t a , op. cit., p. 1 7 1 ; Y a s t r e b o v , op. cit., p. 6 2 . nobilis Poloni, Adduntur

excerpta...,

historiae

tamen

de origine

reliquorum

VII

et rebus librorum

gestis

Fratrum

argumenta

esp. p p . 176 ff. See a l s o K r o f t a , op. cit., pp.

et

173-76.

281

THE O L D DOCTRINES IN UNITY HISTORIOGRAPHY

p o l i t i c a l order, Jafet i n several o f his w o r k s does deal, t h o u g h somewhat perfunctorily a n d w i t h a complete lack o f sympathy o r understanding, w i t h the doctrines o f the O l d Brethren and their renunciation at the end o f the fifteenth century. I n his Mec

Golids&v finished i n 1607, f o r i n -

stance, he includes a n account o f the schism w h i c h he describes as h a v i n g arisen 'because o f the treatises o f Petr Chel5icky'; a n d , he writes, i n the place o f such erroneous notions the U n i t y henceforward

acknowledged

'the r i g h t doctrine concerning the c i v i l p o w e r (dobry smysl o vrchnosti sveta).'

I n another w o r k , Historie

o puvodu Jednoty bratrske, w r i t t e n

i n 1614 i n answer t o earlier attacks o n the U n i t y f r o m a Czech Jesuit, Vaclav S t u r m , Jafet i n passing again makes a few brief, b u t u n c o m p l i mentary references to Chelclcky" and the M i n o r P a r t y .

11

T h e t r i u m p h o f the Counter R e f o r m a t i o n t h r o u g h o u t the Czech lands, w h i c h came as a result o f the Battle o f the W h i t e M o u n t a i n i n 1620, d i d not immediately p u t an end t o a l l interest i n the past o f the U n i t y . C o n cern f o r its history lived o n a m o n g the Brethren w h o went i n t o exile, as well as a m o n g their Polish co-religionists w h o , i n spite o f the m a n y t r i b u l a t i o n s w h i c h the t r o u b l e d m i d d l e years o f the century b r o u g h t t h e m , continued t o exist as an organized body. The Polish branch o f the U n i t y , the weakest i n numbers and influence o f the f o u r m a i n Protestant denominations i n P o l a n d , d i d n o t produce any i m p o r t a n t w o r k s dealing w i t h the early history o f their c h u r c h . B u t a leading Polish Protestant h i s t o r i a n and preacher, Andrzej

Wejierski

(1600-49), w r i t i n g under the name o f A d r i a n u s Regenvolscius, produced a large volume devoted t o the history o f the church i n the Slav countries. H i s book, w h i c h was published i n 1652 i n U t r e c h t after his death, c o n tained a n u m b e r o f chapters devoted t o the history o f the Brethren. B u t i n none does he t o u c h o n the subject o f the U n i t y ' s p o l i t i c a l a n d social ideology or o f the schism i n the 1490's, thus f o l l o w i n g the example most o f the historians w h o preceded h i m .

of

1 2

T h e story o f the Czech branch o f the U n i t y culminates i n the m a n y sided activities o f the greatest figure i n its history. T h e life o f K o m e n s k y indeed, the greater p a r t o f w h i c h was spent i n exile after the seemingly complete destruction o f the U n i t y i n the l a n d o f its b i r t h , belongs as m u c h t o the history o f Western culture as t o the more l i m i t e d field o f the annals 1 1

JireCek, ' B . J a n a J a f e t a k r a t k a z p r a v a o b i s k u p l c h a s t a r s i c h J e d n o t y

C. C. M.

bratrskeV

X X X V , 1861, p p . 1 4 4 , 1 4 5 ; G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p p . 2 3 6 - 4 7 ; K r o f t a , op.

cit.,

pp. 146-56. "

Regenvolscius,

provincias

varias,

op. cit., p. 176.

Systema

historico-chronologicum

esp. B o o k I , C h a p . V I I I , a n d B o o k

ecclesiarum

slavonicarum

II, Chap. VIII.

Cf.

per

Krofta,

282

APPENDIX

o f the Brethren. Nevertheless K o m e n s k y was t h r o u g h o u t his life p r o f o u n d l y interested i n the history o f his c h u r c h and devoted t o the task o f preserving for posterity the record o f its achievements.

To

Komensky,

i n a d d i t i o n , later historians are indebted f o r h a n d i n g d o w n the last surviving memories, d a t i n g back to the time o f the O l d Brethren, w h i c h the l i v i n g t r a d i t i o n o f the U n i t y still retained. K o m e n s k y was at least i n p a r t responsible f o r t w o historical w o r k s o n U n i t y history, w h i c h covered the early p e r i o d . B o t h were largely based o n such writers as Camerarius, Lasicki a n d W e j i e r s k i ; a n d the later o f the t w o , w h i c h was first published i n L a t i n i n A m s t e r d a m i n 1660 a n d dealt, l i k e W e j i e r s k i ' s history, w i t h the whole Slavonic c h u r c h , omits a l l m e n t i o n o f the early Brethren's social radicalism a n d the whole c o n t r o versy o n this issue.

13

The earlier w o r k , however, a record o f the trials

t h r o u g h w h i c h the C h r i s t i a n f a i t h h a d h a d t o pass i n the Czech lands, does c o n t a i n a passing reference t o the o l d doctrines i n the f o l l o w i n g passage: I n the year 1503 the most gentle K i n g Wladislaus d i d again suffer himself t o be transported against the brothers, i n s o m u c h t h a t he gave order t h a t they should be delivered to the Magistrates, imprisoned, and at pleasure afflicted. T h e causes o f this were n o t o n l y the open enemies raging against the little flocke according t o their manner, b u t certain false brothers. F o r a certain question being p r o p o u n d e d concerning the secular power, w h e t h er i t were l a w f u l f o r a C h r i s t i a n w i t h a safe conscience to govern as a Magistrate, o r t o use the sword, o r t o give, o r to exact Oaths, m a n y were o f the negative o p i n i o n as they are n o w i n this A n a b a p t i s t age, b u t the greater p a r t affirmed t h a t i t was l a w f u l l . T h e discent [sic] d i d so greatly increase, t h a t those o f the negative o p i n i o n d i d separate themselves, a n d h a d by themselves a peculiar meeting at Prague, accusing the other t h a t they d i d a d m i t o f the s w o r d and p r o p o u n d e d t o defend themselves b y o u t w a r d force. T h i s C a l u m n y being greedily received and b r o u g h t t o the king's ears, was the reason that the k i n g said, What do they think do they think, to bring back Zisca again to us. We shall take a speedy course to suppresse this insolence. The brothers hearing o f i t , d i d write a new A p o l o g y t o the k i n g , giving h i m an account o f their f a i t h , a n d r e m o v i n g f r o m themselves the later accusations a n d the blasphemies a t t r i b u t e d to the Piccardins. 14

M

T h e L a t i n title o f the w o r k is Ecclesiae

slavonicae

brevis

historióla, w h i c h

was

t r a n s l a t e d i n t o E n g l i s h a s ' A S h o r t H i s t o r y o f the S l a v o n i a n C h u r c h ' a n d p u b l i s h e d i n London

i n 1661 a s the i n t r o d u c t o r y s e c t i o n o f An

Bohemia

to the Church

1 4

[Komensky!

of England,

The History

Exhortation

of the Churches

of

w h i c h w a s d e d i c a t e d to C h a r l e s I I .

of the Bohemian

Persecution,

pp. 66, 6 7 . T h i s E n g l i s h

t r a n s l a t i o n w a s p u b l i s h e d i n L o n d o n i n 1650. I n the L a t i n o r i g i n a l , three y e a r s e a r l i e r u n d e r the title Historia

persecutionum

passage a p p e a r s o n p p . 7 8 , 79. See a l s o K r o f t a , op. cit., p p

ecclesiae 181-99.

first

published

bohemicae,

this

283

T H E OLD DOCTRINES IN UNITY HISTORIOGRAPHY

T h e most s t r i k i n g fact a b o u t this passage, w h i c h is based o n the story f o u n d i n Lukas and K r a s o n i c k y ,

15

is that, while i t is true t h a t K o m e n s k y

does m e n t i o n the existence o f the schism, he gives no i n d i c a t i o n either here, or elsewhere i n the same w o r k , t h a t the standpoint o f the 'false brothers' had some fifteen years before been the acknowledged creed o f the whole U n i t y . F r o m his account i t w o u l d seem as i f the o l d doctrines were an i n n o v a t i o n introduced i n t o the U n i t y sometime after its f o u n d a t i o n . I t w o u l d appear as if, by Komensky's t i m e , the realization h a d disappeared t h a t for nearly f o r t y years these doctrines had been an integral and very i m p o r t a n t p a r t o f the U n i t y ' s whole p h i l o s o p h y o f life a n d , indeed, h a d had n o more ardent c h a m p i o n t h a n the U n i t y ' s founder, Brother R e h o f himself. W i t h Komensky's death i n 1671 the l o n g line o f historians, w h o h a d w r i t t e n o f the early history o f the Brethren f r o m the standpoint either o f actual members o r f a i r l y close sympathizers o f the U n i t y , came to a n end. T h e thread o f genuine research i n t o the history o f the U n i t y was n o t t o be t a k e n u p again u n t i l the second quarter o f the nineteenth century. F o r almost a l l later historians, no longer eyewitnesses o f the events described, the U n i t y o f the p e r i o d u p t o the death o f Brother M a t e j i n 1500 was, t o use the apt simile o f Brother Vavrinec O r l i k w r i t i n g i n the second h a l f o f the sixteenth century, 'like a c h i l d beginning to s p e a k . '

18

T h e negative attitude w h i c h the Brethren then adopted towards the magistracy a n d the s w o r d was regarded as evidence o f its i m m a t u r i t y . L a t e r writers tended to cover u p as far as possible a l l traces o f ChelCicky's influence and the contacts w i t h the Waldenses, endeavouring instead t o l i n k u p the U n i t y w i t h the general Hussite movement, w i t h the official U t r a q u i s t c h u r c h o n the r i g h t a n d , o n the left, w i t h the more r a d i c a l Taborites.

I n a r e m a r k a b l y short t i m e the very m e m o r y o f their early

radicalism began t o g r o w d i m a m o n g the o r d i n a r y Brethren and was t o be kept alive only a m o n g the scholars o f the c h u r c h , w h o themselves

finally

ceased t o be aware o f its proper significance. I t is n o t necessary t o a t t r i b u t e deliberate b a d f a i t h t o such m e n as Blahoslav, f o r instance, o r K o m e n s k y .

Nevertheless the desire t o a v o i d

giving prominence t o , indeed the impulse t o o m i t altogether, any discussion o f ideas a n d theories long ago discarded, b u t liable to be regarded as subversive by the authorities, was undoubtedly one o f the motives w h i c h , i n its treatment o f the problem, dominated the historiography o f the U n i t y d u r i n g the last century o f its existence. 1 5

,

'

L u k a s and Krasonicky"

S e e C h a p . V I I I , p. 2 4 3 . Todtenbuch

der Geistlichkeit

der Böhmischen Brüder, p. 2 2 0 .

284

APPENDIX

had been forced b y the propaganda carried on by the M i n o r Party t o devote considerable a t t e n t i o n t o the U n i t y ' s attitude t o state a n d society. Freed f r o m attacks f r o m this quarter the U n i t y historians o f subsequent generations felt n o necessity t o concern themselves w i t h such problems.

NOTE

ON

SOURCES

T h e sources f o r a history o f the p o l i t i c a l and social doctrines o f the U n i t y o f Czech Brethren i n the fifteenth a n d early sixteenth centuries are scattered over a number o f w o r k s i n several different languages.

The

p r i m a r y sources are m a i n l y i n Czech, supplemented b y a few p r i n t e d texts i n L a t i n . M o s t o f the secondary authorities are n a t u r a l l y i n Czech t o o . B u t there are also a n u m b e r o f books or articles i n G e r m a n , as well as several i n Russian, French, English a n d Polish, w h i c h t h r o w some light o n the subject. The b i b l i o g r a p h y given below lists a l l the w o r k s bearing directly o r indirectly o n the history o f the Brethren's p o l i t i c a l a n d social doctrines w h i c h I have used i n this study. T h e object o f this note is t o deal o n l y w i t h the more i m p o r t a n t sources, b o t h p r i m a r y a n d secondary. The doctrines o f the O l d Brethren, as has been seen, were largely taken over f r o m the writings o f Petr Chelcicky. T h o u g h patient research over a century has succeeded i n discovering comparatively little concerning the events o f Chelcicky's life, his w r i t t e n w o r k s , most o f w h i c h have n o w been published i n at least one e d i t i o n , p r o v i d e a n a b u n d a n t source f o r tracing his social and religious ideas. F o r the former his Sit' viry taken i n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h the earlier O trojim lidu are most useful, even t h o u g h numerous scattered passages i n his other w o r k s c o n t a i n m u c h , t o o , o f interest and significance f o r his p o l i t i c a l a n d social philosophy. T h e rediscovery o f Chelfiicky as a w r i t e r and t h i n k e r d u r i n g the second quarter o f the nineteenth century, after t w o centuries o f almost complete neglect, was a n event o f first-rate importance i n the h i s t o r y o f Czech literature and p o l i t i c a l thought. Scholars o f the calibre o f Palacky a n d

Safarik,

G i n d e l y a n d G o l l , and later o f Smetanka, K r o f t a , U r b a n e k ,

Bartos and m a n y other o f their c o m p a t r i o t s , as well as o f the Russians A n n e n k o v a n d Yastrebov,

the C r o a t Jagic, the Germans M u l l e r a n d

V o g l , a n d the F r e n c h m a n Denis, have a l l made i m p o r t a n t c o n t r i b u t i o n s to o u r knowledge a n d understanding o f this great Czech p o l i t i c a l t h i n k e r .

286

NOTE ON SOURCES

F o r nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Czechs, struggling to assert their n a t i o n h o o d , Chelcicky was especially valued f o r the freshness and directness o f his w r i t i n g w i t h its roots close to the life o f the o r d i n a r y Czech people o f his day, as well as for the p r o o f i t gave o f the v i t a l i t y a n d strength o f the n a t i o n a l culture at so early a date. O n the other h a n d , i n the w r i t i n g s o f Russian scholars, whose interest i n C h e l t i c k y was aroused d u r i n g the 1890's, Chelcicky was admired as a Slav, whose original t h o u g h somewhat u n o r t h o d o x genius was yet another example o f the great cultural heritage o f the Slav peoples. T h o u g h as the present century advanced, ChelCicky's social radicalism, and even more his outspoken pacifism, was n o t so m u c h i n accord w i t h the m o o d o f i m p o r t a n t sections o f his n a t i o n , especially after the achievement o f independence, the interest o f Czech scholars i n his life a n d w o r k s 1

continued unabated. B u t despite critical editions o f i n d i v i d u a l w o r k s a n d numerous studies o n particular aspects o f his life a n d ideas, no definitive treatment o f his philosophy taken as a whole has so far appeared.

Know-

ledge o f Chelcicky outside Czechoslovakia, t o o , has remained extremely meagre. Since the last w a r the changes i n the p o l i t i c a l a n d economic structure o f the c o u n t r y have b r o u g h t w i t h t h e m equally far-reaching changes i n the methods o f w r i t i n g history. I n regard t o Chelcicky there seem at present t o be t w o conflicting tendencies at w o r k . T h e first attitude is t h a t expressed, for instance, o n the dust-cover o f the m o d e r n Czech e d i t i o n o f Sit' viry, w h i c h attempts to present ChelCicky almost i n the l i g h t o f a M a r x i s t before M a r x . O n the other hand, the opposite view, that is, that C h e l 5icky b y his pacifism a n d attacks o n the Taborites was, despite his demands f o r a radical change i n the social order, i n fact helping to b r i n g about the v i c t o r y o f the forces o f counter-revolution, has recently been voiced by a y o u n g Czech scholar, w h o backs his o p i n i o n w i t h quotations f r o m G o t t w a l d ' s w r i t i n g s . Nevertheless the figure o f Chelcicky, whether 2

d r a w n as a precursor o f M a r x i s m or as an unconscious reactionary, w i l l remain t o be reckoned w i t h by a l l serious students o f the history o f Czech culture i n the fifteenth century. Since the last war, t o o , there has been considerable interest i n the social teachings o f the U n i t y o f Brethren a m o n g Czech Protestant h i s t o rians and theologians. B u t , so far, the emphasis appears to have been p u t on the later p e r i o d after the schism o f the 1490's. The socially progressive 1

See F i t t e r , Chelcicky,

*

M a c e k , Husitski

Tolstoi,

revoluint

Masaryk,

passim.

hnutl, p. 1 8 1 ; Tabor

w husitskem

revoluinim

hnuti, I I , p p .

1 7 0 - 7 4 . T h e first v o l u m e o f the latter w o r k w a s n o t accessible t o m e w h i l e w r i t i n g .

287

NOTE ON SOURCES

features w h i c h remained i n the later doctrines have been stressed; and the tendency has been to play d o w n the fact that the v i c t o r y o f the M a j o r Party meant i n effect a basic compromise w i t h the existing social order. T h e sources f o r the p o l i t i c a l a n d social doctrines o f the O l d Brethren are, indeed, m u c h m o r e scanty than f o r those o f Chelcicky.

Most

i n f o r m a t i o n is to be f o u n d a m o n g the tracts a n d treatises i n the t w o volumes o f the U n i t y ' s A c t s , w h i c h have been published b y B i d l o w i t h a lengthy a n d very i n f o r m a t i v e i n t r o d u c t i o n i n the first v o l u m e . M o s t o f the m a t e r i a l , however, does n o t deal specifically w i t h their social ideology, w h i c h is scattered a m o n g a n u m b e r o f separated passages. W i t h the o u t b r e a k o f dissension i n the 1490's the n u m b e r o f the p r i m a r y sources w h i c h have survived increases. F o r the p e r i o d o f the schism these may be divided r o u g h l y i n t o at least f o u r categories.

There

is, i n the first place, the polemical literature produced by the M a j o r Party i n the heat o f the conflict before the end o f the fifteenth century a n d , secondly, there come the less numerous products o f their opponents o f the M i n o r Party o r its sympathizers. T h e w o r k s o f neither p a r t y were intended f o r p u b l i c a t i o n ; a n d they have remained t o this day f o r the most p a r t i n manuscript i n the great collection o f the U n i t y ' s Acts. The t h i r d g r o u p consists o f those w o r k s w h i c h were composed i n the sixteenth century, also o f a strongly polemical nature b u t w r i t t e n less f r o m the p o i n t o f view o f the immediate situation a n d w i t h , therefore, a rather more considered approach. W i t h the exception o f Lukas's O

obnoveni

o f 1510 they were a l l composed i n connection w i t h the outbreak o f controversy between M a j o r a n d M i n o r Parties i n the twenties, a n d were mostly w r i t t e n either f o r p u b l i c a t i o n o r f o r c i r c u l a t i o n a m o n g a w i d e r circle t h a n the earlier cycle. They almost a l l come f r o m the pen o f B r o t h e r L u k a s , t o w h o m , t o o , we are indebted for preserving lengthy extracts f r o m the contemporary w r i t i n g s , n o w lost, o f A m o s a n d o f Kalenec, his successor as leader o f the M i n o r Party. B u t there are also t w o i m p o r t a n t manuscript treatises by Lukas's f r i e n d , K r a s o n i c k y , w h i c h belong i n the same g r o u p . I n special categories o f their o w n come t w o further w o r k s .

Tuma

Prelou5sky's treatise, Spis o puvodu Jednoty bratrske a o chudych lidech, u n t i l recently i n manuscript, t h r o w s an interesting l i g h t o n the social t h i n k i n g o f the U n i t y at the outset o f the sixteenth century. Even more i m p o r t a n t is the collection o f U n i t y decrees published by G i n d e l y nearly ninety years ago. F o r the p e r i o d p r i o r to 1531 they are u n f o r t u n a t e l y n o t arranged chronologically b u t somewhat a r b i t r a r i l y according to subject. They f o r m , however, an invaluable source f o r the state o f the U n i t y as i t

288

NOTE ON SOURCES

emerged f r o m the period o f the schism, as well as f o r the later p e r i o d o f its history. T h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t epoch i n the e v o l u t i o n o f the p o l i t i c a l a n d social ideology o f the U n i t y had u n d o u b t e d l y been the years o f schism.

For

this p e r i o d i t is the numerous w r i t i n g s o f Brother L u k a s w h i c h give the most i n f o r m a t i o n . I t is a p i t y , therefore, t h a t i n a d d i t i o n t o the very decided bias c o m m o n t o all controversial literature o f the p e r i o d , w h i c h makes i t n o t infrequently impossible to accept his statements at their face value, his works are w r i t t e n i n a style remarkable m a i n l y for its obscurity. This characteristic was commented o n b y Blahoslav.

3

Later Gindely, too,

speaks o f its ' D u n k e l h e i t , der sich bis zur theilweisen Unverständlichkeit steigert.

...

M a n klagte allgemein über i h r schweres Verständniss' ;*•

and Göll remarks o n the difficulties often t o be met i n determining the exact meaning o f his n a r r a t i v e .

5

After Lukás's death, however, interest i n their previous social radicalism r a p i d l y declined among the Brethren. The reasons f o r this, and its significance f o r the history o f the U n i t y i n the sixteenth a n d seventeenth centuries, have already been discussed i n an appendix. I t is true that the historiography o f this period produced n o w o r k w h i c h adds more t h a n a few m i n o r details to o u r knowledge o f the p o l i t i c a l a n d social ideology o f the earlier p e r i o d , a n d often omits any m e n t i o n o f i t at a l l , or treats i t i n a very tendentious manner. Nevertheless i t is p r i m a r i l y t o the labours o f the Brethren o f the second h a l f o f the sixteenth century that we owe the existence o f the Acts o f the U n i t y o f Brethren, w h i c h constitute the m a i n source b o t h f o r the history o f its p o l i t i c a l and social doctrines, as well as for most other aspects o f the U n i t y ' s history t o the end o f the sixteenth c e n t u r y .

8

A p a r t f r o m the t w o volumes published b y

B i d l o , w h i c h cover the period o f the O l d Brethren, and Tüma Pfeloucsky's Spis o püvodu Jednoty, one o f the manuscripts o f w h i c h is included i n the t h i r d volume o f the Acts, i t is the f o u r t h volume w h i c h has proved most useful f o r the present w o r k .

This volume is m a i n l y devoted to

writings composed i n connection w i t h the schism i n the 1490's; a n d i n cludes works emanating f r o m b o t h sides i n the controversy. The titles o f the i n d i v i d u a l items included are, f o r the most p a r t , n o t '

K r o f t a , O bratrském déjepisectví, p. 2 6 .

4

G i n d e l y , Geschichte

*

G o l l - K r o f t a , Cheléicky a Jednota

•

F o r the c h a r a c t e r , o r i g i n s a n d s u b s e q u e n t h i s t o r y o f the A c t s , see B i d l o ' s i n t r o d u c -

t i o n to Akty

Jednoty

der Böhmischen Brüder, I , p. 6 9 . v XV.

stoleti,

p. 195.

bratrské, I , p p . 8 - 2 9 . See a l s o Müller, Geschichte

der

Böhmischen

Brüder, 1, p p . 5 7 8 - 6 0 4 , w h i c h i n c l u d e s a list a r r a n g e d c h r o n o l o g i c a l l y o f a l l i t e m s i n t h e A c t s w r i t t e n d u r i n g the p e r i o d u p t o 1528.

289

NOTE ON SOURCES

those used b y the actual w r i t e r s : they have been added later either by the sixteenth-century B r e t h r e n scribes w h o recopied the Acts o r b y m o d e r n historians. T h e i r contents, t o o , are copies o f the originals w h i c h date i n some cases t o a century earlier o r even copies o f copies.

Neverthe-

less, the fact that they reproduce faithfully opinions and doctrines l o n g since regarded as anathema by the U n i t y has inclined m o d e r n historians to accept them as t r u s t w o r t h y f r o m the historical p o i n t o f view, t h o u g h i t is obvious that spelling and certain g r a m m a t i c a l forms have to some extent been adapted t o the current usage o f the mid-sixteenth century.

7

A f t e r Lukas's death i n 1528, and the final disappearance o f the M i n o r Party w i t h i n a couple o f decades, interest declined i n the p o l i t i c a l and social doctrines o f the O l d Brethren a n d the controversy w h i c h raged a r o u n d them. W i t h the Battle o f the W h i t e M o u n t a i n (1620), and K o mensky's death some fifty years later, the very m e m o r y o f the Czech Brethren grew d i m i n their home c o u n t r y . A b r o a d i t was kept alive a m o n g the small g r o u p o f their Polish co-religionists and an ever lessening n u m b e r o f religious exiles, u n t i l i n the eighteenth century interest revived after the f o u n d a t i o n i n G e r m a n y o f the c h u r c h o f the M o r a v i a n Brethren, w h i c h claimed spiritual descent f r o m the earlier U n i t y . B u t the historical w o r k s o n the h i s t o r y o f the Czech Brethren w h i c h resulted, either f r o m the pens o f members o f the M o r a v i a n C h u r c h or f r o m sympathizers i n the G e r m a n Pietist movement, are n o w completely superseded.

8

I t was n o t ,

indeed, u n t i l the rediscovery, beginning i n the 1830's and 1840's, o f the Czech sources f o r the history o f the U n i t y t h a t studies based o n serious research c o u l d be attempted. M e a n w h i l e i n the Czech lands, as a result o f the n a t i o n a l revival w h i c h was already i n f u l l swing, increased interest was being taken at this t i m e i n the history o f the U n i t y . I t is t o the Czech Protestant Palacky", the Slovak Safarik a n d the G e r m a n C a t h o l i c G i n d e l y , w r i t i n g r o u g h l y a century ago and m a k i n g use for the first t i m e o f a number o f forgotten Czech sources, that we are indebted f o r the beginnings o f m o d e r n research i n the field o f U n i t y history. Even Gindely w h o , o f the three, devoted most a t t e n t i o n to the history o f the U n i t y has, however, n o w been superseded i n m a n y details as well as i n his general approach, especially where he is dealing w i t h the earlier period. B u t his w o r k , together w i t h that o f Palacky a n d o f

'

M i i l l e r - B a r t o S , Dejiny

Jednoty

bratrske,

A c t s w a s k e p t at H e r r n h u t i n S a x o n y .

I , p. 3 5 4 . T h e o r i g i n a l m a n u s c r i p t o f

v e r y reliable t r a n s c r i p t w a s m a d e f o r the u s e o f s c h o l a r s i n P r a g u e , w h i c h w a s in the Z e m s k y A r c h i v , see P a l m o v , Cheshkie *

the

I n the s e c o n d h a l f o f the n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y a bratya

v svoikh

konfessiyakh,

F o r a b r i e f a c c o u n t o f these w o r k s , see M i i l i e r - B a r t o S , op. tit., p p . I l l - V I .

deposited I I , p. I .

290

NOTE ON SOURCES

Safafik, whose researches were left at his death i n an unfinished state, has remained the starting p o i n t for a l l subsequent study. T h e century w h i c h has elapsed since they produced their m a i n w o r k s has seen the creation o f an extensive literature o f v a r y i n g quality, dealing directly o r indirectly w i t h the origins a n d development o f the U n i t y i n a l l the stages o f its history. I t has seen, t o o , the p u b l i c a t i o n o f a n u m b e r o f o r i g i n a l sources bearing on this history and the detailed examination o f m a n y m o r e which have remained i n manuscript. Studies o f p a r t i c u l a r aspects o f U n i t y history or o f its leading personalities, as well as general histories embracing the whole p e r i o d o f its existence, have been w r i t t e n . Nevertheless, no systematic account has so far been given o f the U n i t y ' s p o l i t i c a l and social doctrines d u r i n g the p e r i o d o f its social radicalism. A m o n g secondary w o r k s , most i n f o r m a t i o n o n this subject can be f o u n d i n the writings o f Jaroslav G o l l , especially i n his fine b o o k o n the U n i t y i n the fifteenth century. I n the chapter o n the schism i n the 1490's, an essay o f only 35 pages, he gives the best account h i t h e r t o o f the m o mentous events o f this period, an account notable f o r the sympathy a n d understanding w i t h w h i c h the standpoint o f the M i n o r Party is treated, especially w h e n contrasted w i t h the verdicts o f b o t h earlier a n d later historians.

9

H i s b o o k , too, must be reckoned as a p r i m a r y source o n

account o f the extensive extracts f r o m some o f the most i m p o r t a n t c o n t e m p o r a r y material, p r i n t e d and u n p r i n t e d , w h i c h are given i n a n u m b e r o f appendices. Goll's b o o k , however, only takes the story d o w n t o 1500. N e x t i n importance comes the first volume o f the history o f the U n i t y , covering the period to the death o f B r o t h e r Lukás, the fruits o f a lifelong study by the G e r m a n M o r a v i a n historian Müller. The w o r k has been translated i n t o Czech and edited by F. M . B a r t o s ; and i t is this e d i t i o n that I have chiefly used. W h i l e its treatment o f the O l d Brethren's social radicalism and o f the schism is briefer a n d less sympathetic than G o l l ' s , i t incorporates the results o f later research and carries the story o n i n t o the sixteenth century. Other general w o r k s o n U n i t y history w h i c h have been f o u n d o f value include those by t w o Frenchmen, Denis w h o w r o t e i n the last century a n d Tapié i n this, as well as the many-volume history o f the church i n Czechoslovakia b y the veteran Protestant h i s t o r i a n , Hrejsa, which is especially useful for background material, and the standard histories o f Czech literature by Jakubec and Vlóek w i t h their detailed b i b l i o g r a p h i c a l i n f o r m a t i o n . K r o f t a ' s study o f U n i t y historiography, published after the •

See e s p . G o l l - K r o f t a , op. cit., p p . 192, 193.

291

NOTE ON SOURCES

last war, provides a convenient i n t r o d u c t i o n t o the study o f the p r i m a r y sources as well as t o the later historians o f the sixteenth a n d seventeenth centuries. The Russian, Palmov, has also made a notable c o n t r i b u t i o n t o U n i t y history i n his unfinished w o r k o n the confessions o f the Brethren, w h i c h prints i n f u l l m a n y o f the p r i m a r y sources. B u t his b o o k bears less directly o n their p o l i t i c a l and social doctrines. A considerable n u m b e r o f other books and articles t h r o w some l i g h t , directly or indirectly, o n the history o f the U n i t y ' s social ideology, t h o u g h their m a i n concern is w i t h other aspects o f its life and doctrines.

Full

details o f these are given i n the b i b l i o g r a p h y . B u t several should perhaps be mentioned here.

T h e numerous articles b y Bartos, m a i n l y o n the

origins a n d b a c k g r o u n d f r o m w h i c h the U n i t y sprang; the comparative study by Cedlovâ o f the religious ideas o f Chelcicky a n d B r o t h e r R e h o r ; the recent researches o f Molnâr i n t o the life o f B r o t h e r Lukâs a n d o f S m o l i k i n t o the Brethren's social ideology i n the p e r i o d after the schism; the t w o weighty tomes b y Peschke o n the Brethren's theology i n the fifteenth

c e n t u r y ; Urbânek's b r i e f b u t penetrating study o f the U n i t y ' s

attitude t o higher e d u c a t i o n ; the m a n y volumes produced b y W i n t e r o n the religious, c u l t u r a l , social a n d economic

background of

fifteenth-

century Bohemia a n d M o r a v i a ; the exhaustive studies o f the H a b r o v a n y Brethren by O d l o z i l i k and Hanâk; a l l these have something to say o f value f o r the h i s t o r y o f the U n i t y ' s p o l i t i c a l and social doctrines d u r i n g the early p e r i o d . T h e m a i n c o n t r i b u t i o n i n m o d e r n times t o the study o f the U n i t y o f Brethren has come, as m i g h t be expected, f r o m Czech and G e r m a n scholars. B u t Russians, Frenchmen a n d Poles have also taken a share i n revealing the U n i t y ' s past achievements. There has u n f o r t u n a t e l y been a n almost complete absence o f writers o n the subject f r o m either E n g l a n d o r the U n i t e d States, t h a t is, f r o m scholars using the English language. There are, o f course, passing references t o the U n i t y i n general histories o f the Czech people, such as those o f C o u n t L i i t z o w or C. E. M a u r i c e o r , more recently, o f R. W . Seton-Watson or S. H a r r i s o n T h o m s o n , o r i n the chapters dealing w i t h B o h e m i a i n the Cambridge Medieval Histories.

and

Modern

B u t only t w o books have been w r i t t e n w i t h i n the last century

which deal specifically w i t h the story o f the U n i t y : the b u l k y History

of

the Unitas Fratrum w r i t t e n i n 1885 by E d m u n d de Schweinitz, a bishop o f the A m e r i c a n M o r a v i a n s , a n d the slighter, b u t more readable History

of

the Moravian Church, covering also the revived c h u r c h o f the eighteenth century, by an English M o r a v i a n , J . E. H u t t o n .

N e i t h e r writers knew

the Czech language: t h e i r w o r k s , therefore, are n o w o f l i t t l e value t o t h e

292

NOTE ON SOURCES

serious historian, a l t h o u g h they succeeded i n filling a gap at the time. B o t h de Schweinitz a n d H u t t o n , w h o indeed are m a i n l y concerned w i t h the U n i t y ' s later history, give o n l y scant a t t e n t i o n t o the early Brethren's p o l i t i c a l a n d social doctrines.

10

These, therefore, have remained almost u n k n o w n i n English-speaking countries, even t o scholars dealing w i t h the h i s t o r y o f p o l i t i c a l t h o u g h t d u r i n g the p e r i o d o f transition f r o m medieval t o m o d e r n times. I t has been m y a i m i n the previous pages to a t t e m p t , however inadequately, t o give some account o f this i m p o r t a n t b u t neglected subject.

1 0

A t l e a s t H u t t o n , p. 6 0 , s h o w s a c l e a r r e a l i z a t i o n o f the e p o c h - m a k i n g c o n s e q u e n c e s

o f the s c h i s m f o r the future h i s t o r y o f the U n i t y . ' W e a r e [he writes] j u s t i f i e d i n

regard-

i n g the y e a r 1495 a s a t u r n i n g - p o i n t i n the h i s t o r y o f the B r e t h r e n . T h e r e v o l u t i o n w a s thorough a n d complete.'

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I have h a d at m y disposal a m i c r o -

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Bratislava, 1926.

Bohême, P a r i s , v o l . 1 , 1 8 9 0 .

nâzory Petra

Chelcického,

Prague, 1948.

der Böhmischen Brüder, P r a g u e , v o l s . I , I I , 1857. a Jednota

und Untersuchungen

v XV.

stoleti

zur Geschichte

(ed. K a m i l K r o f t a ) , P r a g u e , 1916. der Böhmischen Brüder, P r a g u e , v o l .

I , 1 8 7 8 ; v o l . I I , 1882. Sektâfstvi v Cechäch pfed

Holinka, Rudolf.

H r e j s a , F e r d i n a n d . Dëjiny kfest'anstvi

revolucl

husitskou,

v Ceskoslovensku,

B r a t i s l a v a , 1929.

Prague, v o l . 1,1947; vols. I I -

V , 1948. Ceski

Hruby, Hynek.

post illy, P r a g u e , 1 9 0 1 .

H u t t o n , J . E . A History J a k u b e c , J a n . Dëjiny

of the Moravian

literatury

Church,

L o n d o n , 1909.

éeské, P r a g u e , v o l . I , 1 9 2 9 .

Jireôek, Josef. Rukovët k dëjinàm literatury

éeské do konce

XVIII

vëku, P r a g u e , v o l . I ,

1 8 7 5 ; v o l . I I , 1876. J o n e s , R u f u s M . Studies

in Mystical

Religion,

L o n d o n , 1936.

J u n g , A n d r e a s a n d S c h m i d t , W a l t h e r E . Friedrich dem fünfzehnten

Jahrhundert,

K a u t s k y , K a r l . Communism

in Central

J . L . and E . G . Mulliken), K o t , Stanislaw.

Ideologja

Reiser:

Eine

Ketzergeschichte

aus

H e r m h u t , [ n o date]. Europe

in the Time of the Reformation

(transi, by

L o n d o n , 1897.

polityczna

i spoleczna

Braci

Polskich

zwanych

Arjanami,

W a r s a w , 1932. K r o f t a , K a m i l . Dëjiny selského stavu, P r a g u e , 1949. . Listy

z nâboienskych

dëjin ieskych,

P r a g u e , 1936.

. O bratrském dêjepisectvi, P r a g u e , 1946. . Petr

Cheliicky,

M a c e k , Josef.

Vodnany,

[1913].

Husitské revoluénl hnuti, P r a g u e , 1 9 5 2 .

. Tâbor v husitském revolutinim Martinû, J o h a n n . Die

Waldesier

hnuti, Prague, v o l . I I , 1955. und die husitische

Reformation

in Böhmen,

Vienna-

L e i p z i g , 1910. Boleslaviti

Molnâr, A m a d e o .

Müller, J . T h . Dëjiny Jednoty . Geschichte

der Böhmischen

N e j e d i y , Zdenëk. Dijiny Neumann, Augustin. Odloülik, Otakar.

bratfi,

Brüder, H e r r n h u t , v o l . I , 1 9 2 2 ; v o l s . I I , I I I , 1 9 3 1 .

husitského spivu,

Ceskè sekty

Wyclif

Prague, 1952.

bratrské (ed. F . M . Bartoä), P r a g u e , v o l . I , 1923. Prague, v o l . I I , 1913.

ve stoleti XIV.

and Bohemia,

a XV.,

Prague, 1937.

V e l e h r a d , 1920.

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P a l a c k y , Frantiäek. Díjíny

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P r a g u e , v o l s . I V , V , [no date]. *Palmov,

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protestantomi

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P e k a f , Josef, ¿iíka

ajeho

doba,

Pitter, Píemysl. Chelëicky, Preger, W i l h e l m . hunderts,

Über

v svoikh

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konfessiyakh

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do nachaSa sblizheniya

stoletiya,

ikh s

P r a g u e , v o l s . I , I I , 1904.

Prague, vol. 1,1927.

Tolstoi,

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des 14.

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M u n i c h , 1887. Die Theologie

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Brüder in ihrer

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Stuttgart,

v o l . 1, 1 9 3 5 ; v o l . I I , 1940. de S c h w e i n i t z , E d m u n d . The History

of the Unitas Fratrum,

Bethlehem

(Pennsylvania),

1885. Smith, C . Henry.

The Story

of the Mennonites,

S v o b o d a , M i l a n (ed.). Mistra

Jakoubka

N e w t o n ( K a n s a s ) , 1950.

ze Stfibra

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Prague,

1909. Tapié, V i c t o r - L .

Une église tchèque au XVe

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T o b o l k a , Zdenëk V . Tisk Chelcického SM viry z roku T o l s t o y , L e o . The Kingdom

of Cod and Peace

des Frères, P a r i s , 1934.

1521, P r a g u e , 1926.

Essays

(trans, by A y l m e r

Maude).

L o n d o n , 1936. T r o e l t s c h , E r n s t . The Social

Teaching

of the Christian

Churches

(trans, b y O l i v e W y o n ) ,

L o n d o n , vol. I , 1931. Vék podêbradsky", v o l . I I I (Ceské

Urbánek, Rudolf. . Jednota

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V l c e k , J a r o s l a v . Dëjiny ëeskê literatury, V o g l , C a r i . Peter

Cheltschizki,

B r n o , 1923.

v o l . I , Prague, 1897.

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der Zeiten,

Zürich-Leipzig,

1926. Winter, Z i k m u n d .

Dëjiny remesel

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and XV. stoleti,

Prague,

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a XVI

vëky, P r a g u e , v o l . I ,

1 8 9 0 ; v o l . I I , 1892. . ¿ivot

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a XVI

stoleti,

Prague,

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cirkevni

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stoleti,

P r a g u e , v o l . I , 1895. Y a s t r e b o v , N . V . Etyudy 1908.

o Petre

Khelchitskom

i ego vremeny,

S t . Petersburg, v o l . I ,

INDEX [Br.

Adamites,

=

Brother,

i.e. a m e m b e r o f t h e U n i t y o f B r e t h r e n . ]

13, 5 7 n . , 9 5 , 9 6 , 1 0 5 n . , 134,

A m o s , B r . , 1 3 1 - 3 3 , 152, 173, 184, 2 8 7 ; early

ment at K u n v a l d , 7 5 ; social doctrines o f O l d Brethren, 86-91, 95-98, 217, 220,

228, 2 7 5 . life,

134, 1 3 5 ; l e a d e r s h i p

M i n o r Party,

of

136, 140, 1 5 3 , 1 5 5 - 5 8 ,

274-84; social origins o f 101,

258, 259, 269, 2 7 3 ; surviving remnants

160, 168, 177, 179, 180, 2 4 1 , 2 4 2 , 2 4 4 ,

of

245 ; see also M i n o r P a r t y .

c e n t u r y , 2 6 0 - 7 3 passim;

Anabaptists, 96, 251-54, 256, 262n., 272, Anne

old

doctrines

(née

de

Foix-Candale),

Queen,

in

the

sixteenth

and Waldenses,

1 0 1 , 2 7 8 ; see also

77-79,

Petr; Decrees

275.

membership,

1 1 9 - 2 2 , 1 3 3 , 181, 2 2 0 , 2 2 9 , 2 5 3 ,

Chel£icky\

and Advices;

Litomysl

Brethren; L u k a S ; M i n o r Party. Budovec, Vaclav, of Budov, Br., 269.

wife o f V l a d i s l a v I I , 206. A r i a n s , Polish, 184n., 208n., 219n., 253n.,

B y d z o v s k y , M a r t i n , B r . , 147.

256, 262, 275. Augusta, J a n , B r . , 250, 257-60, 262, 263,

Cahera, Havel, 245. C a l v i n i s m , spread o f i n C z e c h lands, 2 5 7 ,

269.

258. C a m e r a r i u s , J o a c h i m , t h e elder, 2 7 9 , 2 8 0 ,

Bakalàf, A d a m , B r . , 1 1 3 .

282.

B a s e l , C o u n c i l of, 15, 4 4 , 5 3 , 5 5 . B a s e l , S t e p h e n of, 7 8 , 7 9 .

Cemy, J a n , B r . , 101n., 106, 107, 2 7 9 n .

Bechynka, J a n , 209, 244.

Charles I V , Holy

B i b l e i n C z e c h , 3 İ n . ; Kraliçe B i b l e , 2 5 8 . B i s k u p e c , see P e l h f l m , MikulâS of. 283, 288. assembly

of

(1490),

edict o f (1490),

culture

1 2 6 - 3 3 , 137,

Unity

237,

alleged

o f C z e c h , attitude

a n d education,

73, 7 4 , 8 5 , 8 7 - 9 2 , 191, 194, 2 1 7 , 2 2 0 , 233,

to

98-101, 2 6 0 ;

27;

251,

clergy, 286;

Brethren,

45,

later

internal

7 0 , 7 7 , 8 0 - 8 2 , 151, 152, historians

on,

286-92;

36, 3 7 ;

4 1 ; a n d death

53-56; a n d Donation

254, 255, 271n.;

283;

Zahorka,

64, 6 5 ; and communism, 66,

death,

faith o r works, 108-12; a n d H a b r o v a n y organization,

274-76, Petr

a n d Chelcicky Brethren,

and c o m m u n i s m , 80-82, 97, 227, 238, controversy over justification by

241,

identity w i t h

a n d class distinctions, 62-65, 6 9 n . ; a n d

252;

176;

15,

C h e l c i c k y Petr, 11, 2 4 , 3 1 , 3 2 , 3 8 , 4 0 , 4 1 , 123-132

144, 146, 164, 169, 170, 173. Brethren,

chebsky),

44. C h e l c i c k y , J a n , B r . , 104.

B l a i e k , B r . , 157, 1 5 8 , 179, 1 8 4 . passim;

Emperor and

C h e b , A g r e e m e n t o f (Soud

Blahoslav, J a n , Br., 258, 260, 278, 279,

Brandys,

Roman

K i n g o f B o h e m i a , 11.

penalty,

of Constantine,

4 6 ; a n d judiciary,

52-55;

later

historians o n , 25, 285, 286, 2 9 1 ; a n d learning,

6 7 , 6 8 ; life,

26-43;

literary

n u m b e r s , 8 3 n . , 1 0 3 n . ; a n d o a t h s , 118,

influences

119, 1 5 1 ; p e r s e c u t i o n of, 7 7 , 8 2 , 9 0 - 9 2 ,

alism, 6 2 ; a n d oathtaking, 56, 199; a n d

122,

Old

Polish

123, 2 0 6 , 2 4 3 , 2 5 7 , 2 8 2 , 2 8 3 ; branch,

2 5 7 , 2 6 2 , 2 6 3 ; settle

o n , 33-35, 4 3 ; a n d n a t i o n

Testament,

43,

54,

58;

and

peasants, 3 3 , 58, 6 1 , 6 7 ; a n d the state,

300

INDEX

46-51, 64; and Taborites,

2 7 , 30, 3 1 ,

H a b s b u r g , H o u s e of, 2 0 , 2 5 7 , 2 5 8 .

3 5 - 3 7 , 56, 5 7 ; t h e o l o g i c a l v i e w s , 37, 4 0 ,

H a l a f , Augustin, o f C h r u d i m , 76.

4 3 ; and towns,

HasiStejnsky,

66, 6 7 ; and U n i t y

of

B r e t h r e n , 4 1 , 6 9 , 7 3 - 7 5 , 78, 8 7 - 9 2 , 9 9 , 101, 102, 107, 111, 115, 139, 160-62,

Bohuslav,

of

Lobkovice,

251n. H o f ice, P a v e l of, B r . , 2 5 0 , 2 5 4 .

185, 187, 188, 197, 198, 253, 2 7 9 , 2 8 1 ;

H r a n i c k y , S i m o n , B r . , 147.

and

H r u b y , R e h o f , o f Jeleni, 237.

Vilemov

Brethren,

41;

and

W a l d e n s e s , 2 9 , 30, 4 3 , 4 5 , 5 2 , 5 3 , 5 6 ,

Hubmaier, Balthasar, 252.

6 7 ; a n d w a r , 3 2 , 36, 3 7 , 5 6 - 6 2 .

H u s , J a n , 11, 12, 36, 4 3 , 54, 60, 6 7 , 1 7 4 .

C h l u m e c , conference

of (1496),

166-76,

207.

H u t , H a n s , 252.

C h f e n o v i c k y , E l i a S , B r . , 7 6 , 9 9 , 104, 151, 152, 2 0 6 n . , 2 4 2 n . Cimburk,

Adam

Tovaiovsky Compactota,

of,

See

238.

also

family.

C o m e n i u s . See

Komensky.

C r u s a d e s , a n t i - H u s s i t e , 13-15, 18, 30, 32, 58, 9 3 , 9 4 . C v i l d a , J a n , B r . , 168, 2 4 2 n . , 2 4 5 n . (Confessio

Bohemica)

(1575), 2 5 7 , 2 5 8 .

208, 2 0 9 , 2 3 9 , 2 7 2 , 2 7 3 , 2 8 7 , 2 8 8 ; o n almsgiving, 232, 233, 266-68; o n food clothing, 223, 234-36, 268, 2 6 9 ;

o n the m a c h i n e r y

of justice, 212-17,

2 7 0 ; o n the nobility, 221-24, 269, 2 7 0 ; o n oaths, 211, 212, 2 7 1 ; o n

officials,

2 1 0 , 2 1 1 , 2 1 3 ; o n the p o o r , 2 3 1 , 2 3 2 ; rulers, 210, 2 2 5 ; on 224, 227-29; o n

professions, Unity

tenants

and

trades

and

233, 334-38, 266-68;

on

priests, 2 3 7 - 3 9 ; o n u s u r y , 2 3 4 ,

264, 2 6 5 ; o n w a r service, 2 1 7 - 2 0 , 2 7 1 , 272; on

wealth,

226, 227, 232, 234,

2 6 3 ; see also B r e t h r e n , U n i t y o f C z e c h . Dresden, Nicholas of

53, 55, 57.

184;

First

Tract

of,

153-55;

S e c o n d T r a c t of, 162-66, 1 7 3 ; see

also

M i n o r Party. Jenätejn, J a n of, A r c h b i s h o p

o f Prague,

34. K a b ä t n l k , M a r t i n , B r . , 113, 141, 142. Kalenec, Jan, Br.,

177, 185, 187, 2 0 2 ,

see also M i n o r P a r t y . K l a d z k o , 9 7 , 105. K l a t o v Brethren, 76, 77, 86, 247, 248. K l e n o v s k y , J a n , B r . , 101n., 1 0 4 , 1 0 5 , 1 2 4 , 125, 127, 137-40, 1 4 4 - 4 7 , 149, 151-54, 165, 167, 173, 2 0 6 , 2 0 7 . K o k o v e c , Mares', B r . , 141. Komensky, J a n A m o s (Comenius),

258,

280-83. Koranda,

Väclav,

the

elder,

36;

the

y o u n g e r , 142. Kornel, Viktorin, of Vsehrdy,

106, 107,

160n., 177n. Korybutowicz, Zygmunt, Kostka

of

Postupice,

14. noble

Brethren

f a m i l y , 2 6 9 ; Bohuä, 1 1 2 , 1 1 3 , 141, 142, K r a j i f z K r a j k u , nobte Brethren

D u n k a r d s , 256. relations

B r . , 131-36, 140, 1 4 5 ,

2 3 7 ; J a n , 9 7 , 9 8 , 112, 2 3 9 n .

DubCansky, J a n , 253-56.

Erasmus,

Stikensky,

242-52, 254, 261n., 265, 268, 277, 2 8 7 ;

Decrees and Advices of Unity o f Brethren,

subjects,

Jakub

J a n o v , M a t e j of, 33, 4 4 , 6 7 , 7 1 , 174.

C o r v i n u s . See M a t t h i a s C o r v i n u s .

on

Jafet, J a n , B r . , 2 7 9 - 8 1 .

180,

of, 4 5 , 4 6 , 163,

174, 188.

Czech Confession

Hutter, Jacob, 252.

147n., 149, 152-58, 160, 166, 168, 172,

15, 17-20, 39.

Constantine, D o n a t i o n

and

H ü s k a - L o q u i s , M a r t i n e k , 36, 5 7 n .

family,

2 6 9 ; K o n r a d , 2 6 1 ; K u n r a t , 226. with Unity, 207, 237.

Fitzralph, Richard, Archbishop

of

Ar-

magh, 44. F l a c i u s IUyricus, 278, 279n. Frederick, E l e c t o r Palatine a n d K i n g of Bohemia, 258.

K r a l i c e Bible, 258. Krasonicky, Vavfinec,

Br.,

101n.,

105,

107, 113, 136, 146, 151, 152, 163, 165, 170n., writings

177,

206n.,

250n.;

historical

277, 278, 283, 2 8 7 ; o n oaths,

199-203; political a n d social doctrines, 182, 183, 186, 2 0 7 , 2 4 5 , 2 4 9 , 2 6 0 . K r c i n , M a r t i n of, B r . , 7 2 , 75, 7 8 , 8 8 , 90,

H a b r o v a n y Brethren, 251, 253-56, 291.

9 3 , 94.

301

INDEX

Mennonites, 201, 256, 275.

K r o m ë i i z , Milië of, 3 3 . K u n v a l d (near Zamberk), Kutna

Hora,

decree

M i c h a l , B r . , 7 7 , 7 9 n . , 8 7 , 104, 149, 1 5 2 ,

75-77. of

(1409),

11;

treaty o f ( 1 4 8 5 ) , 19. Ladislav, K i n g of Bohemia and Hungary, 16, 17, 7 1 .

206n. Mikuldienci,

168, 2 4 2 n .

M i n o r Party

5 6 , 133, 135, 1 6 7 , 168, 2 4 1 ¬

44

250, 255, 2 5 6 ; political a n d social

d o c t r i n e s , 184, 187, 193, 196, 197, 199¬

L a s i c k i , J a n , 279, 280, 282.

2 0 2 , 2 0 4 , 2 0 5 , 2 1 3 , 2 2 5 ; see also A m o s ;

Letter o f Majesty (1609), 258.

Brethren,

Unity

L h o t k a , s y n o d o f (1467), 7 7 .

Stakensky;

Kalenec, J a n ; LukaS.

of

Czech;

Liechtenstein, Barons v o n , 251.

Moravian

B r e t h r e n . See

Lileë.'Vàclav of, 2 5 3 , 2 5 4 n .

Moravian

C h u r c h , 86n., 289-92.

L i S k a , B r . , 124, 125. L i t o m y s l , Brethren at, appeal

to Inner

Council,

112-14,

207,

discontent

among,

123; dispatch

mission to the E a s t ,

217,

218; of

141, 1 4 2 ; I n n e r

C o u n c i l ' s reply to their appeal, 114-19.

Ondfej,

former

monastery

na

Jakub

Anabaptists.

head

of

Utraquist

Slovanech

and

later

Brother, 101. Palecek, J a n , Br., 83n.

L o q u i s . See H i i s k a - L o q u i s .

P a y n e , Peter, 3 6 , 5 3 .

L u b l i n , B i e r n a t of, 2 5 3 n .

Peasants, economic a n d social conditions

Ludvik, K i n g of Bohemia and Hungary, LukâS, B r . , 1 7 1 , 1 7 9 ; a d v o c a c y o f s i m plicity,

of, 2 2 - 2 4 , 5 8 , 6 1 , 9 2 , 2 2 5 , 2 2 8 - 3 0 . Pelhfim, MikulaS o f (Biskupec),

2 0 , 207. 229, 237, 2 6 8 ; death,

259;

P e r n S t e j n , V i l 6 m of, 9 7 .

e a r l y y e a r s , 101n., 1 0 5 - 7 , 1 1 0 , 1 1 1 , 1 1 3 ;

P£tikostelsky\ J l r a , B r . , 7 6 .

historical writings, 277, 278, 2 8 3 , 2 8 7 ,

P i c a r d s . See

288; journeys

P i u s I I ( A e n e a s S y l v i u s ) , 18.

a b r o a d , 142, 148, 1 7 7 ,

178; leadership

of Unity

teenth

206-9, 226n.,

century,

i n the six242n.;

o n oaths, 199-204; political a n d social doctrines,

182, 183, 185-97, 2 1 3 , 2 1 5 ,

229, 259, 260, 2 6 8 ; relations with the

Adamites.

P o d i b r a d y , G e o r g e of, K i n g o f B o h e m i a , 16-18, 7 1 , 7 5 , 8 2 , 8 3 . PoduSka, J a n , 244. P o l a k , M i c h a l , 106. P o f i m s k y , J a n , B r . . 155 157.

leaders o f the M i n o r Party, 156, 157,

Poustevnik, Matej, 253, 254n.

163,

P r a c h a t i c e , K f i s t ' a n of, 5 7 .

synod

165n.,

167, 168, 173, 1 7 7 ; a t

of Rychnov,

Brethren,

Unity

of

1 4 6 - 4 9 ; see Czech;

also

Minor

Party.

Prague, C h e l i i c k y i n , 31, 32, 5 8 ; Defenestration o f (1419),

1 3 ; (1618), 2 5 8 ;

F o u r A r t i c l e s of, 12, 14, 5 0 ; K a l e n e c ' s g r o u p i n , 2 4 5 , 2 4 7 ; siege o f ( 1 4 2 0 ) , 13.

L u p â i , M a r t i n , 74, 78. L u t h e r , Martin, spread o f his doctrines i n the C z e c h l a n d s ,

11, 2 0 , 2 0 7 , 2 3 7 ,

Marsilius o f Padua, 44n., 274. M a t ë j , B r . , 9 9 - 1 0 1 , 124, 1 2 8 ; c h o s e n a s priest,

7 6 ; death,

180, 2 0 6 n . ,

2 4 2 ; h e a d o f U n i t y , 103, 104, 114, 125, 131, 137-40, 143-46, 151-60, 162, 165¬ 6 9 , 174, 1 7 5 , 1 7 8 - 8 0 ; see also B r e t h r e n , U n i t y of C z e c h ; M i n o r Party. Matëj U h l i ï , B r . , 140, 152, 167. M a t o u S t h e W e a v e r , B r . , 136, 137, 168, 172, 179, 250. M a t t h i a s C o r v i n u s , K i n g o f H u n g a r y , 18, 19, 9 1 , 9 3 .

PfelouSsky,

Tuma,

Br.

See

Tuma

Pfeloufcsky. P f e r o v , m e e t i n g at ( 1 4 9 4 ) , 1 5 0 - 5 2 .

257, 259, 260.

Unity

17, 36,

38, 54.

P r i b r a m , J a n of, 12, 5 4 , 5 8 n . Pfibyslavice,

Bernard

of, B r . , 1 5 2 , 1 6 7 ,

175. P r o k o p H o l y , 14, 15. Prokop of Jindfichuv

Hradec,

Br., 76,

84, 105, 149, 167-69, 172, 175, 2 0 6 n . , 207; at assembly 125-27,

of Brandos

(1490),

146, 151, 1 5 2 ; a n d t h e c o n -

t r o v e r s y o v e r j u s t i f i c a t i o n b y faith o r w o r k s , 1 0 9 - 1 1 , 115. Ptacek, H y n c e , o f PirkStejn, 16. Quakers, 201, 249n., 256, 275.

302

INDEX

R e g e n v o l s c i u s , A d r i a n u s . See

W^gierski,

Andrzej.

Jan, 97; Lady Johanka Tovacovska

z

K r a j k u , 171, 2 2 5 , 2 2 6 .

R e h o r , B r . , a n d C h e l c i c k y , 40, 41, 73-75, 85, 8 7 - 9 2 ; death,

8 3 , 100, 1 0 1 ; a n d

Klatov

7 6 , 7 7 , 8 6 ; later

Brethren,

influence

on Unity,

103; and Roky-

cana, 72-76, 82, 8 3 ; U n i t y ' s

attitude

t o w a r d s , after h i s d e a t h , 115, 126, 135, 139, 160-62, 165, 1 6 6 , 1 8 5 ; writings, 8 4 ,

Townsmen,

economic a n d social

condi-

t i o n s of, 2 1 - 2 3 , 9 2 , 2 2 5 . T u m a t h e G e r m a n , B r . , 152. T u m a Pfeloucsky, B r . , 76, 84, 104, 112, 149,

150-52, 206n., 242n., 2 8 7 , 2 8 8 ;

a d v o c a c y o f s i m p l i c i t y , 2 2 9 ; defence o f rights o f p e a s a n t r y , 2 3 0 , 231.

1 9 9 ; see also B r e t h r e n , U n i t y o f C z e c h ;

T u m a t h e S c r i b e , B r . , 101n., 152, 1 6 5 .

M i n o r Party.

T u r n o v s k y , J a n , B r . , 101 n.

Rendl, Albrecht,

of Ousava,

124, 125, Vaclav, Holy R o m a n Emperor and K i n g

156, 157, 163, 2 2 1 , 2 2 2 .

o f B o h e m i a , 11, 12.

R o h , J a n , Br., 259, 260. Rokycana

J a n Archbiship-elect of P r a -

gue, 12, 16, 17, 3 6 , 4 0 , 7 2 - 7 6 , 7 8 , 8 2 , 83, 8 8 - 9 0 , 9 6 , 1 0 1 , 1 0 2 n . , 2 7 8 ; s e r m o n s ,

Vechta,

Konrad

of,

Archbishop

of

P r a g u e , 17. V i l i m o v Brethren, 41, 74.

71, 72.

Vit, V e l i k i B r . , 76.

Rüdinger, E s r o m , 2 8 0 . Rychnov,

V a l d o , Pierre, 28, 188.

synod

(1494) ,

o f (1464),

144-150

passim;

80-82, 9 5 ;

Vitanovice Brethren, 75.

decree

V i t a n o v i c k y , J a n , B r . , 105n.

of

Vladislav I I , K i n g of Bohemia a n d H u n -

(1495) , 1 6 0 - 6 2 , 1 8 5 . Rychnovsky, J a n , o f R y c h n o v , 77, 97.

g a r y , 19, 2 0 , 7 0 , 8 2 - 8 4 , 9 3 , 1 4 1 , 2 0 6 , 207, 282.

Sigismund,

Holy

Roman

Emperor and

K i n g o f B o h e m i a a n d H u n g a r y , 13-16, 30.

Vodicka,

B e n e S , B r . , 136, 1 6 2 , 1 6 7 - 6 9 ,

174, 175, 1 8 0 n . V o t i c e , R i h a of, B r . , 1 6 2 , 1 6 8 , 1 7 3 , 1 7 9 .

Skoda, M a r t i n ,

Skutee,

Br., 259.

Vretenaf, MikulaS, Br., 245n.

A m b r o z of, B r . , 1 0 1 n . , 152, 155,

156, 2 4 2 n .

Waldenses, 275, 278, 2 8 3 ; a n d U n i t y o f

Slansky, M i c h a l , B r . , 93, 152.

Brethren, 77-79,101, 278; a n d C h e l i i c -

Stemberk, L o r d A l b r e c h t of, 2 3 0 , 2 3 1 .

k y , 2 9 , 30, 4 3 , 4 5 , 5 2 , 5 3 , 56, 6 7 ; a n d

Stitny, T o m ä ä of, 34, 4 7 , 2 3 1 .

Donation

Strachota, Methodius, B r . , 98.

L u k i S ' s visit t o , 177, 1 7 8 ; o r i g i n s a n d

S t f i b r o , J a k o u b e k of, 12, 3 0 , 3 2 , 36, 54,

development,

of

Constantine,

45, 163;

2 8 , 2 9 ; see also

Valdo,

Pierre.

57, 5 8 , 71. S t f i b r s k y , M a s t e r J a k u b , 106, 107.

Waldhauser, Konrad, 33.

Sturm,

W?gierski,

V a c l a v , 281.

Svamberk, L o r d Kriätof of, 2 4 3 .

Andrzej

(Adrianus

Regen-

volscius), 279, 281, 282.

Sylvester, P o p e , 4 5 , 4 6 , 141, 174, 188.

W i e d e m a n , Jacob, 252. Wyclif, John, 12,34, 3 5 , 4 3 , 4 4 , 4 7 , 57,60,

Taborites,

15, 16, 9 4 - 9 6 , 2 2 8 , 2 8 0 ; a n d

6 3 , 6 5 , 6 7 , 174, 2 2 5 .

C h e l c i c k ? , 27, 3 0 , 31, 35-37, 56, 5 7 ; chiliasm,

27, 29, 30, 56, 6 2 ; high

standards

of

literacy

among,

21;

religious a n d s o c i a l d o c t r i n e s , 12, 1 3 , 17, 20, 3 8 , 6 2 , 63, 6 7 n . , 2 7 5 . Täborsky, J a n V i l i m e k , B r . , l O l n . , 1 0 5 , 125, 127, 1 4 5 , 1 4 6 , 1 4 9 , 1 5 1 , 1 5 2 , 1 6 0 n . ,

Z a h o r k a , Petr, a n d C h e l i i c k y ; 2 7 . Z a t e c , M a s t e r H a v e l of, B r . , 100, 1 0 1 n . , 107. Zelivsky, J a n , 13, 5 3 . Zerotin,

noble

Brethren

family, 2 6 9 ;

J a n F r i d r i c h , 2 6 1 ; K a r e l , 269. Z i z k a , J a n , 13, 14, 3 1 , 3 2 , 5 7 n . , 2 2 0 n .

206n., 207. Tolstoy, a n d Chelfiicky, 25, 61, 276.

Z m r z l i k o v a , L a d y K r e s c e n c i a , Sister, 244.

T o v a c o v s k y , noble Brethren family, 2 6 9 ;

Z o f i e , Q u e e n , w i f e o f K i n g V a c l a v , 13.

A d a m of Cimburk,

238; Ctibor and

Z w i n g l i , 250, 2 5 4 , 2 5 5 .

The Political and Social Doctrines of the Unity of Czech Brethren in the 15th and Early 16th Centuries