The Moral World of James
Studies in Biblical Literature
Hemchand Gossai General Editor Vol. 136
PETER LANG New York • Washington, D.C./Baltimore • Bern Frankfurt • Berlin • Brussels • Vienna • Oxford
James Riley Strange
The Moral World of James Setting the Epistle in its Greco-Roman and Judaic Environments
PETER LANG New York • Washington, D.C./Baltimore • Bern Frankfurt • Berlin • Brussels • Vienna • Oxford
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Strange, James Riley. The moral world of James: setting the epistle in its Greco-Roman and Judaic environments / James R. Strange, p. cm. — (Studies in biblical literature; v. 136) Includes bibliographical references and indexes. 1. Bible. N T . James V, 13-20—Criticism, interpretation, etc. 2. Ethics in the Bible. 3. Ethics, Ancient. I. Title. BS2785.6.E8S76 2 2 7 \ 9 1 0 6 - d c 2 2 2010032712 ISBN 9 7 8 4 4 3 3 1 - 0 8 8 1 - 5 ISSN 1089-0645
Bibliographic information published by Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek. Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the "Deutsche Nationalbibliografie"; detailed bibliographic data is available on the Internet at http://dnb.d-nb.de/.
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F o r Laura
Contents
Editor's Preface Acknowledgments Abreviations
xi xiii xv
Part One: Morals, Religion, and James's Community Vision C h a p t e r O n e . Introduction: T h e Epistle o f James as C o m m u n i t y Instruction
1
T h e U n i t y o f James 5 : 1 3 - 2 0
3
T h e Religious Practices o f 5 : 1 3 - 2 0
5
W h a t D o " M o r a l " and "Religious" Mean?
6
C o m p a r i n g the Epistle o f J a m e s with O t h e r T e x t s
10
Diagnostic Categories for C o m p a r i s o n
13
Notes
16
C h a p t e r T w o . J a m e s ' s C o m m u n i t y V i s i o n : Life, Death, a n d Restoration M a k i n g C o m m u n i t y : Giving Life
21 22
T h r e a t s to the C o m m u n i t y : C a u s i n g D e a t h
23
C o m m u n i t y Preservation: Restoring Life
27
T h e C o m m u n i t y at Prayer
27
T h e Elders' Prayer for Healing
31
Confessing S i n s to O n e A n o t h e r
36
Returning a Wandering M e m b e r
37
S u m m a r y : Morality and Religion in J a m e s ' s C o m m u n i t i e s
39
Notes
42
•JAMES RILEY STRANGE •
Part Two: Morals and Religion in the Greco-Roman World C h a p t e r T h r e e . W a y s N o t T a k e n by James: G r e c o R o m a n V i s i o n s o f C o r p o r a t e Life Prayer in T w o Treatises o f the Platonic T r a d i t i o n
49 50
Piety and the M o r a l State: Plato's Laws
50
T h e Immorality o f Foreign Religions: Plutarch's On Superstition
58
C o r r e c t i o n in T w o Moralists Telling the T r u t h : Plutarch, How to Tell a Flatterer from a Friend
63 64
T h e M o r a l C o m m e n t a t o r : Epictetus, " O n the Calling o f a C y n i c " ... 7 1 Notes
77
C h a p t e r Four. W a y s N o t T a k e n by James: T h e Everyday Practice o f G r e c o - R o m a n Relgion Divine Healing T h r o u g h Magic and S h r i n e s
87 87
T a m i n g Divine Powers in the G r e e k Magical Papyri
89
T h e G o d Powerful and B e n e v o l e n t at Epidauros
95
T h e G o d W h o Directs Destinies: Asklepios and Aelius Aristides ... 1 0 0 Confession o f S i n s in Asia M i n o r T h e Confession Inscriptions
107 108
Conclusion: Morality and Religion in James and Select G r e c o - R o m a n T e x t s Notes
112 117
Part Three: Morals and Religion in the Judaic World C h a p t e r Five. W a y s N o t T a k e n by James: Judaic V i s i o n s o f C o r p o r a t e Life Prayer
125 125
T h e People o f Israel Before G o d : m. Berakhot
125
T h e Exceptional Individual Before G o d : m. Ta'anit
132
Healing Healing T h r o u g h Prayer and the Physician's Hands: Sirach
134 135
Restoring the H o u s e h o l d T h r o u g h Healing and Exorcism: T h e Story o f T o b i t Correction T h e G o o d M a n in The Testament of Benjamin Notes
141 146 146 153
• CONTENTS •
ix
C h a p t e r Five. T h e W a y T a k e n by James? T h e Deeds o f the C o m m u n i t y in 1 Q S
163
T h e C o m m u n i t y at Prayer
163
Confessing the S i n s o f the C h i l d r e n o f Israel
170
C o r r e c t i o n : Reproof, Isolation, and Exile
173
C o n c l u s i o n : Morality and Religion in J a m e s and Select Judaic T e x t s .... 177 Notes C h a p t e r S i x . C o n c l u s i o n : T h e M o r a l W o r l d o f James Notes Bibliography o f A n c i e n t Sources
184 191 194 195
Bibliography o f M o d e r n A u t h o r s
197
Index o f A n c i e n t Texts
213
G e n e r a l Index
231
Editors Preface M o r e than ever the horizons in biblical literature are being expanded beyond that which is immediately imagined; i m p o r t a n t new methodological, theologi cal, a n d hermeneutical directions are being explored, often resulting in signifi cant c o n t r i b u t i o n s to the world o f biblical scholarship. It is an exciting time for the academy as engagement in biblical studies c o n t i n u e s to be heightened. T h i s series seeks to make available to scholars and institutions, schol arship o f a high order, and which will make a significant c o n t r i b u t i o n to the ongoing biblical discourse. T h i s series includes established and innovative di rections, covering general and particular areas in biblical study. F o r every vol ume considered for this series, we explore the question as to w h e t h e r the study will push the horizons o f biblical scholarship. T h e answer must b e yes for in clusion. In this volume J a m e s Riley Strange examines the m o r a l compass in the b o o k o f J a m e s focusing particularly o n J a m e s 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 . In asking the prin cipal question o f the study, "how does making morals construct c o m m u n i t y in early Christianity", the a u t h o r carefully and extensively examines this text. H e notes that the religious elements within the text, namely: prayer, healing, con fession and correction are the modes o f proper c o n d u c t for the basis o f the moral foundation o f the c o m m u n i t y . H e argues that the moral foundation o f early Christianity is n o t founded o n morals a n d religion o f the G r e c o - R o m a n world o r o f the Judaic world, b u t o n the basis o f the J a c o b e a n qualities. T h i s is a well d o c u m e n t e d and persuasive argument a n d o n e w h i c h I believe will sure ly be e m b r a c e d by many scholars. T h i s study is an i m p o r t a n t a n d wide-ranging addition to the already well established body o f scholarly work o n this idea, and it is o n e that I believe will surely expand the discourse o n this t h e m e in significant ways. T h e horizon has b e e n expanded. H e m c h a n d Gossai Series Editor
Acknowledgments
T h i s b o o k is a revision o f my P h . D . dissertation, which I c o m p l e t e d in the Graduate Division o f Religion o f the Laney Graduate S c h o o l (then the Grad uate S c h o o l o f Arts and Sciences) at E m o r y University in 2 0 0 7 . T h e most sig nificant changes were made to C h a p t e r
1, which I reduced quite a bit,
C h a p t e r 2, which I substantially rewrote, C h a p t e r 5, from w h i c h I removed a section o n Joseph and Aseneth, and the C o n c l u s i o n , w h i c h I completely rewrote. T h e entire manuscript was greatly reduced in length a n d made m o r e readable. M a n y people have made the c o m p l e t i o n o f this project possible, a n d it is a pleasure to t h a n k t h e m here. C h i e f a m o n g these is my dissertation advisor at Emory, Luke T i m o t h y J o h n s o n , w h o during the initial dissertation work read chapters closely and responded quickly between Atlanta and T a m p a . H e often called to give detailed feedback within days o f receiving chapters exceeding 1 2 0 pages. H e also read an early revised manuscript and gave additional feed back.
His clear criticisms, enthusiastic e n c o u r a g e m e n t , and ways o f thinking
a b o u t texts were simply invaluable to this project. G a i l R . O ' D a y , then an As sociate D e a n at C a n d l e r S c h o o l o f Theology, who chaired the G D R ' s New T e s t a m e n t d e p a r t m e n t when I arrived and was my faculty advisor for s o m e years, deserves special thanks for her guidance during my time as a student, for her close reading o f original chapters, and for her clear feedback. W a l t e r T . W i l s o n also gave substantial direction to the revisions I made, for which I am grateful. I c a n n o t acknowledge those w h o have helped m e without thanking J a c o b N e u s n e r o f B a r d College for teaching m e how to read religious texts, a n d to write about t h e m clearly, while 1 studied u n d e r him at the University o f S o u t h Florida.
Because o f the gift o f his scholarly oeuvre, I d o n ' t suppose we in the
academy will ever stop learning from him. I u n d e r t o o k the revisions at S a m f o r d University, where I n o w teach as an Assistant Professor in the Howard College o f Arts and Sciences.
I work
a m o n g good colleagues and with eager students, all o f w h o m m a k e me a better scholar and teacher.
T h e chair o f the religion department, K e n n e t h B . E .
Roxburgh, encouraged m e to seek publication o f the manuscript.
David
xiv
JAMES RILEY
STRANGE
C h a p m a n , D e a n o f Howard College, generously underwrote a substantial part o f the cost o f publication. notes and bibliography.
M s . C a r m e l i t a C r e n s h a w c o m b e d through foot
M y wife, Laura, carefully p r o o f read every page o f
text. T h a n k s to all o f these. All errors that remain are m i n e . M a n y thanks are also due D r . Heidi B u r n s , S e n i o r Editor at Peter Lang Publishing, w h o edited the manuscript and w h o was generous with publica tion deadlines and words o f encouragement.
N i c o l e Grazioso, Production
C o o r d i n a t o r at Peter Lang, helped with thorny formatting issues. Finally, I wish to t h a n k m e m b e r s o f my family for all o f their encourage m e n t over the past few years. M o s t o f all, I owe a great debt o f gratitude to my beloved Laura and S a r a h for their support and love. Y o u are G o d ' s good a n d perfect gifts to m e .
Abbreviations
AB
Anchor Bible
ABD
Anchor Bible Dictionary. Edited by D. N. Freedman. 6 vols. New York, 1992
AMS
Asia Minor Studien
ANRW
Aufstieg und Niedergang der romischen Welt: Geschichte und Kultur Roms im Spie gel der neueren Forschung. Edited by H. Temporini and W . Haase. Berlin, 1972-
Bib
Biblica
BJS
Brown Judaic Studies
BN
Biblische Notizen
BNTC
Black's New Testament Commentaries
BR
Biblical
BSac
Bibliotheca
BT
The Bible Translator
BTB
Biblical Theology Bulletin
BWK
Die Beichtinschriften Westkleinasiens. Edited by Georg Petzl. Bonn, 1994
BZNW
Beihefte zur Zeitschrift fur die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft
CBQ
Catholic Biblical Quarterly
CJAS
Christianity and Judaism in Antiquity
CIL
Corpus Inscriptionum Latinamm
Research sacra
CTR
Criswell Theological
CurBS
Currents in Research: Biblical Studies
Review
DSD
Dead Sea Discoveries
EvQ
Evangelical
HTR
Harvard Theological
ICC
International Critical Commentary
JBL
Journal of Biblical
JPT
Journal of Pentecostal Studies
JR
Journal of Religion
JSNTSup
Journal for the Study of the New Testament: Supplement Series
JSOTSup
Journal for the Study of the Old Testament: Supplement Series
LCL
Loeb Classical Library
Quarterly Review
Literature
xvi
• JAMES RILEY STRANGE •
LNT
Library of New Testament Studies
MdB
Le Monde de la Bible
NovT
Novum
NovTSup
Novum Testamentum Supplements
NTOA.SA
Novum Testamentum et Orbis Antiquus, Series Archaeologica
Testamentum
NTS
New Testament Studies
NTTS
New Testament Tools and Studies
OTK
Okumenischer Taschenbuch-Kommentar
OTL
Old Testament Library
OTP
Old Testament Pseudepigrapha.
Edited by J. H. Charlesworth. 2 vols. New
York, 1983 PGM
Papyri graecae magicae: Die griechischen Zauberpapyri. Edited by K. Preisendanz. Berlin, 1928
RB
Revue bibliaue
ResQ
Restoration Quarterly
RevExp
Review and Expositor
RevQ
Revue de Qumran
RevScRel
Revue des sciences religieuses
RTK
Roczniki
SBLAB
Society of Biblical Literature, Academia Biblica
Teologiczno-Kanoniczne
SBLDS
Society of Biblical Literature Dissertation Series
SBLRBS
Society of Biblical Literature Resources for Biblical Studies
SBLSP
Society of Biblical Literature Seminar Papers
SCHNT
Studia ad corpus hellenisticum Novi Testamenti
SCL
Studies in Classical Literature
SCO
Studi classici e orientali
Sem
Semitica
SFSHJ
South Florida Studies in the History of Judaism
SJLA
Studies in Judaism in Late Antiquity
SO
Symbolae osloenses
SP
Sacra Pagina
STDJ
Studies on the Texts of the Desert
SUNT
Studien zur Umwelt des Neuen Testaments
SVTG
Septuaginta, Vetus Testamentum Graecum
ofjudah
SVTP
Studia in Veteris Testamenti pseudepigraphica
THKNT
Theologischer Handkommentar zum Neuen Testament
TSK
Theologische Studien und Kritiken
WBC
W o r d Biblical Commentary
WUZNT
Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament
ZNW
Festschrift fur die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft und die Kunde der alterem Kirche
• C H A P T E R
O N E *
Introduction: The Epistle of James as Community Instruction
I
magine a place where the beliefs that people profess and the things that they do form a seamless fabric. Because they claim that G o d is singular, a generous giver o f good things, a n d n o respecter o f h u m a n distinctions, b u t
a merciful and just judge w h o soon will render a verdict o n all o f humanity, they t o o take up single-minded action, maintaining undiluted devotion to G o d , caring for those w h o have n o e c o n o m i c recourse, seating the p o o r in their assemblies beside the wealthy, slandering n o o n e , praying for all.
Con
ceive o f a c o m m u n i t y in which all members—sown with divine wisdom—shun the warring factiousness that is the inevitable offspring o f earthly wisdom, and instead cultivate peacemaking in the assembly as their c o m m o n aim, maintain ing purity by spurning the values o f the world and submitting their own wills to G o d ' s . Imagine a people w h o e n d u r e hardship with unwearied hope, w h o patiently await the salvation o f the Lord. Envision a place where the rich put their trust in G o d ' s providence just as the destitute do, where the sick find healing, where sins are openly confessed and forgiven, and where those w h o stray are sought o u t and returned to the fold. S u c h is the vision set forth by the author o f the Epistle o f J a m e s . It is a vi sion b o t h o f and distinct from the Hellenistic Mediterranean world. T h e au thor, after all, wrote a m o n g peoples w h o thought mattered.
that h u m a n
behavior
F o r centuries, philosophers, legislators, and pious citizens o f this
region prized right actions, and they developed rational, legal, a n d religious systems to preserve the values and structures o f b o t h large societies and small associations. Y e t the vision is also distinctive. T h e a u t h o r o f James, a m e m b e r o f a sect linked to Jesus as well as the world o f T o r a h , also t o o k up the task o f morals-making in the m e d i u m o f writing, but sought to regulate actions by ap peals to a particular Christian perspective.
T o him, it was self-evident that,
a m o n g all o t h e r groups within the Empire, those w h o kept the faith o f the Lord Jesus C h r i s t lived as G o d intended.
2
• JAMES RILEY STRANGE •
Clearly, the author o f J a m e s was c o n c e r n e d with how people interacted with o n e a n o t h e r o n many levels, and broadly speaking, his work is c o n c e r n e d with morals, a word that will n e e d careful defining presently. In the Mediter ranean world o f the last four centuries B . C . E . a n d the first four C . E . , the topic o f morality appears in many arenas, including ethics, politics, e c o n o m i c s , law, and religion.
A u t h o r s find warrant for their claims in carefully constructed
arguments, reasoning by analogy, appeals to myth, and theological assertions about the divine will.
T h e writings o f the N e w T e s t a m e n t make use o f all
these forms o f persuasion in their discussions o f proper c o n d u c t a m o n g Chris tians. T h e study o f morality within formative Christianity e n c o u n t e r s problems.
three
T h e primary question asked in this study is, how does making
morals construct c o m m u n i t y in early Christianity?
Moralists typically direct
their exhortations to a particular people, rather than to all persons everywhere. Aristotle envisioned an ideal G r e e k polis distinguished by its virtuous rule, class hierarchy, and resulting prosperity.
1
Plutarch blithely disparaged barbaric
(i.e. foreign) religious practices as grotesque caricatures o f G r e e c e ' s rational and temperate pious traditions.
2
T h e Community Rule o f the Dead S e a Scrolls
relegated to "the pit" all w h o did n o t abide by its statutes.
3
Moreover, by the
early s e c o n d century, Pliny the Y o u n g e r could h o l d up the "Christians" o f Bithynia and Pontus to E m p e r o r Hadrian as distinctive a m o n g o t h e r R o m a n s o n the basis o f their b e h a v i o r .
4
B u t what sort o f c o m m u n i t y does early C h r i s t i a n
moral discourse envision? D o e s it follow the path o f Plato, Aristotle, and the M i s h n a h ' s Sages (or later the surahs o f the Q u r ' a n ) by setting forth rules for entire societies or even empires?
O r d o early Christian moralists follow a
m o d e l like the o n e set forth by the Essenes, imagining congregations o f G o d ' s people separating themselves o f f from society by their counter-cultural prac tices and beliefs? Moreover, h o w do we distinguish between Christian and non-Christian morality? Aside from appeals to the earthly or risen Jesus, often it is difficult to tell what is distinctively Christian in C h r i s t i a n texts. T h e New T e s t a m e n t epistolary literature is fiill o f disparaging remarks that accuse pagans o f vile perversions.
5
A t the same time, s o m e early Christian vice and virtue lists
could easily have c o m e from the pens o f first-century pagan philosophers and moralists.
6
Similarly, when they wished to polemicize against Jews, C h r i s t i a n
apologists found their work begun for t h e m in the anti-Jewish discourses found in the gospels, Acts, and Paul.
7
B u t their harangues against wickedness
also borrowed the language o f the Israelite prophets, and earliest Christianity has b e e n c o u n t e d a m o n g the many Judaisms o f the first century G r e c o - R o m a n
• T H E E P I S T L E O F JAMES AS C O M M U N I T Y I N S T R U C T I O N •
world.
8
3
I f C h r i s t i a n morality so resembles the morality o f its neighbors, how
do we distinguish it from its environment? Finally, what links are there between morals and religious practices in early Christian texts? Christian writers regularly base codes for correct c o n d u c t in religious transformation, submitting the will to G o d , a n d hope for reward a n d escape from p u n i s h m e n t at the final j u d g m e n t .
S u c h c o n c e r n s are linked to
religious acts o f the community—rites o f initiation, sacred meals, corporate worship, reading o f scripture, r e m e m b e r i n g the words o f the founder,
and
others—all d o n e rightly. S i n c e Christian writers do n o t clearly distinguish be tween the moral behavior o f individuals and the religious practices o f c o m munities,
9
how were Christian practices also moral activities, a n d how were
moral acts regarded as religious?
10
T h e careful study o f a single case, namely the c o m m u n i t y
instruction
found in J a m e s 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 , provides a way o f answering these questions.
Schol
ars have long n o t e d the epistle's focus o n morality within c o m m u n i t i e s and its c o n n e c t i o n to religious profession a n d practice. M a n y have characterized the work as an example o f either G r e c o - R o m a n o r Jewish hortatory literature that freely appropriates and passes o n Jesus traditions without ascription.
11
The
letter is a comparatively c o m p a c t example o f Christian morals-making, com posed early in the life o f the new religious m o v e m e n t , a n d working with the teachings o f its founder.
J a m e s 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 is a good case study because in these
verses the a u t h o r prescribes a constellation o f religious practices in a particu larly c o n c e n t r a t e d m a n n e r and to a particular collection o f groups. T h e horta tory language o f the passage, however, suggests that this is n o m e r e t a x o n o m y o f rites, b u t a prescription o f religious practices that are in effect moral re sponses to crises within those groups.
T h e a u t h o r prescribes prayer, healing,
confession, and correction as modes o f proper c o n d u c t within c o m m u n i t i e s , in contrast to m o d e s o f improper c o n d u c t that he has earlier c o n d e m n e d . A preliminary reading o f J a m e s 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 introduces the passage's provoca tive c o m b i n a t i o n o f elements, and prepares the way for a consideration o f how best to approach the questions it raises.
The Unity of James 5:13-20 James 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 makes up the final section o f the letter a n d can b e read as a coherent pericope.
12
Earlier in the letter the a u t h o r intermingles prohibitions,
warnings and exhortations, whereas religious practices appear only below the surface a n d usually within o t h e r c o n t e x t s .
13
B u t at verse 13 he begins to ad
dress religious practices as responses to crises within the assembly, namely
4
•JAMES RILEY
STRANGE
sickness a n d sin. T h e s e eight verses c o n t a i n n o prohibitions, only positive in structions for right behavior in c o m m u n i t y life.
T h e a u t h o r does n o t shift
from this topic, b u t c o n t i n u e s his focus to the e n d o f the letter: he configures intra-community m o r a l deeds as religious practices. T h e r e is also t h e m a t i c a n d structural unity: the language o f sin, forgiveness, and salvation springs from the e x h o r t a t i o n in 13 and c o n t i n u e s to verse 2 0 . T h e syntax in verses 13 a n d 19 form an inclusio a r o u n d the t o p i c A similar c o n s t r u c t i o n where only in the true c o n d i t i o n a l statement o f 1 : 5 .
14
is found else
15
V e r s e 13 consists o f two couplets: "Is a n y o n e a m o n g you suffering [KCCKOTTCXBET]?
Let h i m pray [TTpoaEUX£o8co]. Is anyone happy [EUBUUE'I]? 16
sing tyaAAETCo]."
Let h i m
V e r s e 1 4 opens with a third couplet in the same form, al
though what should be the apodosis o f a true c o n d i t i o n a l (TrpooKaAEoaoSco) is extended by an o b j e c t and a n o t h e r third-person imperative (TTpoa£u£ao9coaav, this time plural) along with its modifiers: "Is anyone a m o n g you sick? Let h i m s u m m o n the elders o f the c h u r c h and let t h e m pray over h i m after a n o i n t i n g h i m with oil in the n a m e o f the Lord." T h e structure o f the first two verses o f the pericope, therefore, is A B A B A B C , in w h i c h each A section constitutes a situation in the life o f believers, and B , a religious practice in response to that situation.
17
T h e addition o f the C section in 1 4 suggests that whereas general
suffering a n d happiness n e e d only the individual's response, the case o f o n e w h o is ill requires the elders to act. T h e elders' response is itself expanded by an exposition (v. 1 5 ) , w h i c h b e c o m e s the basis for a general e x h o r t a t i o n to the entire c o m m u n i t y (v. 16a) to engage in the practices o f confession o f sins a n d intercessory prayer for healing. At this p o i n t the a u t h o r o f J a m e s provides a p r o o f for his claim that "the effective prayer o f a righteous person is very powerful" ( 1 6 b ) .
W h e r e a s the
biblical a c c o u n t attributes a drought to G o d ' s initiative (1 Kings 1 7 : 1 ; 1 8 : 1 ) , J a m e s 5 : 1 7 - 1 8 gives credit to the power o f Elijah's petition. A c c o r d i n g to the author, even t h o u g h he "was a m a n like us in every way," Elijah was able to c o n t r o l the rain through prayer. Following this example from scripture, in his final two verses (again taking up the A B pattern o f the o p e n i n g couplets, this time in a true third-class c o n d i t i o n a l ) , the a u t h o r addresses the p r o b l e m o f turning straying believers from sin, and by implication b a c k to the " c h u r c h " whose practices they have forsaken: " I f any a m o n g you strays [TrAavr)6fj] from the truth and s o m e o n e turns him b a c k [£TnaTpEv|/r)], he should k n o w that whoever turns b a c k a s i n n e r from the error o f his way will save his soul from death a n d will cover a multitude o f sins." Verses 13 through 2 0 o f chapter 5 c o h e r e as a set o f instructions a b o u t particular acts o f piety within the C h r i s t i a n c o m m u n i t y , focused o n sickness and sin, crises that remove m e m b e r s from c o m m u n i t y life.
• T H E EPISTLE
O F J A M E S AS C O M M U N I T Y I N S T R U C T I O N •
5
The Religious Practices of 5:13-20 We
can identify four distinct b u t interrelated religious practices in J a m e s
5 : 1 3 - 2 0 : prayer ( 1 3 , 14, and 1 6 ) , healing ( 1 4 , 1 6 ) , confession ( 1 6 ) , and correc tion ( 1 9 - 2 0 ) .
1 8
It is striking that when setting forth religious practices, the author uses many o f the same rhetorical devices that he has deployed to talk a b o u t moral 19
actions earlier in the t e x t : J a m e s c o n t i n u e s to use the imperative (the "domi 20
n a n t m o o d " in the epistle ) in 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 ; he implies an argument through the use o f ouv in 5 : 1 6 ; 5:17-18, 20; words;
23
2 2
21
he mingles his own language with that o f scripture in
he signals the c o h e r e n c e o f this passage through linked catch
the passage contains examples o f a l l i t e r a t i o n
the use o f m e t a p h o r
26
24
and h o m o i o t e l e u t o n ;
matches earlier uses o f figurative s p e e c h .
27
25
Several de
vices typical o f the G r e c o - R o m a n diatribe appear earlier in the letter a n d in 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 as well: the short question with a n s w e r , T I S £V U J J I V ,
2 9
28
direct address implied by
and a c o m p a r i s o n with natural p h e n o m e n a .
30
Finally, the use o f
Elijah as an exemplary figure in 5 : 1 7 - 1 8 is consistent with his previous use o f A b r a h a m ( 2 : 2 3 ) , Hagar ( 2 : 2 5 ) , the prophets ( 5 : 1 0 ) , a n d J o b ( 5 : 1 1 ) . T h e s e ex amples d e m o n s t r a t e that when the author shifts from c o n d e m n i n g immorality to encouraging religious practices, he does n o t employ a separate set o f rhe torical devices. T h e implication is that in the Epistle o f James, religious prac tices within the c o m m u n i t y are understood as moral goods. T h e language o f c o m m u n i t y m a i n t e n a n c e persists in the final section o f the letter. T h i s issue will receive greater attention in the next chapter. Here it suffices to n o t e that the author does n o t address inhabitants o f the R o m a n E m p i r e everywhere, b u t people o f a particular religious association. Earlier the author refers to these people as " m e m b e r s " o f groups ( 3 : 6 ; 4 : 1 ; cf. 2 : 4 ) , set o f f from the rest o f the society through their status as G o d ' s children ( 1 : 1 8 ) living as aliens in the Empire ( 1 : 1 ) . T h e y further distinguish themselves by conven ing in synagogues (2:2), by appointing teachers for instruction in their particu lar
way o f life
( 3 : 1 ) , by preserving
their
union
through
persevering
in
difficulties ( 1 : 2 - 4 , 12; 2 : 6 ; 5 : 7 - 1 1 ) , leveling o f social strata ( 2 : 1 - 1 3 ) , praying for o n e a n o t h e r ( 4 : 3 ; 5 : 1 4 - 1 6 ) , peacemaking ( 3 : 1 7 - 1 8 ; 4 : 1 1 - 1 2 ) , and by ven erating Jesus as the Lord and Messiah w h o is a b o u t to judge the world ( 1 : 1 , 12; 2 : 1 , 12; 4 : 1 2 ; 5 : 1 - 6 , 7 - 1 1 ) . community
information
A t the e n d o f the epistle, s o m e m o r e distinctive
emerges: a group o f these people constitutes a
" c h u r c h " whose m e m b e r s appoint elders as well as teachers; they are to confess sins to o n e a n o t h e r and to pray for o n e another's healing; a n d they should correct o t h e r m e m b e r s w h o stray from the truth, keeping t h e m within the fold rather than excluding t h e m .
6
• JAMES RILEY
STRANGE*
A first reading o f J a m e s 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 sharpens the questions asked at the out set. T h e religious practices o f the c o m m u n i t y are cast as moral acts and the focus is o n a particular collection o f groups with distinctive attributes.
I will
argue that in the c o m m u n i t i e s that the a u t h o r o f J a m e s envisions, the religious practices o f healing, confession, and correction play a role in r e d e m p t i o n for sins. Just as sins are cast as i m m o r a l deeds that alienate m e m b e r s and threaten the survival o f c o m m u n i t i e s , so redemption restores sinners to their groups and ensures the c o n t i n u e d existence o f the c o m m u n i t i e s in their foreign a n d hostile settings. T h a t thesis will b e worked o u t in the n e x t chapter.
Before
moving o n , it is necessary to clarify terms that appear throughout this b o o k .
What Do "Moral" and "Religious" Mean? In the preceding section I have used the terms "moral" and "religious" to m e a n different things, a distinction that requires clarification.
Throughout
this study, by "moral discourse," I refer to language that is intended to shape the way a group behaves. T h e discourse largely appeals to right t h o u g h t and is grounded in the authority o f the author.
M o r a l discourse is directed toward
m e m b e r s o f a particular group, conceived either broadly (as in a society) o r narrowly (as in a local c o m m u n i t y o r congregation). " M o r a l " is an adjective describing acts, a n d "morals" and "morality" refer to the c o n d u c t itself in terms o f Tightness a n d wrongness rather than, say, in terms o f legality or reli gious propriety. F o r purposes o f clarity I use the terms "moral," "morals," and "morality" rather than "ethical" and "ethics." In this investigation, ethical a n d ethics identify second-order reflection o n right behavior, while m o r a l and mo rality refer to first-order instruction in what is right and wrong.
Ethics has to
d o with rules for right behavior derived by rational argumentation, while mo rality finds its warrant in authority.
31
In the texts to b e examined, m o r a l dis
course is characterized by its attempts to persuade readers to a d o p t certain mindsets and ways o f behaving, by its attention to virtues and vices, a n d by a c o n c e r n for the group c o h e s i o n created by virtues o r corruption b r o u g h t o n by vices. "Religious discourse" casts a particular act as an obligation to a deity. Cer tain expectations must be m e t in order for it to b e legitimate: such c o n d i t i o n s include the particular day o r time o f day o f its performance, the adherence to a set order, prescribed body postures o r gestures, whether it should b e accom panied by a particular liturgy, a required mindset o f the suppliant, a n d so o n . In religious discourse, the c o n c e r n is with the validity o f the practice: D i d it m e e t the religious obligation o r fail to m e e t it? W a s it received by the god, o r
7
• T H E EPISTLE O F JAMES AS C O M M U N I T Y I N S T R U C T I O N •
was it addressed to the wrong one? W i l l it have the desired result, o r will er rors in its execution void its effect?
Religious discourse reveals a c o n c e r n with
the boundary between the holy and the m u n d a n e : acts performed according to prescription have the power to transform ordinary m o m e n t s and locations in to sacred times a n d spaces, whereas those performed incorrectly remain within the realm o f the p r o f a n e .
32
A "religious practice" o r "act" is quite simply a response to a deity. T h i s broad definition includes b o t h ritualistic
33
a n d spontaneous behaviors, and
the c o n d u c t o f b o t h c o m m u n i t i e s a n d individuals as "religious." A text may characterize a religious practice with either primarily religious discourse (con cerned with h o w the act meets a religious obligation) o r with m o r a l discourse (casting it as a virtuous deed).
W h a t these many a n d varied acts share in
c o m m o n is the premise that they are directed toward a divine b e i n g o r beings. It is also i m p o r t a n t to n o t e that the terms "religious" a n d " m o r a l " need n o t coalesce. A text may indeed present religious practices within a m o r a l frame work, b u t as J a m e s 4 : 3 demonstrates, it might be possible to perform a reli gious practice in an i m m o r a l way, o r as Kierkegaard reminds us, o n e can c o m m i t an act that suspends morality for the sake o f a religious d e m a n d .
34
B o t h m o r a l a n d religious discourses play a part in the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f c o m m u n i t i e s . T h i s observation draws o n a p o i n t made by W a y n e Meeks: the m e c h a n i s m s for the formation o f c o m m u n i t i e s c a n n o t b e separated from the process o f moral formation. A l t h o u g h Meeks restricts his observations to the C h r i s t i a n c o m m u n i t i e s that were founded in the m o v e m e n t ' s first decades, it is possible to apply his remarks to religious, social, a n d political groups o f many sorts, and indeed to entire s o c i e t i e s .
35
Religious discourse plays a similar
role. W h e t h e r it does so explicitly o r implicitly, the performance o f religious rituals serves to define o n e group over against a n o t h e r .
36
T h i s is a fundamen
tal task o f religions in general a n d o f new religions in particular: to define the social order in terms o f the people w h o hold a particular worldview and w h o take up a particular way o f life that e m b o d i e s that view.
37
H e n c e , the prescrip
tion o f inter-communal o r inter-societal acts defines outsiders as well as insid ers, for those w h o do n o t behave in the approved way, o r w h o worship according to a different form, fall outside the group, either because the group excludes t h e m o r because they reject the group's self-imposed m o r e s . M o r a l and religious discourse also maintain c o m m u n i t i e s by laying o u t means o f c o r r e c t i o n , restoration, a n d exclusion, as well as by establishing me chanisms that provide for the well-being o f group m e m b e r s .
T h e Mishnaic
regulations o f heave offering to be c o n s u m e d by priests a n d their families can be understood as religious discourse devoted t o the m a i n t e n a n c e o f holy Is rael's way o f life (a society).
38
Similarly, the election o f "table servers" in Acts
8
JAMES RILEY STRANGE
can be seen as m o r a l discourse aimed at sustaining local congregations (com munities within a society).
39
Because o f their focus o n morality o r religious
acts, the texts e x a m i n e d for this project have s o m e t h i n g to say about the pres ervation o f a social order.
O n e task o f the chapters that follow is to define
that social vision, whether it is o f small and scattered congregations within a "foreign" matrix, a city-state distinguished from o t h e r such states, a nation conceived whole with m i n i m a l references to non-citizens, or s o m e o t h e r vi sion. W h e r e a s the distinction between m o r a l and religious practice may blur, as in James, it will b e evident in the texts e n c o u n t e r e d here, with a few excep tions, that the distinction between moral and religious discourse holds, for texts that deploy o n e type o f discourse typically have o n e o f three reactions to the o t h e r type: [1] texts o f o n e type cast c o n c e r n s o f the "other" type as invalid (see in particular Plutarch's harsh assessment o f foreign religion in C h a p t e r 3 ) , [2] c o n c e r n s o f the o t h e r type appear only as m i n o r categories (generating n o fur ther dispute or discussion), o r [3] c o n c e r n s o f any o t h e r type are ignored. T h e language o f "practice" is as slippery as that o f "morality." T o clarify what I m e a n when I speak o f the practices o f the c o m m u n i t y in the Epistle o f James, I here provide a preliminary discussion o f prayer, healing, confession, and correction. A l l the texts studied here express a belief in the existence o f divine beings, and all assume that the divine and h u m a n s exist in s o m e sort o f reciprocal relationship with o n e another.
T h e texts present that relationship
in personal terms: the individual enters into a relationship with the deity that is characterized by devotion and goodwill. W i t h i n this relationship, prayer, in its broadest understanding, is c o m m u n i c a t i o n with a deity, and its perform ance rests u p o n the assumption that it has the power to elicit a response from him or her.
40
Prayer can b e accomplished by individuals in isolation from o n e
another, individuals within an assembly, a congregation as a whole (by reciting o r reading prayers in u n i s o n ) o r antiphonally (followed by a congregational response).
Q u i t e often prayer is a c c o m p a n i e d by or accompanies a n o t h e r
practice, such as sacrifice
41
o r fasting. T h e s e practices exist in a c o m p l e x rela
tionship with o n e another, b u t at a basic level e a c h adds to the efficacy o f the other, assuring a favorable response from the deity, fulfilling a particular reli gious o b l i g a t i o n ,
42
serving to define a group's distinctive way o f life, or s o m e
c o m b i n a t i o n o f these. Prayer is multifaceted in its practice and analysis o f it must take this fact into a c c o u n t ,
43
yet this b o o k deals almost exclusively with precatory prayers,
which either ask the god for some good or seek protection from s o m e evil. Prayers o f this type fall into two subtypes: here, the term petition is limited to asking for s o m e t h i n g o n o n e ' s own behalf, whereas an intercession asks the
• T H E E P I S T L E O F JAMES AS C O M M U N I T Y I N S T R U C T I O N •
god to help s o m e o n e e l s e .
44
9
Benediction—asking the god's blessing for h u m a n
beings—is an example o f this s e c o n d sul>type. W e shall see that a blessing—in particular, a blessing directed toward God—may function as a precatory prayer. S p o k e n prayers bring people into c o m m u n i c a t i o n with a deity, and they are b o u n d by the time o f their performance.
W h e n people stop speaking a
prayer, it is finished. Inscribed prayers, o n the o t h e r hand, are ongoing. Pray ers affixed to doorposts and gates transform the m u n d a n e activities o f entering and leaving i n t o acts o f sacred significance, and m o n u m e n t s b e a r c o n t i n u a l witness to the deity's gracious deeds for future generations, b u t they also may ensure the god's c o n t i n u e d care in the future.
45
Healing as a religious practice refers to the curing o f various maladies by invoking the power o f a god. In this way it is distinguished from the a n c i e n t practice o f m e d i c i n e and its various techniques (the application o f poultices, the taking o f medicines, bathing, letting o f b l o o d , and o t h e r prescriptions by healing professionals). Divine healing may require smearing with o i n t m e n t s or bathing, b u t it clearly requires the power o f a god in order to b e effective. In many instances, a god prescribes an act that the sick person has already at tempted to n o avail, and it now works because the god c o m m a n d s it. In cases such as these, the act takes o n the c o m p l e x significance o f a symbol, demon strating the faith o f the o n e healed, o r h o n o r i n g the healing god. As a heuristic category, divine healing may also b e distinguished
from
magic. W h a t differentiates o n e from the o t h e r is that magic lacks the e l e m e n t o f mutual devotion between h u m a n s and deity. T h r o u g h the ritual the daimon is b r o u g h t under o n e ' s c o n t r o l for a time, a n d is dismissed w h e n n o longer needed. T h e transaction does n o t require a system o f favor or charis, n o r does it necessitate that the person b e pious o r particularly m o r a l .
46
Hypothetically, as a religious practice, confession o f sins may o c c u r in two forms: acknowledging o n e ' s sins directly to G o d , o r confessing to a n o t h e r per son. T h e s e c o n d type may also entail confessing to the person w h o m o n e has wronged. In the texts considered here, c o r r e c t i o n is a means for enforcing rules for behavior in a group.
T h e s e rules can pertain to the informal association o f
friendship, a particular c o m m u n i t y o r collection o f them, the polis, o r to entire empires.
In the case o f smaller associations, correction enforces the c o m m u
nity's boundaries by keeping "in" the insiders and by expelling to the outside those w h o refuse to c o n f o r m . W i t h i n these kinds o f groups correction has a forensic function, enforcing group rules by threat o f sanction. W i t h i n a cul ture, correction works separately from the legal system, relying u p o n social pressures and confrontation between peers to enforce social n o r m s .
10
JAMES RILEY STRANGE •
Comparing the Epistle of James with Other Texts T h e questions raised at the outset o f this chapter (how does morals making define c o m m u n i t y in C h r i s t i a n texts? how do we distinguish between Chris tian and non-Christian morality?) require a c o m p a r i s o n between the Epistle o f James and o t h e r texts.
M o r a l and religious discourse, and particular moral
and religious practices, form the details for the c o m p a r i s o n .
T h e procedure
for that c o m p a r i s o n n o w must b e set forth. T h e purpose o f comparative work is to cause the individuality o f each text to stand o u t clearly when it is viewed alongside another, similar t e x t .
47
It is
worth heeding J o n a t h a n Z. S m i t h ' s cautions a b o u t the n o t i o n o f what is " u n i q u e " in the c o m p a r i s o n o f Christianity with o t h e r religions. In this b o o k , " u n i q u e " c o n n o t e s , as S m i t h puts it, "a reciprocal n o t i o n which confers n o special status, n o r does it deny—indeed, it demands—enterprises o f classifica tion and interpretation.
A is u n i q u e with respect to B , in this sense, requires
the assertion that B is, likewise, u n i q u e with respect to A . "
4 8
Certainly the im
plication that the Epistle o f J a m e s bears "incomparable v a l u e " o t h e r texts must b e avoided.
49
in relation to
Rather, throughout, "unique" and "distinctive"
are applied as S m i t h ' s hypothetical t a x o n o m i s t does, spelling out "the u n i q u e differentium
that allows the classification o f this o r that...species."
50
In this
case, texts may b e c o m p a r e d because they belong to the same species—or ge nre—broadly conceived. T h a t species comprises texts that link the health o f a group to the practice o f morality a n d / o r religion. It is also worth n o t i n g Luke J o h n s o n ' s critique o f S m i t h ' s work.
Smith
produced a labor o f analysis, dismantling the work o f o t h e r scholars to unveil the anti-Catholic bias that guided their assumptions and c o n c l u s i o n s . In his (quite successful) efforts to p o i n t o u t the problem o f regarding early Christian ity as sui generis—and h e n c e incomparable and incomprehensible—Smith of fered n o alternative m e t h o d for establishing the "discourse o f difference" for w h i c h he h i m s e l f called.
Instead, he suggested a way o f understanding early
Christianity as a m e m b e r o f a class ( G r e c o - R o m a n religions) without being able to distinguish it from o t h e r m e m b e r s o f the same class. V a r i o u s types o f early Christianity reflected either a "locative" o r "utopian" world-view m o r e or less like o t h e r G r e c o - R o m a n religions o f late antiquity, with the result that Christianity simply faded i n t o its b a c k g r o u n d .
51
As a corrective to S m i t h ' s lacuna, in this project, the broader class to which texts belong forms t h e starting point.
It is the similarities between
things, after all, that allows those things to be c o m p a r e d in the first place, and similarities allow for a generic application o f the term "unique."
T o borrow
an example from an English cliche, it is possible to compare apples with or-
• T H E EPISTLE O F JAMES AS C O M M U N I T Y I N S T R U C T I O N •
11
anges because o f the n u m b e r o f categories that they share in c o m m o n , whereas to c o m p a r e apples with Australia simply because b o t h begin with "a" yields n o useful data at all. T h e first step in c o m p a r i s o n , therefore, is to establish which categories m a k e possible fruitful c o m p a r i s o n o f things. T h e work o f this pro ject proceeds o n the following assumption: s o m e texts that, like the Epistle o f James, seek to instruct their readers in religious practices a n d / o r moral deeds (which o n e s should be d o n e , how they should be d o n e , and why) are suffi ciently like the epistle to sustain c o m p a r i s o n with it, for analysis will also yield structures o f t h o u g h t and the arrangement o f those structures into logical sys tems.
T h i s m e t h o d will require careful and detailed explanation presently.
Here I n o t e that many different genres o f writing can "instruct," including the philosophical dialogue, the diatribe, g n o m i c literature, narrative, drama, the recipe for a magical spell, a n d inscriptions describing a person's e n c o u n t e r with the divine.
W h a t makes texts suitable for c o m p a r i s o n , however, is
whether the structures o f t h o u g h t that lie b e h i n d them, o r that they explicitly state, sustain c o m p a r i s o n , yielding insight into systems. Paradoxically, similarity between texts allows their differences to c o m e to light. T h a t fact forms the goal o f this project: to understand, in the Epistle o f James, the construal o f religious practices a n d morality within
particular
groups o f people in c o m p a r i s o n (and contrast) to o t h e r construals o f t h e m . C o m p a r i s o n must penetrate b e n e a t h masses o f details t o reveal the systems that underlie and animate those details.
T o borrow an example from the
comparison o f world religions, it is n o t e n o u g h to point o u t that s o m e Jewish groups in antiquity and A m e r i c a n Evangelical Protestants practice ablution through full immersion, a similarity o f detail. T h e s e resemblances also reveal deep differences that get at the very hearts o f the respective religious systems. For s o m e Jewish groups, immersion was a primary c o m p o n e n t o f a system o f sanctification for G o d ' s holy people, and it was repeated as often as ritual pu rity was necessary in a G r e c o - R o m a n city; for Evangelicals, the practice initi ates a person into full participation in "the body o f C h r i s t " a n d visually represents new life.
T w o superficially similar practices, b o t h linked to the
identity a n d sustenance o f a group, c o u l d n o t b e m o r e different, for they re veal what is at the heart o f two distinct religious systems. T o give an example o f what I m e a n to d o through the c o m p a r i s o n o f texts, consider the c o m p a r i s o n o f Judaism a n d Islam c o n d u c t e d by J a c o b N e u s n e r and T a m a r a S o n n , from adapted.
whom
this m e t h o d
o f systemic c o m p a r i s o n
is
N e u s n e r and S o n n speak o f c o m p a r i n g the two religious systems
based o n what they call "category f o r m a t i o n . "
52
As N e u s n e r and S o n n define
the term, "category" refers to types o f activity that c o m e together in the expres sion o f religion, a n d especially to groupings o f religious activities judged to be
12
• JAMES RILEY
central in religious life.
STRANGE
T a k i n g examples from the kinds o f activities within
mainstream religions in A m e r i c a , in many congregations we can find gather ings o f various types: [1] for the purpose o f c o m m u n a l prayer a n d / o r worship, [2] for study o f i m p o r t a n t texts, [3] for fellowship and meals, and [4] for con ducting the business o f the congregation.
In m o s t religious groups the first
two types o f congregating would constitute classes o f "significant religious ex pression,"
53
the third would less often be considered such, and the last, al
though it is crucial for the daily life and long-term survival o f the congregation, might n o t c o u n t as a form o f religious expression at all. It is i m p o r t a n t to n o t e that N e u s n e r and S o n n speak o f "activity," w h i c h implies that "category" a n d "religious practice" are closely linked, i f n o t syn onymous.
B u t in the body o f their work it b e c o m e s clear that categories can
be o f many different types. F o r example, types o f writing and kinds o f think ing can also comprise categories. T h e idea o f sacred text—normative, authori tative teachings that G o d gives directly to h u m a n beings ("scripture")—is a category for N e u s n e r and S o n n , and the type o f reasoning that o n e uses in or der to apply the statements in scripture to daily h u m a n affairs is another. D o c t r i n e can also comprise a category—both the teaching itself and the man ner in which it is derived—as can structures o f t h o u g h t and expression that are present b u t n o t n a m e d (except by scholars o f religion), such as "eschatology." T h e religious systems o f Judaism and Islam share the category o f eschatol ogy, and they even share many details o f their specific eschatological visions, but in c o m p a r i s o n to o n e another, similar categories reveal sharp differences in the two religious systems. N e u s n e r a n d S o n n go o n to draw o u t some im plications o f this contrast: differences highlighted by these u n i q u e categories reveal the very heart o f two different religious systems: the Judaic system o f the sanctification o f Holy Israel through T o r a h observance, and the Islamic system o f individual submission to G o d and the ultimate creation o f a worldwide c o m m u n i t y o f believers. W h a t is i m p o r t a n t a b o u t this work o f c o m p a r i s o n is n o t its revelation o f things never before k n o w n a b o u t Judaism and Islam, for N e u s n e r and S o n n take for granted the vast corpus o f learning o n Judaism and Islam, using as their data the texts, traditions, doctrines, and structures o f thought that previous work has established. R a t h e r , comparison allows t h e m to show b o t h religious systems in sharp detail. N o t every aspect o f b o t h relig ions, b u t certain aspects, a n d the systems as a whole, b e c o m e clearer through comparison and contrast with o n e a n o t h e r . In m u c h the same way, this project aims to discover what is distinctive about c o m m u n i t y formation and survival in the Epistle o f J a m e s by comparing it with o t h e r t e x t s .
54
A t stake is m o r e than simply taking n o t e o f when two
texts say m u c h the same thing (avoid these behaviors; take up those), or when
T H E EPISTLE O F JAMES AS C O M M U N I T Y I N S T R U C T I O N •
o n e text says o n e thing and a n o t h e r says something else.
13
A t stake is under
standing James's religious and moral system as distinct from o t h e r systems.
55
Diagnostic Categories for Comparison T h e task in this project differs in important ways from Neusner's and S o n n ' s , and so the procedure must also diverge from theirs at s o m e points. T o begin with, whereas N e u s n e r and S o n n speak o f categories that comprise entire reli gious systems, here, "category" consistently refers to ways o f constructing a practice.
Categories provide answers to the questions, W h o performs
the
practice? For whose benefit? T o what end? G i v e n the assumptions about the ways that b o t h religion and morality construct c o m m u n i t y , certain answers are o f particular interest: a group performs the practice o r an individual does, and perhaps a particular kind o f individual; the practice is d o n e for the benefit o f either the individual or the group (or because the god benefits from it); the " c o m m u n i t y " constitutes a discreet congregation (a small-scale c o m m u n i t y ) , or the polis, or a particular understanding o f culture (large-scale c o m m u n i t i e s ) ; the practice is a moral act or has n o moral capacity; the practice has conse q u e n c e s for the individual o r for the c o m m u n i t y in the here and now, or its effects are fulfilled in the age to c o m e ; and so o n . S e c o n d , rather than deciding a priori w h i c h categories o f the epistle form the basis o f comparison, here the procedure will b e to derive categories through a careful reading o f J a m e s . T h i s shift in procedure requires a corre sponding adjustment in terms: here, the structures o f thought and social con structs
uncovered
by
analysis
comprise
"diagnostic
categories," because
through t h e m will be better understood, n o t simply what the author says about religious practices and morality, b u t what is at stake in his instruction. T h e s e categories will aid in the diagnosis o f the moral vision expressed in the letter: how it derives from the author's understanding o f G o d , h u m a n s , and their relationship, and how it reveals a telos: the formation o f the c o m m u n i t y , the goal o f religious faithfulness, and the e n d that is c o m i n g .
Furthermore,
due to the nature o f the investigation, the religious system o f the epistle forms the central piece.
O t h e r texts will help to illuminate that system and will
themselves be illuminated, b u t there simply is n o t space to give t h e m the same attention that the Epistle o f James receives. In C h a p t e r 2, close analysis o f J a m e s 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 in the c o n t e x t o f the whole letter yields diagnostic categories that comprise the epistle's presentation o f prayer, healing, confession, and correction. T h e s e categories will answer such questions as w h o performs a specific practice (an individual, a c o m m u n i t y , a
14
•JAMES RILEY
STRANGE*
person o f special rank, etc.), what type o f practice is prescribed (petitionary v. intercessory prayer, c o r r e c t i o n v. e x c o m m u n i c a t i o n , e t c ) , how practice con structs c o m m u n i t y and what kind o f c o m m u n i t y , whether the practices are presented as moral deeds o r as religious obligations, and so o n .
In this way,
diagnostic categories and their analysis establish the thesis stated earlier: in James, religious practices provide a remedy for sin a m o n g c o m m u n i t y mem bers, a n d they are aimed at rescuing b o t h the s i n n e r from alienation and the c o m m u n i t y from destruction. In C h a p t e r s 3 - 6 , the process is repeated by reading texts from t h e G r e c o R o m a n world and various J u d a i c systems.
56
T h e categories derived from those
readings will form c o m p o n e n t s o f their own systems, or they will n o t , so that the e n d o f each chapter will provide the opportunity to c o m p a r e diagnostic categories from the epistle with counterpart categories from o t h e r texts: cate gory with category a n d system with system, where systems exist. T h i s type o f c o m p a r i s o n should yield three different results: categories can correspond to o n e a n o t h e r as counterparts, revealing that two texts say m u c h the same thing—or very different things—about the same subject; they can be dispropor tionate to o n e a n o t h e r , indicating that a primary category in o n e text is treated as a peripheral matter in a n o t h e r text, n o t participating in the system in any significant way; and a category may b e u n i q u e , comprising a central category in o n e text while n o t appearing at all in a n o t h e r .
W h e n c o m p a r i s o n yields pri
marily o r only the latter result (apples a n d Australia), we k n o w that the labor has b e e n pointless, for we d o n o t understand o n e text m o r e clearly in relation to another, except in the m o s t superficial t e r m s .
57
T h e c o n c l u s i o n s reached in each chapter prepare the way for drawing o u t implications in the C o n c l u s i o n o f the study.
Primarily the focus will rest o n
what we can say a b o u t the construction o f a new religion in the first century, using the Epistle o f J a m e s as test case. W h e n we understand s o m e t h i n g a b o u t the distinctiveness o f this writing in c o m p a r i s o n to o t h e r texts, we can under stand s o m e t h i n g a b o u t h o w a new religious m o v e m e n t is situated within the world in w h i c h it is born—both understandable within the various cultures o f the G r e c o - R o m a n Mediterranean, a n d a distinctive c o m p o n e n t within those cultures. A statement a b o u t J a m e s ' s authorship a n d date is n o t necessary for a comparative enterprise such as this o n e , a n d so these issues are bracketed until C h a p t e r 7, where they receive only b r i e f treatment.
F o r the r e m a i n d e r o f the
work, b o t h the a u t h o r and the epistle itself are "James." T h e n e x t chapter c o n t a i n s the first step in c o n d u c t i n g a c o m p a r i s o n o f James with o t h e r texts a n d argues the thesis stated earlier.
Ideas a b o u t reli
gious practices provide a way into the texts. W e move n o w to a fuller reading
• T H E E P I S T L E O F J A M E S AS C O M M U N I T Y I N S T R U C T I O N •
15
o f J a m e s 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 within the c o n t e x t o f the entire letter, drawing o u t diagnos tic categories for understanding how J a m e s presents religious practices as mor al responses to crises within Christian c o m m u n i t i e s .
16
•JAMES RILEY S T R A N G E *
Notes 1.
Aristotle, Politics; see esp. 7 . 4 - 1 2 .
2.
Plutarch, On Superstition 4; see the discussion in Chapter 3.
3.
1QS X . 19; cf. I L 7 - 9 ; I V . 9 - 1 4 . See the discussion in Chapter 6.
4.
Epistulae 10.96.7.
5.
See Rom 1:29-31; 1 C o r 6 : 9 - 1 0 ; Gal 5 : 1 9 - 2 1 ; Eph 4 : 1 7 - 1 9 ; 5 : 3 - 1 3 ; Col 3:5; 1 Tim 1:9-10; (cf. 6:4); 2 Tim 3 : 2 - 5 ; Titus 3:3; Jas 3:15; 1 Pet 3:3. Cf. Mark 7 : 2 1 - 2 2 ; Matt 6:7-8.
6.
Abraham Malherbe says it this way: "Celsus could, not without cause, throw it up to the Christians that their system of morals was shared by the philosophers, and that there was nothing especially impressive or new about it, a charge with which Christians could not completely disagree." Abraham J. Malherbe, "Hellenistic Moralists and the New Testa ment," A N R W 11.26.1, ed. Wolfgang Haase and Hildegard Temporini (Berlin and New York: Welter de Gruyter, 1992), 2 6 7 - 3 3 3 . Cf. Wayne A. Meeks, The Origins of Christian Morality (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1993), 15, 66; and Sophie Laws, "The Doctrinal Basis for the Ethics of James," in Studia Evangelica sented to the Fifth International
7: Papers pre
Congress on Biblical Studies held at Oxford, 1973, ed. Elizabeth
A. Livingstone (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1982), 2 9 9 . The formative work on virtue and vice lists in the New Testament was conducted by Anton von Vogtle, Die Tugend- und Lasterkataloge im Neuen Tetament (Mi'inster: Aschendorf, 1936). See John Fitzgerald's article, " V I R T U E / V I C E LISTS," ABD 6 (New York: Doubleday, 1992), 8 5 7 - 5 9 . 7.
See Matt 23 par.; 2 6 : 1 4 - 1 5 par.; 27:9, 25; Acts 2:23; 36; 4:10, 19; 5:28, 39; 7 : 5 1 - 5 3 ; 12:1-3; 13:46; Rom 2 : 1 7 - 2 9 ; Gal 3:10, 2 3 - 2 5 ; 4 : 2 1 - 5 : 1 ; Phil 3 : l b - 9 . 5:10; 7 : 2 6 - 2 8 ; 8 : 1 - 1 0 : 1 8 .
Cf. Heb 4 : 1 4 -
See Luke Timothy Johnson, "The New Testament's Anti-
Jewish Slander and the Conventions of Ancient Polemic," JBL 108 no. 3 (1989): 4 1 9 41. 8.
See the collected articles in Bruce Chilton and Jacob Neusner, eds., The Brother of Jesus: James the Just and His Mission (Louisville: Westminster John Knox Press, 2001), especially Neusner's "Introduction: W h a t Is a Judaism?" (pp. 1-7) and Craig A. Evans' "Compar ing Judaisms: Qumranic, Rabbinic, and Jacobean Judaisms Compared" (pp. 1 6 1 - 1 8 3 ) . Cf. E. P. Sanders, Paul and Palestinian Judaism: A Comparison of Patterns of Religion (Phila delphia: Fortress Press, 1977), and Jesus and Judaism (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1985).
9.
In some writings the experience of baptism is expected to yield visible results in the daily life of the believer (1 C o r 6 : 9 - 1 1 ; Eph 4 : 2 1 - 3 2 ; Col 3 : 1 - 1 7 ; Titus 3 : 3 - 5 ; Jas 1:21; 1 Pet 1:23; 2:1; Didache 5: Iff; Barnabas 20: Iff; Justin, 1 Apol 6 1 . 1 - 3 ; 1 4 - 1 7 ) . In Matthew, how one engages in fasting and prayer carries moral connotations: it demonstrates either self-aggrandizement or true (i.e. "secret" or "humble") piety (Matt 6:5-6). In Paul's first letter to the Corinthians, sharing the Eucharist is expected to level social strata (1 C o r 1 1 : 1 7 - 2 2 ) . T o engage in pagan worship is an affront to God and finds its way onto vice lists along with sexual perversions (1 C o r 6 : 9 - 1 0 ; Gal 5 : 1 9 - 2 1 ; 1 Pet 3:3).
10.
The connection also is not distinctively Christian. Among numerous examples, see Por phyry, Abst. 2; Xenophon, Anab. 5.7.32.
• T H E E P I S T L E O F JAMES AS C O M M U N I T Y I N S T R U C T I O N •
11.
17
For recent studies, see John S. Kloppengborg, "The Emulation of the Jesus Tradition in the Letter of James," in Reading James with New Eyes: Methodological
Reassessments of the
Letter of James, ed. Robert L. Webb and John S. Koppenborg (London and New York: T & T Clark, 2 0 0 7 ) , 1 2 1 - 1 5 0 ; Patrick J. Hartin, James and the Q Sayings of Jesus, JSNTSup 47 (Sheffield, U.K.: JSOT Press, 1991), 4 2 - 4 3 ; T. Y. Mullins, "Jewish Wisdom Literature in the New Testament," JBL 6 8 (1949): 3 3 9 . Among the noted commentaries on James that pursue this topic, see James Hardy Ropes, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Epistle of St. James, I C C (New York: Charles Scribner & Sons, 1916), 1 6 - 1 8 ; Martin Dibelius, James: A Commentary on the Epistle of James, rev. Heinrich Greeven, trans. Michael A. Williams, Hermaneia (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1976), 1 - 1 1 , 2 6 - 3 4 ; Sophie Laws, The Epistle of James, B N T C (Peabody, Mass.: Hendrickson, 1993), 6 - 2 6 ; Ralph P. Martin, James, W B C 4 8 (Waco: W o r d Books, 1988), lxxxii-xcviii; Wiard Popkes, Der Brief des Jakobus, T H N T (Leipzig: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 2001), 5 9 - 6 9 ; Luke Timothy John son, The Letter of James: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary, A B 3 7 A (New York: Doubleday, 1995), 1 6 - 2 5 , 2 6 - 4 6 .
See also Joseph B. Mayor, The Epistle of
James, 3rd ed. (London: Macmillan, 1913); repr. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Kregel Publica tions, 1990, 1 2 8 - 4 5 ( 4 3 8 - 5 5 ) . 12.
5:12, however, is also directed to the community as a whole and forbids a certain type of religious practice (oath-taking), and must be kept in conversation with this passage. The whole issue of units and transitions in James is problematic. In Letter of James, 3 2 5 - 2 6 , Johnson argues that verse 12 should be included as a transition to the final section; cf. also Laws, Epistle of James, 2 1 9 , and Mayor {James), who in his contents (10) and notes ( 5 4 0 - 4 1 ) treats 5 : 1 2 - 2 0 as a unit, but without explanation. Martin (James, 199) follows the divisions of the NA27 and brackets verses 1 9 - 2 0 as the epistle's conclusion. In Der Jakobusbrief, HTKNT, 1 3 / 1 (Freiberg, Basel, and Vienna: Herder, 1964), Franz Mufiner breaks the epistle down into much smaller independent units ( 5 : 1 3 - 1 5 , 1 6 - 1 8 , 1 9 - 2 0 ) . Contrast Popkes, Brief des Jokobus, 3 1 4 , who reads all of 5 : 7 - 2 0 as a unit constructed around the instructions concerning patience and prayer. This construal of James's or ganization appears to follow that of Ropes, St. James, 293, who characterizes 5 : 7 - 2 0 as "Counsels for the Christian Conduct of Life" that stand in contrast to "the censure of Worldliness" in 4:1-5:6. Todd C. Penner (The Epistle of James and Eschatology: Re-reading an Ancient Christian Utter, JSNTS 121 [Sheffield, U.K.: Sheffield Academic Press, 1996], 1 4 9 - 5 1 ) argues for linking verse 12 with what has come before and beginning the episto lary conclusion at 13.
13.
See the mention of care for widows and orphans in 1:27, looking after the destitute in 2 : 1 5 - 1 6 , and repentance in 4 : 7 - 1 0 . James also alludes to the practices of prayer in 1:56, possibly baptism in 1:18 and 2 1 , communal worship in 2 : 2 - 3 , and religious instruc tion in 3:1.
14.
The construction is a main clause or series of clauses with the verb in the third person imperative following an introductory clause with Tis ev upiv as the subject. Martin (James, 2 0 6 ) calls this a "quasi-conditional," or "a question-imperative pattern."
15.
Note that in 1:5 James also instructs members of the community to pray. See also the question and response at 3:13. In the introductory clause of 3:13, however, the inter rogative Tis appears.
16.
The only missing phrase in the second couplet is E V upTv (cf. 1:5; 9; 2:2; 3:13; 4:1; 11), which is unnecessary to repeat. Note that the text of the NA27 does not interpret the
18
•JAMES RILEY S T R A N G E *
opening clauses of these couplets as questions. The NA27's punctuation yields, "Some one among you is suffering...," "Someone among you is happy...," and so on. The simi larity of these opening sentences to conditionals (see esp. the third class conditional of verses 19 and 20), however, suggests that James here discusses these situations as possi bilities. For this reason I understand the opening clauses KaKOTraSeT T I S
E V U U T V , EU0UUET
T I S , acrfteve? T I S ev uuTv as questions. Cf. Mayor, James, 4 7 8 . 17.
Cf. Mufiner, Jakobusbrief, 2 1 6 .
18.
The singing of praises in v. 13 may constitute a fifth practice, but I choose not to treat it separately for two reasons.
First, James gives singing no further exposition.
Second,
singing is a mode of prayer. The word vpaXXco plays on the idea of "touching" or "pluck ing" a bow string, hence playing a stringed instrument, but is used in LXX translations of some Psalms to refer to singing to musical accompaniment.
In Romans, Paul uses
vpaXXco in his translation of Ps 17:50 ("I shall sing praise to your name") and in 1 C o r Paul's usage of the term parallel to rrpooeux^ suggests that vpaXXco is also directed to
19.
God.
See vpaXXto, LiddellScott
TDNT
8:490-91.
2018; cf. vpaXXco, BAGD 8 9 1 , and G. Delling, vpaXXco,
Many commentators have noted the rhetorical tools that James uses in his epistle; see Martin, James,
2 6 7 - 7 2 ; Ropes, St. James,
Muftner, Jakobusbrief, The Voice of Jesus
1 2 - 1 4 , 18; Dibelius, Epistle of James,
34-38;
2 9 - 3 0 ; Popkes, Brief des Jakobus, 4 7 - 4 9 ; cf. Wesley Hiram Wachob,
in the Social Rhetoric of James (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University
Press, 2000), 12. In this section I rely most heavily on Johnson, Letter of James, 7 - 1 1 , 1 6 26. 20. 21.
Johnson, Letter of James, 8. See 4:4, 4:7, 5:7. The participle in 5:16b may be an example of using a participle as a warrant in an implied argument. See ibid.
22.
See 1:11; 5:4; 5:5. The language KccXuvpei rrXfjSos auapTicov probably reworks the He brew of Prov 10:12 ( ™ » nqDin c ^ c ? " ^ bs] "but love covers all transgressions") rather t
than the L X X (rravTas
5E
TOUS
ur) 4>iXovEiKouvTas
KOXUTTTEI
<J>iAia, "but love covers all
who shun strife" [cf. 1 Pet 4:8]). Compare these allusions with the references in 2:8; 11; 23; 4:6. I do not take 4:5 to be a scripture citation. 23.
TTpooEuxEoSco, rrpooEu£aa0coaav, 5Er]ois, 16b);
OCOOEI,
OCOOEI;
EUXH,
EUXEOGE,
rrpooEuxri rrpooEu^aTo, TTpooEu£aTO (cf.
auapTias, auapxcoXov, auapTicov; EmoTpEvpn, ETTioTpEv|;as;
rrXavnOfj, rrXavns. 24.
See the repetition of np- in 13 and 14; K- in 15; 6- in 16; rr- in 17 and 18.
25.
- E T and -co repeat in 13 and 14a.
26.
Note the sky and earth depicted as beings in 18; the sinner as lost sheep in 19 and 20.
27.
See especially the discourse on speech in 3 : 1 - 1 2 .
28.
5:13 and 14; cf. 3:13; 4:14.
29.
5:13, 14, 19. Cf. 3:13.
30.
5:18. Cf. 1:6; 1:10-11; 2:26; 3 : 5 - 6 ; 3:11; 3:12, 4:14; 5:2, 3.
31.
In making this distinction I follow the example of Meeks, Chrisitan Morality, 3 - 5 . Cf. the discussion in Ian H. McDonald, The Crucible of Christian Morality (London and New York: Routledge, 1998), 5 - 6 .
THE
E P I S T L E O F J A M E S AS C O M M U N I T Y I N S T R U C T I O N •
19
32.
See G. Van der Leeuw, Religion in Essence and Manifestation, trans. J. E. Turner (London: Allen & Unwin, Ltd: 1938; repr. New York and Evanston, In.: Harper & Row, 1963), 3 8 4 - 8 7 , 3 9 3 - 4 0 2 ; Mircea Eliade, Patterns in Comparative Religion, trans. Rosemary Sheed (New York: New American Library, 1958), 1-4.
33.
In this book, "ritual" does not require a definition more precise than an act that occurs at fixed points of the calendar and times of day, and according to a prescribed order, with requisite instruments, etc.
34.
Kierkegaard famously tackles this problem in Fear and Trembling, published originally in 1843 under the pseudonym, Johannes de Silentio, and presently available in many trans lations and editions.
35.
Meeks himself makes this implication in Christian Morality, 7 - 8 .
36.
Sulochana R. Asirvatham, Corinne Ondine Pache, and John Watrous, eds., Between Magic and Religion: Interdisciplinary Studies in Ancient Mediterranean
Religion and Society,
Greek Studies: Interdisciplinary Approaches (Lanham, Md.: Rowman & 2001), xiii; Hans-Josef Klauk, The Religious Context of Early Christianity,
Littlefield,
trans. Brian
McNeil, ed. John Barclay, Joel Marcus, and John Riches, Studies of the New Testament and Its World (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 2000), 2 1 7 . 37.
See Jacob Neusner and Tamara Sonn, Comparing Religions Through Law: Judaism and Islam (London: Routledge, 1999), 2, 7.
38.
M. Terumot.
39.
Acts 6 : 1 - 6 .
40.
Cf. the Glossary of Terms in Simon Pulleyn, Prayer in Greek Religion (Oxford, U.K.: Clar endon Press, 1997), xiv.
41.
Ibid., 8 - 1 5 .
42.
See the discussion of x ^ P ' S in ibid., 2 - 3 8 .
43.
See the description of the typical parts of Roman prayer (invocation, pars epica, preces) in Michael J. Brown, The Lord's Prayer Through North African Eyes: A Window into Early Chris tianity (New York and London: T & T Clark International, 2004), 6 2 - 6 5 . The "basic pattern for a Greek prayer," according to Pulleyn, is an invocation followed by a request: Pulleyn, Prayer, 7.
44.
None of the texts examined here has a specific vocabulary to distinguish between peti tion and intercession. In Greek, for example, apaoucu ("pray that") implies asking some thing of a god, but of itself does not specify who the recipient should be: oneself or someone else. Quite often in the literature, we find terms that on their own do not nec essarily connote religious acts, but can express a wish or asking for something: E U X O U C U and its derivatives EUXETaouai, rrpooEuxouai, rrpooEuxr); bby (Hithp.: intercede on behalf of, pray), n'psn (supplication), ;:n (show favor; Hithp.: implore favor), r»:nr\/y.:un (supplica tion), nni? (Qal and Hithp.: pray, supplicate), etc. Often, particularly in prayer texts themselves, we find simply verbs of asking or begging, or pleas that the god "hear," "grant," or "answer": C C I T E C O , O K O U C O , E I O C X K O U C O , E T T I P A E T T C O , 5 ( 5 C O U I , etc.; bxv, i;;, 0159, r;:p,
45.
F. T. van Stratten, "Gifts for the Gods," in Faith, Hope, and Worship: Aspects of Religious Mentality in the Ancient World, ed. H. S. Versnel, Studies in Greek and Roman Religion (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1981), 103; Cf. Jason Moralee, For Salvations Sake: Provincial Loyalty,
etc.
20
•JAMES RILEY STRANGE
Personal Religion, and Epigraphic Production in the Roman and Late Antique Near East, Studies in Classics (New York and London: Routledge, 2004). 46. 47.
See the discussion in Chapter 4. In the method that follows I rely heavily on the work of Jacob Neusner and Tamara Sonn, Judaism and Islam. Neusner and Sonn lay out a method for the systemic compari son of religions (specifically the comparison of Judaism and Islam through their legal sys tems) that is useful for this project, especially since their medium for comparison is texts, as it is here.
48.
Jonathan Z. Smith, Drudgery Divine: On the Comparison of Early Christianities and the Relig
49.
Smith, Drudgery Divine, 36.
50.
Ibid., 3 6 - 3 7 .
ions of Late Antiquity (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990), 37.
51.
Luke Timothy Johnson, Religious Experience in Earliest Christianity: A Missing Dimension in New Testament Studies (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1998), 3 1 .
52.
Neusner and Sonn, Comparing Religions, 12.
53.
Ibid.
54.
In this book, "distinct" and "distinctive" connote the usage of "unique" laid out on pp.
55.
Note Malherbe's critique of J. N. Sevenster's comparison of Paul and Seneca. Malherbe
18-19. wishes for a broader comparison between Paul and Stoicism, but the point is well taken when Sevenster concludes that superficial similarities between the two authors reveal their underlying differences. Malherbe, "Hellenistic Moralists," 2 7 7 - 7 8 . 56.
For the purposes of this study, "Greco-Roman" refers to those texts, written between around the fourth century B C E and the fourth C E in Greek (no Latin texts appear in this study), whose authors base their religious discourse on the Greek and Roman pan theons. In this study, "Judaic" refers to those texts of the Greco-Roman world between about the second century B C E and the third C E , written in Greek and Hebrew (no Aramaic texts appear in this study), whose authors understand Torah to be God's revela tion to Moses at Sinai, and that call the people who keep Torah in the way that God wishes Torah to be kept "Israel." The discussion of magical spells from Egypt is set in the context of Greco-Roman texts.
57.
Neusner and Sonn, Comparing Religions, 1 4 - 1 7 .
• C H A P T E R
T W O *
James's Community Vision: Life, Death, and Restoration
R
eligious practices have a social function. W e are familiar with the part that s o m e rituals play in admitting c a t e c h u m e n s into a religious group, and how o t h e r rituals demonstrate o r bring about cohesiveness.
1
In
particular, many authors have trained students o f the New T e s t a m e n t to t h i n k a b o u t Paul's talk o f baptism and the Lord's S u p p e r in this way, a n d to extrapo late from Paul's epistles to create a picture o f earliest Christianity a m o n g the cities o f the R o m a n E m p i r e .
2
R a t h e r than construct the social setting o f the
3
Epistle o f J a m e s , the aim o f this chapter is to use the religious practices that J a m e s prescribes as a window into his social vision. W h a t does J a m e s t h i n k that religious acts accomplish in the c o m m u n i t i e s he addresses? W h a t effect does he wish for the practice o f religion to have o n t h e formation and mainte nance o f communities?
4
James is particularly c o n c e r n e d about group solidarity and preservation, and that c o n c e r n is evident in the way he presents sin, its c o n s e q u e n c e s , and salvation.
H e speaks o f the effect that sin has o n c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s and
the c o m m u n i t y as a whole, and h e presents the solution to sin as a reversal o f those effects. In J a m e s 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 , prayers for healing, mutual confession o f sins, and mutual correction share s o m e attributes: all are c o m m u n i t a r i a n (done by o n e o r m o r e m e m b e r s o f the c o m m u n i t y o n b e h a l f o f o n e o r m o r e o t h e r members), all deal with sin's effects, a n d all bring a b o u t reconciliation o f s o m e sort. T h i s chapter sets forth the argument that J a m e s prescribes the religious practices o f healing, confession, and correction as m e a n s o f r e d e m p t i o n for sins that alienate c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s from the group a n d that
threaten
group survival. T h e c o m m u n i t a r i a n nature o f the practices, the language o f sin, and the language o f restoration tie the religious acts to earlier sections o f the letter. J a m e s is fond o f metaphors, and he weaves t h e m with s o m e skill to describe how sin can unravel a group.
H e is worried about offenders' alienation from
the c o m m u n i t y , and ultimately a b o u t the strain o f conflict tearing apart the c o m m u n i t y . C o n s e q u e n t l y , J a m e s ' s solution to sin in the c o m m u n i t y is to re-
22
JAMES RILEY STRANGE •
store the sinner to fellowship. T h e s e c o n c e r n s are evident in James's under standing o f the making o f the c o m m u n i t y , what threatens the c o m m u n i t y , and c o m m u n i t y restoration.
Making Community: Giving Life Following his salutation to "the twelve tribes o f the Diaspora," J a m e s indicates that he envisions his addressees as a group b o u n d together as siblings: com munity m e m b e r s are J a m e s ' s "brothers" (frequently, "beloved brothers"). T h e m e c h a n i s m for j o i n i n g this fictive kinship group is n o t clear, b u t the m e t a p h o r for j o i n i n g is: to unite with the c o m m u n i t y is to be given life. T w o references in the letter imply that the c o m m u n i t y practices the initia tory rite o f baptism, and they deploy different images o f the giving o f life.
5
In
the first J a m e s claims, "As an act o f the will, G o d gave birth to us through a word o f truth so that we might b e c o m e a k i n d o f first fruits o f his creation" (1:18).
T h e author is reworking G e n e s i s 1 : 1 - 2 : 4 by c o m b i n i n g feminine im
agery with otherwise masculine references: the formation o f the c o m m u n i t y through m e m b e r initiation is understood as being birthed by G o d , "the Father o f lights" ( 1 : 1 7 ) , and so in some way it recapitulates the original act o f crea tion, which in the first a c c o u n t o f G e n e s i s begins with the making o f light a n d reaches c u l m i n a t i o n in the creation o f h u m a n i t y .
6
A c c o r d i n g to James's un
derstanding o f the social order, group m e m b e r s are siblings, children o f the same father G o d w h o gives t h e m birth.
7
T h e s e c o n d reference uses the c o m p l e x imagery o f divesting o n e s e l f " o f all sordidness and rank growth o f wickedness" before, in humility, receiving "the implanted word that has the power to save your soul" ( 1 : 2 1 ) .
8
N o t e the depic
tion o f G o d as life-giver in this illustration as well. M o s t transparently, the id iom, "to save your soul" (ocooai TCCS VJAJX^S upcov) bears the plain meaning o f rescuing s o m e o n e from death.
M o r e subtly, the idea o f the implanted logos
also reconfigures biblical creation stories by c o m b i n i n g the images o f G o d cre ating h u m a n k i n d through the divine word in G e n e s i s 1:26 and planting a garden in 2 : 8 - 9 . It is important n o t to miss the eschatological tropes that run
through
these images, since an expectation o f the world to c o m e is closely tied to the idea o f life renewed.
Earlier in J a m e s 1, end-times discourse appears in verses
9 - 1 1 , where we find reversal o f fortunes followed by a reconfiguration o f the parched grass imagery from Isaiah 4 0 : 6 - 8 . T h e promise o f the crown o f life to those w h o endure trials ( 1 : 1 2 ) expresses eschatological expectations as well. In light o f these two passages, the claim in 1:21 that the implanted word has the
JAMES'S C O M M U N I T Y VISION
23
potential to save—but by implication has n o t yet d o n e so—is m o s t naturally read as an eschatological promise: rebirth and recreation are now, but the ful fillment o f salvation is (soon) to c o m e . T h e images o f G o d giving birth and G o d sowing and growing the w o r d
9
depict the formation o f the c o m m u n i t y as God-given new life, with its fulfill m e n t near c o m p l e t i o n (cf. 5 : 9 b ) . Indeed, J a m e s presents o n g o i n g c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s h i p with the same idiom: i f o n e remains in the community—if o n e perseveres despite various trials and does n o t apostatize—the Lord will grant "the crown o f life [TOV ojifycxvov TT\S Ccofjs] promised to those w h o love h i m " (1:12).
T h e crown or wreath, w h i c h often symbolizes an athletic or military
victory, marks the c u l m i n a t i o n o f that divinely given life and its eschatological fulfillment. By implication, to remain outside the group, to leave it, o r to disband the group is to remain apart from G o d , to a b a n d o n G o d , or to dissolve G o d ' s family. It is to experience death.
Threats to the Community: Causing Death J a m e s addresses threats to the group in just this way. H e reserves some o f his harshest accusations for people whose bitter envy a n d selfish a m b i t i o n place c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s at odds with o n e a n o t h e r and threaten c o m m u n i t y soli darity. J a m e s describes this state as warfare, and he accuses such members o f murder. H e arrives at such a c o n d e m n a t i o n through his n o t i o n o f sin. For James, sin is an offense that o n e c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r c o m m i t s against a n o t h e r . T h o s e w h o d i s h o n o r the p o o r in their assemblies, and those w h o re fuse to c l o t h e and feed the c o m m u n i t y ' s destitute m e m b e r s c o m m i t sin ( 2 : 9 , a u a p m ' a v epya^EoSE; cf. 2 : 1 5 - 1 6 ) . J a m e s warns against undisciplined and de structive speech in the c o m m u n i t y ( 3 : 1 - 1 2 ) .
He also blames strife a m o n g
c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s o n their failure (or refusal) to c o n t r o l their desire ( 4 : 1 2).
Indeed, unfettered desire is the primary source o f destructive behavior in
the c o m m u n i t y , according to J a m e s . T h e terms "sin" and "sinner" apply to c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s , as is evident in the passages just covered, with further support in chapters 4 and 5 .
As
James's typical modes o f address indicate, he directs nearly all o f his discourse to insiders, to "beloved brothers" o r those "among you [pl.J." Even the harsh accusation, "Adulteresses!," o f 4 : 4 are directed toward c o m m u n i t y members. In 4 : 7 - 1 0 , J a m e s calls o n these people to submit to their " G o d " and "Lord," indicating their insider status. By contrast, the rhetoric at 5 : 1 - 6 is apocalyptic: the wealthy landowners are c o n d e m n e d to suffer their "coming miseries," and
24
•JAMES RILEY S T R A N G E *
so are marked as outsiders with n o h o p e o f repentance and deliverance. T h e contrast between 5 : 6 and 7 makes the distinction between insiders and outsid ers clear. Moreover, despite some implications that J a m e s addresses the same group in these passages,
10
J a m e s indicates that those w h o expect to make a
profit in foreign cities also should k n o w that it is the Lord who is the source o f good things (cf. 1:17), h e n c e they should s u b m i t to what the L o r d wills (cf. 4:7;
1 0 ) . T h i s appeal to insider status contrasts sharply with the address to
"You
[pl.J who are [Should we insert "already"?] wealthy [oi TTAOUOIOI]" in 5 : 1 ,
which echoes the questions o f 2 : 6 b - 7 : "Is it n o t the wealthy [oi
TTXOUOIOI]
who
abuse you and do they n o t drag you into court? Is it n o t they w h o b l a s p h e m e the excellent n a m e that has b e e n invoked over y o u " ?
11
N o t e that in the two
warnings o f 4 : 1 3 - 5 : 6 , J a m e s reserves a p a p T i a ( 4 : 1 7 ) for the insiders' failure to rely u p o n G o d for their wellbeing.
12
W e will hear that censure e c h o e d in 4 : 3
directly. Just as sin is a wrong d o n e within the c o m m u n i t y , so sin's effects are disas trous for that c o m m u n i t y .
As j o i n i n g and sustaining the c o m m u n i t y bring
life, so J a m e s repeatedly speaks o f the c o n s e q u e n c e o f sin as death.
T h e idea
first appears explicitly in the claim that G o d , the giver o f life (the "Father o f lights"), plays n o role in temptation. God,
Rather, in a distortion o f the work o f
w h o births the c o m m u n i t y as a deliberate act, people are tempted by
their own desire, which lures and traps them; "and o n c e it has b e e n conceived, desire gives birth to sin, a n d when sin c o m e s to term, it gives b i r t h to death [6avaTov]" ( 1 : 1 4 - 1 5 ) . W h a t is this death?
T h e catchword "tempt" (TTEipa£ouai) that appears
throughout 1 : 1 3 - 1 4 links b a c k to the n o u n "temptation" "trial" ( T T E i p a o u o s ) o f 1:12 (cf. 1:2), where the c o n t e x t suggests that the person enduring trials is tempted to a b a n d o n his o r her faith and h e n c e the c o m m u n i t y o f the faithful as well. As we have seen, an illustration o f such trials appears in 2 : 6 - 7 , where James indicates that wealthy outsiders are dragging c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s into court and blaspheming against G o d , while 5 : 1 - 6 deploys apocalyptic tropes to c o n d e m n powerful landowners who cheat their workers, who by implication are also m e m b e r s o f James's c o m m u n i t i e s . Surely persons enduring this k i n d o f treatment would find attractive the prospect o f relief that apostasy would bring.
13
W h e n J a m e s says that "faith by itself, i f it has n o works, is dead" ( 2 : 1 7 ) , h e is talking about refusing to clothe and feed s o m e o n e w h o lacks e n o u g h suste n a n c e to survive o n e day.
Here the possibility o f sin giving birth to death is
quite literal, b u t consider as well the statement immediately before this o n e : " W h a t good is it, my brothers, i f you say you have faith b u t do n o t have works? Y o u r faith c a n n o t save [ a c o o a i ] you, can it" (2:14)?
S u c h a question is m o s t
25
JAMES'S C O M M U N I T Y VISION
naturally read in light o f 1:21, where to j o i n the c o m m u n i t y is to receive the word that can "save" [ocooai] the soul, o r rescue it from death.
In 2 : 1 4 , to b e
in the community—to be saved from death—is to take up its way o f life: to b o t h hear the word and do it ( 1 : 2 2 - 2 5 ) , to care for destitute widows and orphans ( 1 : 2 7 ) , to h o n o r the poor in their assemblies ( 2 : l - 6 a ) , to keep all o f the royal T o r a h w i t h o u t failing in o n e p o i n t ( 2 : 1 0 ) .
H e n c e , to claim to have faith and
to d o n o works runs contrary to the c o m m u n i t y ' s ethos. It is to behave as an outsider—in J a m e s ' s construal o f matters, to be an outsider—and thus n o t to be "saved." By implication, it is to be dead. In the n e x t chapter J a m e s takes up the issue o f speech in the assembly (3:1-12).
T h e metonymy and synecdoche are c o m p l e x but clear: the unbri
dled tongue stands for the destructive speech itself, b u t it also represents the person w h o refuses to c o n t r o l his o r her speech. J a m e s makes that c o n n e c t i o n by calling the tongue a small " m e m b e r " (ueAos in 3 : 5 : also it "is placed a m o n g our m e m b e r s " in 3 : 6 ) that nevertheless can c o n t r o l the entire "body" (ocopa, 3:2), o r stain the entire body ( 3 : 6 ) .
B o t h " m e m b e r " a n d "body" refer to hu
mans and their parts and to groups o f h u m a n s and their individual constitu ents equally well in English a n d G r e e k , as we k n o w from P a u l .
14
Calling the
tongue "a world o f iniquity" that "stains the whole body" recalls J a m e s ' s earlier call in 1 : 2 6 - 2 7 for "pure and undefiled religion" that b o t h "cares for widows and orphans in their distress" (deeds that m a r k people as m e m b e r s o f J a m e s ' s c o m m u n i t i e s ) and "keeps o n e s e l f unstained by the world" (maintaining s o m e sort o f separation from outsiders). T o fail to c o n t r o l o n e ' s speech is to take up the way o f outsiders, to tinge the body o f believers with behavior a n d attitudes o f the "world" to which J a m e s ' s c o m m u n i t i e s stand opposed. As for the particular speech problems that James addresses, h e m e n t i o n s boasting o f great exploits ( 3 : 5 ; cf. 4 : 1 6 ) and cursing o n e ' s fellow ( 3 : 9 ) .
Boast
ing uses speech to increase o n e ' s h o n o r , and h e n c e power, in the c o m m u n i t y ; cursing c o n d e m n s one's fellow to destruction.
In a later passage J a m e s warns
against judging a fellow m e m b e r ("neighbor"), since to d o so is to usurp the place o f the " o n e lawgiver and judge w h o is able to save and destroy": that is, to give life o r to take it away ( 4 : 1 2 ) .
In the present context, J a m e s talks a b o u t
the problem o f double talk ( " W i t h [the tongue] we bless the L o r d and Father, and with it we curse those w h o are made in the likeness o f G o d " ; 3 : 9 ) . Also n o t e a n o t h e r reference to creation in G e n e s i s : to curse a fellow c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r is to wish death o n s o m e o n e to w h o m G o d has given life, b o t h as creator o f all that is, and as creator o f the c o m m u n i t y through new life at bap tism.
O n c e again, sin in the community—here the sin o f boasting and curs
ing—leads to death.
J a m e s makes the link clear by calling the tongue b o t h a
•JAMES RILEY STRANGE
26
raging fire that b u r n s down an entire forest ( 3 : 5 b ) and "a restless evil, full o f deadly poison" ( 3 : 8 ) . T h i s "death" is m o s t naturally u n d e r s t o o d in three ways, n o n e o f w h i c h excludes the others.
[1] A person wishes death o n a fellow. [ 2 ] B o a s t i n g a n d
cursing alienates the doer from the rest o f the c o m m u n i t y because this person a b a n d o n s the c o m m u n i t y ' s way o f life and takes up the ethos o f "the world." [ 3 ] S u c h bad b e h a v i o r quickly grows o u t o f c o n t r o l and threatens the very sur vival o f the c o m m u n i t y , o r succeeds in destroying it. All three possibilities are present when J a m e s accuses people o f murder in 4 : 2 . T h i s accusation is part o f James's portrayal o f inter-community conflict as warfare ( 4 : 1 ) , a n d as is the case in 1 : 1 4 - 1 5 , these acts o f killing result from de sire.
T h e N R S V ' s translation here is misleading, for it includes n o t h i n g to
show that "you" renders a second-person plural.
T h e N R S V at 4 : 1 a is fine:
" T h o s e conflicts and disputes among you, where d o they c o m e from" conveys the sense o f
EV U J J I V ;
b u t 4 : l b misses the point: " D o they n o t c o m e from your 15
cravings that are at war within you!"
T h i s rendering gives the impression o f
an individual suffering psychological stress, o f a person at war with his or h e r inner cravings. EV
xoTs
B u t the N R S V ' s prepositional phrase "within you" translates
U E A E O I V uucov:
" a m o n g your m e m b e r s . " T h i s is a problem a m o n g the
constituents o f a group, n o t within a person's psyche.
Furthermore, James's
imagery o f violent death in 4 : 1 - 2 suggests that translators ought to avoid sof tening the m e t a p h o r s o f warfare here, as the N R S V does. A c c o r d i n g to J a m e s , persons within t h e c o m m u n i t i e s are engaging in "battles and skirmishes"
Kai...uaxaO,
(TTOAEUOI TEUOUEVCU) VEUCO,
and
their
cravings (r)5ovai)
are
"at war"
(oTpa-
a m o n g their m e m b e r s . T h e result is that m e m b e r s "murder" (<J>o-
an issue that J a m e s has b r o u g h t up earlier in his discussion o f keeping
the whole law; 2 : 1 1 ) and l a u n c h m o r e "skirmishes and battles" ([laxtOTfe TTOAEUETTE)
Ken
at o n e a n o t h e r .
In this instance, J a m e s is warning against the demise o f the c o m m u n i t y . As J a m e s presents matters, surely n o group can survive the virulence o f this conflict: m e m b e r s blithely attack o n e a n o t h e r because o f their cravings, their covetousness, and their evil prayers, in w h i c h they ask only for those things that they can spend o n their own pleasures. Apparently, people c h o o s e sides in disputes between individuals, b r o a d e n i n g the conflict to create warring fac tions. A s with t h e sin o f b a d speech in the c o m m u n i t y , here the s i n n e r seeks b o t h personal gain and to damage o t h e r m e m b e r s o f the assembly. As J a m e s c o n t i n u e s , he also speaks o f m e m b e r s ' alienation from the c o m munity.
In 4 : 4 J a m e s lashes o u t at those w h o are at war because o f their de
sires: "Adulteresses!
D o you n o t k n o w that friendship with t h e world is
e n m i t y with G o d ? T h e r e f o r e , whoever wishes to b e a friend o f the world be-
JAMES'S
27
C O M M U N I T Y VISION •
c o m e s an e n e m y o f G o d ! " J a m e s again accuses group m e m b e r s o f taking up the ways o f outsiders, o f befriending "the world" from which they are sup posed to keep themselves "unstained" ( 1 : 2 7 ) . aX(5es),
T h e slur, "adulteresses" ( U C M X ~
deploys the prophetic m e t a p h o r o f infidelity to G o d ,
construed as pagan, h e n c e foreign worship, the religion o f o u t s i d e r s .
frequently 16
Community Preservation: Restoring Life James's moral e x h o r t a t i o n reveals n o t only the author's vision o f a distinctive way o f life, b u t what is at stake in his instruction. J a m e s discloses a vision o f a c o m m u n i t y formed as a family o f brothers a n d sisters birthed by G o d in an event that recapitulates the first acts o f creation. G o d gives birth to a c o m m u nity that stands opposed to the world, whose way o f life it shuns as i m p u r e .
17
It follows that to take up the way o f the world is to dissolve the c o m m u n i t y , for there is n o t h i n g to distinguish between the group a n d the world to w h i c h it is opposed. U s i n g the Israelite idiom, J a m e s calls this re-crossing o f bounda ries—importing worldly behavior i n t o the community—sin. Sins are c o m m i t t e d within the c o m m u n i t y : they wrong a n o t h e r b r o t h e r or sister to w h o m G o d has given birth and w h o m G o d has fashioned after his own image. T h e result is inevitable, according to James: individuals will be lost to "death" and the c o m m u n i t y will n o t survive.
G i v e n this understanding o f matters, how does
J a m e s understand c o m m u n i t y preservation? W e find an answer in J a m e s ' s presentation o f religious practices in 5 : 1 3 2 0 . W h e n J a m e s offers his solution to sin, he prescribes acts to b e carried o u t within the c o m m u n i t y , that bring life in contrast to death, and that present a means o f reconciliation a n d restoration.
T h e C o m m u n i t y at P r a y e r T h i s is the only passage in J a m e s in which we find t h e specific language o f prayer,
18
and it permeates the passage, which is preceded by the well-known
prohibition o f oath-taking,
19
20
using b o t h the verb ouvuco and the n o u n opKOV,
b o t h o f which c o n n o t e the invocation o f a god in G r e c o - R o m a n c o n t e x t s .
21
In contrast to verse 1 2 , which c o n t a i n s a prohibition o f a particular type o f prayer, w . 1 3 - 1 8 are instructions a b o u t what circumstances require certain o t h e r types o f prayer: petition, hymns o f praise, and intercession for divine healing. I leave aside the a d m o n i t i o n in 5 : 1 3 that the suffering person should pray (TrpooEUX£O0co), except to n o t e that J a m e s does n o t present this prayer as a request for the suffering to e n d .
22
T h e prayer in verse 13 is best interpreted
28
• JAMES RILEY STRANGE •
as a petition for patience or e n d u r a n c e ,
23
a reading that returns to the t h e m e
o f enduring temptations and the rewards o f doing so in 1 : 2 - 4 and 12. I simi larly pass over the a d m o n i t i o n to the cheerful person to sing praises in 5 : 1 3 , only pointing out that the singular T I S EV u|itv o f verses 13 and 14 suggest that James envisions prayer and song offered by individuals, possibly in the c o m pany o f fellow believers.
24
As he does with the prayer for e n d u r a n c e , J a m e s
says n o t h i n g further o n the matter. T h e case o f the sick person, o n the o t h e r hand, requires s o m e exposition by J a m e s and serves as a premise from which J a m e s draws a c o n c l u s i o n . T h i s is the first example in J a m e s o f a prayer performed by a group o n an individ ual's behalf. W h e r e a s the c o n d i t i o n s o f suffering and cheerfulness require the response o f the individual, a sick person is a d m o n i s h e d to s u m m o n the elders o f the c h u r c h , w h o are to a n o i n t the afflicted o n e in olive oil "in the n a m e o f the Lord," then to pray (Trpoaeu£aa0coocxv) over h i m or h e r . J a m e s claims that the "prayer o f faith" (r) Euxr) Trjs
25
TTIOTECOS)
is effective in
bringing a b o u t healing, a claim that leads o n e to ask again what "faith" m e a n s . T h e association o f prayer and faith brings to m i n d the familiar a d m o n i t i o n to "ask"
for wisdom "in f a i t h . "
26
In that earlier passage, those w h o make their
request to G o d "in faith" are those w h o remain unshaken in their fidelity to a generous G o d .
T h e people undergoing perfection through
faithful—are those whose petitions G o d will answer.
27
endurance—the
T h e divided, or faith
less, do n o t receive what they request, n o t because they d o n o t believe, b u t be cause their very nature stands in direct contrast to G o d ' s undivided, aTrXcos nature. Later it will b e c o m e clear that what divides a person is loyalty to his o r her own selfish desires, which leads to asking only for the things that fulfill those desires. In J a m e s 1, James's exhortation makes equal use o f censure a n d encour agement: yes, G o d responds to h u m a n faithfulness, b u t h u m a n s also can find strength to e n d u r e because o f G o d ' s ongoing fidelity. A l t h o u g h t h e text in w . 6 - 8 implies a chain o f cause and effect, in this section there is also the sugges tion that h u m a n s are to m o d e l their actions o n G o d ' s own faithfulness.
In
deed, they are already familiar with this aspect o f G o d . J a m e s reminds those w h o are carrying o n in the face o f trials o f what they "know" (yiveooKco), a n d v. 12 m e n t i o n s G o d ' s promised reward. T h i s understanding o f faithful prayer in 5 : 1 5 is strengthened by the asser tion that "a righteous person's prayer [Senois
SIKCUOU]
is quite powerful."
28
Just as the elders' prayers o f faith assure the sick person's recovery, so m e m b e r s o f the assembly may b e assured that their prayers for o n e another's healing will be answered.
T o this claim the a u t h o r adduces the example o f Elijah, w h o
prayed for b o t h drought and rain
(TTpooEUxfi
Trpoonu^aTO,
TTQXIV
npo-
29
JAMES'S C O M M U N I T Y VISION •
onu^cxTo), a n d even though he "was a man like us in every way," b o t h prayers were answered ( 5 : 1 7 , 1 8 ) . T h e implication o f this exemplum is that any mem ber o f the C h r i s t i a n assembly (or the assembly itself) may be so righteous as Elijah, and h e n c e any m e m b e r (or the assembly) may pray a prayer with effects so powerful as his. T h e understanding o f the divine-human relationship in 5 : 1 3 - 1 8 resonates strongly with J a m e s ' s c o n f i d e n c e that wisdom from G o d may b e o b t a i n e d by "any" (
T ,
s ) m e m b e r o f the assembly w h o asks for it "in faith" ( 1 : 5 - 6 ) .
This
e x h o r t a t i o n recalls as well the accusation o f evil prayers in 4 : 2 ("You have n o t h i n g because you d o n ' t ask for anything"). T h e force o f this statement is that i f they merely asked, any o f the accused would receive from G o d what they requested. T h e "faith" o f 5 : 1 5 , then, apparently recapitulates the faith o f 1:5: the "prayer o f faith" is o n e made by people (in this case, elders) w h o are wholeheartedly and unflaggingly devoted to G o d , and w h o stave o f f satisfying personal desires in order to act o u t G o d ' s will. A l t h o u g h the preceding analysis has s o m e w h a t artificially removed prayer from a c o n t e x t in which it is closely associated with o t h e r practices, it is possi ble to begin deriving diagnostic categories for c o m p a r i s o n .
First, prayer in
J a m e s 5 : 1 4 - 1 5 is intercessory, performed by the elders o f the c h u r c h o n b e h a l f o f the sick, and by m e m b e r s for o t h e r m e m b e r s . T h i s is the first time that we have seen prayer for a n o t h e r ' s benefit (in this case for healing), and it is the primary category o f prayer in this section. performed by a group.
H e n c e , prayer is a c o m m u n a l act,
Here we find prayer advocated for groups o f people in
C h r i s t i a n churches, also for the first time. S e c o n d , prayer is likewise c o m m u nitarian: aimed at the benefit o f o t h e r m e m b e r s o f the c o m m u n i t y and o f the c o m m u n i t y as a whole.
O n o n e h a n d , the prayer for healing o f the sick per
son is the special duty o f the assembled elders o f the c h u r c h .
O n the o t h e r
hand, all m e m b e r s o f the assembly are also to pray for o n e a n o t h e r ' s healing. In the following section, we will ask if J a m e s is m a k i n g a distinction between types o r severity o f illnesses. Here we merely n o t e that in this final passage, J a m e s envisions groups o f believers whose m e m b e r s pray for o n e a n o t h e r ' s physical health and well-being. In C h a p t e r 1, it b e c a m e clear that J a m e s uses the same types o f rhetorical devices in this passage as he does in all earlier sections o f the letter. T h i s con tinuity implies that, third, J a m e s sets forth the religious practices o f 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 as moral acts, for there is n o discernible change in his use o f language when he shifts from c o n d e m n i n g certain attitudes a n d deeds to c o m m e n d i n g these. W e can now add to this inference that J a m e s shows a n o t a b l e absence o f con cern for the form o f the act. A l t h o u g h 5 : 1 4 c o n t a i n s the only instruction that might be called the order o f a rite, the use o f the aorist participle aXEivj/avTEs
30
JAMES RILEY STRANGE •
does n o t warrant reading "let t h e m pray over h i m after a n o i n t i n g h i m with oil" as the prescription for a service with a fixed order. Indeed, J a m e s shows a marked disinclination to deal in the details o f religious c e r e m o n y anywhere in his letter.
Here we n o t e that when J a m e s m e n t i o n s the prayers o f the assem
bly, he is c o n c e r n e d with the health o f the c o m m u n i t y ' s m e m b e r s , and using moral discourse, he presents the act o f praying for it as a m o r a l good. F o u r t h , the egalitarian structure that J a m e s envisions for C h r i s t i a n assem blies is clear in this passage, since all m e m b e r s are to intercede o n b e h a l f o f all others. Similarly, the prophet's a c c o m p l i s h m e n t s are n o t to be seen as works o f power a n d w o n d e r b e y o n d the reach o f c o m m o n folks. J a m e s "levels" the figure o f Elijah—everywhere else an extraordinary thaumaturge—to t h e status o f any righteous m e m b e r o f the assembly, o r the assembly itself praying in con cert. W h e n the elders pray, there is n o indication that they function as priests o r intermediaries; this is clear from the fact that the sick o r weak person sum m o n s t h e m to his o r her bedside. In J a m e s , it is the weak w h o receive special status. Fifth, J a m e s ' s instructions presuppose distinct h u m a n and divine roles. Faithfulness a n d righteousness make up the h u m a n side o f the transaction. A l t h o u g h J a m e s uses r o u n d a b o u t
language t o describe G o d ' s activity (the
prayer o f faith saves the sick o n e , and the heavens give their rain), nevertheless it is clear that G o d is the o n e at w o r k .
29
In verse 1 5 , after all, it is the Lord
w h o "will raise up" the sick person, and the passive "[his sins] will b e forgiven for h i m " indicates that the L o r d does the forgiving. S i x t h , we find eschatological references in 5 : 1 3 - 1 8 , b u t they are hedged by double meanings. T h i s matter will receive m o r e attention in the following sec tion; here I n o t e a few items o f interest.
J a m e s makes the ambiguous claim
that "the Lord will raise up" (EyEpE?) the sick o n e . T h e use o f oco£co in verse 15 is similarly difficult to nail down, as its repetition at 2 0 demonstrates.
Fi
nally, n o t e the language o f "turning b a c k " an erring b r o t h e r (ETTiOTpEvpn a n d EinaTpEv|;as in 1 9 and 2 0 ) that follows immediately u p o n the evocation o f Eli j a h in verses 17 and 1 8 . T h e effect o f these verses is to place in proximity to o n e a n o t h e r language and images that are associated in many J u d a i c writings o f the G r e c o - R o m a n period and earlier: Elijah, r e p e n t a n c e , resurrection.
30
salvation, a n d
T h e e n d o f the present age is an ancillary association n o t men
tioned outright by J a m e s b u t evoked by the tropes he deploys. In c o n c l u s i o n , intercessory prayer in J a m e s 5 : 1 3 - 1 8 is a moral deed.
It is
effective because G o d responds to "prayers o f faith," and to "petitions o f righ teous people." Prayer, therefore, makes use o f an advantage that c o m m u n i t i e s have gained by m e a n s o f their unflagging devotion to G o d , an advantage over those whose fealty to G o d wavers in the face o f temptation and suffering, a n d
31
JAMES'S C O M M U N I T Y VISION
over those, by implication, w h o have n o loyalty to G o d at all. G o d ' s p o w e r even the divine authority to hold b a c k and unleash the rains—works at the be hest o f those groups who claim that G o d is o n e , that Jesus is the Messiah, and who b a c k those claims by fulfilling G o d ' s whole law through submission to his divine will. In most o f the epistle, prayer stands alone, n o t tied to any o t h e r practice. W h e r e it is linked with o t h e r religious acts, as it is in the final pericope, o n e act does n o t strengthen the efficacy to the o t h e r . Also, earlier in the epistle, James addresses prayer made by individuals, b u t even in the particular case o f prayer for wisdom, J a m e s seeks to strengthen the completeness a n d maturity o f the assembly. J a m e s b o t h c o n d e m n s selfish prayers a n d prohibits oath-taking, two forms o f invoking G o d that endanger c o m m u n i t y solidarity: selfish pray ers because their aim is to elevate a person above his o r her fellows, oaths be cause, contrary to their purpose, they u n d e r m i n e clear speech within assembly by eroding rather than shoring up a person's
the
trustworthiness.
31
T h i r d , when J a m e s gives prayer m o r e than a passing m e n t i o n , h e talks a b o u t petition and intercession for divine gifts (for good o r ill). S u c h prayer takes advantage o f G o d ' s unchanging nature as a giver o f g o o d gifts w h o stands poised to grant more, a n d effective prayer requires "friendship with G o d , " which J a m e s characterizes with the language o f submission, devotion, a n d en durance (faith). Finally, the language o f salvation links b a c k to G o d ' s creation o f the c o m m u n i t y , and the n o t i o n o f sins b e i n g confessed and forgiven, cou pled with the image o f the sick person being "raised" by the Lord, intimate the restoration o f a c o m m u n i t y damaged by sin.
T h i s c o n n e c t i o n will b e c o m e
m o r e explicit presently.
T h e Elders' Prayer for Healing W e have n o t e d that verse 14 c o n t a i n s J a m e s ' s first instance o f a group at prayer.
Here it is necessary to expand that observation: J a m e s 5 : 1 4 - 1 6 is the
first explicit example o f c o m m u n a l religious practice in J a m e s ,
32
a n d the only
explicit instance in the entire New T e s t a m e n t o f successful healing performed by a g r o u p .
33
It is perhaps this fact, c o m b i n e d with the clarity o f James's in
structions that explains in part why c h u r c h officials a n d theologians have b e e n drawn to these verses over the centuries.
T h e i r distinctiveness invites c o m
m e n t here as well. T h e first question arising from the text regards the nature o f the illness and just what sort o f healing J a m e s intends. T h e language is ambiguous, a n d perhaps deliberately so: does J a m e s envision a person w h o is physically ill, w h o is cured by G o d through prayer, and w h o is able to rise and rejoin the ranks o f
32
•JAMES RILEY
STRANGE*
the c o m m u n i t y ' s m e m b e r s , o r does he speak o n a figurative level, enjoining the salvation o f those m e m b e r s w h o are spiritually weak, promising forgiveness o f their sin and resurrection at the c o m i n g judgment?
Besides, should we ex
pect that J a m e s would make such a distinction? O n o n e h a n d , aoSeveco, i a o u a i , and aco£co emerge from the c o m m o n pool o f terms for healing in the a n c i e n t G r e c o - R o m a n world, and in m u c h o f the N e w T e s t a m e n t they are used in exactly this way. gospels and Acts usually indicates physical illness.
35
34
AOSEVECO ( 5 : 1 4 )
in the
Similarly, i a o u a i ( 5 : 1 6 ) is
used overwhelmingly in N e w T e s t a m e n t writings to denote the physical heal ing o f sick individuals.
36
In the vast majority o f instances, pleas for o c o T n p i a
in G r e e k inscriptions o f the eastern E m p i r e (salus in Latin) are for c o n c r e t e resolutions "to specific m o m e n t s o f anxiety, sickness, disorder, and disloca tion."
37
Mirroring this usage, when oco£co appears in the accounts o f Jesus'
and the apostles' healing ministries, especially in association with faith, it usu ally refers to the curing o f a disease.
38
Moreover, the association o f sickness
with sin and healing with forgiveness c o m e s straight from the m o u t h o f Jesus in the gospel a c c o u n t s , cured to their f e e t .
40
39
and in healing stories Jesus frequently "raises" the
T h e s e readings are strengthened by James's use o f km
with TrpooEUXOuai in verse 1 4 : the elders are literally to pray "over" the sick one, a usage attested in n e i t h e r the Septuagint n o r elsewhere in the New Tes tament.
41
W e may n o t e that this language implies a person lying prone, un
able to rise from b e d to travel for medical care. I f this is the case, then verse 1 4 suggests a seriously ill individual, an inference bolstered by the necessity o f healing this individual by c o m m u n a l prayer rather t h a n through prescribed medications o r the rite o f i n c u b a t i o n .
42
I f J a m e s were intending to outline
how m e m b e r s o f C h r i s t i a n c o m m u n i t i e s nestled in Greek-speaking cities t h r o u g h o u t the R o m a n E m p i r e ought to go a b o u t curing their sick, we should expect h i m to use exactly this language. O n the o t h e r h a n d , this same language forms part o f the argot o f terms in the N e w T e s t a m e n t ' s developing language o f religious c o n v e r s i o n .
43
Within
the Epistle o f J a m e s itself, it can b e read in light o f o t h e r eschatologically laden exhortations to remain faithful to G o d in the face o f trials, and to turn b a c k erring fellow m e m b e r s .
AO0EVECO,
after all, literally m e a n s "to b e weak," as it
does m o s t often in the Pauline epistles, frequently designating "the weak in faith."
44
Similarly, Kauvco, deriving from the meaning "to l a b o r , "
denotes growing weary,
46
45
typically
and does so in its only o t h e r New T e s t a m e n t u s e .
47
For its part, i a o u a i can signify spiritual restoration and repentance, as in a few New T e s t a m e n t passages, m o s t o f which cite I s a i a h .
48
S u c h a reading ("There
fore, confess your sins to o n e a n o t h e r and pray for each o t h e r so that you might be restored [i.e. to the community]") brings verse 1 6 in line with the for-
33
JAMES'S C O M M U N I T Y VISION •
giveness o f sins in verse 15 and die c o r r e c t i o n o f a " b r o t h e r " in verses 19 and 20.
Readers also probably d o n o t n e e d to b e r e m i n d e d that o n e o f the pri
mary meanings o f oco£co and its derivatives in the N e w T e s t a m e n t is the trans formation that brings a b o u t an individual's o r a group's righteousness before God, 4:12
4 9
and elsewhere in his letter J a m e s uses the verb in this way ( 1 : 2 1 ; 2 : 1 4 ;
[5:20?]).
Finally, the reference to the " L o r d " (KUpios) "raising
up"
(eyEipco) the saved o n e bears striking linguistic similarities to m e n t i o n s o f the resurrection o f the dead in o t h e r early N e w T e s t a m e n t epistles, particularly those o f P a u l .
50
I f J a m e s were intending to advocate for the restoration and
reward o f those m e m b e r s w h o , because o f ongoing temptations, had b e c o m e spiritually weak, growing weary in their devotion to G o d and straying from the teachings o f the c o m m u n i t y , we should expect h i m to speak o f faithfulness, salvation, forgiveness o f sins, and the resurrection. M o s t c o m m e n t a t o r s o n this passage attempt to clarify the language in o n e direction, interpreting
these eschatologically loaded
terms with
meanings: J a m e s here describes the curing o f a physical illness.
51
mundane S u c h read
ings strip the language o f its multifaceted a n d metaphorical power. fully, s o m e r e c e n t c o m m e n t a t o r s have b e e n willing to allow the
Thank inherent
ambiguity in J a m e s ' s language to stand, accepting that it may simultaneously carry multiple m e a n i n g s .
52
Certainly, attempts to extract a limited range o f
meanings from J a m e s ' s word c h o i c e force apart c o n c e p t s that were already linked in the gospel traditions a n d that likely drew o n c o n c e p t s expressed in (OT)
scriptures in which wickedness has this-worldly c o n s e q u e n c e s .
53
We
have n o t e d that in the gospels s o m e t i m e s Jesus heals by forgiving sins, a n d sal vation by faith s o m e t i m e s c o n n o t e s curing an illness while at others it pro nounces absolution
54
(and perhaps is doing b o t h in a few instances). In light
o f the mingling o f these ideas in t h e gospel traditions a n d Septuagint, J a m e s is best read as holding together in a single c o n c e p t u a l framework b o t h physical and spiritual malaise, salvation o f the whole person, b o t h rising from o n e ' s sickbed and being raised by the Lord Jesus at the e s c h a t o n , and b o t h recupera tion and restoration to the c o m m u n i t y .
In J a m e s , as in the Jesus tradition,
body and soul are n o t treated independently from o n e a n o t h e r . Before c o n t i n u i n g , it should b e p o i n t e d o u t that the exact c o n n e c t i o n be tween sickness and sin, a n d therefore between healing and forgiveness, is diffi cult to d e t e r m i n e in this passage. particle
KCXV
55
T h e question turns o n the use o f the
in verse 15: to what does it link the phrase, "[eav] a u a p T i ' a s f\
TroirjKcos a<J>E0f)OETai a u T c o " ?
TTE-
S h o u l d the promise o f the remission o f sins b e
taken with the phrase that it immediately follows: "and the Lord will raise h i m up"?
O r is the clause to b e u n d e r s t o o d in c o n j u n c t i o n with the earlier state
m e n t , "the prayer o f faith will save the sick o n e , " as the chain o f clauses linked
34 by
• JAMES RILEY
suggests that it should?
KGCI
STRANGE*
I f the latter is the case, the language suggests
that, like salvation/healing and rising/resurrection, forgiveness o f the sick per son's sins should b e understood as a result o f the elders' faithful action. T h i s interpretation o f James's language—making healing, rising, and forgiveness c o n t i n g e n t upon the faith o f the elders rather t h a n upon the faith o f the sick person—again finds its m a t c h in the gospel t r a d i t i o n .
56
Linking illness to sin is
also in line with J a m e s ' s earlier statement that sin gives b i r t h to death (1:15), as well as his display o f how this destructive progression plays itself o u t in the c o m m u n i t y (4:1-3). A n o t h e r question c o n c e r n s how the a n o i n t i n g with oil functions in the passage.
Scholars have called attention to apparently parallel passages docu
m e n t i n g the medicinal application o f various types o f oil in the a n c i e n t world.
57
Nevertheless, the citation o f parallels does n o t explain how J a m e s en
visions the use o f oil here: is it a medicinal application o r is some o t h e r use indicated? T h e r e are several reasons to c o n c l u d e that J a m e s does n o t see the oil pri marily as a healing s u b s t a n c e ,
58
the m o s t convincing o f w h i c h c o m e s directly
from context: J a m e s is clear that it is the prayer o f faith that "saves" the sick o n e . By contrast, he has n o t h i n g to say about the function o f the oil itself. A similar case in M a r k 6:13 reports that the Twelve "anointed with olive oil many w h o were sick and cured t h e m " (emphasis added)—language that also implies that the oil has n o particular curative effect. T h e r e is, in fact, a single clear example o f the medicinal use o f oil in e a c h T e s t a m e n t (Isa 1:6 a n d Luke 10:34),
59
b o t h o f which indicate that the application (neither uses any verb
m e a n i n g "anoint") is for treating skin abrasions rather than for curing dis eases: in the first, oil is used to "soften" ("p")) sores; in the second, the Samari tan "pours" (BTTIXECO) a salve o f oil and wine o n t o the beaten m a n ' s open wounds before bandaging t h e m .
60
J a m e s gives n o indication that oil is to b e
used as a salve for an injury; as noted, his language refers to illness. J a m e s uses aAEl(|>co, a verb meaning "to a n o i n t " or "smear."
61
T h e vast
majority o f the instances o f u n c t i o n in the Bible fulfill the purpose o f sanctification.
62
In m o s t cases, a n o i n t i n g with oil is used to consecrate either objects
o r people, setting t h e m aside for special service to G o d ; noteworthy is the ex ample from Isa 61:1 (cited by Jesus in Luke 4:18), in which ncfa/e'xpioEV bears a figurative m e a n i n g .
63
In the Psalms especially we find anointing interpreted
as a symbol o f G o d ' s special favor expressed through providential care.
Ps
23:5 c o n t a i n s the m o s t m e m o r a b l e example, b u t later in the Psalter (45:8 = L X X 45:7), in language that invites comparison with J a m e s , the psalmist says t o a bridegroom, " Y o u love righteousness [pis] and hate wickedness [tfEh]; therefore the Lord your G o d has a n o i n t e d you hjnttp] with the oil o f gladness
•
JAMES'S C O M M U N I T Y VISION
jifefc] m o r e than your c o m p a n i o n s .
64
35
•
In addition, oil is associated with
a t o n e m e n t via a sin offering for o n e afflicted with scale-disease in Lev 1 4 : 1 8 , 29.
Scripture, therefore, provides J a m e s with a cluster o f religious significa
tions from which to draw when prescribing anointing with oil for the sick. N o t e also that J a m e s instructs the elders to a n o i n t "in the n a m e o f the Lord" (EV TCO o v o u c m T O U Kup(ou). In light o f 5 : 1 0 , where the phrase EV TCO OVOUCXTI
Kupi'ou is used o f the prophets w h o spoke u n d e r G o d ' s authority,
65
the language o f 5 : 1 4 implies that through u n c t i o n the elders o f the c h u r c h al so act u n d e r the authority and o n b e h a l f o f the risen Jesus. W i t h i n the broad er c o n t e x t o f N e w T e s t a m e n t writings, the phrase also resonates with o t h e r religious acts d o n e "in the n a m e o f Jesus"—primarily baptisms a n d healings, b u t also proclamation and gathering together—in the b o o k o f A c t s and the Pauline literature.
66
G i v e n this information, although we c a n n o t rule o u t that it is intended as a healing salve as well, the use o f oil in J a m e s is best understood as an e l e m e n t o f a religious practice, read within the c o n t e x t o f the many such uses o f oil in scripture (even i f its precise significance c a n n o t b e determined), invoking the power o f the risen Lord, and fitting "comfortably within [the language] used in the earliest Christian m o v e m e n t . "
67
A final question arises c o n c e r n i n g the use o f Elijah as an exemplum
in
verses 17 and 1 8 . James's recollection o f Elijah jars, for J a m e s has b e e n talking about prayers for salvation/healing, b o t h the elders' prayer for the sick person and all m e m b e r s ' prayers for o n e a n o t h e r . ther intercessory n o r for h e a l i n g .
68
Elijah's prayer, by contrast, is nei
However, Elijah is also r e m e m b e r e d for
just this kind o f prayer, namely the resuscitation o f the widow's son in 1 Kings 17:17-24.
6 9
M o r e impressive, however, is the affinity between J a m e s ' s descrip
tion o f healing and the language with which the author o f The Lives of the Prophets recalls Elijah's deed o f wonder: " W h e n he prayed [E\J£C(|JEVOU], G o d raised [rjyEipEv] from the dead [the widow's] son w h o had died." Nevertheless, James does n o t make this c o n n e c t i o n , a n d any attempt to answer why can only be speculative. Perhaps J a m e s r e m e m b e r s Elijah through t h e lens o f the gospel tradition (preserved in Luke 4 : 2 5 - 2 6 ) , which records Jesus m e n t i o n i n g the wi dow o f Zeraphah, b u t only in c o n j u n c t i o n with the drought, making n o men tion o f the miraculous resuscitation o f her s o n .
70
W h a t diagnostic categories arise from the previous analysis?
First, like
prayer, healing is a c o m m u n i t a r i a n act. A t every level the pathology o f sick ness and the prescription for healing are understood within the workings o f the c o m m u n i t y .
T h e sins that result (somehow) in illness are crimes against
fellow c o m m u n i t y members; healing is performed by c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s through intercessory prayer; the sick person is restored to health and to the
36
•JAMES RILEY
STRANGE*
c o m m u n i t y ; a n d the assured success o f the elders' prayer leads J a m e s to e n j o i n all m e m b e r s o f the C h r i s t i a n c o m m u n i t y to engage in mutual confession o f sins and to pray for the health o f all o t h e r m e m b e r s . S e c o n d , healing in J a m e s reflects the egalitarian structure o f the c o m m u nity. In the case o f s o m e o n e w h o is t o o ill to seek care o n his o r her own, the elders gather o n this person's behalf, engaging in a special service o f a n o i n t i n g and prayer.
S u c h a practice reverses the expected lines o f authority as J a m e s
has d o n e earlier with teachers: just as he warns teachers to expect stricter judgment, rather than c o m m e n d i n g t h e m for their greater wisdom or author ity b o r n o f expertise, so he instructs elders to d o the bidding o f o n e w h o is ill. Moreover, all m e m b e r s are to pray for all o t h e r m e m b e r s . T h i r d , healing must be understood as a m o r a l good that responds to the moral degradation o f sin within the c o m m u n i t y , and that, as a result, main tains the c o m m u n i t y during its time o f testing and preserves it for the arrival o f the judge w h o is at the gates. J a m e s casts healing in language that also car ries eschatological meanings, and given J a m e s ' s pervasive eschatology, healing should be interpreted as having a bearing o n the fate o f believers at the com ing j u d g m e n t . It is clear that healing results in forgiveness, b u t this still leaves o p e n the question o f how m e m b e r s o f the c o m m u n i t y ought to deal with sin in their midst.
Confessing Sins to O n e A n o t h e r Sin has its cost, for left u n c h e c k e d , it produces dire, this-worldly c o n s e q u e n c e s for the c o m m u n i t y .
J a m e s uses the strongest possible imagery for sin's de
structive effects: it gives birth to death; it is a c o n s u m i n g fire, a lethal toxin. As for the individual, sin is linked to serious illness that can be cured only by G o d through c o m m u n a l prayer. However, the Lord is also the judge w h o is standing at the very gates ( 5 : 9 ) , and J a m e s relegates the final reckoning for the u n r e p e n t a n t to the time o f his c o m i n g . I f it is sin that endures rather than faithful devotion to G o d , terrible c o n s e q u e n c e s await at the eschaton, for the u n r e p e n t a n t sinner, behaving as an outsider, suffers the outsider's fate. J a m e s underlines the gruesome price to be paid by juxtaposing two images drawn from an agricultural e c o n o m y . W i t h a flair for irony he forewarns outsiders—abusive landowners who have padded their profits by withholding their workers' wages—that their "treasure" awaits them, for their luxurious wealth will rot away and b u r n their flesh ( 5 : 1 - 6 ) .
7 1
By contrast, c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s wait for the c o m i n g o f the L o r d as the far mer waits for the precious c r o p that he has planted and seen watered by G o d ' s
37
JAMES'S C O M M U N I T Y VISION •
gracious rains. B o t h images surely play o n an idea expressed in many biblical aphorisms, m o s t memorably in Paul's statement, " W h a t e v e r o n e sows, o n e reaps" (Gal 6 : 7 ) .
72
T h e mutual confession in 5 : 1 6 can be read in light o f J a m e s ' s broader un derstanding o f sin and its effects.
73
S i n c e in J a m e s a sin is a wrong d o n e to a
fellow c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r , and because sin's immediate c o n s e q u e n c e s devas tate the c o m m u n i t y , in 5 : 1 6 it is n o surprise that J a m e s instructs m e m b e r s to confess to o n e another. T h e phrase, " C o n f e s s , therefore, sins to o n e a n o t h e r , " probably entails informing o t h e r m e m b e r s o f the assembly o f wrongdoings that o n e has c o m m i t t e d against a fellow m e m b e r ,
74
and that degrade
the
c o m m u n i t y by shutting down mutual compassion a n d care-giving, instigating spiteful quarrels instead.
J a m e s ' s s t a t e m e n t is t o o terse to reveal whether he
wishes for confession to happen in an o p e n forum o f the assembly (the EKKArpicx) o r privately between the parties w h o are at odds. In either case, the implication is that m e m b e r s admit their wrongs directly to the persons w h o m they have harmed, w h e t h e r through vice, speech, o r deed. I f this is the case, then the multifaceted usage o f i a o u a i is evident.
Fol
lowing upon the instruction for healing in verse 1 4 , praying for o n e a n o t h e r "OTTCOS iaSfJTE" carries c o n n o t a t i o n s o f physical recovery, b u t in the immediate
c o n t e x t it also signifies restoration: o f believers to o n e a n o t h e r , o f the struc tural integrity o f the c o m m u n i t y , a n d o f sinners to G o d .
M u t u a l confession,
then, has b o t h immediate and eschatological c o n s e q u e n c e s , just as sin that is n o t repented does. A d m i t t i n g o n e ' s wrongdoing n o t only reverses the natural progression that leads from temptation to death (perhaps the death o f the c o m m u n i t y , perhaps death from a serious illness), it also can be seen as a m e a n s o f enduring temptation to the end, a n d h e n c e as an assurance o f receiv ing "the crown o f life that [GodJ has promised to those who love him." James's word c h o i c e makes it nearly impossible to separate o u t confession from c o r r e c t i o n in 5 : 1 9 - 2 0 : J a m e s ' s instructions o n c o r r e c t i o n also evoke his previous statements a b o u t sin, they also c o n c e r n the c o m m u n i t y , and, like confession, they require face-to-face c o n f r o n t a t i o n (whether public or private) between fellow m e m b e r s . F o r this reason I delay laying out the diagnostic cat egories for confession in J a m e s until we have dealt with c o r r e c t i o n .
Returning a W a n d e r i n g M e m b e r J a m e s ' s use o f "death" in 5 : 2 0 has three implications.
First, the pairing o f
"will save" (OCOOEI) and "from death" (EK BavaTOu) in 5 : 2 0 relate to the similar pairing o f "to save" (ocooai) and "to destroy" (aTToXsoai) o f 4 : 1 2 :
7 5
to turn
b a c k a s i n n e r saves him o r her from suffering the apocalyptic c o n d e m n a t i o n
38
JAMES RILEY
spelled o u t in 5 : 1 - 6 .
STRANGE
S e c o n d , it has already b e e n n o t e d that w h e n J a m e s
speaks o f sin leading to death, he apparently is talking a b o u t the inevitable c o n s e q u e n c e s o f h u m a n behavior in direct c o n t r a d i c t i o n to G o d ' s deliberate actions: w h e n h u m a n s give in to their desires, they kill (cf. 4 : 1 - 3 ) ; G o d , by contrast, gives the crown o f life, every good and perfect gift, birth, a n d the im planted word.
I f we read 5 : 1 9 - 2 0 in conversation with this passage, t h e n
turning b a c k a s i n n e r and "saving his soul from death" b e c o m e s t h e proper alternative to slandering erring brothers and sisters, for doing so aligns o n e ' s activities with G o d ' s merciful deeds, itself the proper alternative to wrongly assuming the m a n t l e o f divine judgeship.
Finally, to slander a c o m m u n i t y
m e m b e r is to set o n e s e l f up as that person's judge, and h e n c e as a judge o f the law itself. J a m e s does n o t specify what links passing j u d g m e n t o n h u m a n s to passing j u d g m e n t o n the law, b u t it is clear that these acts preclude carrying o u t the law. T h o s e w h o slander erring m e m b e r s are like those w h o hear b u t d o n o t keep the word, o r w h o keep the law o n l y in part, and so n o t at all. T h o s e w h o turn sinners back, o n the o t h e r h a n d , b o t h hear and d o the word— they have b o t h faith a n d works.
I f these passages d o indeed w o r k within
James's systematic understanding o f s i n / d e a d works a n d t u r n i n g / f a i t h
co
operating with works, then 5 : 2 0 answers the rhetorical question o f 2 : 1 4 ("[if h e does n o t have works] c a n his faith save him?"): turning b a c k a s i n n e r is a work (spyov) that demonstrates faithfulness ( T T I O T I S ) , a n d so it does in fact save. B u t this act o f faith has inter-community rather t h a n personal repercus sions, since it saves the erring b r o t h e r o r sister. Based o n the i m m e d i a t e con text, the auTOU following v|;uxr) 76
to 6 ETTiOTpEvpas.
v m
° s t clearly refers to ccuccpTpcoAov rather t h a n
In 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 J a m e s consistently locates the capacity for ef
fecting change in those w h o perform religious acts: the elders' faith rather than the sick person's own faith is instrumental in healing, and there is a strong implication that this same act o f faith yields forgiveness o f the sick o n e ' s sins; also, whereas in the epistle's only o t h e r use o f auapxcoAos ( 4 : 8 ) , J a m e s has called for sinners themselves to manifest repentance, in 5 : 1 9 a n d 2 0 , o n e o f the standard words
for r e p e n t a n c e
in the N e w Testament—
77
E7TiOTpE(t>co —is transitive in b o t h instances rather than intransitive, d e m o n strating that o n e "turns" a n o t h e r .
78
N o t e as well the power o f Elijah (who in
righteousness is c o m p a r a b l e to any m e m b e r o f t h e assembly) b o t h to e n d and to bring the rain.
In the same way, the final clause o f the letter, "and he will
cover a multitude o f s i n s "
79
(the s e c o n d result o f turning a sinner), implies that
the capacity to c h a n g e the erring o n e lies with the person performing the cor rection, rather t h a n with the erring person him- o r herself.
39
JAMES'S C O M M U N I T Y VISION
It stands to reason that J a m e s sets forth c o m m u n i t y repercussions for the act o f correction. T h e very deed assumes the existence o f the c o m m u n i t y , a n d it rests o n the premise that the health and survival o f the c o m m u n i t y is para mount.
W h a t is unusual in J a m e s is locating the power t o m r n within a per
son o t h e r than the individual w h o must turn.
Just how unusual this is
remains to be seen. In light o f the discussion o f the previous two sections, it is clear that con fession o f sins and correction in J a m e s share a set o f categories. First, b o t h acts are presented as c o m m u n i t a r i a n practices aimed at shoring up the congre gation and protecting its boundaries. S e c o n d , b o t h are also religious practices spelled o u t in primarily moral terms.
B o t h , for example, respond to sin, yet
neither presents a means o f a t o n e m e n t o r expiation. R a t h e r , in J a m e s , sin and its remedy are cast chiefly in terms o f h u m a n interaction: sin is a damaging vice, and subsequently, virtuous acts within the c o m m u n i t y are required to set things right again. T h i r d , b o t h practices are set forth in eschatological terms. W h e n read in close association with James's assurances a b o u t the sinner's soul in verse 2 0 , i a o u a i in verse 16 takes o n salvific c o n n o t a t i o n s : restoration to health in cludes restoration to fellowship with the c o m m u n i t y , and h e n c e t o divine de liverance.
T h e sequence o f exhortations beginning in verse 16 also reveals
aspects o f James's eschatology: the practices o f confession and correction bracket the exemplum o f Elijah, a figure w h o in many J u d a i c writings is nearly ubiquitous with the e n d o f the present age, judgment, and
repentance.
James's vocabulary for confession a n d c o r r e c t i o n picks up o n this associa tion,
80
and the imagery o f new life in verse 18 reinforces it.
Notably, J a m e s makes n o provision for e x c o m m u n i c a t i o n .
H e is as sure
that mutual confession and correction are able to restore m e m b e r s to o n e an o t h e r as he is c o n v i n c e d o f the power o f prayer to heal. M o r e importantly, the lack o f expulsion again highlights J a m e s ' s c o n c e r n for the c o m m u n i t y ' s preser vation, in this case through the retention and restoration o f m e m b e r s .
That
fact suggests that J a m e s writes to c o m m u n i t i e s that are quite small, and in a situation in w h i c h apostasy is prevalent.
Summary: Morality and Religion in James's Communities T h i s detailed e x a m i n a t i o n o f James's c o m m u n i t y instruction in 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 has focused the vision that o p e n e d C h a p t e r 1. T h e ubiquitous c o n c e r n over sin in this pericope, and James's construal o f it as a m o r a l crisis within the assembly,
40
•JAMES RILEY STRANGE •
have c o m e sharply i n t o the foreground; so it s h o u l d c o m e as n o surprise that remission o f sins in J a m e s requires inter-community moral acts. A primary e l e m e n t o f sin, as J a m e s portrays it, is found in its stark contrast to G o d ' s own activities o n b e h a l f o f the c o m m u n i t y . S i n in the c o n t e x t o f the c o m m u n i t y leads to calamitous acts within that fellowship, yet J a m e s attributes n o n e o f t h e m to G o d , w h o m he has characterized very early in the epistle as a giver o f g o o d gifts, a n d w h o m he has removed from any role in the deteriorat ing progression from h u m a n temptation to desire, t h e n c e to sin, a n d finally to death.
R a t h e r , t h e Lord is compassionate and merciful ( 5 : 1 1 ) , granting wis
d o m to all w h o ask ( 1 : 5 ; 3 : 1 7 ) , rewarding e n d u r a n c e ( 1 : 1 2 ; 5 : 7 - 1 1 ) , ignoring class distinctions a m o n g h u m a n beings ( 2 : 1 - 7 ) , befriending the faithful ( 2 : 2 3 ; 4 : 4 ) , drawing near to those w h o submit ( 4 : 7 - 8 ) , receiving b a c k those w h o re pent ( 4 : 1 0 ; 5 : 1 9 - 2 0 ) , hearing the cries o f the oppressed ( 5 : 4 ) , and bringing j u d g m e n t only in the world to c o m e . S e c o n d , G o d ' s "act o f the will" o f 1:18 contrasts with the inevitable progression from temptation, t h r o u g h sin, to death.
Morality is the opposite o f this progression a n d forms the counterpart
to G o d ' s deliberate action: it t o o is an act o f the will, b u t in submission to G o d ' s will ( 4 : 7 , 1 0 ) . I f h u m a n sin is a vice, a n d i f sin is in direct opposition to G o d ' s m o d e o f behavior in the here and now, then by implication, virtuous deeds find their m a t c h in G o d ' s merciful a c t s .
81
T h e m o r a l works o f chapters 1-5 a n d the reli
gious practices o f 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 may b e seen as the h u m a n equivalent o f G o d ' s deeds o f compassion and redemption, an understanding that helps explain the emphasis o n the efficacy o f h u m a n action in this pericope. Similarly, as J a m e s describes G o d as a giver o f gifts and n o t a receiver o f t h e m , so morality in J a m e s is characterized primarily, although n o t exclusively, by action taken o n another's behalf.
T h i s is particularly the case in prayers for healing and cor
rection, b u t is also true o f the care o f widows a n d orphans, the w e l c o m e a n d care o f the destitute within the congregation, the c o n t r o l o f speech in the as sembly, a n d the d e m o n s t r a t i o n o f wisdom t h r o u g h peacefulness, gentleness, willingness to yield, a n d mercy.
M o s t importantly, the c o n n e c t i o n between
morality and G o d ' s work b e c o m e s explicit w h e n 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 is read in light o f the dualistic vision that J a m e s spells out so clearly in 1 : 1 2 - 1 8 : G o d ' s granting o f life (giving "the crown o f life" in 1:12; "giving b i r t h " to the c o m m u n i t y in 1:18) bracket the o u t c o m e o f h u m a n sin in 1:15: death.
T h e actions o f com
munity m e m b e r s quite clearly place t h e m o n the side o f G o d ' s life-giving deeds a n d G o d ' s eschatological rewards, as the discourse o f the final pericope dem onstrates:
physical
recovery/resurrection,
forgiveness
of
ing/salvation (note especially salvation from death in 5 : 2 0 ) .
8 2
sins,
and
heal
•
JAMES'S C O M M U N I T Y VISION
41
T h i s close association between religious practices and the acts o f G o d ap parently holds together the different practices, and to that problem we finally return.
W h a t we have treated separately, J a m e s presents as natural compan
ions: he does n o t merely prescribe healing, b u t healing through intercessory prayer, and he ties his instruction o n mutual confession o f sins to this c o m bined act. T h e thematic c o n n e c t i o n s between confession and correction also allow these acts to be understood as closely associated practices. In the Epistle o f J a m e s , intercessory prayer for healing, mutual confession o f sins, and cor rection o f sinning brothers and sisters together constitute a way o f taking up G o d ' s compassionate and merciful e c o n o m y . T h e primary category that emerges is that o f the c o m m u n i t y , w h i c h J a m e s understands as a distinct entity within society. c o m m u n i t y o f believers is located within the c i t y ,
In J a m e s ' s moral vision, the 83
and m e m b e r s participate in
an urban c o m m e r c e and legal system, b o t h readily and against their will. However, by virtue o f their m e m b e r s h i p in these small-scale c o m m u n i t i e s , and because s o m e o f t h e m are poor, they are subject to abuse in the law courts a n d at work. T h e y also shun "the world's" polluting influence, understanding the pursuit o f personal desires as befriending the world and so making G o d their enemy. J a m e s ' s c o m m u n i t i e s take up a distinctive way o f life; in J a m e s ' s vision the way o f T o r a h and Jesus lay along the same path. T h e practice o f religion works o u t G o d ' s merciful care by assuring the survival o f the c o m m u n i t y to which G o d has given birth. T h e greatest threat to that survival is sin, and the practices that J a m e s prescribes in his final words reverse sin's effects. Diagnostic categories for the religious practices in J a m e s provide a grid for b o t h selecting a n d reading o t h e r a n c i e n t texts with w h i c h to c o m p a r e J a m e s . T h e way is paved for locating counterpart categories to J a m e s ' s (in which dif ferent texts say similar things about similar topics, o r quite different things about t h e m ) , disproportionate categories (in which central or c o n s e q u e n t i a l categories in o n e text are peripheral o r insignificant in a n o t h e r ) , a n d catego ries that have little i f any overlap. T o that task we n o w turn, b e g i n n i n g with texts influenced by the thought o f Plato.
42
•JAMES RILEY STRANGE •
Notes 1.
See, for example, Evangelion Kyriakidis, "Archaeologies of Ritual" in The Archaeology of Ritual, ed. Evangelion Kyriakidis, Cotsen Advanced Seminar 3 (Los Angeles: University of California at Los Angeles, 2007), 2 8 9 - 3 0 8 .
2.
For what has become the classic of such studies, see Wayne A. Meeks, The First Urban Christians: The Social World of the Apostle Paul, 2
n d
ed. (New Haven and London: Yale
University Press, 2003). See also Russell C D . Arnold, The Social role of Liturgy in the Re ligion of the Qumran Community (Leiden and Boston: Brill: 2006). 3.
Two well-known studies are Robert W . Wall's commentary, Community of the Wise: The Letter of James (Valley Forge, Penn.: Trinity Press International, 1997) and David Hut chinson Edgar's monograph, Has God Not Chosen the Poor? The Social Setting of the Epistle of James (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 2001).
4.
The question I ask is similar to, although methodologically distinct from, the one pur sued by Vernon K. Robbins in his article, "Making Christian Culture in the Epistle of James," Scriptura 5 9 (1996): 341-51.
Robbins examines rhetorical "textures" in order to
understand the culture that James's language creates. 5.
In 2:7 a third reference ("the excellent name that was invoked over you") might also al lude to the baptismal rite.
6.
Cf. Eph 4:24.
7.
This communitarian reading of James's gendered soteriological language contrasts with Baker's individualistic reading; William R. Baker, "Who's Your Daddy? Gendered Birth Images in the Soteriology of the Epistle of James," EvQ 79.3 (2007): 195-207.
8.
See the imagery of taking off and putting on in the baptismal reference of Gal 3:27; cf. Col 3 : 9 - 1 0 ; Eph 4 : 2 2 - 2 4 . In the last two passages note as well the allusions to creation.
9. 10.
Cf. the parable of the sower. The shared syntax in 4:13 and 5:1 ("Come now, those who do/are such and such"), as well as the similarity in topic (wealth).
11.
Emphasis original in the Greek; "you" is plural throughout.
12.
The ouv in 4:17 implies that in verse 17 James reaches a conclusion based on the instruc tion in verse 15.
13.
Cf. Heb 3:12; 6 : 4 - 8 .
14.
Rom 6 : 1 2 - 1 4 , 19; 7:5, 23; 12:4-5; 1 C o r 6:15; 1 2 : 1 2 - 2 7 .
15.
Emphasis added.
16.
See e.g. Isa 5 7 : 3 - 1 3 ; Hos; cf. Matt 12:39 par.
17.
See Darian Lockett, "'Unstained by the World': Purity and Pollution as an Indicator of Cultural interaction in the Letter of James," in Reading James with New Eyes: Methodobgical Reassessments of the Letter of James, ed. Robert L. Webb and John S. Kloppenborg (London and New York: T & T Clark International, 2007), 4 9 - 7 4 ; idem., Purity and Worldview in the Epistle of James (London and New York: T & T Clark International, 2008).
•
18.
43
JAMES'S C O M M U N I T Y VISION •
T o denote prayer earlier in the letter (1:5, 6; 4:2, 3 ) James has used the verbs "ask" and "receive" (ociTeco, AapPaveo); f. Matt 7:7-11 (Luke 11:9-13); 21:22; Mark 11:24; John c
16:24; 1 John 3:22. 19.
Cf. Matt 5 : 3 4 - 3 7 .
20.
Alsoopvuni.
21.
In the passage itself (which is marked by positive instructions about religious practices), e l o p e d occurs in verse 16, the cognate noun suxrj in verse 15, the noun Ssncus in verse 16, and the verb npooEuxouai is scattered throughout (w. 13, 14, 17, and 18). Note that the root sux~ can signify a vow made to the deity, as it does frequently in the Septuagint (e.g. Gen 28:30; 31:13; Lev 27:2, 8; Num 6; 30; Deut 12:11, 17; 1 Mace 15:27), and as do the only other two occurrences of suxn in the New Testament, both in Acts (18:18;
22.
Karris's conjecture that James here encourages believers to pray Psalms of individual la
21:23). ment is not supported by context (Robert J . Karris, Prayer in the New Testament
[New
York: The Crossroads Publishing Company, 2000), 1 7 6 - 7 8 ; idem, "Some New Angles on James 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 , " RevExp 9 7 [2000): 2 0 7 - 8 ) . KOTTCXOECO)
Rather, the unspecified suffering ( K C X -
of verse 13 links back to 5 : 7 - 1 0 , in which James exhorts his readers to "wait
patiently [MaKpoOuprjoaTE] until the coming of the Lord" (5:7). Members of the assembly should "consider the example of the suffering [TT]S KCtKOTraSias] and the patience
[TFJS
paKpoSupias] of the prophets who spoke in the name of the Lord" (5:11). 23.
Hartin, James, 2 6 5 . Cf. Muftner, Jakobusbrief,
217; Martin, James, 205; Johnson, Letter of
James, 3 2 9 ; Popkes, Brief des Jakobus, 3 9 9 . 24.
Despite the shift from the singular address of verse 13 to the plurals of verses 14 and 16, Hartin interprets the admonitions of verse 13 as universal instructions, and thus trans lates them in the plural. Hartin, James, 2 6 5 .
25.
I translate the participle aXsiv|;avTEs temporally ("a/ter anointing him"), but because of the absence of such concerns elsewhere in James it is not likely that this verse implies an imposition of a strict liturgical order.
26.
In 1:6 the phrase E V T T I O T E I stands in contrast to the verb Siaxpivco, a word that carries various meanings associated with making judgments (s.v. "SiaKpi'vco," L & S , 3 9 9 ; see also the discussion of the term in Mayor, Epistle of James, 4 0 - 4 1 [ 3 5 0 - 5 1 ] ) , such as "to re move" (something from something else), "to distinguish" (one thing from another), and "to decide" (between options). These meanings lead to both philosophical ("to decom pose into elemental parts" [Anaxagorus 12]) and religious ("to consecrate" [Pindar, Odes 10{11}.46]) usages. The range of meanings in the passive voice is equally disparate: "part" (i.e., the hair), "divorce," "be judged." W h a t all of these terms hold in common is the idea of making distinctions between two or more entities or options. Both the active and middle-passive of SiOCKpivco can express the idea of division or separation. In the context of James, the impression is of someone who is torn between divided loyalties. Cf. Acts 10:20; 11:12; Rom 4:20, where Paul uses Staicpivco in contrast to T T I C T I S with language similar to James's. Cf. also Matt 21:21; Mark 11:23. For more explicit uses of Staicpivco to express evaluating or making distinctions, see James 2:4; Matt 16:3; Acts 15:9; 1 C o r 4:7; 6:5; 11:29, 3 1 ; 14:29. The word can also convey the idea of disputation or taking issue with someone or something, as in Acts 11:2 and Jude 9. James likens the person who does not ask to a wave being tossed about wherever the wind blows (1:6), an image expanded by the adjectives 5(v|/uxos ("double-minded" or
44
JAMES RILEY S T R A N G E *
"two-souled") and a K a T a o r a T O s ("unstable" or "uncontrollable"). T o label someone 5 i ciKpivoMEvos suggests that the opposite of faith is not a failure of conviction (or "doubt"/"doubting," as the word is often translated; NASB, N/V, NRSV; cf. haesitare ["to hesitate," "be irresolute"] in the Vulgate [the Corbey Latin manuscript in Mayor, Epistle of James, 3 has dubitare, "to waver in opinion," "doubt"]; with the exception of Ropes, every commentator with whom I am in conversation for this book translates SiaKpivopai "to doubt": Dibelius, James, Muftner, Jakobusbrief,
69; Laws, Epistle of James,
67, 69; Johnson, Letter of James,
50, 56; Martin, James,
12, 19;
176, 180; Popkes, Brief des
Jakobus,
74, 89; cf. Hartin, James, 5 6 , 60; William F. Brosund, James & Jude, New Cambridge Bi ble Commentary [Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 2004], 33; because of its opposition to
TTIOTIS
in this passage, 5iaKp(vo|jai is taken to connote lack of convic
tion that God will grant the request, which in turn limits the meaning of "faith" to "be lief; in this discussion I work from the other direction, seeking to understand
TTIOTIS,
a
term that James discusses little in context, by contrasting it with SiaKpivco, which receives some exposition; see Ropes, St. James,
141), but of steadfastness. This has already been
said in so many words: facing various trials is equivalent to "the testing of your faith" ( T O SoKipiov upcov Tfjs
TTIOTECQS),
produce "complete"
(TEXEIOI)
which produces endurance, and endurance's work is to
and "whole" (oXoKXnpoi) p e o p l e ( 1 : 3 - 4 ) .
Once we read SictKpivopEvos in this way, it becomes clear that the one who wavers stands in sharp distinction, both to James's vision for Christians who are enduring trials, and to God. As we have seen, a few verses later James will say that God's nature as a giver of good gifts never changes; here he asserts that God gives "simply" or "singly"
(CXTTXCOS),
in
direct contrast to the "double-minded" who do the asking (see the translation and excur sus in Dibelius, James, 6 9 , 77). 27.
Cf. Laws, Epistle of James, 2 9 - 3 2 .
28.
Whereas the thrust of this clause is clear, the exact translation of the participle EVEpyouMEvn is difficult; Johnson, Letter of James, (James, 2 7 0 - 7 1 ) , Muftner (Jakobusbrief,
335-36.
I follow Johnson, Hartin
228), Ropes (St. James, 3 0 9 ) , and Mayor (James,
178) in translating it as a modifier for the verb
IOXUEI.
29.
Drawing on the language of Ps. 4, Mitchell Dahood has proposed that "the heavens" of verse 18 be read as a circumlocution for God. Mitchell Dahood, "Note on tob 'Rain,'" Bib 5 4 ( 1 9 7 3 ) : 7 3 - 8 9 .
30.
Elijah's prayer in 1 Kings 1 8 : 3 6 - 3 7 ends with the plea, "that this people may know that you have turned back [MT n-nn»...nzcri; L X X EOTpEv|/as...6Trioco] their hearts." Among biblical writings, Mai 3:24 (MT) picks up the language of 1 Kings, stating that "before the coming of the great and terrible day of the LORD," Elijah "will renirn [rcrn] the heart of the fathers to their sons and the heart of the sons to their fathers." The LXX (Mai 3:23) has "He will bring back [aTTOKaTaoTrpEi] the heart of a father to a son and the heart of a man to his neighbor." Addressing the prophet himself, Sirach 4 8 : 1 0 says that at the ap pointed time "you are destined...to turn [£TTicTpEv|;ai] the heart of a father to a son, and to restore [KaTacnrjam] the tribe of Jacob." Regarding Elijah's eschatological mission, Matt 1 7 : 1 0 - 1 1 follows the L X X of Malachi: "Elijah is coming and will restore [QTroKaTC(OTr)OEi] all things"; Mark 9 : 1 1 - 1 2 follows the L X X of Malachi less closely, tak ing on some of the nuance of Sirach: "Elijah is coming; he is restoring [aTTOKaOicrravEi] all things"; Luke 1:17 is also apparently influenced by the text of Sirach: John the Baptist
• JAMES'S C O M M U N I T Y VISION
45
•
will go forth "in the spirit and power of Elijah to turn back [emoTpev^ai] the hearts of the fathers to their children and the disobedient in the insight of the righteous." 31.
Cf. Bauckham, James, 101.
32.
Implicit examples can be found at James 1:27; 2 : 2 - 3 ; 3:1; 13.
33.
But cf. Matt 17:16 (Mark 9:18; Luke 9:40); Acts 5:12.
34.
See Louise Wells, The Greek Language of Healing from Homer to the New Testament BZNW 83 (Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter, 1998).
35.
Matt 10:8; 25:36, 39; Mark 6:56; Luke 4:40; John 4:46; 5:3, 7; 6:2; 1 1 : 1 - 6 ; Acts 9:37; 19:12; cf. Phil 2:26-27; 1 Tim 4:20.
36.
Matt 8:8, 13; 15:28; Mark 5:29; Luke 5:17; 6 : 1 8 - 1 9 ; 7:7; 8:47; 9:2, 11, 42; 14:4; 17:15; 22:51; John 4:47; 5:13; Acts 9:34; 10:38; 28:8; Heb 12:13.
37.
Moralee, For Salvations Sake, 1.
38.
Matt 9 : 2 1 - 2 2 (Mark 5:28, 34; Luke 8:48); 14:36 (Mark 6:56); Mark 3:4 (Luke 6:9); 5:23; 10:52 (Luke 18:42); Luke 8:36; 8:50; 17:19; Acts 4:9; 14:9. Cf. Luke 7:50; Acts 16:31; Rom 10:9.
39.
In a notable story from the triple tradition Jesus heals a paralyzed man by declaring his sins forgiven: Matt 9 : 2 - 8 (Mark 2 : 1 - 1 2 ; Luke 5 : 1 7 - 2 6 ) ; cf. Luke 7 : 4 7 - 4 8 ; 1 Cor 1 1 : 2 9 30.
40.
Times,
Many accounts are also found in the triple tradition: Matt 8:15 (Mark 1:31; Luke 4:39); 9 : 6 - 7 (Mark 2 : 1 1 - 1 2 ; Luke 5 : 2 4 - 2 5 ) ; 9:25 (Mark 5 : 4 1 - 4 2 ; Luke 8 : 5 4 - 5 5 ) . Cf. Matt 9:27; Luke 7:14; John 5:8. See also Acts 3:7; Mark 3:3; 10:49.
41.
In these sources, according to Johnson (Letter of James, 332), we typically find praying "on behalf of" (urrep) someone, or "concerning" (rrepi) someone.
42.
Discussed in Chapter 4.
43.
Johnson, Letter of James, 3 3 2 .
44.
Rom 4:19; 8:3; 14:1-2; 1 Cor 8 : 1 1 - 1 2 ; 2 Cor 11:21, 29; 12:10; 1 3 : 3 - 4 , 9. 20:35.
45.
Wis 15:9.
46.
4 Mac 3:8; 4 Mac 7:13 ("weakened"); Wis 4:16 ("dead").
Cf. Acts
47.
Heb 12:3; cf. Job 10:1; 17:2; Philo, Post 31; Josephus, A. J. 2.290.
48.
Matt 13:15 (John 12:40; Acts 28:27; - Isa 4:10); Heb 12:13; 1 Pet 2:24 (= Isa 5 3 : 4 - 5 ) .
49.
In the gospels and Acts alone see Matt 1:21; 1 0 : 2 2 / 2 4 : 1 3 (Mark 13:13); 16:25 (Mark 8:35; Luke 9:24); 19:25 (Mark 10:26; Luke 18:26 [cf. 13:23]); 24:22 (Mark 13:20); Mark 16:16 ("long ending"); Luke 1:47, 6 9 , 7 1 , 77; 2:11; 8:12; 9:56 (Western tradition); 19:9, 10 (cf. Matt 18:11); John 3:17; 4:22, 42; 5:34; 10:9; 12:47; Acts 2:1 (= Joel 3:5), 40; 4:12; 5:31; 11:14; 13:23, 26, 47 (= Isa 49:6); 15:1, 11; 16:17, 3 0 - 3 1 .
50.
Rom 4 : 2 4 - 2 5 ; 10:9; 1 C o r 6:14; 2 C o r 4:14.
51.
Mayor, Epistle of James, 1 7 0 - 7 3 ( 4 8 1 - 8 3 ) ; Ropes (St. James, 3 0 8 ) simply asserts, "syeipeT cannot refer here either to the awakening of the dead to life or to the resurrection"; Di belius interprets the healing as an exorcism: Dibelius, James, 252; MufSner, Jakobusbrief, 2 1 8 - 2 2 1 ; Martin, James, 204; Popkes, Brief des Jakobus, 3 4 0 - 4 1 . See also John Wilkin son, The Bible and Healing: A Medical and Theological Commentary (Edinburgh: The Hansel Press; Grand Rapids: Eerdman's, 1998), 2 4 4 - 2 4 5 ; John Christopher Thomas, The Devil,
46
JAMES RILEY STRANGE •
Disease, and Deliverance: Origins of Illness in New Testament Thought (Sheffield, U.K.: Shef field Academic Press, 1998), 1 5 - 3 7 ; Martin C. Albl, "'Are Any among You Sick?' The Health Care System in the Letter of James," JBL 1 2 1 / 1 (2002): 125; Daniel R. Hayden, "Calling the Elders to Pray," Bibliotheca Sacra 138 (1981): 2 5 8 - 2 6 6 ; Frederick J. Wright, "Healing: An interpretation of James 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 , " Journal of the Christian Medical Fellowship 37 no. 1 (1991): 2 0 - 2 1 ; J . Keir Howard, Disease and Healing in the New Testament: An Analysis and Interpretation (Lanham, Md., New York, and Oxford, U.K.: University Press of America, 2001), 2 5 8 - 2 6 6 . 52.
Laws, Epistle of James, 227; Johnson, Letter of James, 3 3 2 - 3 5 ; Hartin, James, 2 6 8 - 7 0 ; Brosund, James & Jude, 1 5 3 - 5 7 , 1 6 0 - 6 2 .
53.
For a few examples, see Deut 2 8 : 5 8 - 6 3 ; Job 8 : 1 - 2 2 ; 11:6b; 2 2 : 1 - 3 0 ; Prov 3 : 2 7 - 3 5 ; 11:19; 1 3 : 2 1 - 2 3 ; 19:15-17; 2 3 : 1 9 - 2 1 ; Ezek 1 8 : 1 - 2 9 ; Sir 1:12-13; 3 : 2 6 - 2 7 ; 1 1 : 1 4 - 2 0 . Cf. John 9:2; 1 C o r 11:30.
54.
Luke 7:50; cf. Acts 16:31.
55.
According to Mayor we should understand James to mean, "'if he has committed sins which have given rise to this sickness...'"; Mayor, Epistle of James, 174 (484).
56.
Matt 9:2 (Mark 2:5; Luke 5:20); cf. Matt 21:28 (Mark 7:29: "for saying that...the demon has left your daughter"). See the discussion in Chapter 5.
57.
Among texts predating and roughly contemporary to James, the most commonly cited are the use of oil to treat a festering leg wound in Menander, Georg. 60; Pliny's treatment of various oils in Nat. 2 3 . 3 9 - 5 0 ; Hippocrates, Vict. (=Regimen) II, 65 (DC); Philo's praise of the benefits of simple olive oil over costlier unguents in Somn. 2.58; Josephus's ac count of the desperate and apparently extreme prescription that Herod Antipas immerse himself in an oil bath in A.J. 1 7 . 1 7 2 / B J . 1.657; Celsus's prescription of anointing after inducing vomiting in De Med. 4 . 2 6 . 4 - 5 ; Galen's praise of oil's ability to cure paralysis in Med. Temp. 2.10 (DC); the use of salted oil to treat illness in T. Sol. 18.34; the quest for "the oil of life" to treat the dying Adam in L.A.E. 36.2 (=ApMos 9.3) and 4 0 . 1 - 4 1 . 2 (=ApMos 1 3 . 1 - 2 ) ; and the priestly anointing of the sick with a consecrated mixture of oil and "the waters" in T. Adam 1.7. See Mayor, Epistle of James 170 (480); Ropes, St. James, 305; MufSner, Jakobusbrief,
220; Johnson, Letter of James, 3 3 1 ; Karris, "James 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 , "
2 1 1 - 1 5 ; idem, Prayer, 1 8 2 - 8 4 . 58.
Dibelius, James, 2 5 2 .
59.
Cf. Rev. 3:18.
60.
This use of oil parallels that prescribed by Menander in Georg. 6 0 .
61.
In Greek, the idea of anointing is carried by the verbs aAef<|>co (as here in James) and Xp»co. In the L X X these verbs typically translate the MT nee. Wilkinson's claim that aAEi(|>co "is never used in the gospels of anointing for a religious purpose" does not take into consideration the religious purposes of anointing a body for burial (Mark 16:1), and it pays attention only to Jesus' chastisement of Simon the Pharisee without explaining the purpose behind the woman anointing Jesus' feet in Luke 7:38, 4 6 (Wilkinson mis takenly lists Luke 8:46, and he claims that nine uses of C(AEI<|>CO occur in the NT; there are eight: Matt 6:17; Mark 6:13; 16:1; Luke 7:38, 4 6 ; John 11:2; 12:3; James 5:14). Wil kinson, The Bible and Healing, 252; cf. Howard, Disease and Healing, 2 6 3 .
62.
Examples of cosmetic anointing appear in Deut 28:40; Ruth 3:3; 2 Sam 12:20; 14:2; 2 Chron 28:15; Ezek 16:9; Dan 10:3; Micah 6:15; Matt 6:17; cf. Psalm 104:15. Exod
JAMES'S C O M M U N I T Y VISION •
47
30:32 may allude to a similar use, and Josephus may be speaking of the application of oil as a cosmetic when he mentions the Essenes' aversion in B.J. 2.123. Johnson makes note of gymnastic applications of oil in the ancient world as well, none of which seems re flected in the biblical literature: Johnson, Letter of James, 3 3 1 . 63.
For a general survey of examples, see Gen 28:18; Exod 28:41; 29:7, 36; 3 0 : 2 2 - 3 3 (cf. Lev 8 : 1 0 - 1 2 ) ; 4 0 : 9 - 1 5 ; Lev 2 : 1 - 4 , 1 4 - 1 6 ; 16:32; Judg 9 : 8 - 1 5 ; 1 Sam 9:16; 10:1; 15:1; 16:3, 1 2 - 1 3 ; 2 Sam 2:4; 1 Kings 1:34, 39; 2 Kings 9:6; 2 En. 2 2 . 8 - 9 .
64.
Heb 1:9 cites the LXX of this Psalm (44:8), both using XP«co. See also Ps. 92:10; 133:2.
65.
Cf. Deut. 18:19, 22; 1 Kings 22:16; 2 Kings 2:24; 2 Chron 18:15; 33:18; Jer 11:21; 26:9,
66.
Acts 2:38 (baptism "in the name of Jesus Christ"); 3:6 (healing "in the name of Jesus
Cf. Luke 7:46. 16, 20; 44:16; Ezek 5:1; Zech 13:3. Christ of Nazareth"; cf. 3:16); 10:48 (baptism "in the name of Jesus Christ"); 16:17 (ex orcism 'in the name of Jesus Christ"); 19:5 (baptism "in the name of the Lord Jesus"). Incidences of speaking and preaching boldly "in the name of Jesus Christ" (thus mirror ing the prophetic discourse of James 5:10) occur in Acts 4:18; 5:40; 9:27. In 1 C o r 1:13 Paul asks, "Were you baptized in the name of Paul?"; he answers his own rhetorical ques tion in 6:11 by asserting, "But you were washed, you were sanctified, you were justified in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ"; and in 5:4 he speaks of the congregation "gath ered in the name of our Lord Jesus" (contra NRSV). Cf. Mat 28:19; Col 3:17. 67. 68.
Johnson, Letter of James, 3 3 1 . It can be argued that the prayer for the rains to return is an intercessory prayer, although it is not presented as such in 1 Kings 1 8 : 3 6 - 3 7 .
69.
Sirach 48:5 says of Elijah, "You who raised [6 eyEi'pas] a corpse from the dead and from Hades by the word of the Most High."
70.
One problem with this conjecture is not only the close verbal agreement between James's recollection of the drought and that found in The Lives of the Prophets, but also the fact that both record two prayers—one to stop the rain and one to start it again. No other ancient source does so.
71.
C f . 4 Q 4 1 6 2.3ff.
72.
Cf. Job 4:8; Prov 22:8; also 2 Chron 9:6; Hos 10:12; 1 C o r 15:33. Compare this image
73.
James's particular word choice for the confession of sins (6£o|JoAoy67o0E...aMapTias) is
with that of the implanted word of 1:21. uncommon in both the L X X and New Testament; see Johnson, Letter of James, 3 3 4 . In the LXX, the confession of sins is most often conveyed by E^ayopEUco (cf. Lev 5:5; 16:21; 26:40; Num 5:7; 3 Kgdms [1 Kgs] 8:31; 2 Esd l l [ N e h 1]:6; Ps 31[32]:5). In the L X X and New Testament, opoAoyeco most commonly expresses making a vow or profession of faith in God (cf. Jer 51[44]:25; Job 40:14; 1 Esd 4:59-60; Matt 7:23; 10:32 [Luke 12:8]; 14:7; John 1:20; 9:22; 12:42; Acts 7:17; Rom 10:9, 10; 1 Tim 6:12; Titus 1:16; Heb 13:15; 1 John 2:23; 4 : 2 - 3 , 15; 2 John 7; Rev 3:5); it expresses confession of sins only in Sir 4:26, Pss. Sol 9:6, and 1 John 1:9 (Cf. Add Esth 12:3). The cognate e^oAnoAoyeco bears a similar usage in the Greek Bible, expressing thanksgiving or public profession of faith most often (cf. Gen 29:35; 2 Sam 22:50; 3 Kgdms [1 Kgsl 8:33, 35; 1 Chron 16:4; Ps 17:50[18:49] 2 Mace 7:37; Matt 11:25 [Luke 10:211; Rom 14:11 [= Ps 17:50]; Phil ;
48
•JAMES RILEY STRANGE •
2:11), and articulating confession of sins only in Matt 3:6, Mark 1:5, Acts 19:18 (sins are not explicitly mentioned), and here in James 5:16. 74.
By inserting eairrcov after Tots ccpapTi'as, a few miniscule manuscripts attempt to clarify that a person confesses his or her own sins.
75.
Though less clearly, it is also linked to the juxtaposition of the implanted word of 1:21 that has the power to save (give life) and desire that leads to sin and thence to death.
76.
Many manuscripts place
77.
Often used in conjunction with peTavoeco: Matt 13:15/Mk 4:12 (= Isa 6:10 LXX); Luke
CXUTOU
after SavaTOU; in many more it is missing altogether.
1:16-17; 17:4; 22:32; Acts 3:19; 9:35; 11:21; 14:15; 15:19; 26:18, 20; 28:27 (= Isa 6:10 LXX); 2 C o r 3:16; 1 Thes 1:9; 1 Pet 2:25. 78.
The first, ETTiOTpevpn, is an aorist active subjunctive, and forms, along with rrXavnSfj, the protasis of a third class conditional; the second, o 6rnaTpe\|/as, is an aorist active partici ple. The apapTcoXos, therefore, does not "turn"; rather, a fellow believer "uirns" the sinner.
79.
An apparent citation of the Hebrew of Prov 10:12.
80.
For example, James's transitive use of eTTlOTp£<()CO matches eschatological claims about Elijah in Sir 4 8 : 1 0 and Luke 1:17, both of which draw on the language of 1 Kings 18:37.
81.
Cf. Wesley H. Wachob, "The Languages of 'Household' and 'Kingdom' in the Letter of James: A Socio-rhetorical Study," in Reading James with New Eyes: Methodobgical
Reassess
ments of the Letter of James, ed. Robert L. Webb and John S. Koppenborg (London and New York: T & T Clark, 2007), 151-168.
Wachob argues that the author seeks to per
suade community members to model their thoughts and actions after Jesus'. 82.
Albl, "Are Any among You Sick?"
83.
Signs of city life appear now and then in James. The community convenes in a public structure, the synagogue. Its members are abused in the law courts. James anticipates that some may travel to other cities to make money. In this context, the reference to community members who labor in the fields suggests city dwellers who travel outside the walls to work at their day jobs.
• C H A P T E R
T H R E E *
Ways Not Taken by James: Greco-Roman Visions of Corporate Life
W
h e n tracking religious practices in G r e c o - R o m a n texts, and basing the inquiry o n those m e n t i o n e d in J a m e s 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 , three challenges immediately b e c o m e apparent.
T h e first is that n o o n e text con
tains the same constellation o f practices found in J a m e s . As a result, we are forced to consider many writings that make m e n t i o n o f only a single act, o r at most two. S e c o n d , the length o f t h e epistle made it possible to e x a m i n e the treatment o f practices within the c o n t e x t o f the entire work, b u t space con
straints do n o t allow equivalent attention to any other text. T h i r d , in contrast to J a m e s , w h o devotes n o extended discourse to any o f these acts, a few o f the works considered here allocate entire sections to a single practice (as Plutarch does in the latter half o f How to Tell a Flatterer from a Friend), o r they return again and again to particular types o f experience (as in Aelius Aristides' Sacred 1
Tales).
In short, the comparison is affected from the start by the problem o f dis proportion.
W h a t J a m e s treats all together, within a relatively c o m p a c t com
position, and in a terse, g n o m i c style, s o m e texts set forth individually, in large treatises, and at length. practice.
Still others devote their entire c o n t e n t to a single
T h e problem is real, reflecting in part the variety o f genres repre
sented by the different texts under consideration, b u t it does n o t fatally im pede the task o f analysis. O n e should n o t expect to find in J a m e s ' s protreptic discourse extended treatments o f miraculous healing, confession o f sins, and mutual correction resembling the scope or form found in the G r e e k magical texts, the Lydian and Phrygian inscriptions, o r EpictetuV Discourses. As will b e c o m e clear in the following sections, systemic comparison based o n diagnos tic categories takes into a c c o u n t the variations posed by many different genres. A second problem confronts us as well: the G r e c o - R o m a n moralists typi cally restrict their n o t i o n o f proper religious practice to making sacrifices and
50
•JAMES RILEY STRANGE •
offering prayers, whereas they tend to express skepticism about, or downright ridicule toward, divine healing.
Also, confession o f sins rarely registers in
their discussions o f piety. T o understand healing and confession in the G r e c o R o m a n world, o n e is forced to turn to records o f religious experience in that milieu, what we may broadly call "popular" religion, which the moralists often use as foils for their n o t i o n s o f proper religious expression. T h e present chap ter takes up the practices o f prayer and correction in the moralists; analysis o f healing a n d confession in magical papyri, inscriptions, and the autobiographi cal accounts o f Aelius Aristides occurs in C h a p t e r 4 .
Overall conclusions
about the interplay o f morality and religion in G r e c o - R o m a n texts are at the e n d o f that chapter.
Prayer in Two Treatises of the Platonic Tradition A l t h o u g h musings o n correct a n d incorrect ways to pray are c o m m o n in G r e c o - R o m a n authors, in this chapter the discussion is limited to two texts that speculate o n how piety benefits the social entity: Plato's political treatise, Laws, 2
and Plutarch's On Superstition.
Piety and the M o r a l State: Plato's Laws T h e first task o f each section o f this chapter is to explain the logic b e h i n d the selection o f particular works for analysis and c o m p a r i s o n with James. W e ask, why these texts a n d n o t s o m e others? It is important to address this question because a n o t h e r set o f texts might highlight quite different aspects o f James's construal o f religious practices and moral deeds. T h e primary criterion for the selection o f a text is w h e t h e r it contains counterpart categories to J a m e s ' s con strual o f religious practices. I f a particular text talks a b o u t prayer, b u t gives n o indication o f whether individuals do it o r a group performs it, sets it forth us ing neither religious n o r m o r a l discourse, says n o t h i n g a b o u t the relationship between h u m a n s and the Divine that forms the basis o f the practice, a n d m o s t importantly gives n o indication o f what effect prayer has o n the social entity, a c o m p a r i s o n with J a m e s can yield only superficial similarities and differences, b u t will reveal little a b o u t what the texts share at the level o f system, or how those systems differ. C o n s i d e r M e n a n d e r o f Laodicea's first treatise o n epideictic r h e t o r i c .
3
In
itially two characteristics suggest that what M e n a n d e r R h e t o r has to say a b o u t prayers and hymns will help illuminate J a m e s by comparison, and likewise M e n a n d e r in c o m p a r i s o n with James: [1] M e n a n d e r talks a b o u t the right and
GRECO-ROMAN VISIONS
OF CORPORATE
LIFE*
51
wrong ways to c o m p o s e hymns (see especially his section o n precatory and de precatory hymns in 3 4 2 . 2 1 - 3 4 3 . 1 6 ) , and 1 2 ] he deploys t h e language o f virtue and vice to talk a b o u t good and bad hymn writing.
A closer reading shows
that what is at stake for M e n a n d e r R h e t o r is the issue o f form—mixed and pure types o f hymns and how well a hymn c o n f o r m s to the n o r m s o f its ge nre—and that c o n c e r n generates his categories a n d the logic o f his discourse. M e n a n d e r does n o t work the discussion a r o u n d to what role form plays in a hymn's efficacy (characteristics o f religious discourse), a n d the issues o f virtu ous o r evil hymn writing (characteristics o f m o r a l discourse) do n o t make an impact o n his treatise. S o , for example, when M e n a n d e r uses a c o m m o n term for "virtue" h e is talking a b o u t matters o f style (apETT) epMnveias; 3 4 0 . 2 4 ; cf. 3 3 9 . 2 9 ) .
W h a t is
"excellent" is what is fluent and polished (oTcopuAeos KCU yXac|)upcos; 3 4 1 . 2 2 2 3 ) , balanced, simple, and b r i e f (SI'KOCIOS, airAoos, fipaxus; 3 4 2 . 2 1 - 3 4 3 . 1 6 ) ; what is n o t excellent causes disgust (TrpooKopr)s; 3 4 0 . 2 5 ) , is tiresome ( K O T Q — KOprjS; 3 4 3 . 4 ) , and puerile (peipaKicoSris; 3 4 0 . 1 0 ) .
It is evident that there is
little in this discussion to make a c o m p a r i s o n o f J a m e s a n d M e n a n d e r R h e t o r worthwhile, for M e n a n d e r is talking a b o u t aesthetics rather than either moral or religious obligations. T h e discourses o f J a m e s and M e n a n d e r intersect only at the level o f shared vocabulary b u t diverge at the level o f system: they are simply talking to different people a b o u t different things. As we shall see directly, in contrast to the work o f M e n a n d e r R h e t o r , a reading o f the Laws reveals a set o f diagnostic categories (answering the ques tions, w h o prays in the Laws, for w h o m , and to what end?) that provides a suitable matrix for comparison with J a m e s because many o f the categories in o n e text find counterparts in the other. J a m e s talks a b o u t m e m b e r s o f the as sembly praying for o n e another, and Plato also has something to say about the individual and corporate c o n c e r n s o f prayer; J a m e s presents the practice o f prayer as a moral deed, and Plato t o o has ways o f setting forth piety as a virtue; and so o n . T h e r e will be s o m e categories that prove to b e disproportionate, o r that are present in o n e text b u t n o t the other, b u t the d o m i n a n c e o f counter part categories between the two texts provides the basis for c o m p a r i s o n a n d contrast. T h i s is the case for all texts read in this and the following chapters. S o m u c h for Laws' general suitability for comparison with J a m e s . Moving to the particular, a comparison between J a m e s and Laws provides the oppor tunity to view J a m e s alongside a political work whose logic and goals are built upon the philosophical assumptions o f the Platonic s c h o o l (presumably, those o f Plato himself).
4
Laws shows how a philosophical and political system gener
ates the categories o f c o m m u n i t y , religion, and morality with its own logic and assumptions about what is good.
W e begin, then, by d e t e r m i n i n g how the
52
•JAMES RILEY S T R A N G E *
c o n c e r n s o f Plato's vision for the ideal state engender a discussion o f the value o f the religious life, and what Plato says about acts o f piety, how they should be c o n d u c t e d and why, what understanding o f the divine-human relationship they reveal, and h o w they construct c o m m u n i t y . The
discourse o n piety in Plato's Laws functions as part o f a political vi
sion, b u t the vision is n o t entirely Utopian.
R a t h e r , Laws looks like an at
tempt, near the e n d o f Plato's life, to derive a plan for a working society from the philosophical system that he has developed over the course o f his career; 5
in the work, Plato a b a n d o n s proper dialogic form and organization, and he begins with the problems e n d e m i c to the governance o f h u m a n beings rather than with questions generated by an epsitomology. In C h a p t e r 4 o f Laws, the characters in the work begin to discuss an actual case, and they base their talk o n a question—asked at the outset o f C h a p t e r 1—whose answer has immediate implications for their c h o s e n task: H o w should the state fashion laws to ensure the happiness o f its citizens? In Laws 4 . 7 1 6 B - 7 1 8 C ,
7
6
three pilgrims o n their way to the grotto o f D i c t e
o n C r e t e consider the formation and preservation o f the ideal city.
8
After the
discussion takes a practical turn toward the founding o f a new c o l o n y o n 9
Crete's M a g n e s i a , the travelers take up, for a b r i e f m o m e n t , the issue o f reli gious piety (Leg. 4 . 7 1 6 B - 7 1 7 A ) . S o m e things stand o u t immediately.
First, the A t h e n i a n equates self-
c o n t r o l with striving to b e God-like, and, by extension, makes the claim that the intemperate person is at enmity (5ia<J>opos) with G o d . B o t h claims strike a familiar note, calling to m i n d b o t h James's construal o f morality as behavior that aligns a person with G o d ' s activity and his invective against G o d ' s e n e m y (Ix8pa) in J a m e s 4 : 4 . T h e r e is also a clear disparity between the temperate person a n d the wicked person (also impious, a v o o ( o s ) in this passage o f Laws, a n o t h e r p o i n t o f similarity with J a m e s . In J a m e s , those w h o pray in faith can look forward to having their prayers answered, while those w h o pray evilly (KCCKCOS) should expect n o t h i n g from G o d ; according to the A t h e n i a n , the gods accept n o gift from t h e wicked person (KCXKOS), while freely receiving t h e service o f those w h o are pious (boios). O n the o t h e r hand, in this passage we e n c o u n t e r a n o t i o n that we have n o t seen before: acts o f piety as gifts to the Divine. T h e idea is carried by the G r e e k language o f piety itself, some o f w h i c h the A t h e n i a n uses: TrpooopiAEco, "to have c o m m u n i o n with" o r "hold intercourse with"; ccva0r)[ja, "offering"; 6EpaTT6ia, "service." Also, the gods for their part "receive" the "gifts" that are offered (5copa SexsoBai).
By implication, the gods benefit s o m e h o w when
h u m a n s perform cultic a c t s .
10
However, the focus o f the passage is n o t o n
what the gods gain from h u m a n s ; rather, the A t h e n i a n emphasizes what hu-
• G R E C O R O M A N VISIONS OF C O R P O R A T E LIFE •
mans gain in their intercourse with the gods.
53
T h e A t h e n i a n describes the
benefit in this way: c o n t i n u a l worship "is helpful toward the happy life [ o f the o n e worshipping]," and "[the religious labor] o f the pious is most profitable to [all h u m a n i t y ] . "
11
T h e language o f divine favor granted in response to gifts of
fered the gods suggests a structure in which e a c h party carries o u t assigned roles, a n d in w h i c h failure to perform (or performing wickedly) causes a breakdown in that structure. M a n y scholars discuss the idea o f reciprocity between h u m a n s a n d gods in G r e e k religion.
12
Pulleyn, for example, points o u t the c o m m o n link between
prayer a n d sacrifice, making the case that "the relationship between m e n and gods was essentially o n e o f give-and-take through sacrifice and prayer," these two practices making up the h u m a n side o f the r e l a t i o n s h i p . 1
Pulleyn, what is at stake in the system o f reciprocity is X ^ P ^
13
o
A c c o r d i n g to r
favor: some
thing pleasing that o n e offers to the god in the expectation that h e o r she will respond favorably to o n e ' s request, o r in order to ensure favorable responses in the future.
14
I f o n e ' s expectations are n o t met, there are grounds for lodg
ing a c o m p l a i n t with the g o d s .
15
S u c h a system o f exchange may b e what Plato
has in m i n d in b o o k 1 0 o f Laws when the A t h e n i a n speaks against illicit trans actions: he argues against the n o t i o n that the gods can b e bribed o r seduced by prayers a n d sacrifices, especially those o f wicked p e o p l e .
16
However, in Laws,
Plato assumes s o m e sort o f system o f reciprocity, for i f h e criticizes a popular expectation that proper acts o f worship must b e rewarded, he nevertheless im plies that gods a n d h u m a n s bear s o m e sort o f duty toward o n e another: when people correctly perform their obligation o f piety, the gods, in turn, dutifully respond by helping t h e m to attain the happy life.
17
W h a t is this "happy life" (b EuSaipcov (3(os)? n o m i c prosperity,
18
T h e term c o n n o t e s eco
suggesting that the gods impart s o m e o f their blessings
through material g o o d s .
19
In an earlier section o f Laws ( 7 1 0 B ) , t h e A t h e n i a n
has referred to the goals o f the state using the superlative o f the term ("the happiest kind [EuSaiMOVEOTCXTa] o f life"), a usage explained in part a few lines later by the claim, " [ i f a praiseworthy lawmaker and a virtuous
monarch
should meet,] then G o d would have d o n e nearly everything that h e does w h e n he desires that a state should b e e m i n e n t l y prosperous" ( 7 1 0 D ) . S u c h prosper ity, however, must n o t b e c o m e a surfeit o f wealth, just as the state, i f it is to b e virtuous, must also n o t allow citizens to fall i n t o destitution, for b o t h being "excessively p o o r " and possessing t o o m u c h silver a n d gold yield their own vices: "insolence and injustice...rivalries and j e a l o u s i e s . "
20
T h a t the A t h e n i a n should place limitations o n t h e good o f monetary wealth requires further explanation.
T h e A t h e n i a n earlier praises the condi
tions o f h u m a n states in the time o f K r o n o s : "how blissful was the life o f m e n
54
•JAMES RILEY STRANGE
in that age, furnished with everything in a b u n d a n c e , a n d o f spontaneous growth."
21
T h e idea o f prosperity appears to permit an a b u n d a n c e o f goods
a n d necessities, b u t n o t o f what o n e would call money, namely gold and sil ver.
22
In that happy age, K r o n o s also placed d a e m o n s in charge o f h u m a n
government, and it was these beings w h o " t o o k charge o f us and furnished peace a n d modesty a n d orderliness a n d justice w i t h o u t stint, and thus made the tribes o f m e n free from feud and happy [EuSainova]."
23
T h i s panegyric o n
the golden age o f h u m a n i t y suggests that, according to the A t h e n i a n , the ab sence o f n e e d yields an ordered, peaceful,
24
and just state.
In Laws 4 . 7 1 6 B - 7 1 8 C , the "happy life" results when ruled and ruler alike attain to virtue, w h i c h includes religious piety. W i t h i n such a state, citizens maintain a m e a n between poverty and wealth, a n d thus ensure that the state will b e well-ordered.
25
T h e happy life is n o t merely a gift granted by gods to
individuals in exchange for certain favors. R a t h e r , it is an ideal state o f corpo rate existence to w h i c h h u m a n s and gods alike c o n t r i b u t e , and the contribu tion o f b o t h parties lies primarily in the fulfillment o f duties. In B o o k 5 o f Laws, the A t h e n i a n spells out h o w to put into practice the values derived from the myth o f the golden age, using the example o f a new colony to b e founded o n Magnesia o f C r e t e . Citizens are to be divided into four e c o n o m i c classes, depending o n their wealth w h e n they arrive at the col ony, a n d changing classes as their wealth either increases o r decreases. E a c h h o u s e h o l d is to possess two plots o f land for food production for itself, and to create only e n o u g h surplus to help an injured n e i g h b o r i f necessary ( 7 3 7 C - D ; 7 4 5 C - E ) . E c o n o m i c trade a n d usury are forbidden to citizens ( 7 4 3 C - D ) , with the result that, despite the class divisions, n o o n e h o u s e h o l d can b e c o m e ei ther overly wealthy o r overly p o o r in c o m p a r i s o n to the others.
Furthermore,
wealth that exceeds a particular percentage o f a household's allotment goes to t h e state ( 7 4 5 A ) . N o o n e is to have silver o r gold except the city; citizens use a currency that has n o value outside o f the c o l o n y ( 7 4 2 A - B ) .
All m e m b e r s o f
26
lot-holding families are citizens ; b o t h male and female citizens are obligated t o military service a n d can vote at age 2 0 ( 7 5 3 B ; 7 6 4 A ; 8 1 4 C ) ; m e n can begin serving in office at age 3 0 , w o m e n at 4 0 ; w o m e n c a n n o t own property. M o d e r a t i o n emerges as a primary virtue o f t h e new colony, and it takes its place alongside the o t h e r three virtues: courage, justice, a n d w i s d o m .
27
We
should n o t e that the very idea o f virtuous behavior presumes h u m a n interac tion. A city whose laws aim at virtue, therefore, is a city built upon the foun dation o f right association. Plato carefully constructs a society that attains as nearly as possible to the ideal o f a c o m m u n i t y o f friends sharing all things in c o m m o n (including w o m e n , children, a n d property), having u n a n i m o u s opin-
• G R E C O - R O M A N VISIONS OF C O R P O R A T E LIFE •
55
ions a b o u t what is worthy o f praise a n d b l a m e a n d o f joy a n d grief, a n d h o n o r ing those laws that m o s t unify the s t a t e .
28
T h e virtue o f m o d e r a t i o n blankets m u c h o f t h e discussion o f religious pi ety in Laws, as it does the b u l k o f the discourse o n the virtuous s t a t e .
29
What I
have called "correct p e r f o r m a n c e " o f religious duty in this passage is governed by the virtue o f t e m p e r a n c e and the vice o f i n t e m p e r a n c e , together with their a t t e n d a n t virtues and v i c e s .
30
T h e A t h e n i a n links the moderate ( p E T p i o s ) o r
temperate (oco<{>pcov) person with what is " m o s t n o b l e " ( K O A A I O T O V ) a n d "best" (ap.OTOv), with b e i n g "clean" ( K a 0 a p 6 s ) and "pious" ( o a i o s ) ; in the same way, the i m m o d e r a t e ( a p s T p o s ) o r intemperate ({ir\ oco<|>pcov) person is "unjust" (aSiKOs), "wicked" (KCCKOS), " u n c l e a n " ( a K a 0 a p x o s ) , "defiled" ( p i a p o s ) , a n d "impious" ( a v o o i o s ) .
T h e c o n c e r n for t e m p e r a n c e is spelled o u t later in a
c o n c r e t e example: " W h e n parents die, the m o s t m o d e s t [aco<|>poveaTaTr]] fu neral rites are the best, whereby t h e son n e i t h e r exceeds the a c c u s t o m e d p o m p , n o r falls s h o r t o f what his forefathers paid to their sires; a n d in like m a n n e r he s h o u l d duly bestow the yearly attentions, w h i c h ensure h o n o r , o n the rites already c o m p l e t e d . "
31
Modesty, o r t e m p e r a n c e / m o d e r a t i o n , guides
n o t o n l y piety shown the O l y m p i c P a n t h e o n , b u t also h o m a g e given to o n e ' s dead p a r e n t s .
32
G i v e n a polytheistic religious system in w h i c h b o t h a plethora o f deities and o n e ' s ancestors ( n o t to m e n t i o n living parents) require pious attention, does s o m e system govern t h e proper m e t i n g o u t o f religious rites? T h e A t h e nian provides an answer in a b r i e f s t a t e m e n t laying o u t a hierarchy o f religious duty (Leg. 4 . 7 1 7 A - B ) .
3 3
A c c o r d i n g to the A t h e n i a n , the goal o f ranking the gods and h e n c e o n e ' s religious duty is to repay the greatest d e b t first. difficult to f o l l o w :
34
T h e logic o f the discourse is
it appears that parents' begetting and rearing o f children
mirrors the relationship o f the O l y m p i a n s to the state, and h e n c e a m o n g peo ple the h o n o r due to parents is akin to what t h e state owes these greatest o f gods.
In the excursus following this claim (as I have construed it), the A t h e
nian lays o u t how o n e should h o n o r a n d care for parents, b o t h living a n d dead.
F o r o u r purposes, it is i m p o r t a n t to n o t e how the c u r r e n t topic rein
forces c o n c l u s i o n s reached above: piety does n o t merely signify an individual's virtue, it is part o f a system o f reciprocal duty, in which individuals, in right relationship with o n e a n o t h e r and with the gods, c o n t r i b u t e to the well-being o f the state. As t h e A t h e n i a n states matters in Leg. 4 . 7 1 8 A - B , the e n d o f b o t h morality (and worship as a type o f m o r a l act) a n d law is the good city. W h e n people behave piously toward the gods, right dealings with their fellow h u m a n s are
56
• JAMES RILEY STRANGE
assured.
W h e n the latter breaks down, the law either extracts virtue through
force, o r teaches it by s a n c t i o n .
35
O n the issue o f exclusion, o r isolation o f the c o m m u n i t y from surrounding influence, Plato and J a m e s c o n c u r : the c o m m u n i t y should avoid pressure from outside mores.
In Laws, the entire c o l o n y o f Magnesia remains cut o f f
from o t h e r cities by its u n i q u e way o f life, o n o n e hand, a n d by an isolationist policy that excludes untrained outsiders from its citizenry and self-contained systems o f food production and trade, o n the o t h e r .
Despite the city's class
system, we find a partial leveling o f social strata in the availability o f political office to all citizens, including w o m e n , and an e c o n o m i c structure that aims at a comfortable level o f living for all as well. In Laws, at least s o m e citizens are capable o f s o m e knowledge, and h e n c e o f attaining some virtue, including the virtues o f wisdom and justice, and those w h o d o so may attain to political of fice.
Despite this attenuation o f the idea o f social rank, the strata in society,
although n o t entirely fixed, are clear and fairly rigid. F o r his part, although J a m e s prescribes n o organizational paradigm for churches, we find in his tightly defined c o m m u n i t i e s a measure o f egalitarianism that contrasts m o r e strikingly with what we k n o w o f G r e e k a n d R o m a n society.
C h u r c h e s have s o m e offices (we k n o w o f only teachers a n d elders),
b u t n o clear hierarchy o f authority. R a t h e r than lauding those with e c o n o m i c and political power, J a m e s c o n d e m n s them, and there is a tendency in the epistle to upset expected lines o f authority: the rich will be "brought low" while the p o o r are "exalted," teachers are to beware the stricter j u d g m e n t un der which they fall, and it is the sick person w h o s u m m o n s the elders rather than the o t h e r way around.
M o s t notably, wisdom is available to all for the
asking; it is the exclusive possession o f n e i t h e r the elderly n o r the trained phi losopher. Perhaps as a result, aside from the elders' healing service, J a m e s sets forth n o division o f religious labor: all confess sins, all pray for o n e another's healing, a n d any may correct an erring b r o t h e r o r sister. T h e r e are clear points o f disagreement and disproportion as well. James's category o f the c o m m u n i t a r i a n religious act—performed by m e m b e r s o f a c o m m u n i t y o n b e h a l f o f its o t h e r m e m b e r s , and aimed at the preservation o f the c o m m u n i t y ' s structure and boundaries—is n o t m a t c h e d by t h e cursory m e n t i o n o f civic religious rites in Laws, a n d it finds little in c o m m o n with Pla to's proposal for the constitution o f the good c i t y .
36
W e find n o indication
that Plato sees the worshiping body as a cohesive group dedicated to t h e physi cal and spiritual welfare o f its m e m b e r s and morally segregating itself within the city. A c c o r d i n g to Plato's plan, what binds together citizens o f the colony o n Magnesia is their mutual willingness to adhere to its constitution, and to participate in domestic and political activities that benefit the whole o f the
GRECO-ROMAN VISIONS OF CORPORATE
LIFE*
57
state rather than any o n e individual o r family. T h e insider-outsider language in Laws pertains to the entire citizenry, rather than marking
boundaries
around a group o f people set apart from the rest o f the city. By the same token, the systematic working o u t o f Magnesia's constitution, organization, and e c o n o m y overshadows the few, scattered, and caustic refer ences to law courts and the e c o n o m i c system in James, as well as the lack o f any systematic treatment o f the idea o f the state in the epistle. All the allu sions to such an entity in J a m e s suggest very few details a b o u t a working soci ety. M o s t importantly, Plato's optimism a b o u t the earthly city contrasts with James's pessimistic evaluation o f the present life and his c o n d e m n a t i o n o f the "world." In Plato's ideal state, which he presents as at least partially attainable, citizens prosper and enjoy security and c o m f o r t ensured by the m e c h a n i s m s o f a just government. T h i s e l e m e n t o f the "happy life" is o n e gift o f t h e gods, se cured by proper worship.
In James, the this-worldly gifts o f G o d include wis
dom and healing from disease, and h u m a n s may work out G o d ' s justice (indeed, they must do so), b u t there is n o hope that the trials and evils o f the present will c o m e to an e n d until the " L o r d " returns. T h e eschatology in Laws is also quite different from that in James, al though b o t h authors c o n c u r that the blessed or best existence occurs after the present earthly life.
37
A l t h o u g h Laws does c o n t a i n discussions o f t h e fate o f
citizens in the afterlife, there is n o c o n c e p t o f the e n d o f the age with apoca lyptic p u n i s h m e n t s and rewards.
Divine reward and punishment, rather, cor
respond closely to the virtue that o n e attains or the vice to which o n e descends (and h e n c e to the well-being to which o n e rises o r the misery into w h i c h o n e sinks) while alive. Plato does n o t repeat the details o f the transmigration o f the soul that he describes in Phaedo o r Republic, b u t speaks vaguely o f the soul's "transformation" and transferal to either a better or worse p l a c e .
38
Neverthe
less, there is an intimation that imperfect souls return to earth for rebirth into bodies, s o m e with the prospect o f increasing in knowledge, virtue, a n d happi ness. In the Letter o f James, G o d administers reward and p u n i s h m e n t as well, but the language suggests that j u d g m e n t occurs for all o f humanity together, and it hints o f an e n d to this world and the initiation o f a world to c o m e . T h e r e is n o talk o f the soul separate from the body; instead, the apocalyptic imagery alludes to bodily torments for the wicked, and the exhortations to en dure "to the e n d " allude to h u m a n "completeness" and to the restoration o f G o d ' s creation. Plato's idea o f compelling adherence to the constitution through either the threat o r use o f legal sanction conflicts with James's letter, where the law courts are tools used by the wealthy to exploit c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s , and G o d
58
• JAMES RILEY STRANGE •
is "the o n e lawgiver and judge who can save and destroy" ( 4 : 1 2 ) . In James, the primary m o d e o f correcting behavior in the here and n o w is through intrac o m m u n i t y a d m o n i t i o n that brings a b o u t repentance.
However, J a m e s does
use s o m e forensic imagery to encourage right understanding and behavior when h e speaks o f peering i n t o the perfect law o f liberty ( 1 : 2 5 ) a n d fulfilling the royal law ( 2 : 1 2 ) . C o m p a r i s o n o f the Epistle o f J a m e s and Plato's Laws o n the basis o f diag nostic categories yields, n o t merely details o f c o n c u r r e n c e and divergence, b u t access to the systems o f thought that animate the discourse o f b o t h authors. In simple terms, and focusing o n the issue o f how morality and religious acts form the c o m m u n i t y , we have learned that in Plato's Laws piety is an individ ual and political act, whereas in J a m e s 5 it is c o m m u n i t a r i a n a n d countersocietal. In Laws, m e m b e r s o f the state, rightly carrying o u t their civic duty o f h o n o r i n g the gods through prayer and sacrifice, function within a system that b o t h forms the polis and preserves it for posterity. performed:
a) within
the boundaries
In James, pious acts are
o f associations tightly defined
over
against the prevailing ethos (as James construes it); b ) for the benefit o f their members; c) so that these groups take up G o d ' s own ongoing and communitysustaining acts.
T h e Immorality of Foreign Religions: Plutarch's On
Supersition
W e turn now to a selection from the G r e e k historian and essayist Plutarch (c. 4 4 - c . 1 2 5 C . E . ) , popularizer o f Platonism, and long-time priest o f A p o l l o at Delphi.
39
0
T h e treatise attributed to him, On Superstition,* treats t h e topic o f
right worship o f the gods, using certain practices o f divination, sorcery, a n d various types o f a n o i n t i n g a n d baptism as foils for his understanding o f proper G r e e k religion. In an essay supposedly written by a k n o w n religious celebrant, it is surprising to find n o references to cases with w h i c h Plutarch is familiar, either by his own experience o r by hearsay.
H e draws from historical figures
and works o f literature, b u t often generalizes, a n d as a result, frequently relies o n caricature and hyperbole to make his point, which, briefly stated, is: [1] be cause it stems solely from fear o f the gods, [2] based as it is o n t h e blasphe mous n o t i o n that the gods regularly h a r m h u m a n s , [3] superstition is a m o s t pernicious caricature o f true piety, so m u c h so that it is better n o t to believe in the gods at all i f o n e is inclined to be superstitious. As Plato's Laws posed a political solution to the problem o f h u m a n hap piness, On Superstition draws from the Platonic tradition to offer a solution as well.
As Patrick G r a y notes, however, "Plutarch pays very little attention to
the political d i m e n s i o n o f superstitio in his construal o f 5 E t O l 5 a t | J O V i a . "
41
In
• GRECO-ROMAN VISIONS OF C O R P O R A T E LIFE •
59
fact, the Platonic worldview and political vision(s) remain in the background in Plutarch's discourse.
W h e n Plutarch talks about the social order, he in
vokes the n o t i o n o f a h o m o g e n e o u s G r e e k culture, a n d to spell o u t what is right and good for G r e e k s he draws o n the ideas o f the indigenous, solemn, and "traditional" in contrast to what is foreign, grotesque, and new, and there fore polluting.
42
In distinction to the political aim in Laws, we can characterize On Supersti tion as a moral treatise, w h i c h places Plutarch's work in a class m u c h closer to James's protreptic discourse.
T h r o u g h the understanding o f prayer that the
work sets forth—who should pray, h o w they should pray, and for what—On Su perstition provides an opportunity to c o m p a r e J a m e s with a moral essay situated in the b r o a d stream o f Platonic ethics. It eschews dialogic argumentation, and instead asserts the superiority o f G r e e k virtues, making generalizations a b o u t superstitious practices and the immoderate a n d i m m o d e s t mindsets o f super stitious peoples. Like J a m e s , Plutarch begins with the problem o f h u m a n liv ing, given the existence o f the gods a n d their interactions with humanity, a n d also like James, at times he simply c o n d e m n s what in his view is wrong.
Un
like J a m e s , w h o scrolls through several topics in his work, Plutarch devotes his entire treatise to the single issue o f superstition. O u r analysis o f prayer in On Superstition begins with a b r i e f summary o f the argument.
Plutarch discusses disbelief in the gods (or atheism [a0EOTr)s])
on o n e hand, and the wrong kind o f belief (superstition [SEioiSaipovia]) o n the other. A t h e i s m he finds ridiculous b u t relatively harmless, whereas super stition is a pervasive and dangerous problem in G r e e k society. W h y does he t h i n k so? In order to answer that question, we turn first to O n Superstition 2 (Moralia 1 6 5 B - C ) ; passage.
4 3
two initial observations are possible from a reading o f this
First, it is clear that superstition specifically infects the reasoning
power (Xoyos) o f the individual, a n d that in particular superstition is "an e m o t i o n a l n o t i o n " (5o£av E[JTra0fj) made acute by fear (c|)6(3os) that debilitates reason.
44
5
T h i s idea is repeated many times in O n Superstition*
yet fear o f the
gods is n o t to b e avoided completely, for Plutarch claims that n o t to fear t h e m at all is impious.
By playing o n the etymology o f SEioiSaipovia, Plutarch dis
tinguishes between two types o f fear o f the gods, suggesting that o n e entails reverence for, o r awe of, divine beings, whereas superstition itself is a debilitat ing terror (SEISCO) o f t h e m .
46
A c c o r d i n g to Plutarch, the gods only help hu
man beings, b u t whereas the atheist is merely blind to this fact (and by implication draws n o benefit from it), fear causes the superstitious person to accept the opposite proposition: that the gods are the source o f h u m a n mis ery.
47
B o t h positions are associated with a falsification o f r e a s o n .
48
60
JAMES RILEY S T R A N G E *
S e c o n d , by implication, in Plutarch's worldview, h u m a n beings and the Divinity ("TO 0s7ov) enjoy a relationship in w h i c h divine power may be put to h u m a n use. Reverence shown the gods—through proper rites, as we shall s e e constitutes the h u m a n side o f the equation. T h e gods, for their part, recipro cate by "helping" (CO<}>EAOGVTOS) pious individuals: the verb CO(|>EAECO means "to benefit" and can carry the particular meaning, "to m a k e o n e r i c h , "
49
a usage
that matches well with Plutarch's understanding o f prayer, to b e e x a m i n e d presently.
H e r e it suffices to n o t e that in the system lying b e h i n d his dis
course, the gods either help a person or do not; h u m a n calamity and misfor tune have s o m e o t h e r s o u r c e .
50
Given this relationship between h u m a n s a n d their divine benefactors, we expect to find in Plutarch s o m e m e n t i o n o f prayers o f petition, as well as s o m e indication o f b o t h a right and a wrong way to go about asking for things. Ex amples o c c u r in O n Superstition 4 (Mor. 1 6 6 A - B ) , where Plutarch talks a b o u t the interpretation o f dreams.
In Plutarch's j u d g m e n t , the images in dreams
impart n o meaning, yet the superstitious—whom
Plutarch characterizes as
adopting foreign religious practices—are c o n v i n c e d that dreams are divine torments that o n e can only escape by propitiating an angry deity with vulgar and u n c o u t h displays.
51
T h e discussion brings to light two important points.
First, in Plutarch's jingoist understanding, religion that is n o t G r e e k is n o re ligion at all.
H e objects to G r e e k s engaging in "barbarian" religious rites,
which he vilifies as "evil things" (KCXKCO, magical acts (performed by a T T E pipaKTpicc, " w i t c h " )
52
a n d the invention o f charlatans ( c c y u p T a o i Kai 5 a -
TTavcoai, "beggars and cheats"). In contrast with such chicanery, it was the gods themselves w h o bestowed true piety (r) EUOEPEICX) o n the ancestors o f the Greeks, and the G r e e k s have faithfully preserved and passed o n their rites. S e c o n d , Plutarch deploys the categories o f m o r a l discourse, caricaturing typical "religious" c o n c e r n s as histrionic m a c h i n a t i o n s .
It is the moral rectitude o f
the Greeks that distinguishes their practices as genuine r e l i g i o n . "with the m o u t h straight and right,"
54
53
Greeks pray
a phrase that sets up word-plays: in con
trast to pious G r e e k s , the superstitious are obsessed with correctness o f the outward form o f their rites (ritual cleanliness and "straight" [6p6f)] p l a c e m e n t o f "tongue" [yAcoTxav] u p o n entrails o n the altar), heedless that they "twist" (5iaoTpE<|)OVTas) and defile their own tongue with foreign phrases.
55
This
transgression in speech is m a t c h e d by bizarre smearings, immersions, and pro strations.
56
In short, a key factor that makes "barbaric" religion a despicable
superstition is its excess.
57
W h a t does it mean to pray, as the G r e e k s do, with a straight (6p0os) and right (SiKcnos) mouth?
O n e c o m m o n l y finds discourse o n the i m p o r t a n c e o f
correct speech in b o t h G r e e k and Latin authors o f the p e r i o d .
58
In the present
GRECO-ROMAN VISIONS OF CORPORATE
61
LIFE*
passage, the exact usage o f the topos is unclear, but the association o f "rightness" with tradition and the juxtaposition with bizarre acts a n d "barbarous phrases" (prmaoi P a p P a p i K o f s ) implies that correct speech is c o n d u c t e d in the G r e e k language, and it c o n f o r m s to customary good m a n n e r s .
59
M o r e impor
tantly, to pray in G r e e k is in continuity with the ways o f the ancestors, to w h o m the gods gave the traditional rites. In this way, Plutarch's language in vokes the n o t i o n o f traditional (vopivov) ways, sacred knowledge passed down unchanged from generation to g e n e r a t i o n .
60
Based o n this idea, it follows that
prayer d o n e wrongly is prayer d o n e for the wrong purpose (to escape t o r m e n t ) , is based on mistaken assumptions (that the gods cause trouble for h u m a n s ) ,
61
and is c o n d u c t e d in t h e wrong way (substituting obsession over t h e precision o f t h e r i t e for t h e T i g h t n e s s o f t h e o n e w h o p r a y s , b u t a l s o r e p l a c i n g t r a d i t i o n a l
religious practices with those imported from barbarian p e o p l e s ) . S o m u c h for praying wrongly.
62
D o e s Plutarch talk a b o u t how the pious
should pray? W e find an answer in On Superstition 4 (Mor. 1 6 6 E ) .
Here Plu
tarch explicitly discusses prayer as petition (signified by a i T O U | J E 0 a ) , and again he reiterates his point that because the gods supply only good things, fear o f t h e m is c o n t e m p t i b l e .
M o r e importantly, he gives s o m e indication o f what
people ought to ask for when they pray: b o t h material goods a n d their enjoy ment (riches
63
and an easy living), and certain virtues (peace, c o n c o r d , and
success in word and d e e d ) .
64
By implication, the gods have under their do
main the welfare o f the individual, and they are prepared to help the person w h o asks rightly. Two
further observations are pertinent.
O f the five terms m e n t i o n e d
above (riches, easy life, peace, c o n c o r d , and success in word a n d deed), four carry c o n n o t a t i o n s o f prosperity in general, and three o f material wealth in particular.
65
TTXOUTOS
denotes riches, typically in the form o f the accumula
tion o f m o n e y and land. EuTropi'a can b e a virtual synonym for
TTXOUTOS,
but
its primary usage implies ease or facility in accomplishing a thing, often indi cating ease in making a living.
66
In G r e e k literature, Eiprjvr] primarily has a
negative sense, describing a state o f non-war or a season marking the time be tween wars; by extension, it c o m e s to c o n n o t e the prosperity o f peace t i m e s .
67
Finally, the term that B a b b i t translates as "success" is 6p0coais, whose r o o t meaning, "making straight," takes o n the derived m e a n i n g o f "prosperity."
68
T h e language "success in word and deed," therefore, suggests skill in conduct ing o n e ' s business, whether it be e c o n o m i c o r political, that increases o n e ' s so cial status. O n e focus o f prayer in this discourse is the good life, measured by material well-being. Additionally, we may classify these goods in two categories: the first two objects o f prayer (riches and an easy living) aid the individual, whereas the
62
•JAMES RILEY
STRANGE*
three that follow (peace, c o n c o r d , and success in word and deed) e x t e n d benefits to society as a w h o l e .
69
In G r e c o - R o m a n literature, Eiprjvr] rarely applies to
the absence o f conflict between individuals.
70
R a t h e r , as noted, m o s t often it
refers to periods w h e n hostilities between warring armies o r nations cease, a n d a resulting state o f political stability in w h i c h farmers can return to their crops and officers to the administration o f their city businesses and country estates, while trade may n o w resume o n roads that recently transported t r o o p s .
71
By
contrast, concord—the idea o f h a r m o n y o f t h o u g h t and action between hu mans—is c o m m o n l y d e n o t e d by b p o v o i c c v , the s e c o n d virtue Plutarch men tions.
72
T h i s is b o t h a popular topos discussed at length by G r e c o - R o m a n
moralists (concordia in the Latin a u t h o r s ) o t h e r types o f t e x t s .
74
73
and a virtue m e n t i o n e d in many
B o t h c o n c o r d a n d excellence o f word and deed (also a
15
c o m m o n topos ) imply corporate h u m a n interaction. B e h i n d Plutarch's writ ing lies the view o f a society that flourishes while at peace with its neighbors, and m a d e up o f m e n another.
7 6
o f like m i n d w h o prosper in their dealings with o n e
77
D o e s Plutarch's understanding o f prayer resemble James's? does, o n many levels.
Certainly it
J a m e s and Plutarch share the ideas that petitionary
prayer constitutes o n e part o f the h u m a n side o f a relationship with the divine realm, that the primary source o f disorder a n d h a r m is to b e found in h u m a n s themselves, that G o d or the gods l o o k after h u m a n welfare, and that divine help can c o m e in the form o f virtuous attributes: J a m e s n a m e s wisdom; Plu tarch, peace, c o n c o r d ,
78
a n d success in word a n d d e e d .
79
Even here, J a m e s
concurs with Plutarch a b o u t the value o f proper speech a n d acts, a n d the con fluence o f the two. Clearly, b o t h present the religious act o f prayer in moral terms, and b o t h are c o n c e r n e d about the corrupting influence o f outsiders: James talks about being stained by the values o f "the world"; Plutarch, a b o u t the polluting influence o f foreigners. T h e s e similarities also bring to light i m p o r t a n t dissimilarities at the level o f category.
Regarding the identity o f the c o m m u n i t y a n d danger posed by
outsiders, James's rejection o f "the world" suggests that h e is writing from a minority a n d relatively powerless position in society, whereas Plutarch's cate gory o f the "barbarian" indicates his majority stance. Plutarch holds firm opi n i o n s a b o u t what is a n c i e n t and proper in G r e e k culture, drawing
sharp
distinctions between that c o m p e n d i u m o f ideas a n d what he considers to b e new and rude. F u r t h e r m o r e , whereas in the epistle o f J a m e s , praying morally means interceding o n b e h a l f o f the Christian c o m m u n i t y that is a b o u t to un dergo judgment, in On Superstition, n e i t h e r the category o f intercession n o r that o f the tightly defined c o m m u n i t y registers. R a t h e r , in On Superstition, o n e prays for virtuous dealings with others, and o n e maintains G r e e k customs by
• G R E C O - R O M A N VISIONS OF C O R P O R A T E LIFE •
63
s h u n n i n g foreign religious ways. In J a m e s , therefore, prayer binds the Chris tian c o m m u n i t y to G o d .
T h a t c o m m u n i t y is formed by its shared struggle
against the rich w h o love this world, and by its attempt to dismantle in part, or at least to ignore in part, the surrounding cultural mores until the Lord c o m e s . Plutarch also expresses n o political aim for h u m a n interactions as we saw in Plato's Laws, b u t offers a third way o f conceiving o f corporate c o n c e r n s : the preservation o f G r e e k culture, very broadly conceived, with n o evident con cerns a b o u t the workings o f the polis and the place o f religion in civic life, a n d without any n o t i o n o f benefiting h u m a n s beyond the present existence. J a m e s finds his place in the b r o a d stream o f Platonic moral c o n c e r n s , par ticularly in his use o f familiar topoi, b u t also through his c o n c e r n that, left to their own, h u m a n s will take up many mistaken beliefs and will engage in all sorts o f ignoble practices. Y e t for b o t h Plato a n d Plutarch, there is great opti mism a b o u t the social entity in the here and now: for Plato, the "second best" polis can b e realized, while for Plutarch, all that is good and n o b l e a b o u t G r e e k ways can be maintained, i f the foreign stain can be scrubbed away. James, o n the o t h e r hand, focuses all h o p e for right behavior o n specific con gregations, while resistance rather t h a n renewal is the c o m m u n i t y ' s proper re sponse to society at large. O n l y G o d will establish justice o n earth. B o t h Plato and Plutarch treat the practice o f divine healing negatively. Plato's only reference to the practice occurs within his statement that the gods c a n n o t be bribed by special acts o f appeasement, and Plutarch denigrates at tempts to appease the gods' wrath and consulting with professional magicians. Confession o f sins apparently does n o t fall within their treatments o f proper piety. U n p r e j u d i c e d accounts o f these practices will b e taken up in the n e x t chapter.
Correction in Two Moralists W h e n we turn to the practice o f correction, we nevertheless remain in the world o f the moralists. In G r e e k and R o m a n authors, discussions o f a p a p T i a and p e T a v o i a often appear in two types o f m o r a l literature: those dealing with the topos o f friendship ((J)iX(a), and treatises o n the role o f the philosopher. From the standpoint o f J u d a i c and later C h r i s t i a n writings, in w h i c h these acts form a core practice in religious liturgy, their infrequency in G r e c o - R o m a n works dealing with piety is conspicuous. As with Judaic and C h r i s t i a n ideas, however, in G r e c o - R o m a n works, the ideas o f c o m m i t t i n g wrongs and repent ing o f t h e m are closely linked to the n o t i o n o f correction. M a n y philosophers and moralists in particular talk about the role that correction plays a m o n g citi-
64
•JAMES RILEY
STRANGE
zens (by which they almost uniformly m e a n adult males o f the upper classes). In contrast to the legal system, which enforces sanctions against those who vio late the formal legal code, within the informal institutions o f friendship and philosophy, rebukes reinforce b o t h m o r a l n o r m s , which are derived from phi losophical systems, and social mores, which at times form the milieu in w h i c h philosophies operate, and at others supply foils for the philosophers' teach ings. T h e current section provides an e x a m i n a t i o n o f what Plutarch has to say about the practice o f correction between friends, then it will take up Epictetus' advice about the societal role o f C y n i c philosophers.
Telling the T r u t h : Plutarch, How to Tell a Flatterer from a Friend Before considering what Plutarch has to say a b o u t mutual correction a m o n g friends, we should first like to k n o w what he thinks friendship i s .
80
Plutarch
writes within a long tradition o f extended essays o n the nature o f friendship: H o m e r c o m m e n t e d o n its theory and p r a c t i c e ,
81
and Aristotle is credited with
writing the first systematic treatises o n the s u b j e c t .
82
F o r his part, Aristotle
classifies friendship into three categories: friendship grounded in pleasure, in utility, a n d in virtue (or "character friendship").
83
Because it is the only purely
altruistic friendship, character friendship is the o n e "true type" o f t h e category, yet all three have their bases in Aristotle's idea o f "the c o m m u n a l life o f the classical p o l i s , " his discussion.
84
85
and so a "larger network o f social obligation" stands b e h i n d In contrast with Aristotle's interpretation, Plutarch does n o t
link the relationship o f (JMAICX to the social and political workings o f the state, although elements o f social obligation and c o m m u n a l urban life within the 86
R o m a n E m p i r e are visible in the treatise On Having Many Friends.
H e dwells,
instead, o n the personal aspects o f friendship, focusing o n the mutual activi ties and intercourse in w h i c h friends engage.
87
Nevertheless, friendship in Plutarch's writings bears the marks o f an in formal social institution. T h e r e are implicit rules governing w h o may b e c o m e friends and what being a friend entails: what obligations o n e may properly place o n friends, and what duties o n e bears towards t h e m . Friendship is, first o f all, a relationship between people o f like social status. T h i s claim Plutarch does n o t state outright, b u t in his portrayals o f interactions between friends in b o t h On Having Many Friends and How to Tell a Flatterer from a Friend, Plutarch deals exclusively with friendship between male m e m b e r s o f the upper classes.
88
89
Friends sing, dance, wrestle, hunt, study, and d r i n k t o g e t h e r ; they attend o n e a n o t h e r to the c o u r t s , 93
90
baths,
91
92
and t h e a t e r s ; they eat at o n e another's din 94
ner parties ; they j o i n o n e a n o t h e r o n long j o u r n e y s ; they declaim and lec-
G R E C O R O M A N VISIONS OF CORPORATE
ture together before various b o d i e s ;
95
65
LIFE*
96
they loan o n e a n o t h e r m o n e y ; they are
97
familiar with o n e a n o t h e r ' s h o m e s ; and they engage in many o t h e r c o m m o n pursuits.
98
T h e s e activities form the arena for friendship, b u t they also m a r k
out s o m e o f its social duties: i f a friend invites you to j o i n h i m in o n e o f these activities, there is s o m e obligation to accept, for two o f friendship's aims are mutual pleasure and utility.
99
T o say that friendship occurs between people o f a social class, o n the o t h e r hand, does n o t m e a n that friendship crosses n o social boundaries, for in Plu tarch's essays we can detect the subtle calculus that distributes people i n t o a social layer's various s u b d i v i s i o n s .
100
F o r example, the very existence o f those
who engage in flattery (r) KoAaKEia)—a counterfeit friendship—suggests that a status inequity exists in the upper classes, a n d that o n e way to acquire power for o n e s e l f is to manipulate m o r e powerful people t h r o u g h o b s e q u i o u s atten tions.
101
Occasionally, Plutarch will speak o f a ruler's friends a n d
pseudo-
friends, yet in these cases the inequities in t h e relationship are clear, even though b o t h parties are a r i s t o c r a t s .
102
T h e flatterer (6 KoAa£) negotiates an
e c o n o m i c system in w h i c h status is a limited resource: although flatterers can n o t erase the line that separates t h e m from persons o f greater influence, they can reduce the gap through association.
Perhaps because the social system
makes such a state o f affairs possible, Plutarch argues that a friendship o u g h t to develop over a long t i m e , and o n e should e n t e r i n t o it with d i s c e r n m e n t and following s o m e testing rather t h a n after t h e sharing o f a single drink. Af ter all, it is difficult to extricate o n e s e l f from a b a d Concerning
friendship's
103
friendship.
aim, " T r u e friendship," according to Plutarch,
"seeks after three things above all else: virtue [TTJV apeTrjv] as a good thing [KCXAOV], intimacy [Tr|v ouvr)9Eiav] as a pleasant thing [r)5u], and usefulness [TT)V Xpeiav] as a necessary thing [ a v a y K o i o v ] . "
104
In making this claim, o n w h i c h
he elaborates little, Plutarch apparently collapses Aristotle's three categories o f friendship i n t o a single o n e . A l l friendships exist to bring pleasure to the par ties i n v o l v e d ,
105
and people may take advantage o f t h e m for m u t u a l b e n e f i t .
106
Plutarch expresses n o c o n c e r n that such an understanding rules o u t the possi bility that a friendship o f pure virtue (Aristotle's "character"
friendship)
could
exist, since it erases the prospect o f true altruism taking place within the rela tionship.
107
Plutarch is addressing a n o t h e r issue, namely that the necessary as
pects o f all friendships preclude having several true friendships, since having many friends dilutes the qualities o f virtue, enjoyment, and usefulness rather than strengthening t h e m .
1 0 8
T h e s e qualities also play a role in the use o f frank speech between
friends.
A c c o r d i n g to Plutarch, a critical e l e m e n t in any friendship is t h e ability, in deed the necessity, for a friend (<J>(Aos) to a d m o n i s h a n o t h e r w h e n he errs,
66
•JAMES RILEY STRANGE •
thus restoring to friendship its requisite virtuous behavior, pleasurable interac tion, and mutual benefit.
T h i s discussion marks o n e o f Plutarch's distinct
emphases in the G r e c o - R o m a n topos o f f r i e n d s h i p .
109
As in the earlier essay, On Superstition, here Plutarch engages in secondorder moral discourse. H e h i m s e l f does n o t construct an ethical s c h e m e , b u t with the Platonic ethical system and virtues as background, he assumes that the best society is o n e in which citizens are happiest, that wronging a
friend
disrupts the h a r m o n y that ought to exist between individuals (most o f all be tween friends), and that mutual correction d o n e properly is the means to re storing
concord
between
close friends
and
thus
to
preserving
societal
harmony. J a m e s t o o promotes mutual correction a m o n g people o f like status, and has in m i n d the preservation o f the social order, as he understands it. A n analysis o f Plutarch's essay thus gives us the opportunity to c o m p a r e the reli gious, moral, a n d c o m m u n i t a r i a n practice o f correction in J a m e s with a n o t h e r text that makes a systematic statement a b o u t right h u m a n relationships, a n d that draws its assumptions a b o u t the good life from the Platonic tradition. A t the e n d o f his treatise dealing with flattery, Plutarch devotes a substan tial segment o f the essay to a discussion o f frankness (r) T r a p p n o i a ) between friends, virtually treating it as a topos o n its own; we begin with the first section that he devotes in full to the subject (Adul
amic. 6 6 E ) .
1 1 0
In laying o u t the
practice o f frankness, Plutarch's first task is to differentiate between admoni tion (vouSsoia) and what he calls "fault-finding" (pE|Jv|/is, "blame"). Altruism provides the distinction: a d m o n i t i o n is motivated by goodwill ( E l i v o i a ) toward the o n e being corrected, rather than by anger (opyf)).
It must n o t be self-
serving, deriving from the desire to redress a personal slight, but, instead, should be "friendly" ((JMAIKOV) and " n o b l e " (ospvov). T h r o u g h his use o f "no ble," Plutarch apparently ties the institution o f friendship to the highest social strata, the only strata that h e considers. By extension, pseudo-frankness/faultfinding is "selfish" ((|>{AauTOv) and " m e a n " (piKpoAoyov), h e n c e antithetical to friendship a n d by implication e n d e m i c to the lower classes. Plutarch expands u p o n these ideas presently, in Adul. amic. 6 7 B , in w h i c h he ties altruism to intention: what does o n e mean to do by confronting friends, repay t h e m in like kind for the wrong d o n e , o r cause t h e m to better themselves t h r o u g h r e p e n t a n c e ?
111
Based o n the assumption that i f a person
confronts merely to redress a personal injury, the a d m o n i t i o n is self-serving, Plutarch gives retribution n o legitimate role in frankness between f r i e n d s .
112
It
also follows that when o n e has b e e n wronged by a friend, o n e o u g h t to con front
h i m because these "lapses" are sure to have affected others in a similar
way.
H e n c e , the injured party uses frankness in order to do g o o d to others,
b o t h the friend and o t h e r injured parties. As Dionysius says to Plato, in the
GRECO-ROMAN VISIONS OF CORPORATE LIFE •
67
realm o f h u m a n interactions, i n t e n t i o n (r) TTpoaipEOis) is as i m p o r t a n t as ac tions ( e p y a ) a r e .
113
T h e vocabulary o f social error and c o r r e c t i o n in this section also requires some
comment.
Plutarch
urges
his
readers
not
to
take
into
account
a p a p T r m a T C X c o m m i t t e d toward themselves when a d m o n i s h i n g their friends. In the writings o f the S e p t u a g i n t and N e w T e s t a m e n t , o f course, this term (and its m u c h m o r e frequently used cognate, a n a p x ( a ) forms part o f a techni cal argot that writers use to deal with the issue o f sin, r e p e n t a n c e , and atone ment.
Plutarch's usage, however, follows the c o n v e n t i o n in G r e e k texts
written before the New T e s t a m e n t writings began having an influence o n G r e c o - R o m a n culture.
Plutarch locates the p r o b l e m o f a p a p T f ) | j a T a and their re
dress within the c o m p l e x web o f social interactions e n d e m i c to friendship.
In
this c o n t e x t , the problem o f sin refers to "lapses" in the protocols that deter m i n e proper behavior between individuals.
Plutarch shows that such is the
case
notes"
when
he
aM(xp"rf)|JC(Ta,
115
uses
TTAr)|j|jEAEiai
("false
114
)
as
a
synonym
for
and at the e n d o f the passage when he speaks o f "neglect"
( T t a p o p a c o ) a n d "slight" (OM^AECO).
T h e c o m m o n vocabulary o f sin and a t o n e m e n t in t h e Septuagint a n d N e w T e s t a m e n t can b e stated in a progression, " s i n " - " c o n f e s s " - " r e p e n t " - " f o r g i v e " (aMapTi^TrapaiTTcoMa-bMoA a(J>.nni/aTroAuco). W h e r e a s h u m a n s c o m m i t the first three acts, the final ac tion in the s e q u e n c e belongs to G o d , w h i c h at the level o f vocabulary a l o n e suggests that although sin consists o f wrongs c o m m i t t e d by h u m a n s against their fellows, so that redress involves the same parties, the ultimate conse q u e n c e s o f sin—death o r salvation—find redress only in G o d . rection, therefore, are a religious p r o b l e m and solution.
E r r o r a n d cor
In Plutarch, the
counterpart vocabulary is expressed in the progression, " e r r o r " - " c o r r e c t i o n " " r e p e n t a n c e " (aMapTnMa-TTappnoia/vou0Eaia-METavoia/ETTiaTpE<|)co). A s this language suggests, for Plutarch, the p r o b l e m and solution o f error fall entirely within the realm o f social interactions; the gods are n o t involved. T h i s fact is brought to light in particular in an a n e c d o t e about Plato and Dionysius that shares similarities with N a t h a n ' s c o n f r o n t a t i o n with D a v i d ,
116
b u t in w h i c h n o
god plays a role: Dionysius slighted a friend A e s c h i n e s , Plato told Dionysius a parable a b o u t s o m e o n e erring in a similar way, Dionysius asked w h o this per son might b e , Plato replied that it was he, a n d Dionysius straightway "paid to A e s c h i n e s h o n o r a b l e and distinguished a t t e n t i o n s . "
117
As a c o m p o n e n t o f friendship, c o r r e c t i o n is c o n c e r n e d with the produc tion o f virtuous behavior through r e p e n t a n c e . Just as c o r r e c t i o n restores vir tue, it also employs it. T h i s is true b o t h o f the i n t e n t i o n s o f o n e w h o corrects and o f his m e t h o d s , as Plutarch states when h e discusses the necessity o f virtu-
68
JAMES RILEY
STRANGE
ous speech in frankness ( 6 7 E - F ) . In this passage we n o t e Plutarch's use o f vir tue and vice lists, a c o m m o n rhetorical device in G r e c o - R o m a n moralists. O n e w h o is a d m o n i s h i n g a friend may b e tempted to h o l d h i m up for ridicule o r coarse mockery, as t h e vices o f "arrogance" (ii(3pis), "ridicule" (yeAcos), "scoffing" (oKGDMpa), and "ribaldry" ((icoMoAoxia) indicate. A t the e n d o f the passage Plutarch c o n d e m n s the use o f " i n s o l e n c e " (SpaauTrjs), "offensiveness" (pSeAupia), a n d " a r r o g a n c e , "
118
and in a later list he decries offensiveness"
(AuTrnpov), "bitterness" (TTiKpov), "ribaldry", "puerility"
(TTCCI5ICO5SS),
"inconti
n e n c e " ( a K p a a i a ) , " m a l i c e " (KaKor)0sia), "arrogance," a n d "enmity" (e'xSpa). W h e r e a s the virtues o f "tact" ( T O
STTISS^IOV)
119
and "urbanity" ( T O a o T e i o v ) , as
forms o f graciousness (xocpis), are appropriate for frankness (although their overuse may impair it), these vices sour the effect o f frank speech, for they are likely to b e perceived as abusive rather than corrective, a n d so inspire retribu tion. W h e n dealing with a person in a position o f power, this is a dangerous tactic, for, " B y employing it m e n eventually bring a b o u t their own destruc tion...," says P l u t a r c h .
120
A s p r o o f o f this peril, Plutarch reminds his readers
that in response to ill-spoken a d m o n i s h m e n t s , Dionysius put A n t i p h o n death, and Augustus removed T i m a g e n e s from his circle o f f r i e n d s .
to
121
In this passage, the p r e p o n d e r a n c e o f vices stands out, b a l a n c e d as it is on ly by the virtues o f tact a n d urbanity in the service o f graciousness. Like the surgeon's
motions,
(eupuOpia) and
frankness
should
be
characterized
by
"orderliness"
"neatness" (Ka0apiOTr)s), a n d Plutarch likewise provides a
spare a n d succinct description o f virtue.
T h e flatterer, o n the o t h e r h a n d , is
like the bad surgeon w h o gesticulates incautiously while operating, a n d Plu tarch likewise draws o u t an overlong, repetitious catalog o f vices. S o m u c h for the use o f cautious and gracious frank speech. In Adul. amic. 6 8 F - 6 9 F , Plutarch devotes a b r i e f passage to the c o n d i t i o n s that require m o r e severity.
H e cautions that a d m o n i t i o n is m o r e appropriate and necessary in
good times t h a n in bad, "[f]or there are few persons w h o in good fortune have still a sober m i n d , " a n d a d m o n i t i o n can be a source o f reason in the face o f excess pride.
In misfortune, o n the o t h e r h a n d , "there is in these calamities
alone a d m o n i t i o n e n o u g h to work r e p e n t a n c e [ p E T a v o i a ] . "
1 2 2
By implication,
a person enjoying the successes o f life gives reign to the vices e n u m e r a t e d in the current passage: "pleasure" (rjSovf]), "anger" (opyf)), "arrogance" (ii(3pis), "love o f m o n e y " (<|>.Aayupia), a n d "folly" ( a v o r j T O s ) . In this section, we also finally begin to resolve the unanswered q u e s t i o n , what is the aim o f frankness, according to Plutarch? It is to turn t h e corrected o n e b a c k to m o r a l behavior.
Plutarch addresses the issue obliquely when he
m e n t i o n s offhand that misfortune itself brings repentance, and w h e n he re c o u n t s how Plato was able to "turn" (oTp6<|)co) the heart o f Alcibiades by "con-
69
• G R E C O - R O M A N VISIONS OF C O R P O R A T E LIFE •
victing" h i m (E^EAEYXCO).
Likewise, m u c h earlier in Flatterer, before h e has
given his full attention to frankness, Plutarch talks a b o u t o n e w h o "implants the sting o f r e p e n t a n c e " (Snypov EJJTTOICOV Kai pETCCVOiav) in t h o s e w h o are "making mistakes and blunders" ( a p a p T a v c o o i
Kai TrAnpjjEAcoaiv).
123
True
frankness, claims Plutarch, is what a friend applies to "errors b e i n g c o m m i t 124
ted" ( a n a p T a v o M E V O i s ) ; it smarts a n d cleanses ( K a 0 a p ( £ c o ) like honey; it is like "a m e d i c i n e w h i c h restores a n d preserves health" (<j>apMaKco...aco£ovxi Kai <J>uAaTTOVTI TO 0EpaTTEu6|JEVOV).
125
W i t h this last statement, w h i c h appears n e a r the b e g i n n i n g o f Plutarch's essay, we hit u p o n a simile that pervades the w o r k .
126
Plutarch regularly c o m
pares the e r r o r - a d m o n i t i o n - r e p e n t a n c e progression o f social interactions t o sickness, treatment, and cure. As m e d i c i n e s a n d surgeries are bitter and pain ful, yet bring restoration ( o c o T n p i a ) a n d healing ( 0 6 p a T T E ( a / i a T p E i a ) from var ious maladies, so we must treat "frankness...[as] the greatest a n d m o s t p o t e n t m e d i c i n e [4>ap|jaK0v] in friendship," applying it at t h e proper o c c a s i o n a n d tempering it with m o d e r a t i o n (pETpov).
127
In this way, frank speech will en
courage friends "to repent o f errors" (pETavoETv a i i a p T O V T a ) by impelling t h e m toward what is " n o b l e " (KOAOS) and away from what is "disgraceful" (aloxos).'
2 8
Frankness in Plutarch focuses squarely o n the issue o f m o r a l behavior, al though what precisely such behavior entails is n o t always evident.
T h i s is be
cause Plutarch's construal o f right acts and i n t e n t i o n s c o n c e n t r a t e s o n general modes o f proper c o n d u c t between social peers, rather than o n
particular
deeds. F o r Plutarch, m a n n e r s comprises a large part o f morality, a n d they play a necessary role in a good society. T h i s may b e inferred because Plutarch rele gates friendship to the highest classes, and because these classes d o m i n a t e the major social institutions that form t h e b e d r o c k o f civilization. It is clear that Plutarch a n d J a m e s alike share a c o n c e r n for m o r a l speech acts: they p r o m o t e ways o f speaking that have a visible, positive effect o n the behavior o f a person's close associates. In particular, Plutarch endorses t h e use o f verbal c o n f r o n t a t i o n , a n d indicates that it s h o u l d h a p p e n privately between two individuals. J a m e s has n o specific instructions for h o w c o r r e c t i o n s h o u l d take place between assembly m e m b e r s , yet based o n t h e case o f the elders' prayers for healing, J a m e s may expect a group o f m e m b e r s to speak to straying brothers o r sisters in their own h o m e s . Plutarch and J a m e s also b o t h present correction as an altruistic practice that brings benefit to the o n e being cor rected.
F o r Plutarch this benefit takes the form o f behavior reformed o r
"saved"—vice friendship
abandoned
and
between people.
virtue
resumed—particularly
as
it c o n c e r n s
J a m e s ' s language o f "saving" the "soul
from
death" brings to m i n d b o t h his previous r e m i n d e r o f G o d ' s promised "crown
70
•JAMES
RILEY
STRANGE
o f life" to the faithful ( 1 : 1 2 ) , and the apocalyptic warnings that h e aims at the corrupt rich ( 5 : 1 - 5 ) . T h u s , o n c e again, agreement reveals differences o f substance that distin guish, in e a c h text, the systems o f thought animating those details. again c o n f r o n t e d by the absence o f b o t h eschatological and
W e are
communitarian
c o n c e r n s in Plutarch, a n d can quickly pass over these characteristics: Plutarch cares about the effect that correction has o n individuals in the here and now, whereas J a m e s talks a b o u t the present preservation o f the c o m m u n i t y a n d its salvation at "the c o m i n g o f the Lord." A n o t h e r systemic difference lies in Plu tarch's focus o n customs governing the interactions between friends, or man ners.
S u c h rules o f civility and obligatory reciprocity between friends—even
informal rules such as we find in Plutarch—find n o counterpart in J a m e s ,
1 2 9
w h o for his part talks a b o u t sin, sin's c o n s e q u e n c e s , a n d its two opposites: ex piation or forgiveness, w h i c h results in the r e i n f o r c e m e n t o f c o m m u n i t y cohesiveness, and acts o f social justice, such as giving aid to the destitute. T h e most striking c o n f l u e n c e between the two texts lies in their use o f similar imagery for the process o f c o r r e c t i o n .
In Plutarch we find the se
quence o f error-admonishment-repentance
analogous to the process o f sick
ness-treatment-cure.
particular
This
simile
finds
resonance
with
the
correlation in J a m e s between s i n - c o n f e s s i o n - t u r n i n g and the sequence o f sickness-prayer-healing.
Plurarch, for his part, compares the problem o f so
cial error to falling ill, a n d the correction o f error to the process o f physical recovery.
T h e analogy is appropriate at m a n y points, according to Plutarch,
for just as the o n e w h o c o m m i t s social missteps corresponds to the patient, so the o n e w h o corrects epitomizes the physician, since b o t h the physician's pre scriptions a n d frank speech cause further discomfort before bringing a b o u t restoration—one o f physical health, the o t h e r o f virtuous behavior.
W e may
extend the simile by implication to include the fine distinctions a m o n g indi viduals o f a particular class, for the informal institution o f friendship gives an ordinary person rights a n d responsibilities similar to what a physician has gained t h r o u g h training and experience: b o t h are obligated to "treat" those o f higher station. In James, by contrast, the two processes o f correction and healing corre late, n o t as a simile o r analogy, b u t because they b o t h lead to the forgiveness o f sins a n d h e n c e to salvation. N o t h i n g m o r e plainly indicates the role o f correc tion in J a m e s as a religious practice expressed in typically m o r a l discourse. C o r r e c t i o n , o r "turning" in James, deals with the problem o f sin, w h i c h J a m e s interprets as a pursuit o f o n e ' s own desire to the d e t r i m e n t o f fellow c o m m u nity m e m b e r s , a n d in violation o f G o d ' s will. T h i s divine will, in turn, finds expression in G o d ' s governance o f justice t h r o u g h G o d ' s law. I f it is success-
• GRECO-ROMAN VISIONS OF CORPORATE
LIFE
71
ful, correction results in the resubmission o f the s i n n e r to G o d ' s will, and re newed efforts at carrying o u t altruistic acts directed toward the good o f the as sembly and the care o f the needy. Finally, m o r e than in the previous two writings, J a m e s ' s c o m m u n i t a r i a n vision stands in stark contrast to Plutarch's corporate c o n c e r n . Plutarch's so cial vision is even m o r e vaguely spelled o u t here than in O n Superstition, and rather than the categories o f G r e e k "tradition" and "culture" he apparently envisions the R o m a n empire, signified by an acceptance o f rigid class hierar chy, political and social institutions present in every R o m a n city, and an ex ploitation o f the pax Romana, which enables people to take long journeys in relative safety. In Plutarch, friends are at the top o f this social world and freely navigate its advantages.
T h i s same empire is implicit in James's Diaspora, law
courts, and "world"; J a m e s ' s beloved brothers and sisters occupy the lower rungs o f the empire's social ladder, living as exiles, suffering in the courts, and avoiding the corrupting world. T h e writings o f o n e o f Plutarch's contemporaries reveals a contrasting un derstanding o f correction, and yet a n o t h e r opportunity for c o m p a r i s o n with James's.
T h e M o r a l C o m m e n t a t o r : Epictetus, " O n the Calling of a Cynic" In this t r e a t i s e ,
130
the former slave Epictetus (c. 5 0 - 1 2 0 )
1 3 1
advises an ac
q u a i n t a n c e w h o has expressed an interest in taking up the life o f a C y n i c phi losopher, and w h o wants to k n o w what type o f character such a person should possess.
Epictetus, h i m s e l f a S t o i c w h o thinks highly o f the C y n i c practice,
nevertheless cautions that few possess the moral fortitude necessary for living in such a way.
In the first place, public confrontation o f any and everyone
regardless o f his social standing requires that the C y n i c possess a pure "govern ing principle" (TO rjyEMOViKOv),
132
for, in contrast to o t h e r craftspeople, the
m i n d (r) S i a v o i a ) supplies the only material that the C y n i c can work. F o r this reason Epictetus's essay is a proper logos protreptikos, although his discourse is largely negative, warning o f the rigors e n d e m i c to the profession he a d m i r e s .
133
" O n the Calling o f a C y n i c " is a text suitable for c o m p a r i s o n with J a m e s because it focuses o n a particular way o f life that stands in direct opposition to b o t h "popular" societal values (the amassing o f wealth, the a t t a i n m e n t o f so cial status, strong political a m b i t i o n ) and s o m e classical G r e e k virtues and val ues as well (appropriate speech, moderate prosperity and comfort, personal modesty, cleanliness, and a reserved d i s p o s i t i o n ) .
134
Epictetus' treatise o n the
Cynic's calling provides a vision o f society and the types o f m o r a l problems that characterize day-to-day living in it, the duty and character o f the C y n i c in
72
•JAMES RILEY
STRANGE*
relation to—really in opposition to—those problems, the divine m a n d a t e that makes the C y n i c life necessary, and the telos o f C y n i c c o r r e c t i o n . A s we know, James t o o talks a b o u t "the world" a n d its polluting and abusive influence, t h e moral character o f m e m b e r s o f the Diaspora in relation to that influence, the divine law that stands b e h i n d their way o f life, and the c o m i n g j u d g m e n t . M a t c h i n g categories, disproportionate categories, and those that exist in o n e text b u t n o t the o t h e r will help illuminate distinctive characteristics o f each. W e begin with Diatr. 3 . 2 2 . 2 3 - 2 5 , in w h i c h Epictetus states that the true C y n i c must u n d e r s t a n d t h a t his calling ultimately is from the gods, a claim that links Epictetus's understanding o f the divine sphere to his morality: cor rection between h u m a n s is a tool in G o d ' s influence over the social o r d e r .
135
T h e C y n i c is b o t h messenger ( a y y e A o s ) and scout ( K a T a o K O T t o s ) o f Zeus, con fronting those w h o "have gone astray" (TrenAavnvTai) in matters o f "good a n d evil" (ITSpi a y a 0 c o v Kai KOKCOV), a n d warning o f m o r a l pitfalls that lie in t h e path ahead. Describing the C y n i c ' s role still leaves o p e n the issue o f the origin o f hu m a n error.
I n t e r m i n g l e d with this divine-messenger imagery are allusions to
aspects o f the h u m a n rational capacity: will, m i n d , and perception.
People in
general l o o k for good in all the wrong places: a p r o b l e m o f understanding, o r mind.
C o n s e q u e n t l y , in confronting this m o r a l lapse, the C y n i c ' s task is to
tell "the truth" (TaArjBf]) a b o u t right deeds, a n d a b o u t what actions h o l d po tential for wrong, a duty that he o r s h e
1 3 6
from e m o t i o n s o r mistaken perceptions.
must carry o u t without any influence T h i s is because Cynics themselves
are susceptible to deception o f what Epictetus calls the "external impressions" (oi ( j ) a v T a o ( o i ) .
Cynics m u s t keep themselves o n the c o r r e c t "path," avoiding
the pitfalls that distract ( T t a p a T a p a x ^ ) a n d confuse (ouyxeco) perception, while simultaneously correcting the understanding o f others. T h e central h u m a n p r o b l e m is wrong perception o r understanding o f what is good, an error that proceeds naturally from the h u m a n desire for "se renity and happiness" (TO eiipov K a i TO suSaiMOViKOv).
137
T h e p r o b l e m arises
when people rely u p o n the wrong sorts o f things to obtain these goods.
In a
discourse either attributed to o r set forth in the m a n n e r o f Socrates, Epictetus allows that the great deception to w h i c h h u m a n beings s u c c u m b is to believe that happiness can b e found
in anything having to d o with the material
world—either in matter itself, o r in social stations that, like matter, function as limited, limited goods: the body (acopa), possessions (K"TT|ais), office (apxr|), and royalty ((iaoiAEia).
138
H e r e Epictetus specifies the external impressions to
which h e earlier alluded: these distract and confuse perception, causing those w h o see t h e m as sources o f happiness to leave the path (65ov) o f right under standing.
Epictetus uses a perennial illustration (familiar from biblical im-
73
• GRECO-ROMAN VISIONS OF C O R P O R A T E L I F E *
agery as well): as truth is light, so lack o f understanding is blindness or dark ness. ,
E p i c t e t u s dualistic division o f reality leads to a question posed in dialogue form: i f the good is n o t to be found in such things, in what t h e n does it lie, asks a (somewhat skeptical) imagined i n t e r l o c u t o r .
139
T a k i n g the role o f Socra
tes for himself, Epictetus attempts to c o n v i n c e the interlocutor that the answer lies within an individual.
T h e first c o n c e s s i o n that Epictetus wins is that the
good ( T O aya0ov) is equivalent to "serenity, happiness, freedom from re straint" ( T O Eiipouv, T O euSaipoviKOV, T O aTrapairoSiOTOv). D o such things ex ist in what is a slave (SouXrj), or in what is free (EAEUSEPCX), asks E p i c t e t u s .
140
T h e answer, naturally, is in what is free. S i n c e the body is subject to infirmity, and since inanimate objects are also limited, neither can be free in the sense that n o external force acts upon t h e m . Epictetus begins to drive h o m e his point in Diatr. 3 . 2 2 . 4 2 - 4 4 .
Human
beings possess two aspects that m e e t the criteria "unhindered a n d free" from all external limitations: the ability to c h o o s e to assent to the truth (the will), and the ability to perceive the truth (reason). B o t h characteristics are suscep tible to deception, but n e i t h e r can b e coerced, either to a wrong c h o i c e or a wrong perception.
F r e e d o m o f will and reason (together forming the rational
principle) are e n d e m i c to h u m a n s , making it the task o f the C y n i c to correct c o n c e p t i o n s a n d decisions when they go astray. T h r o u g h b o t h c o n f r o n t a t i o n and his o r her own m o d e o f living outside o f the n o r m a l societal constraints (understood as b o t h material goods and the rules governing propriety), the C y n i c reminds people that serenity is to be had only in maintaining from all external a t t a c h m e n t s .
freedom
141
T h i s lack o f attachments does n o t lead t h e C y n i c to live a life o f complete isolation, however.
T h e C y n i c philosopher, albeit n o t b o u n d by social at
tachments and their accompanying obligations (including involvement in poli tics and holding o f f i c e ,
142
as well as attaching o n e s e l f to the royal c o u r t
143
),
neither h e m m e d in by walls n o r tied to any particular place, and bearing n o weight o f ownership beyond the typical accoutrements o f the C y n i c , neverthe less fills a critical position in society.
Epictetus assembles a constellation o f
images to characterize the Cynic's social roll: overseer, savior, ruler, and kin. As a truth-teller, the C y n i c is to "supervise [ETTIOTCXTETV] the c o n d u c t o f other men,"
144
cov(av),
and in another place, " t o keep society going" (SiaocooEi TT)V K O I V 145
and in yet another, "to censure" (ETnTipav) certain people and "to
punish those w h o do wrong" (KOACC^EIV T O U S a p c c p T a v o v T a s ) .
1 4 6
In making
this last claim, Epictetus is contrasting Cynics with kings and tyrants, w h o mete o u t p u n i s h m e n t because their weapons and soldiers give t h e m the power to d o so, and w h o have n o need o f moral rectitude o f their own.
In contrast
74
•JAMES RILEY STRANGE •
to these, the C y n i c censures and punishes by "speaking freely" (iTappn— aia£ea0ai),
1 4 7
as i f "to his own b r o t h e r s [ T O U S C C S E X ^ O U S ] , to his c h i l d r e n [ x a
TEKva], in a word, to his k i n s m e n [auyYEVEfs],"
148
grounding his authority in
the purity o f his "governing principle" (rpyEpoviKOv) o r " c o n s c i e n c e " ( o u V E I S O S ) , and possessing b o t h "patient e n d u r a n c e " ( O V E K T I K O V ) purpose" (TTpoccipEOts).
150
149
and "moral
B e y o n d the use o f direct confrontation, C y n i c s also
correct by example, living their ascetic lives o u t in the open, and in so doing they prove the m e r i t o f their claims a b o u t the true path to the happy l i f e .
151
In b o t h " O n the Calling o f a C y n i c " and the Epistle o f James, the authors take up the role o f divinely appointed messengers as a hortatory device, a n d b o t h c o m b i n e this m o d e o f discourse with elements o f the diatribe form.
We
have seen that Epictetus understands the C y n i c to work as Zeus' a y y E X o s and KaTaoKOTTOs (scout), and that, in d e m o n s t r a t i n g how the C y n i c must assume the role o f Socrates, he addresses h u m a n i t y as i f from a stage, chastising it for its misapprehension o f the true nature o f good a n d evil, and therefore o f true happiness. Epictetus also engaged an imaginary interlocutor in o r d e r to argue that o n e ' s will a n d reason alone c a n rightly perceive t h e good.
B y these lay
ered strategies, Epictetus h i m s e l f takes o n t h e function o f the C y n i c , a n d h e n c e acts as m o u t h p i e c e for G o d , c o n f r o n t i n g and correcting misunderstand ings o f the nature o f things that result in m o r a l error.
F o r his part, J a m e s as
sumes the m a n t l e o f p r o p h e t w h e n at the outset he addresses congregations as "the twelve tribes o f the D i a s p o r a , "
152
Christian
and takes for h i m s e l f
the title, "slave o f G o d , " recalling scriptural passages that n a m e t h e prophets God's slaves.
153
E l e m e n t s o f his prophetic discourse appear m o s t clearly in
those sections that cite o r e c h o prophetic passages, prophets as e x a m p l e s ,
155
154
o r that h o l d up the
b u t also in those that share t h e m e s with the Latter
Prophets: warnings against neglect a n d abuse o f the p o o r , idolatry a n d its attendant h e d o n i s m ,
157
156
condemnations o f
s u m m o n s to r e p e n t a n c e ,
tations to patience while awaiting G o d ' s s a l v a t i o n .
159
158
and exhor
A t 2:18ff, J a m e s engages
his own interlocutor, w h o protests J a m e s ' s d e n u n c i a t i o n o f dead faith. J a m e s employs this apostrophe within a section that insists o n consistency between word a n d deed, a topic t h a t finds r e s o n a n c e with similar O T prophetic de mands.
160
In addition to their use o f prophetic imagery and discourse, Epictetus a n d James share a similar vocabulary.
T h e two authors deploy typical G r e e k ter
minology for wrongdoing, b o t h using language m e a n i n g "to go astray" (nXa— v a o 0 a i ) from the "path" (b5os) and "to err" (apccpTETv), yet each does so in a distinctive way. C h a p t e r 2 o f this study covered James's understanding o f sin, and we n o t e d that in places J a m e s links wrong actions to corresponding wrong modes o f t h o u g h t o r misunderstanding ( 1 : 7 , 1 9 , 2 2 , 2 6 ; 4 : 5 ) , in particular lay-
GRECO-ROMAN VISIONS OF CORPORATE
LIFE*
75
ing o u t the c o n s e q u e n c e s o f "earthly, unspiritual, d e m o n i c " wisdom ( 3 : 1 3 18). T h i s general problem manifests itself in many specific deeds, in particular those that affect the life o f the c o m m u n i t y , as we observed.
In Epictetus, by
contrast, a p a p T E i v refers almost exclusively to errors o f thought.
Epictetus
m e n t i o n s misunderstanding, misperception, a n d confusion a b o u t the true na ture o f things, b u t he states only in the most general terms h o w these errors manifest themselves in behavior (the search for happiness in what is "exter nal": wealth, position, and the like). As we might expect in a moral treatise from a S t o i c , Epictetus emphasizes the role o f the rational principle and its ul timate freedom from constraint, b u t he gives little attention to the vices that lack o f understanding can produce. T h e category o f the social entity again emerges as a significant area in which the discourses do n o t intersect, for although b o t h display a corporate concern—the very aim o f correction is the b e t t e r m e n t o f a group—the relation ship between the o n e correcting a n d the group is quite different.
B o t h au
thors envision their readers living within cities while advocating withdrawal from a way o f life that places value in wealth a n d social position; yet in J a m e s it is the c o m m u n i t y o f brothers and sisters itself that withdraws, while in Epic tetus' treatise, individual Cynics remove themselves from certain types o f so cial interaction and c o n n e c t i o n : C y n i c i s m is a solitary way o f life, tied to society primarily by the task o f c o n f r o n t a t i o n .
In C h a p t e r 2 we saw J a m e s ' s
vision for congregations w h o participate in civic life while taking up mores contrary to those o f "the world," a n d earlier sections o f this c h a p t e r recapitu late those conclusions. Epictetus t o o notes that Cynics operate within a coun ter-cultural value system, b u t in a way that contrasts sharply with J a m e s ' s vision o f interdependent believers. In the first place, the life o f the C y n i c is rigor ously individualistic yet with an aim to better the society that he o r she shuns: although they direct all o f their energies to confronting h u m a n errors—hence impelling people toward virtue—Cynics spurn attachments to o t h e r h u m a n s as m u c h as to material goods. M o r e importantly, in James, as with the efficacy o f prayer and the act o f confession, any m e m b e r within t h e c o m m u n i t y may cor rect the straying m e m b e r , whereas Epictetus's protrepsis treats correction as an acquired skill in an exclusive guild: few have the governing principle necessary to engage in the profession, and a m o n g those w h o do, fewer still c h o o s e to submit to the rigors o f the life.
As a result, James's ethic o f mutual, intra-
c o m m u n i t y altruism does n o t register in Epictetus, n o r does Epictetus's vision o f a large-scale society benefiting from the services o f experts register in J a m e s . W i t h his advocacy for mutual correction, J a m e s finds a place alongside the moralists w h o trace their lineage to Plato's G y m n a s i u m . In the m o r a l world o f the G r e c o - R o m a n Mediterranean, m u c h o f his exhortation finds c o m m o n
76
JAMES RILEY
STRANGE
c o n c e r n s a n d t h e m e s a m o n g writers w h o sought to shape G r e e k , a n d later Hellenistic a n d R o m a n society according to their own visions. Y e t at points James's categories o f t h o u g h t find n o m a t c h a m o n g the moralists, and because those differences are at the level o f category, they are consequential, making up c o m p o n e n t s o f a religious a n d moral system that is distinctive to J a m e s . W e will return to the question o f J a m e s ' s distinctiveness in the G r e c o - R o m a n world at the summarizing c o n c l u s i o n to C h a p t e r s 3 and 4 .
GRECO-ROMAN VISIONS OF CORPORATE LIFE*
77
Notes 1.
In many ways it would be most natural to investigate patterns of corporate life found in Epicureanism and Pythagoreansim, with their strong emphases on relatively small groups and moral behavior aimed at fellow participants. I do not consider them in this study for the simple reason that our information about these philosophical schools comes pri marily (although not exclusively, in the case of Epicurus) from secondary (albeit ancient) sources. See Iamblichus, Life of Pythagoras; Diogenes Laertius, Life of Pythagoras; Epicurus, Sovereign Maxims 14, 28; Fragments 23, 3 4 , 3 9 , 4 2 . For a recent study that gives some at tention to comparing Epicurean and Pythagorean ways of being religious with early Christian piety, see Luke Timothy Johnson, Among the Gentiles: Greco-Roman Religion and Christianity (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2009).
2.
For examples of texts that mention prayer (or piety) and prayer texts themselves, see Apulius, Met. 11.2; [Aristotle], Virt. vit. 1 2 5 0 B - 1 2 5 1 A ; Cato, Agr. 139, 141; Catullus 34, 6 3 . 9 2 - 9 3 , 64.104; Chariton, Chaer. (some 23 prayers; cf. 3 . 8 . 7 . 2 - 3 . 8 . 9 . 6 ) ; Cicero, Div. 1.129 ; C I L 12.4333; Corpus hiermeticum; Demosthenes 18.141; Heraclitus, Frg. 5; He rodotus 1.31; Hesiod, Op. 3 2 0 - 3 4 0 , 4 6 5 - 4 7 9 ; Theog. 5 3 5 - 5 5 7 ; Horace, Odes 3.6; Isaeus 8 . 1 5 - 1 6 ; Isocrates, Aerop. 7 . 2 9 - 3 0 ; Or. 15.246; Livy, Ab urb. 5.18.22, 2 9 . 2 7 . 2 - 4 ; Maximus of Tyre, Dissertatio 5; Menander Rhetor, Treatise I; Orphei Hymni 1-86; Pausanias 5 . 1 5 . 3 - 1 2 ; the many magical incantations and hymns in PGM; Pindar, Isthmian, Nemean, Olympian, and Pythian Odes; Plato, Leg. 1 0 . 8 8 7 D - E ; Pliny the Elder, Nat. 2 8 . 3 - 1 3 ; Plu tarch, Quaest. gr. 36; P. Oxy. 1070; Pseudo-Isocrates, Demon. 11; Sappho, Frg. 1; Seneca, Epist. 10.5, 4 1 . 1 ; Stobaeus, Ed. 3.9.23; Theophrastus, Caus. plant. 7.3.3, 9.8.8; Frg. 8.1; Xenophanes, Frg. 1, 2 3 - 2 6 ; Xenophon, Mem. 1.2.1-4; Lac. 8; Oec. 5 . 1 9 - 2 0 , 11.8; Xenophon of Ephesus, Eph. 4 . 3 . 3 - 4 , 5.4.6, 5.4.10. For many of the Greco-Roman prayer texts researched for this chapter I found four books in particular to be valuable sources: Michael Joseph Brown, The Lord's Prayer Through North African Eyes: A Window into Early Christianity (New York and London: T & T Clark International, 2004); Mark Kiley et al., eds., Prayer from Alexander to Constantine: A Critical Anthology (London and New York: Routledge, 1997); Simon Pulleyn, Prayer in Greek Religion (Oxford, U. K.: Clarendon Press, 1997); and H. S. Versnel, Faith Hope and Worship: Aspects of Religious Mentality in the Ancient World (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1981). For this chapter I have consulted some pray ers spoken by characters in plays, novels, and epics, but for the most part have avoided them. Pulleyn, Prayer includes very many prayers from Greek literanire.
3.
Menander of Laodicea, Menander Rhetor, ed. with trans, and commentary by D. A. Rus sell and N. G. Wilson (Oxford, U.K.: Clarendon Press, 1981), 3 3 1 . 4 - 3 4 4 . 1 4 .
4.
The attitude of scholarship toward the Laws shares some characteristics with Protestant scholarship toward James as well: the Laws has remained outside the mainstream of scho larship for several reasons, which include skepticism about its authenticity based on its perceived lack of cohesion and internal inconsistencies, and statements that apparently contradict Plato's other large political work, Republic. See, for example, Debra Nails and Holger Thesleff, "Early academic editing: Plato's Laws" in Plato's Laws; Proceedings of the VI Symposium Platonicum, Selected Papers, ed. Samuel Scolnicov and Luc Brisson, Interna tional Plato Studies (Sankt Augustin: Academia Verlag, 2003), 1 4 - 2 9 .
78
• JAMES RILEY STRANGE •
5.
6.
7.
Nails and Thesleff, "Academic Editing," 14. Cf. Christopher Gill, "The Laws—Is it a real dialogue?" in Plato's Laws; Proceedings of the VI Symposium Platonicum, Selected Papers, ed. Samuel Scolnicov and Luc Brisson, International Plato Studies (Sankt Augustin: AcademiaVerlag, 2003), 4 2 - 4 7 . The political and ethical discussion in the Republic, by contrast, centers around the ques tion of whether it is best in all circumstances to be just rather than unjust. Plato, Rep. 347E-367E. I rely on the translation, Plato, Laws, trans. R. G. Bury, L C L (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1967), slightly modified. Plato discusses prayers and hymns themselves in a few brief passages: see Leg. 7.801 A, D.
8.
The pilgrims are a stranger from Athens (generally accepted as Plato's spokesperson), Clinias (a Cretan), and a taciturn Spartan, Megillus, who is silent over this stretch of the road, as he is in much of the work.
9.
The grotto on Crete's Mt. Ida houses a temple to Zeus. See Burry's note 1 at 1.625B.
10. In some discussions of Greek religion, the gift given the gods through the observance of their religious rites is honor/-nur). Versnel, Faith Hope and Worship, 246; cf. Brown, Lord's Prayer, 42; Pulleyn, Prayer, 13. 11.
Leg. 4.717A.
12.
See the brief discussion in Brown, Lord's Prayer, 3 7 - 3 8 ; see also the extended treatment in Pulleyn, Prayer, 12ff; also Larry J. Alderink and Luther H. Martin, "Prayer in GrecoRoman Religions," in Kiley et al, Prayer, 1 2 3 - 2 7 .
13.
Pulleyn, Prayer, 7; cf. F. T. van Stratten, "Gifts for the Gods," in Versnel, Faith Hope and Worship, 6 5 .
14.
Pulleyn, Prayer, 1 2 - 1 3 .
15.
Ibid., 196ff. Pulleyn goes on to categorize Greek prayers according to just how a particu lar prayer requests something from the god in return for x ^ P ' S offered. See the catego ries of prayer in the Glossary of Terms in Pulleyn, Prayer, xv and the use of those terms in 1 6 - 3 8 ; cf. a similar list in J. M. Bremer, "Greek Hymns," in Versnel, Faith Hope and Wor ship, 196.
16.
Leg. 10.885D, 8 8 8 C ; the main argument is set forth in 9 0 5 D - 9 0 7 B . Euthyphr. 1 4 C E contains a similar criticism. Socrates makes a similar claim about the ineffectiveness of great sacrifices made by wicked men in Xenophon, Mem. 1.3.2. Cf. Theophrastus, 6.1.15; Maximus of Tyre, Diss. 5.3.
17.
Brown argues that, according to the philosophical critique of religion, "God's concern for humanity is like the sun's way of doing good, which benefits the myriad forms of life on earth but receives no benefits from the good it produces (omnibenevolence)." Fur thermore, says Brown, in this critique, the system of reciprocity, "as it was commonly understood, was no longer an operative principle. The gods could not be propitiated through prayer and sacrifice. The intention behind the cultic act and its conformability to tradition became the primary criterion by which to judge its acceptability" (Brown, Lord's Prayer, 5 1 ) . The passage of Leg. under examination supports some aspects of such a view, for although the Athenian makes no mention of tradition here (it is impossible to tell if the rites to which he alludes in 1 0 . 8 8 7 D - E are considered ancient), he does explic itly state that a god will not receive a gift from a wicked person (see also his critique in Book 10, mentioned above). Still, he deploys the language of communion with the gods and gift giving, suggesting that the gods do indeed respond in some way to religious rites performed by righteous individuals.
• G R E C O R O M A N VISIONS OF C O R P O R A T E L I F E *
18.
79
L & S , s.v. "EuScuuovsco" and "euSaiMOouvn, n" ( 7 0 8 - 9 ) . Cf. Leg. 4.713B; Resp. 4 0 6 C .
19.
Brown, Lord's Prayer, 3 8 .
20. 21.
Leg. 3 . 6 7 9 Q cf. 744D. Leg.,4.713C.
22.
According to Xenophon, Mem. 1.3.1-4, Socrates would not pray for such things, wish ing, instead, to ask only for "good gifts" and to let the gods decide what concrete form the answer would take. W h a t delighted the gods was the piety of the giver rather than the size of the gift. If one prayed for wealth or power, getting what one asked for could have disastrous consequences. Brown, Lords Prayer, 4 4 .
23.
Leg.,4.713D-E.
24.
This is "peace" in the sense of cessation of war with one's neighbors. See the discussion of eiprivn in the section on Plutarch.
25.
See Brown, Lord's Prayer, 4 4 , in which Brown suggests that Plato's prayer to Pan at the end of Phaedrus is for his material wealth to mirror his inner wealth, which should "be interpreted as referring to the beauty of moderation."
26.
Slaves and foreigners, both present and necessary in Magnesia, are not.
27.
Cf. Leg. 1.631B-D.
28.
Leg. 5 . 7 3 9 C - E .
29.
See especially Book 1.
30.
Cf. Leg. 3 . 6 9 6 D - E ; 4 . 7 0 9 E - 7 1 0 B .
31.
Leg.4.717E.
32.
Cf. [Aristotle], Virt. vit. 1250B, 1251 A.
33.
Cf. Leg. 7 . 8 0 I D .
34.
Note Bury's unflattering appraisal of the language in this last of Plato's works: "Not only does it lack the charm and vigor of the earlier dialogues, but it is marked also by much uncouthness of style, and by a tendency to pedantry, tautology and discursive garrulity which seems to point to the failing powers of the author"; Bury, Plato's Laws (Loeb, vol. 1), vii.
35.
The Athenian works out the laws dealing with impiety in 10.907Dff. Bobonich argues that in dialogues of his middle period, namely Phaedo and Republic, Plato claims that only philosophers can act virtuously, and so attain to happiness; non-philosophers must be forced to right actions by the threat of the law and can never be happy. Bobonich goes on to say that in Laws, Plato has moderated his position: non-philosophers are capable of a measure of understanding, and hence of virtue and happiness. Christopher Bobonich, Plato's Utopia Recast: His Later Ethics and Politics (Oxford, U. K.: Clarendon Press, 2 0 0 2 ) , 92ff. Cf. Pseudo Isocrates, Demon. 11.
36.
Leg. 1 0 . 9 0 9 . E - 9 1 0 D . The category of intercessory prayer certainly exists in GrecoRoman society. Greek and Latin inscriptions provide examples of some, as well as of wishes for harm to another. See the examples in Versnel, Faith Hope and Worship, 8 - 9 . In these cases a person intercedes on behalf of a family member or for the emperor. Cf. Frederick Brenk, "Finding One's Place: Eschatology in Plato's Laws and First-Century Platonism," in Scolnikov and Brisson, From Theory into Practice, 3 1 2 - 1 9 . Leg. 9 0 3 B - 9 0 5 A . Plutarch, Mor. 792F. An ancient catalog credits him with 227 works; Frank Cole Bab bitt, "Introduction," in Plutarch's Moralia, vol. 1, L C L (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Uni versity Press, 1927), xvii. Despite Morton Smith's cautions about a general inconsistency of style and the many perceived contradictions between ideas expressed in On Supersition
37. 38. 39.
80
• JAMES RILEY STRANGE •
and Plutarch's other writings, I call the author "Plutarch" throughout this section, brack eting questions about the authenticity of the essay, since the problem has no bearing on my analysis: I make no claims about Plutarch's overall thought. Morton Smith, "De Superstitione," in Plutarch's Theological Writings and Early Christian Literature, ed. Hans Di eter Betz, S C H N T 3 (Leiden: E. J . Brill, 1975), 1-7. See the response to Smith's argument and a case for the presumption of authenticity in Patrick Gray, Godly Fear: The Epistle to Hebrews and Greco-Roman Critiques of Superstition, SBL Academia Biblica 16 (Lei den and Boston: Brill, 2 0 0 4 ) , 9 7 - 1 0 3 . 40.
Found in the collection of Plutarch's works called Moralia,
41.
Gray, Godly Fear, 106.
1 6 4 E - 1 7 IF.
42.
These differences in Plutarch's understanding of the "common" good may be due in part to the decline of the Greek polis in the fourth century B.C.E. and the rise of the empire, together with the ethos of spreading Greek culture (and later, Roman peace) to the ends of the known world. For a similar view of the religious rites associated with a "foreign goddess" (dea peregrina-, also a "Syrian goddess" [dea Syria]), see Apuleius, Met. 8 . 2 7 - 2 8 . Interestingly, at the end of the story, the protagonist becomes a fervent devotee of Isis, another goddess originally foreign to Greece and Rome.
43.
I rely on a translation slightly modified from Babbit's in the Loeb series: Plutarch's Mor alia, trans. Frank Cole Babbitt, vol. 2, L C L (Cambrige, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1927).
44.
Although in places Plutarch appears to make light of some Stoic teachings (Superst. 164F), he does allow that emotions can lead to distortions of the soul (Superst. 165B), and gives special attention to
6(3os, one of the four chief passions of Stoicism, accord ing to Diogenes Laertius (the other three are fear's opposite, ernSuui'a "desire," and two other opposites: Xurrn "distress" and rj5ovr) "pleasure"); cf. Diogenes Laertius, Vit. 7 . 1 1 0 13.
45.
In his notes on Superst. 1 6 9 F - 1 7 0 A , Babbit says Plutarch is "trying to be a physician of the soul to cure superstition" (Plutarch, Mor., L C L 2.477, n. b), a claim that he may base in part on language from Plutarch's opening paragraph: "and just as dislocations of the joints accompanied by lacerations are hardest to deal with, so also is it with derange ments of the soul accompanied by emotion"; Plutarch, Superst. 164F.
46.
Superst. 165D.
47.
For a thorough discussion of the role of excessive and inappropriate fear in Plutarch's constnial of superstition, set forth in the context of Platonic, Aristotelian, Stoic, and Epicurean understandings of fear, see Gray, Godly Fear, 3 3 - 1 0 8 .
48.
It is difficult to figure out the precise meaning of Plutarch's language at the end of this passage: oSev r| uev aSeoTns Xoyos SOTI Sievpeuouevos, r| 5e 56ioi5aiuov(a rrdtSos Xoyou vpeuoous eyyeyevnuevov ("Whence it follows that atheism is falsified reason, and supersti tion is an emotion engendered from false reason," Plutarch, Superst. 1 6 5 C [Babbit, LCL]). See Gray, Godly Fear, 8 9 - 9 0 . For a similar assessment of popular religious no tions, see Epicurus, Rat. sent. 1; Lucretius, De re. nat. 6 . 6 8 - 7 8 . In contrast to Platonic and Stoic philosophers, Epicurus taught that the gods maintained tranquil detachment from all things of this world.
49. 50.
Cf. Plutarch, Aem. 29. Cf. Plutarch, Def. orac. 4 2 3 D ; Is. Os. 3 5 1 Q Suav. viv. 1 1 0 2 E - F ; Plato, Resp. 2 . 3 7 9 A 3 0 8 C , in which Plato argues that God is the cause of good things, but not of all things. In other essays, Plutarch will argue that lesser divine beings do cause human beings grief,
• G R E C O R O M A N VISIONS OF C O R P O R A T E L I F E *
81
and it is to these that the poets refer: Def orac. 4 1 7 E ; Fac. 9 4 4 D ; Is. Os. 3 6 0 E - 3 6 1 C . Gray, Godly Fear, 117. 51.
Superst. 1 6 5 E - F . Cf. Plato, Leg. 1 0 . 9 0 9 E - 9 1 0 A .
52.
Cf. Superst. 17 IB; Tibullus 1.11-12; Ovid, Ars 2 . 3 2 5 - 3 3 0 . Charlatanism was one of the common charges leveled against practitioners of "magic" in the Greco-Roman world, as was foreignness (see below). Scott Shauf, Theology as History, History as Theology: Paul in Ephesus in Acts 19, BZNW 133 (Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter, 2005), 1 8 6 - 8 7 .
53.
Cf. Superst. 17 IF.
54.
Op8co [sic] T O O oToucm KCU 5iKa(cp. The T L G reproduction of Babbit's text has 6p0cp. Plutarch, Moralia, vol 2, trans. Frank Cole Babbit, Loeb Classical Library (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1971) [Greek text online] accessed 14 April 2005; avail able from http://tlg.uci.edu; internet.
55.
Plutarch may also be referring to the nonsense words and phrases contained in some magical incantations. See Chapter 4.
56.
The language aioxpas TrpoicaSioeis is difficult, but probably refers to some sort of crude public display. L&S, s.v. "rrpoKaSiois." Perhaps Plutarch is referring to sitting in front of a shrine while covered with mud and dressed in sackcloth. Babbit takes the phrase to mean disgraceful besieging (i.e. of the gods; cf. Superst. 170E; 17 IB), in which case the phrase may refer to the prayers or incantations themselves. In magical incantations one frequently commands divine beings to do one's bidding (cf. PGM III.538), even to the point of threatening them with harm should they ignore you (cf. PGM, 11.51-54). L & S , s.v. "TTpoKa0(£co."
57.
Cf. Jesus' statements about pharisaic and gentile prayers in Matt 6 : 5 - 8 .
58.
Cf. also Superst. 166E, discussed below. See L. T. Johnson, "Taciturnity and True Relig ion (James 1:26-27)," in Greeks, Romans, and Christians: Essays in Honor of Abraham J. Malherbe, ed. D. Balch et al. (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1990), 3 2 9 - 3 3 9 ; repr., Brother of Jesus, Friend of God, 1 5 5 - 6 7 .
59. 60. 61.
Cf. Homer, Od. 3.52, 9.175; Herodotus, Hist. 2.177. Isocrates makes an explicit claim about unsullied tradition in Aerop. 7 . 2 9 - 3 0 . Cf. Superst. 17 IF.
62.
In a later section, Plutarch also condemns the superstitious for their willingness to use whatever means of persuasion they think will work: "For the superstitious both fear the gods and flee to the gods for help; both flatter [ K O A O K E U O U O I ] them and abuse [Xoi6opouoiv] them, pray to [ E U X O V T C X I ] them and blame [KaTauEUovTcu] them"; Mor. 167F, Babbit, slightly altered. Cf. Superst. 170A; Jas 3 : 9 - 1 2 .
63.
Earlier (Superst. 164F), Plutarch has condemned the assumption that wealth is the great est good ( a y a 8 o v U E ' Y I O T O V ) ; cf. Aristotle, Eth. nic. 1.4 (1095A. 1 7 - 2 6 ) .
64.
"Op0coais ("success") picks up Plutarch's word play in 1 6 6 A - B (cited above), contrasting the moral correctness of Greek prayers with the obsession of magicians with correct placement of sacrificial victims on the altar. Cf. Stobaeus, Eel 3.9.23.
65. 66. 67.
In these instances authors typically use the word with the genitive of the thing; L&S, s.v. "surropEco." W . Foerster, Vipnvn," TDNT 2:401. According to Foerster, for example, the goddess Eipr)vn is sometimes described as oApoSoTEipa ("dispensing riches"; Euripides, Bacch. 4 1 9 ) , T T O X U O X P O S ("rich in blessings"; Orphic Hymns 32.16; 43.2), TE0aAu?av ("abundant"; Hesiod, Theog. 9 0 2 ) , and Ti6nvf)TEipa ("nursing"; Hesiod, Op. 212; cf. Paulus, Descriptio
82
• JAMES RILEY STRANGE •
Sanctae Sophiae TTXOUTOS
139) in poetry.
Eipf|vn may be depicted in artwork carrying the boy
(see the descriptions of such statues in Athens in Pausanias, Descr. 1.8.3;
9.16.1) or with a horn of plenty, or both. See descriptions and view photos of art objects in "Athens, N M 175, Statue of Ploutos," in "Perseus Sculpture Catalogue," The Perseus Digital
Library
[database
online]
accessed
18
April
2005;
available
from
http://www.perseus.tufts.ed u/cgibin/ptext'?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A' 1 9 9 9 . 0 4 . 0 0 4 l%3Ahead%3D%231433; Internet. 68.
Cf. Democr. 252:
TTOXIS
eu ayouevn ueyicnr) opScoois eoxi, "A well-led city is a very great
success." 69.
Cf. Donald J. Verseput, "Plutarch of Chaeronea and the Epistle of James on Communal
70.
W . Foerster, "eiprp/n," TDNT 2:401. Foerster also notes that while eipr)VT| can refer to a peaceful disposition, this is primarily a negative connotation as well, denoting the ab sence of hostile feelings toward others. The association of eiprjvn with an individual ap parently begins first with the LXX's ubiquitous translation of ("welfare" or "health"), and thence makes its way into the New Testament (cf. Jas 2:16; 3:18) and early Christian literature. TDNT, 2 : 4 0 2 - 0 8 .
71.
In this way Foerster connects "peace" with "the ancient longing for redemption" that finds fulfillment in the in the Augustinian Pax Romana. TDNT, 2:402.
72.
TDNT, 2:401. For a discussion of these two ideas in 1 Clement see Odd Magne Bakke, "Concord and Peace: A Rhetorical Analysis of the Letter of First Clement with an Emphasis on the language of unity and sedition (Tubingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2001). In Greek literature, rpuxi'cx conveys the notion of an individual being "at rest." Whereas eiprivn can connote the Stoic ideal state of mind, that idea is more commonly put across by yaXfjvn. Foer ster, "eiprivn," 4 0 1 .
73.
Seneca, Epist. 94.46; Cicero, Fam. 12.15.3; Clu. 55.152; Phil 13.1.2; Livy, Ab urb. 4.43.11; Democritus 2 5 0 ; Thucydides, Hist. 8.94.1.1; Andocides, De nryst. 73.2; Lysias 18.17; Zeno, Stoic. 1 . 6 1 , 3 . 1 6 0 .
74.
For praise of a wife's virtue (exemplum) that, although unnamed, sounds like concordia, see Pliny the Younger, Epist. 8 . 5 . 1 - 2 . The virtue of concord appears frequently in the Pau line writings, although it is never expressed as buovoia; cf. Rom 12:16; 15:5; 1 C o r 1:10; Eph 4:3, 13; Phil 2:2; Col 3:14. Margaret Mitchell interprets Paul's first epistle to the Corinthians as a call to buovoia; Margaret M. Mitchell, Paul and the Rhetoric of Reconcilia tion: An Exegetical Investigation of the Language and Composition of I Corinthians, H U T 28 (Tubingen: J. C. B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1991).
75.
Often expressed as putting one's words or learning into practice. See Plutarch's own Stoic, abs. 1 (Mor. 1033B); Virt. prof. 14 (Mor. 84B); cf. also Seneca, Epist. 2 0 . 1 ; Diogenes Laertius, Vit. 1.53; 9.37; Epictetus, Diatr. 2.1.31; 2.9.21; 3.22.9. Johnson, Letter of James, 28.
76. 77.
Speaking as Plutarch. Aristotle is the philosopher who bases political science in ethics, arguing that a stable society is composed of people living the good life, by which he means people engaging in contemplation and living out lives of virtue; Aristotle, Eth nic. 1.2; 10.7, 9; Polit. 1.1; 3.4; 3.6. Although Plutarch's concern for the stability of society is apparent, if only by allu sion, he is not producing a treatise on either ethics or politics. This may explain why the virtues under discussion arise only once and are passed over quickly. Cf. Jas 3 : 1 3 - 1 6 .
Behaviour," NTS 47 (2001): 5 0 2 - 1 8 .
78.
• G R E C O R O M A N VISIONS OF CORPORATE
LIFE*
83
79. 80. 81.
Cf.Jas4:15. Moralia 4 8 E - 7 4 E . John T. Fitzgerald, "Friendship in the Greek World Prior to Aristotle," in Greco-Roman Perspectives on Friendship, ed. David E. Aune, SBLRBS no. 3 4 (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1997), 13.
82.
The main sections on friendship are found in Eth. nic. 8 - 9 and Eth. eud. 7, and treat ments of the topic appear in Polit, Rhet., and Mag. mor. Frederic M. Schroeder, "Friend ship in Aristotle and Some Peripatetic Philosophers," in Aune, Greco-Roman Perspectives, 35.
83. 84.
Eth. nic. 8.3(1156A.6fO. "Friendship also seems to hold cities together, and lawgivers seem to be more zealous for it than justice." Aristotle, Eth. nic. 8.1 ( 1 1 5 5 A . . 2 2 - 2 4 ) . Schroeder, "Friendship in Aristotle," 3 6 - 3 7 . Mor. 9 3 A - 9 7 B .
85. 86. 87.
Cf. Donald J. Verseput, "Plutarch of Chaeronea and the Epistle of James on Communal Behaviour," NTS 47 (2001): 5 0 2 - 1 8 .
88.
Contrast this with Eth. nic. 8.7ff (1158B.1 lfO and 9.Iff (1163B.32fO, in which Aristotle considers friendships between unequal partners. Plutarch does, on the other hand, mention a case of female flatterers (false friends) in Syria (Adul. amic. 5 0 D - E ) , from which we may infer that true friendship (in Plutarch's terms) existed among upper class women as well. This is, so far as I can determine, the only instance in which Plutarch mentions female relationships within the two essays considered here.
89.
Plutarch, Adul. amic. 5 2 B - D ; 5 8 E - F .
90.
Amic. mult. 9 5 C .
91.
Adul. amic. 62A.
92.
AduL amic. 5 8 C .
93.
Adul. amic. 5 4 F .
94.
Amic. mult. 9 5 C .
95.
Adul. amic. 5 5 C ; 5 8 C - D ; 68A.
96. 97.
Adul. amic. 6 2 B . Adul. amic. 5 0 E .
98.
Cf. Amic. mult. 9 5 C - D ; Adul. amic. 5 1 B - C , E - F .
99.
Plutarch calls social obligations "rendering service" (XeiTupysco). T o fail to render service is to risk giving offense, for one is obligated to accept a friend's invitation if he or she is able. O n e of the drawbacks of having many friends is that one risks offending a friend by neglecting one invitation in order to accept another. See Amic. mult. 9 5 C - D .
100. Cf. Adul. amic. 5 4 C . 101. 102. 103.
Cf. Aristotle, Eth. nic. 8.14 ( 1 1 6 3 A . 3 4 - 3 5 ) . Cf. Adul. amic. 4 9 C - D ; 56F; 58A; 6 0 B - D ; 7 0 B - D . Amic. mult. 94Aff; cf. Adul. amic. 4 9 E ; 5 5 E - F . Cf. Sir 6 : 7 - 1 3 ; 9:10.
104. 105. 106. 107. 108. 109.
Amic. mult. 9 4 B . Cf. Adul. amic. 50A; 5 I B . Cf. Adul. amic. 6 2 E - F . Cf. Adul. amic, in which Plutarch talks about "pure" and "chaste" friendship. Amic. mult. 9 3 F . Although Aristotle, for example, admitted that friends could violate both formal and informal contracts, in his writings the only recourse to which the wronged party has ac-
84
•JAMES RILEY S T R A N G E *
cess is making "complaints and reproaches" (TO eyi
I rely on Babbitt's LCL translation, vol. 1, pp. 2 6 4 - 3 9 5 .
111. 112.
Cf. 5 6 A 6 8 F 7 0 E 7 4 C . It may, on the other hand, play a legitimate role when dealing with one's enemies. 67D.
113.
Adul. amic, 67D. Dionysius is speaking specifically of the actions and intentions of one's enemies, but Plato applies his comments to a situation involving one of Dionysius' friends.
114.
Babbitt translates the word as "shortcomings." See the discussion of the frequency of this word in Greek literature in Chapter 5, beginning on p. 2 0 6 .
115.
Cf. Superst. 168D, treated below. TTAvl/uueAeia and cognates are used synonymously with auapTia and its cognates in the LXX as well. Cf. Lev 5:18; 7:37; Jer 2:5.
;
;
;
116.
2 Sam 1 2 : 1 - 1 5 .
117.
Plutarch, Adul. amic. 6 7 E (Babbitt, LCL).
118.
Plutarch, Adul. amic. 6 7 F (Babbitt, LCL).
119.
Plutarch, Adul. amic. 6 8 A - B (Babbitt, LCL).
120.
Plutarch, Adul. amic. 6 8 B (Babbitt, LCL).
121. 122.
Cf. Adul. amic, 7 0 A - B . Plutarch, Adul. amic. 6 8 F (Babbitt, LCL).
123.
Plutarch, Adul. amic. 5 6 A (Babbitt, LCL).
124. 125.
Plutarch, Adul. amic. 5 9 F (Babbitt, LCL). Plutarch, Adul. amic. 5 5 D (Babbitt, LCL).
Cf.
126.
See, for example, 61D; 67F; 69A; 70F; 7 IF; 72B; 7 3 A - B , D; 7 4 D - E .
127. 128.
Plutarch, Adul. amic. 7 4 C - D (Babbitt, LCL). Plutarch, Adul. amic. 7 4 B (Babbitt, LCL).
129.
Cf. Johnson, Letter of James, 8 1 .
130.
Diatribai 3.22. The work comes from a collection of AiaTpi(3a( or "Discourses," which Flavius Arrian, one of Epictetus' students, recorded from Epictetus's classroom discus sions and other conversations. See Diatr. 1.1-8 (Arrian's "Preface" to the collection, coming before 1.1.1-32, the first discourse).
131.
Epictetus, The Discourses as Reported by Arrian Books M I , trans. W . A. Oldfather, L C L vol. 1 (Cambridge, Mass. and London, U.K.: Harvard University Press, 1925), p. xii.
132.
Cf. Diatr. 3 . 2 2 . 1 9 - 2 0 ; 9 3 .
133.
The question is whether Epictetus is trying to persuade or dissuade readers from turning to the Cynic life. As a third option, through this discourse that warns of the rigors of the Cynic life, he seeks to direct readers towards the Cynic attitudes that Stoicism recon figures.
134.
Cynic philosophers are known for their detachment from typical constraints that might cloud their devotion to virtue. That detachment usually finds three expressions: rrappnoia (freedom of speech, familiar from Plutarch as "frankness"), eAsuSspia (liberty), and auTotpKeia (self-governance). I rely on the L C L translation of Oldfather: Epictetus, The Discourses Books 7/1-J V, Encheiridion, trans. W . A. Oldfather, L C L vol. 2 (Cambridge, Mass. and London, U.K.: Har vard University Press, 1928).
135.
• GRECO-ROMAN VISIONS OF C O R P O R A T E LIFE
136.
85
In Diatr. 3 . 2 2 . 6 8 Epictetiis suggests that some women take up the Cynic lifestyle, and there are records of women Cynics. The best-known is Hipparchia of Maronea (fl. early fourth century B.C.E.), mentioned in Diogenes Laertius, Lives 6 . 9 6 - 9 8 .
137. 138.
Diatr. 3 . 2 2 . 2 6 - 3 0 . For a more explicit reference to a matter-spirit dualism in Epictetus, cf. Diatr. 3 . 1 0 . 1 5 ("How Ought W e to Bear Our Illnesses?").
139.
Diatr. 3 . 2 2 . 3 8 .
140.
Cf. Plato, Leg. 5 . 7 2 6 A - B .
141.
Diatr. 3.22.45ff.
142.
Diatr. 3 . 2 2 . 8 3 - 8 5 .
143.
Diogenes Laertius, Lives 6.58.
144.
Epictetus, Diatr. 3 . 2 2 . 1 8 (Oldfather, LCL); cf. emoKorreco in 3.22.97.
145.
Epictetus, Diatr. 3.22.77 (Oldfather, LCL).
146.
Epictetus, Diatr. 3.22.94 (Oldfather, LCL).
147.
Diatr. 3 . 2 2 . 9 6 .
148.
Ibid.
149.
Diatr. 3 . 2 2 . 1 0 0 .
150.
Diatr. 3 . 2 2 . 1 0 3 , 105.
151.
Cf. Diatr. 3 . 2 2 . 9 5 .
152.
For examples of prophetic discourse in epistolary form directed to Diaspora Israel, see Jer
153.
Consider the name Obadiah.
2 9 : 1 - 3 2 and the apocryphal Letter of Jeremiah. See also 1 Kings 18:36; Isa 20:3; 44:26; Jer 7:25; 25:4;
Amos 3:7; Dan 6:20; Zech 1:6. 154.
Jas l : 9 - l l / I s a 4 0 : 6 - 7 ; Jas 5:4/Isa 5:9; Jas 5:5/Jer 12:3. Cf. Jas 1:23/Ezek 33:32; Jas 4:4/Hos l:2ff/Isa 57:3; Jas 4:9/Joel 1:5, 8, 11, 13/Mic 1:8; Jas 4 : 1 4 / H o s 13:3; Jas 5:2/Isa 51:8; Jas 5:5/Hos 1:6 (LXX); Jas 5:7/Jer 5:24 ( L X X ) / H o s 6:3 (LXX); Jas 5:11/Joel 2:13/Jonah 4:2 (Exod 34:6).
155.
Jas 5:10, 1 7 - 1 8 .
156.
Jas 2 : 1 - 1 2 ; 5 : 1 - 6 ; cf. Isa 10:1-4; 58; Am 2:6-7a; 4:1; 5 : 1 1 - 1 2 ; Mic 2:2, 8; 3 : 1 - 3 ; 7:3;
157.
Jas 4 : 1 - 6 , 1 3 - 1 7 ; cf. Isa 5 : 1 1 - 1 2 , 22; Ezek 2 3 : 4 0 - 4 5 ; Dan 5:22; Am 2 : 7 b - 8 .
Zech 7:10; Mai 3:5. 158.
Jas 4 : 8 - 1 0 ; cf. Ezek 14:6; 18:30; Joel 2 : 1 2 - 1 4 ; Hos 12:6; 14:1-3; Zech 1:3-6.
159.
Jas. 5 : 7 - 1 1 ; cf. Isa 8:17; 40:31; 51:5; Jer 14:22; U r n 3:26; Mic 7:7; Zeph 3:8.
160.
Cf. Ezek 3 3 : 3 0 - 3 3 ; Zeph 3:13; Zech 8 : 1 6 - 1 7 .
• C H A P T E R
F O U R *
Ways Not Taken by James: The Everyday Practice of Greco-Roman Religion
I
n this chapter, the four collections o f texts to be e x a m i n e d express "popu lar" expressions o f religion. H e n c e , we are forced to leave b e h i n d the for mal genre o f the treatise and must turn instead to examples o f how s o m e
individuals in the G r e c o - R o m a n world experienced the divine, a n d how s o m e o f t h e m left public testimony to their experiences. T h i s is due in part to the nature o f the G r e c o - R o m a n texts o n divine healing a n d confession: there are authors, such as Plutarch, w h o tell their readers n o t to seek healing from the gods, and few that I have found see the act as a particularly good thing to do, m u c h less instruct in the right way to carry it out.
1
C o n f e s s i o n o f sins against
the gods also finds little treatment in the moralists, w h o tend t o relegate the problem o f fixing bad behavior to the courts (in political treatises) or to friendship a n d philosophy (see C h a p t e r 3 ) . W e are left with texts that attest to two separate avenues o f seeking divine healing in the G r e c o - R o m a n w o r l d magical spells and shrines to the healing god Asklepios—both readily available, and b o t h reflecting discreet sets o f practices. A single collection o f texts—the confession inscriptions o f Asia Minor—provides data for the consideration o f confession o f sins.
Divine Healing Through Magic and Shrines In this section we set J a m e s ' s vision o f what people o u g h t to d o alongside writ ings that provide s o m e sense o f what people actually did.
W e learn what op
tions were available to t h e m for cures and relief from symptoms outside o f the medical profession.
E a c h collection o f texts e x a m i n e d provides a record o f
practices that harness divine power for personal help.
W h e t h e r and to what
extent m e m b e r s o f James's c o m m u n i t i e s ever followed his instructions can on-
88
JAMES RILEY
STRANGE*
ly be inferred, b u t the magical spells, inscriptions at healing shrines, and per sonal testimonies e x a m i n e d here provide a record o f the things that s o m e people in fact did. T h e y suggest s o m e ways o f conceiving o f the act o f healing, ,
its benefit for the individual a n d / o r c o m m u n i t y , and h u m a n s relationship to the realm o f the divine. T h e term "divine" distinguishes miraculous healing from the practice o f medicine in the a n c i e n t Mediterranean world. Admittedly, the line separating religious from m u n d a n e healing practices is a fine o n e because o f several fac tors. A m o n g t h e m are the belief that the healing arts are gifts o f the gods to 2
humanity, a n d the fact that means o f healing at shrines o f Asklepios resemble the work o f c o n t e m p o r a r y physicians: prescriptions for diet a n d exercise, ap plications o f o i n t m e n t s a n d medicines, and even surgery carried o u t by the god.
3
Nevertheless, in this section, texts c o n t a i n i n g therapeutic prescriptions
or o t h e r information a b o u t the medical profession are set aside a n d only texts in which people seek healing directly from a divine being receive attention. A n o t h e r issue that requires b r i e f discussion is the separation o f religion from magic.
Recently, students o f religion have admitted the difficulty o f 4
making a clear distinction between the two categories, and have taken to speaking o f t h e m as opposite sides o f a c o i n o r as existing along a c o n t i n u u m ,
5
or have a b a n d o n e d the distinction altogether, seeing "magic" as a pejorative term in b o t h antiquity a n d m o r e r e c e n t scholarship.
6
As Plutarch has shown
and Plato has suggested, those w h o distinguish true piety from magic in antiq uity often denigrate popular forms o f religious expression because o f their in temperate character.
Plato and
Plutarch in particular seek to bring
the
practice o f religion within the realm o f rationality a n d sobriety, so that b o t h reason and worship achieve the same goal (the good life), and n o m o r e than this general b o o n is asked o f the gods. A c c o r d i n g to the moralists, two o b j e c t i o n s may be raised to the practice o f divine healing. First, it may be inappropriate to ask for anything so specific as a physical cure, as opposed to general well-being. S e c o n d , desperation for re lief from a physical affliction could cause a person to c o m m i t an error in rea soning, for o n e might assume that lavish gifts or outlandish
displays can
persuade the gods to c o m e to o n e ' s aid, o n e may t h i n k that the gods are pun ishing the ailing person, o r o n e may seek help from charlatans. Even if, how ever, the afflicted do participate in rites lacking in solemnity, believe that a god is punishing t h e m , or are taken in by sellers o f snake oil, for the purposes o f this investigation what matters is whether they themselves perceive their ac tions to be licit ways o f asking for divine help. T h e chapter begins with an e x a m i n a t i o n o f three spells from the G r e e k Magical Papyri, for they fall u n d e r the b r o a d definition o f religious practice by
• T H E EVERYDAY PRACTICE OF GRECO-ROMAN RELIGION*
89
virtue o f seeking healing (and in o n e case h a r m ) from a divine being. N e x t is a look at o f s o m e o f the inscriptions found at the asklepion in Epidauros.
The
section ends with an e x a m i n a t i o n o f the healing experiences o f the s e c o n d century C E sophist and rhetorician, Aelius Aristides.
T a m i n g Divine Powers in the Greek Magical Papyri O u t o f s o m e 4 1 7 spells in the P G M , a b o u t 6 6 (around 16 percent) deal with medical issues: treatments for fever are m o s t c o m m o n , b u t o n e also finds pre scriptions for scorpion sting, headache, gout, various eye ailments, d e m o n pos session, and pregnancy tests, a m o n g others.
T h e majority o f these spells are
quite brief, a n d the invocation o f divine power is vague (many, for example, require simply writing a spell o n s o m e m e d i u m and applying it to the ailing part o r wearing it as an a m u l e t ) .
7
T h e following discussion is limited to three
longer spells that give s o m e indication o f the relationship between h u m a n s and the divine forces they invoke. O n e reason for using spells o f the P G M to c o m p a r e with divine healing in James is the ease o f research provided by this collection o f scattered manu scripts into a single v o l u m e that is widely available.
8
B e y o n d this c o n v e n i e n c e ,
what the P G M provide is examples o f spells that played a role in people's daily lives, primarily in Hellenistic Egypt, and by implication elsewhere in the Hel lenistic M e d i t e r r a n e a n .
C o n s u l t a t i o n with religious professionals to o b t a i n
c h a r m s implies the existence o f a local e c o n o m i c infrastructure for seeking di vine aid separate from b o t h regular forms o f religious practice at local shrines and temples, and the medical profession.
T h e n u m b e r o f surviving a n c i e n t
spells designed to aid the sick a n d injured suggests that magic played a role in society's unofficial healthcare system. T h e portability o f spells written o n pa pyrus, as well as amulets worn o n the body, suggests t h e easy export and spread o f this form o f religion to m e e t a pervasive need.
W h e n we c o m p a r e J a m e s ' s
moral discourse o n healing with healing spells o f the P G M , it b e c o m e s evident how a worldview—working from an understanding that the universe is popu lated by divine powers that can b e harnessed for h u m a n use—yields a particular understanding o f the place o f ailments in h u m a n existence, t h e relationship between people and lesser divinities, and t h e goal o f divine-human interaction. Because o f the general unfamiliarity o f these magical texts, full translations are provided. PGM VII. 2 6 0 - 7 1 For ascent of the uterus: "I conjure you, O Womb—[by the] one established over the 9
Abyss, before heaven, earth, sea, light, or darkness came to be; [he?] who created the
angels, being foremost, AMICHAMCHOU and CHOUCHA0 CHEROEl OUEIACH0 ODOU
90
• JAMES RILEY
STRANGE*
PROSEIOGGES, and who sits over the cherubim, who bears his (?)
10
own throne—that
you return again to your seat, and that you do not turn [to one side] into the right part of the ribs, or into the left part of the ribs, and that you do not gnaw into the heart like a dog, but remain indeed in your own intended and proper place, not chewing, so long as I conjure you [by] the one who, in the beginning, made the hea ven and earth and all that is therein. Hallelujah! Amen!" Write this on a tin tablet and "clothe" it in 7 colors.
The The
11
spell shares several features with m a n y others in the magical papyri.
first is the instruction to write the spell o n s o m e sort o f m e d i u m (papyrus,
shells, a n d leaves are c o m m o n ) , and to hang it a r o u n d the n e c k as an amulet (irspiavpov) or phylactery (4>uXaKTT]piov).
12
S e c o n d , the c h a r m calls a divine
being by many voces magicae, "which are usually untranslatable and often mea ningless to the r e a d e r , "
13
indicated by small capital letters, as above.
Some
times, however, these n a m e s are recognizable as Egyptian, G r e e k , o r Jewish (sometimes C h r i s t i a n ) deities, o r as epithets associated with t h e m .
1 4
This
p o i n t brings up a third aspect o f the spell: its syncretistic character, mixing gods in this case—but elsewhere also scripture—from the well-known religious traditions that flourished in Hellenistic, R o m a n , and Late A n t i q u e Egypt. M o s t c o m m o n are e l e m e n t s o f Egyptian, G r e e k , a n d Jewish religions, b u t Ba bylonian a n d C h r i s t i a n e l e m e n t s appear as well. T h e voces magicae o f the cur rent spell are n o t recognizable as n a m e s , b u t are references to the pre-creation abyss, angels, e n t h r o n e m e n t over t h e c h e r u b i m (xepoupiv), n o t to m e n t i o n o t h e r transliterated H e b r e w o r A r a m a i c words (aAArjAouia and apr)v)> indicate that lines from Jewish scripture a n d / o r liturgy have b e e n adopted by the prac titioners o f these spells, possibly imported from Jewish m a g i c .
15
F o u r t h , the
spell c o n t a i n s instructions a b o u t how to affix t h e amulet to o n e ' s person (pre sumably use a string o f seven colors), b u t there is s o m e ambiguity as well: t h e colors are n o t specified, for example, and t h e language itself is vague. In addition to these c o m m o n elements, n o t e also that the spell does n o t appear to address the deity directly (the G r e e k is unclear o n this p o i n t ) b u t in vokes the deity as witness to a n d guarantor o f t h e spell. T h i s interpretation is consistent with the use o f E^opKi^co, which, besides "conjure," also bears the m e a n i n g "to b i n d by o a t h . " F u r t h e r m o r e , the spell uses images o f t h e god that m i m i c what the bodily organ is to d o . C o n s e q u e n t l y , these images b e c o m e in structions for the organ: the god "made the heaven and earth a n d all that is t h e r e i n " (implying that everything in creation occupies a divinely ordained place), and the uterus must "remain indeed in [its] own i n t e n d e d a n d proper place"; the god "sits over the c h e r u b i m , " bearing "[his] own t h r o n e [0p6vov]," and the uterus m u s t "return again to [its] seat [e5pa]." Also, the uterus is to
* T H E EVERYDAY PRACTICE OF GRECO-ROMAN RELIGION •
91
remain in place "so long as [EOTE] I c o n j u r e . " T h e spell, therefore, has tempo rary effects. PGM LXXXIII. 1 - 2 0 For [fever with shivering fits]: "GOBA . . . S . . . MO . . . NOUSEA . . . EIEGE . . . OSARK . . . 16
AUSE fever with shivering fits, I conjure you, MICHAEL, archangel o f the earth; [wheth er] it is daily or nightly or quartan fever; I conjure you, the Almighty SABAOTH, that it no longer touch the soul of the one who carries [this], nor [touch] his whole body; al so the dead, deliver, . . . the distress I D O T . . . Y G R S B O N O E . . . " "He who dwells in the help of the Most High shall abide in the shadow of the God of heaven. He will say of God, 'thou art my refuge and my help; I will put my trust in him.'" [cf. LXX Ps 9 0 : 1 - 2 ] 17
"Our Father who art in heaven, hallowed by thy will; our daily bread." [cf. Matt 6 : 9 10a, 11] "Holy, holy is the Lord SABAOTH, heaven is full of justice, holy is the one of glory." [cf. LXX Isa 6:3] "aniaada . . . ia, migael of lords, Abraham Isaac Jacob eloei eloe Solomon(?) / sabaoth del... "
, 8
Again, the spell is presented in the form o f an a m u l e t or c h a r m , as indi cated by the phrase, "the soul o f the o n e w h o carries [this]." W e also see again the use o f voces magicae and the phrase "I c o n j u r e you," this time addressed to the divine beings themselves. A n o t h e r c o m m o n e l e m e n t in spells to ward o f f fever is the specification o f types o f fever, fits" ( p i y o T r u p E T i o v ) ,
20
19
x e p i v o v ) , and "quartan fever" ( T E T a p T a i o v ) . The
in this case a fever "with shivering
as well as "daily o r nightly [fever]" (Ka0r)|jEpiv6v fj V U K 2 1
spell's m o s t striking (though n o t u n c o m m o n ) feature is its use o f
scriptural references from b o t h the O l d and N e w T e s t a m e n t s .
22
S o m e general
c o m m e n t s a b o u t this aspect o f the c h a r m will help clarify the discussion to fol low.
First, n o n e is a direct citation o f any k n o w n textual tradition; all include
"peculiar v a r i a t i o n s " tion.
24
23
that c a n n o t b e a c c o u n t e d for in the manuscript tradi
T h e use o f M a t t h e w in particular, together with t h e references to the
archangel M i c h a e l
25
(who in the N T appears only in J u d e 9 a n d Revelation
26
1 2 : 7 ) , indicates familiarity with s o m e New T e s t a m e n t texts. A l l three N e w T e s t a m e n t texts, moreover, l o o k like reconfigurations o f passages that would be recited regularly in C h r i s t i a n liturgy. Finally, the use o f "heaven" (oupavos) in the reference to Isa 6 rather than t h e L X X ' s "earth" (r) y f j ) accentuates the allusion to heaven that appears in the o t h e r two references.
T h e first two
m e n t i o n heaven as the deity's location o r sphere o f activity; the last asserts that heaven is full o f justice (5iKr)). H o w does this information shed light o n t h e understanding o f power that informs the spell's use o f scripture? T h e amulet's peculiar application o f scrip tural language suggests that the spell accumulates power in order to strengthen
92
• JAMES RILEY
its effect.
STRANGE*
S u c h a c o n c l u s i o n is suggested, first, by the fact that e a c h passage
invokes the Christian G o d , b u t uses a different title—or m o r e than o n e title— from the others passages. All three passages deploy scripture to invoke power, and in total they use six divine names to d o so: the first passage calls the deity "the M o s t High," "the G o d o f heaven," and simply " G o d " ; the s e c o n d , "Father"; and the last, " L o r d " and "SABAOTH," a c o m m o n vox magica.
Together
with the voces magicae elsewhere in the incantation (note also the appearance 2 7
o f A b r a h a m , Isaac, J a c o b , and S o l o m o n ) , the spell c o n t a i n s about 2 4 invoca tions to a being o r beings. Moreover, the selection o f verses that call u p o n the god o f heaven (and the possible deliberate alteration o f o n e to include a refer ence to heaven) implies that, in addition to o t h e r deities, the spell focuses par ticularly o n the C h r i s t i a n god as a special source o f power. N o t e also that the passages may have b e e n read frequently in the C h r i s t i a n liturgy at t h e time o f the spell's making, a n d i f so, they may have b e e n selected for use in the spell because this use provided testimony to their potency, o r perhaps magnified it. T h i s exposition may explain o t h e r aspects o f the spell's use o f scripture as well.
In a prayer, o n e expects praise o f the deity to precede the request; the
amulet, however, reverses the order.
T h e text begins with a magical incanta
tion o r voces magicae, and moves quickly to conjure the archangel MICHAEL and "Almighty SABAOTH." T h i s n a m i n g o f t h e deity/ies is analogous to an invoca tion which leads us to l o o k for the scriptural allusions o f lines 10 through 19 o r so (particularly those to Ps 9 0 and Isa) immediately, as an analog o f a pars epica.
Instead what we find resembles a preces: two iterations o f the phrase "I
conjure you" (opKi^co OE), the n a m i n g o f specific types o f fever, a n d the in struction "that [fever] n o longer touch the soul o f the o n e w h o carries [ t h i s ] . "
28
T h e shifting o f the expected order a n d the plethora o f divine beings ad dressed suggest that what is at stake in the spell is n o t the invocation o f the right deity for a particular problem, followed by the protocols o f the system o f charis or time in order to incline the deity toward granting the request.
Ra
ther, the c o m p o s e r o f the spell is apparently after agglutinated power, and sa cred Christian texts in particular offer access to those powers.
S u c h an
interpretation may help to explain the allusion to the Lord's Prayer.
In the
logic o f magic, the words may link to divine power primarily through their sa cred status and their invocation o f the deity. Syntactical c o h e r e n c e may be o f only secondary o r very little importance, as indicated by the use o f the voces magicae that follow the third citation. PGM CXXIV. 6 - 4 3 Charm to inflict illness: [Take] the blood of a weasel and write on a triangular pot sherd and bury it in the house: [seven or eight magical characters] THRAX TRAX BRAX. Take unsmoked beeswax and make a manikin. Write the characters on a tiny piece of 29
30
• T H E EVERYDAY PRACTICE OF GRECO-ROMAN RELIGION*
93
papyrus and place it inside the beeswax. Also write the three "O's" and the letters that follow,
31
on the head of the manikin, and the bones of the victim (?).
32
. . . Prick the
left one into the left eye of the manikin and the right one into the right. Hold the figure upside-down on its head and put it into a new pot. Leave the pot in the dark and fill it with water, up to the [shoulder] of the [manikin] only.
Crush rhododen
dron plants with some vinegar and sprinkle the entrances to the t o m b .
33
Take a gar
land made from the plant, and while pronouncing the formula, attach it to the tomb: "Principal angel of those below the earth, BAROUCH, and you, angel of many forms, OLAiMPTER; in this hour do not disobey me, but send to me . . . without fear, without harm, doing my every...."
T h i s late ( 5
t h
34
3 5
c . ) c h a r m demonstrates that powers can be deployed to in
flict suffering just as they can to relieve it, although causing h a r m is n o t as c o m m o n as curing.
N o t e that the rite for harming differs from the previous
spells. T h e spell is n o t an amulet, for example. Rather, it requires the burying o f an object inscribed with magical signs, the creation o f a h u m a n figurine and the application o f possibly m i m e t i c acts to it, and a rite comprising the sprin kling o f a potion and the speaking o f an incantation at the e n t r a n c e to a t o m b . T h e spell does include two actions seen in the o t h e r two spells: the technology o f writing and the invocation o f voces magicae, including a n a m e from Jewish scripture (Baruch), although this single, isolated reference suggests that it is borrowed from o t h e r spells and does n o t necessarily c o m e from any familiarity with Jewish liturgy. T h i s c h a r m can be divided into three distinct sections, each requiring a specific artifact a c c o m p a n i e d by a discreet set o f actions. cludes the writing o f magical symbols or incantations.
E a c h rite also in
T h e first section in
structs the purchaser to write a set o f magical signs in weasel's b l o o d o n a potsherd and to bury the sherd inside o n e ' s h o u s e .
36
T h e second section re
quires the fashioning o f a small h u m a n figurine in beeswax. W r i t i n g is then affixed to the figurine in two media: the person writes characters (the same signs that were written o n the sherd?) o n a small piece o f papyrus, which is then pressed into the torso o f the figurine. A l s o , the person writes a series o f three sets o f three letters (co, i, and a ) directly o n the waxen head o f the figu rine, w h i c h he o r she then subjects to symbolic harm: pricking its eyes and "drowning" it upside-down in a new c o o k i n g pot. T h e entire apparatus is left in the dark. T h e final section involves "the t o m b , " perhaps specified in a lost section o f the papyrus.
T h e rite is to sprinkle a potion made o f crushed rho
d o d e n d r o n at the t o m b ' s entrances a n d to attach a garland o f the same plant to the t o m b while reciting an incantation. Like the two previously cited, this incantation employs language that di rects two divine beings, in this case "angels," B a r o u c h a n d O l a m p t e r .
The
charm ends with c o m m a n d s that the beings immediately carry o u t every com-
94
JAMES RILEY STRANGE
m a n d o f the person invoking the spell.
37
T h e papyrus is damaged b e y o n d re-
covery at this point, b u t presumably contains t h e specific malady that the person wishes to inflict. Based o n the h a r m d o n e to the figurine's eyes and the instruction to keep it in the dark, the c h a r m may b e intended to cause blind ness, or, metaphorically, to induce lack o f u n d e r s t a n d i n g .
38
T h e use o f three distinct rites associated with three separate artifacts, together with the invocation o f two divine beings, again suggests that the spell ensures its effectiveness through the accumulation o f power.
T h e threefold
rite also highlights the spell's reliance o n utterances: inarticulate words, letters, and symbols, as well as the syntactically intelligible prose o f the spoken formula. T h e implication is that while the actions o f the rites invoke powers and b e n d t h e m to o n e ' s use, the full a c c o m p l i s h m e n t o f the c h a r m requires that specific instructions b e given.
T h e spell invokes beings that have abilities
greater than those o f h u m a n s , and so in s o m e ways are like domesticated ani mals, for they have wills that must b e tamed. D o m e s t i c a t i o n may b e what the actions o f the rite, the use o f symbols, and the otherwise unintelligible voces magicae accomplish. S o m e details invite immediate c o m p a r i s o n and contrast with J a m e s , whe reas at the level o f system, these spells and J a m e s hardly intersect at all. T h e spells' focus o n improving the lot o f individuals contrasts with J a m e s ' s critique o f praying evilly, in order to fulfill personal desires, and the blatant syncretism in the spells clearly differs from James's claim that G o d is o n e a n d with his prophetic insistence that c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s maintain undiluted ness to G o d .
faithful
Similarly, anointing and prayer share similarities with magical
practices, but James's calls to endure hardships "to the e n d " clash with the idea that divine powers are at h a n d to assist immediately in whatever way they are needed. O b v i o u s contradictions may be passed over quickly in order to get at the m o r e substantive points o f distinction between healing practices in the papyri and J a m e s .
In his "Introduction to the G r e e k Magical Papyri," Betz sees the
spells o f the papyri as evidence o f a particular religion, which he characterizes in this way: Whether the gods are old or new, whether they come from Egyptian, Greek, Jewish, or Christian traditions, religion is regarded as nothing but the awareness of and reac tion against our dependency on the unfathomable scramble of energies coming out of the universe. In this energy jungle, human life can only be experienced as a jungle, too....Individuals seem to be nothing but marionettes at the end of power lines, pulled here and there without their knowledge by invisible forces.
39
Despite Betz's generalizations, his characterization o f h u m a n existence in Late A n t i q u e E g y p t
40
points to an important contrast between these magical
• T H E EVERYDAY PRACTICE OF GRECO-ROMAN RELIGION*
papyri a n d J a m e s .
95
C o n s i d e r e d broadly, the papyri represent attempts to gain
control over, n o t only the myriad divine forces that manipulate—Betz n o doubt would say "commandeer"—a person's life, b u t also over m u n d a n e con tingencies: love, sickness, wounds, the actions o f e n e m i e s , and so o n .
In this
worldview, the woes and pains o f h u m a n existence are fixable, i f n o t through h u m a n institutions (the courts, the e c o n o m y , the patron-client system, medi cine) a n d rules o f engagement (valuses based o n h o n o r a n d shame, good man ners, correction, social status), then by the taming o f divine forces. As we have seen, while J a m e s agrees that G o d ' s power is available to cure sickness in c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s , these same people c a n n o t escape, b u t must endure in this life, the assaults o f their e n e m i e s .
In J a m e s ' s vision, knowing about es-
chatological p u n i s h m e n t d e m a n d s , n o t actions intended t o improve o n e ' s own present lot, b u t moral deeds aimed at the welfare and c o h e s i o n o f the c o m munity. N o w h e r e d o we see in the spells n o t i o n s about g o o d and evil.
Instead,
what is efficacious forms the central principle. It is also striking that we find n o indication that the spells constitute acts o f devotion to the gods.
Rather,
the spells fit the definition o f "religious" only in its broadest sense: they deal with divine beings (see C h a p t e r 1). T h e absence o f b o t h moral a n d religious discourse in the spells is conspicuous, and it highlights the utilitarian charac teristic o f the system that belongs uniquely to them: the harnessing and turn ing to o n e ' s own use powers that, left untaimed, present a danger to h u m a n beings.
T h e G o d Powerful and Benevolent at Epidauros O f the many temples to Asklepios that arose first in the Hellenic world, and then in the Hellenistic a n d R o m a n empires, the o n e outside Epidauros is known for two r e a s o n s .
41
devotion to A s k l e p i o s . "
In the Hellenistic era it b e c a m e "the c h i e f c e n t e r o f
42
By the mid-second century C . E . , when the facilities 3
received a generous gift from a R o m a n senator n a m e d Antoninus* pion had b e e n e x p a n d e d .
44
the askle-
T h e Epidauros asklepion is best known today, how
ever, because o f the n u m b e r o f dedicatory inscriptions that were found there dating from s e c o n d half o f the fourth century B . C . E . to the late s e c o n d cen tury C . E . As with magical spells, the n u m b e r o f shrines to Asklepios that appeared in G r e e c e a n d Asia M i n o r in the Hellenistic a n d R o m a n periods also attest to the n e e d for widespread access to healing and therapy for c h r o n i c c o n d i t i o n s . Even with so many places dedicated to healing, however, most people still had to trek s o m e distance to get to o n e o f them. T o make a visit to an asklepion
96
• JAMES RILEY S T R A N G E *
suggests b o t h the m e a n s to travel and a sense o f urgency. C o n s u l t a t i o n with sellers o f spells and pilgrimages to healing shrines were prevalent in the G r e c o R o m a n world, as we learn from a n c i e n t sources, surviving spells, and the n u m b e r o f healing shrines found all over the Hellenized Mediterranean.
It is
difficult to know i f the practices were distributed according to social strata, with the m o r e wealthy traveling to healing shrines instead o f using spells. Vis iting the god may also indicate the failure o f b o t h physicians and spells. In any case, the dedicatory inscriptions o f Epidauros provide insight into a n o t h e r form o f divine healing sought by the populace o f the G r e c o - R o m a n world, this o n e clearly licit and supported by an official cult, and u n d e r p i n n e d financially by wealthy patrons.
In religious terms, healing at shrines to Askle-
pios draws o n sacred G r e e k mythology and rests in part o n the idea o f "tradi tional" and a n c i e n t H e l l e n i c religious rites, such as Plutarch m e n t i o n s in On Superstition.
C o m p a r i n g J a m e s with the Epidauros stelae, therefore, allows us
to c o m p a r e a vision for the way things should b e with a n o t h e r set o f evidence about the way things actually were, for a certain segment o f the population at a particular time and place. PGM,
It is important to n o t e how, in contrast to the
the practice at fourth century B . C E . Epidauros reveals alternative views
o f h u m a n suffering, the type o f interest that the god takes in h u m a n affairs, and the access that people have to divine power. I e x a m i n e three o f the earli est inscriptions. 2
45
I G 4 .1.121-22,
no. 4 ^ : T h e inscription o f "Ambrosia o f A t h e n s , b l i n d in
o n e eye" follows a pattern typical for those dated to the fourth century B . C . E . : the supplicant's n a m e , h o m e t o w n , and a i l m e n t
47
head the dedication, fol
lowed by a b r i e f a c c o u n t o f h e r arrival at the temple, her disbelief u p o n read ing the inscriptions t h e r e ,
48
a healing t e c h n i q u e called "incubation" (a night
spent in the temple in w h i c h she has a dream [evuiTViovl/vision [ovpts] in w h i c h "it seems that" [SOKECO] the god performs s o m e t h i n g resembling medical treatment), and a statement that she left in the morning, healed (cc|JEpas 5E y E V O j J E v a s vyiris E ^ T J X S E ) .
4 9
A S is the case here, often the god asks for a specific
gift as a sign o f gratitude for the cure; sometimes o n e is v o l u n t e e r e d .
50
The
physical problems vary, b u t m o s t c o m m o n in m e n are paralysis/lameness and blindness; over h a l f o f the inscriptions dealing with w o m e n report problems with c o n c e p t i o n and pregnancy.
51
W e may view A m b r o s e ' s case from two angles: the record o f the healing it self and the patient's lack o f belief.
A l t h o u g h in A m b r o s i a ' s dream the god
performs surgery o n her eye, the cure is presented as miraculous.
T h e lan
guage is quite clear that the god promises healing and then grants it.
Al
though the god's therapeutic act resembles surgery (slicing open the eyeball and pouring in m e d i c i n e ) , it should b e read in the light o f the two accounts
• THE EVERYDAY PRACTICE OF GRECO-ROMAN RELIGION •
97
that follow below, o n e in which he replaces an eyeball in an empty socket, a n d another in which he removes the head from a living patient and then reat taches it. In all three cases considered here, the god m i m i c s the medical pro fession, b u t in an exaggerated way, for he is able to accomplish what n o surgeon can, n o t the least o f which is radical surgery without p a i n .
52
Finally,
the inscription is also clear that n o actual scalpel o r m e d i c i n e t o u c h e d A m b r o sia's eye. T h e procedure occurs in a state described as b o t h vision (SVUTTVIOV) and dream (ovpis), and the cure happens over t h e course o f a single night: ac cording to the report, A m b r o s i a w e n t to sleep blind in o n e eye a n d awoke with her sight restored. T h e eye required n o time to recover from surgery. It is because the cure is presented as a miracle that the inscription carries the authority to deal with people's incredulity. T h e inscription m e n t i o n s that A m b r o s i a laughs at (SiayeXaco) s o m e o f the plaques that she reads (inscrip tions very m u c h like the o n e that proclaims her own cure) because she finds healing by incubation aSuvaTa).
to b e
"incredible and
impossible" ( a i r ( 6 a v a Ken
S h e leaves, however, cured and a believer, as the erection o f h e r
plaque indicates.
T h e inscription, therefore, provides testimony b o t h to the
god's healing power and to his willingness to use it for the sake o f the suppli ant. It thus proclaims the good news that help is available to all w h o c o m e to the shrine seeking it. T h e stela also anticipates possible o b j e c t i o n s t o the truth o f its claims by recounting A m b r o s i a ' s own stroll around the sanctuary to read the inscriptions, the very thing that s o m e o n e reading A m b r o s i a ' s testimony would b e doing. T h e not-sosubtle message is that the god accomplishes what is impossible for h u m a n beings, and in the very precincts in which the reader stands.
F u r t h e r m o r e , belief in the god is part o f the healing process: i f o n e
does n o t believe u p o n arriving, he or she will w h e n leaving. Healing does n o t require belief, b u t produces it. 2
I G 4 A.12l-22y
5 3
no. 9 : T h e report o f the m a n w h o is entirely missing an
eye also deals with the problem o f faith, made even m o r e acute by the m a n ' s eyeless c o n d i t i o n : in order to b e healed, an eyeball must be restored to its empty s o c k e t .
54
in the temple.
In this case, incredulity understandably extends to bystanders W h e n he arrives, they label the m a n ' s willingness to believe
that such a thing can happen as "naivete" or "simplemindedness" (rj EurjBia). Oddly, he h i m s e l f expresses n o doubts. A n d his belief is b o r n e out: h e awakes the recipient o f an indisputable miracle, able to see with " b o t h [i.e. eyes]" (a|j<|>6iv). The
shift o f the problem o f credulity o n t o bystanders suggests that the in
scription serves a broader purpose than to c o n v i n c e the afflicted to remain at the asklepion for help. T h e inscription acknowledges that the precincts were visited by people w h o were well, perhaps the curious or relatives o f the sick.
98
• JAMES RILEY STRANGE
T h e inscription subtly shifts address from those w h o are sick to those w h o are healthy, h e n c e e n h a n c i n g its propagandistic function for the cult o f Asklepios. 2
I G 4 .1.121-22;
no. 2 1
5 5
: In c o m p a r i s o n to the others, the report o f Arata
with dropsy emphasizes Asklepios* two primary characteristics: his i m m e n s e skill as a healer and his compassion. T h e act o f beheading the body, draining fluid from the neck, a n d reattaching the head mimics surgery only in the re motest s e n s e .
56
S o exaggerated is the imagery that it resembles m o r e the bleed
ing o f a slaughtered a n i m a l than even the m o s t drastic o f surgeries.
This
seems to be the point: evidently a n c i e n t readers are n o t to mistake what hap pens to the sick w o m a n as remotely possible in the m u n d a n e practice o f medi cine, even for the m o s t advanced m e m b e r s o f the guild. the skill to heal in this way.
57
T h e god alone has
Moreover, the a c c o u n t implies that Asklepios is
so adept that he can heal from a great distance, for it is the m o t h e r o f the pa tient w h o spends the night in the abaton while Arata, w h o suffers from dropsy, remains in L a c e d a e m o n .
58
T h e r e f o r e , in addition to displaying his healing
skills, by healing the w o m a n w h o presumably is t o o ill to travel, t h e god dem onstrates great m e r c y .
59
T h e Epidauros inscriptions and the magical papyri considered here inter sect at few points.
In b o t h cases divine powers are available to cure h u m a n
sickness, and the interaction happens only during the crisis o f h u m a n n e e d . T h e m o s t obvious difference between the groups o f texts lies in their function: the papyri are performative, whereas the inscriptions are descriptive.
Other
differences are as follows: the papyri are clear that the d a i m o n s can b e invoked to h a r m as readily as to heal, whereas the inscriptions emphasize the god's be nevolence.
60
Moreover, the tendency in the papyri to accrue power by calling
u p o n many d a i m o n s through various rites, voces magicae, and
incantations
finds n o m a t c h in the intense (if temporary) devotion to Asklepios and the simple practice o f incubation.
Likewise, t h e magical charms work through
technical precision (rites carried o u t in a particular fashion cause the proper build-up o f power that ensure the c h a r m ' s effectiveness) with n o apparent re q u i r e m e n t that the o n e using the c h a r m possess a properly pious attitude. F o r its part, healing at the asklepion is "devoid o f thaumaturgic t e c h n i q u e . "
61
Ra
ther, the inscriptions tie healing to b e l i e f in the god, whether the suppliant expresses confidence b e f o r e h a n d o r is won over by the cure. W h e r e a s to pur chase an amulet implies a level o f b e l i e f in its success, the spells d o n o t require belief in order to b e effective, n o r d o the d a i m o n s d e m a n d votive offerings as a d e m o n s t r a t i o n o f either belief o r gratitude. By contrast, the Epidauros inscriptions and J a m e s share m a n y details in common.
B o t h emphasize divine goodwill, just as b o t h are clear that medici
nal-like acts—visions o f surgeries and applications o f medicine (at Epidauros)
• THE EVERYDAY PRACTICE OF GRECO-ROMAN RELIGION •
99
and smearing with olive oil (in James)—do n o t o f themselves achieve healing, for b o t h assert that it is the deity w h o cures. B o t h also present t h e act o f heal ing as a leveler o f social strata: t h e inscriptions by demonstrating that Askle pios welcomes and heals all w h o c o m e to h i m at Epidauros, gladly receiving b o t h the silver pig o f the wealthy w o m a n a n d the boy's gaming dice; J a m e s , by encouraging all m e m b e r s o f the congregation, who are n o less righteous t h a n Elijah, to pray for o n e a n o t h e r ' s healing. T h e s e points o f agreement, however, prove to b e superficial. A t the level o f shared categories we see healing at Epidauros and in the Epistle o f J a m e s as elements o f distinctive systems.
T h e role o f belief, in particular, provides a
significant p o i n t o f intersection between the two, yet turns o u t to reveal sys temic discrepancies.
J a m e s uses the word "faith" ( T T ( O T I S ) a n d its opposite
(SiaKpi'vopai), while the inscriptions talk a b o u t lack o f c o n v i c t i o n a b o u t the god
(expressed as being
"incredulous"
[aTnoTEiico],
62
"laughing
at" [ 5 i a -
/ETTiyEAaco] the testimonies, t h i n k i n g that healing through i n c u b a t i o n is "im probable and impossible" [am'Sava K a i a S u v a T a ] , and calling b e l i e f "silliness" [E\jn0ia]).
B o t h J a m e s a n d the inscriptions tie faith to healing, a n d b o t h rec
ognize the value o f vicarious faith: J a m e s sees the faith o f the elders as a neces sary e l e m e n t in their healing ministry, and the god heals A r a t a when
her
m o t h e r sleeps in the abaton. The
texts, however, d e m o n s t r a t e quite different understandings o f faith.
J a m e s insists that prayer be made "in faith" (EV the prayer " o f faith"
(TTJS TTIOTECOS, 5 : 1 5 )
TTIOTEI,
1:6),
a n d asserts that
is effective for healing the sick per
son. W e have seen that w h e n J a m e s uses this term, he is talking a b o u t n e i t h e r assent to theological claims n o r credulity that G o d will grant t h e request, b u t about c o n t i n u e d devotion to G o d in the face o f hardships.
It is just this sort
o f protracted devotion that is absent in the Epidauros inscriptions, w h i c h speak o f n o relationship with the god b e y o n d the visit to the sanctuary.
In
these testimonies, moreover, the god often heals despite a person's disbelief, and the cure itself can produce faith.
In t h e inscriptions, therefore, what is
valued is c o n f i d e n c e that Asklepios is able t o heal a n d that he will in fact d o so. The
contrasts between J a m e s and Epidauros b e c o m e sharper as we con
sider categories that either are treated disproportionately by the two sources o r that appear in o n e but n o t at all in the o t h e r . A t Epidauros, as we have n o t e d , healing is the practice o f individuals, and James's c o n c e r n for healing as a moral act within the congregation does n o t register there. W e find n o indica tion that the divine healings benefit any particular congregation.
Similarly,
the inscriptions express the c o n c e r n s o f religious discourse w h e n they r e c o u n t the incubations and successful healings: healing obligates the suppliant to per-
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JAMES RILEY STRANGE •
form acts o f devotion in the form o f votive offerings, and presumably in the attitude o f thanksgiving that such acts demonstrate.
M o s t notably, the spe
cialization o f the Asklepios cult finds n o m a t c h in J a m e s . In the epistle, as we have seen, healing constitutes o n e o f a constellation o f religious practices car ried o u t by h u m a n s o n o n e another's behalf.
It is tied to m u t u a l confession
and forgiveness o f sins, a n d is associated with the restoration o f m e m b e r s w h o have apostatized, o r w h o are in danger o f doing so. A t Epidauros, h u m a n s re ceive healing—virtually to the exclusion o f all else—directly from the h a n d o f the god, and all rites are dedicated to the invocation o f that particular miracle. In a final example, the place-specific healing at Epidauros contrasts sharply with "nowhere" healing in J a m e s .
It is reasonable to explain this difference
with reference to the tradition in G r e e k a n d R o m a n religion o f associating a deity with a particular natural p h e n o m e n o n , such as a grove o r cave, o r as sometimes in the case o f Asklepios, h o t springs.
Nevertheless, it is the cus
tomary nature o f this practice in the G r e c o - R o m a n world that causes its ab sence in J a m e s to stand o u t all the m o r e . W e have already n o t e d that in J a m e s it is the sick person w h o s u m m o n s the elders to his or her own b e d . T h e con trast with the p h e n o m e n o n o f the asklepion suggests that in J a m e s , the act o f healing transforms the m u n d a n e space o f the h o m e into the sacred. T h e Lord is active at the sickbed as Asklepios is at the s h r i n e .
63
T h e G o d w h o Directs Destinies: Asklepios and Aelius Aristides U n l i k e b o t h the use o f spells and the practice o f i n c u b a t i o n e x a m i n e d above, a third type o f healing practice is m a r k e d by long-term residence n e a r a shrine, daily participation in its cultic and therapeutic activities over t h e course o f many years, a n d life-long devotion to Asklepios characterized by repeated di vine e n c o u n t e r s . A l t h o u g h we do n o t k n o w how c o m m o n such prolonged en thusiasm for the god Asklepios was in t h e G r e c o - R o m a n world, seeking treatment at his shrines was widespread. T h e writings o f Aelius Aristides pro vide us with two glimpses, o n e into the intensely personal relations between a suppliant and the god o f his devotion, and a n o t h e r into practices intended to bring relief from a c h r o n i c c o n d i t i o n . Publius Aelius Aristides (c. 1 1 7 - 1 8 0 C . E . ) , a sophist o f t h e S e c o n d S o phistic, received extensive early training in rhetoric at Smyrna a n d Pergamon in western Asia M i n o r , a n d at A t h e n s . D u r i n g an educational t o u r o f Egypt in the years 1 4 1 - 1 4 2 C . E . , he fell ill and was forced to return to Smyrna, the town in which h e had grown up. His recovery, which he attributed to Sarapis, left h i m ready to resume his career as an orator in R o m e , to w h i c h city he set off at the age o f a b o u t 2 6 (in D e c e m b e r o f 1 4 3 C . E . ) .
H e was sick before he
• T H E EVERYDAY PRACTICE OF GRECO-ROMAN RELIGION*
101
left, and his c o n d i t i o n declined so m u c h that before the year was o u t he turned b a c k to Smyrna, where he sought help at the asklepion, a n d where, al though he remained ill, he was rewarded with his first vision o f the god. F o r at least two years he c o n t i n u e d to receive care from his c h r o n i c c o n d i t i o n at the asklepion in Pergamon, near w h i c h he rented q u a r t e r s .
64
In his six b o o k s
o f Sacred Discourses, he credits b o t h several periods o f good health and the suc cess o f his career in oratory to the visions a n d ministrations that he received from A s k l e p i o s .
65
Aristides' personal accounts yield a construal o f the p r o b l e m o f sickness (in this case, c h r o n i c physical suffering), how it impinges o n Aristides's rela tionship with the god, and what Aristides may expect the god to do for h i m (that is, an understanding o f what "healing" entails), as well as s o m e indication o f what Aristides's mystical e n c o u n t e r s have to do with the Asklepios cult at Pergamon. T h e understanding o f these issues in the Tales reveals a particular worldview in which the god o f healing extends his care into m a n y corners o f Aristides's life, taking special interest in Aristides's personal welfare o n differ ent levels, including his physical comfort, psychological well-being, and profes sional
success.
In
this
section, we will d e t e r m i n e
how
James's
own
understanding o f the h u m a n c o n d i t i o n , and G o d ' s role in it, finds (or does n o t find) matching categories in the Tales, and how those categories reveal dis tinctive religious systems at work in the Epistle and the Tales. A passage from Discourses 4 8 . 7 4 - 7 8 leads the discussion.
Aristides re
counts how h e carried o u t the god's seemingly extreme instructions, and thence found relief from his s y m p t o m s .
66
T h i s a c c o u n t o f a miracle that t o o k
place at the Pergamon asklepion invites several observations. First o f all, as he frequently reports in the Tales, Aristides receives instructions from Asklepios "at night" ( V U K T I ) , an e l e m e n t that suggests the practice o f incubation that is now familiar t o us from late-fourth century B . C . E . Epidauros, a n d in fact Aris tides often uses that term to refer to his experiences o f the d i v i n e .
67
Even so,
there are key differences from what we see in the Epidauros inscriptions. F o r example, Aristides evidently does n o t stay overnight in the temple precincts at Pergamon, w h i c h contain n o abaton or o t h e r dormitory facilities to house suppliants.
Presumably, Aristides receives this revelation in his own quarters,
which he rents from a priest o r temple warden n a m e d Asklepiacus w h o lives off site b u t near the t e m p l e .
68
Moreover, we see n o t h i n g like the instantane
ous cures delivered by the god himself, as we saw at Epidauros.
Aristides re
cords n o healing from his protracted fever here at all; he gives n o testimony about how actions prescribed by the god alleviated his symptoms.
Rather, he
receives detailed instructions to smear h i m s e l f with mud, expose his body to frigid temperatures and wind, and to b a t h e in freezing water, b o t h at the be-
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•JAMES RILEY
STRANGE*
ginning and at the e n d o f a forty-day period. T h e affair o f the fever and divine revelations marks an extended chapter o f Aristides's long association with the asklepion at Pergamon. In light o f that fact, Aristides' characterization o f the episode as a "mira cle" (TO Baupa) and "miraculous" (s0au|jaa0r)) is intriguing.
Aristides evi
dently is talking about the incredible character o f the events, b u t it is n o t at all clear that a miraculous healing has occurred.
Aristides's amazement focuses
instead o n the god's bizarre instructions in freezing weather and o n his own faithful response to t h e m . T h e a c c o u n t reveals the nature o f Aristides's devo tion to the god: Asklepios instructs by night and Aristides obeys by day, fully conscious o f the potential harm these actions can cause, b u t carrying through nevertheless. O n a certain occasion reported earlier in Discourses, Aristides reports that he and a temple warden n a m e d Philadelphos had strikingly similar dreams, b o t h a b o u t Aristides.
69
Again, the report resembles the rite o f incubation, al
though it differs in several ways from those at late-fourth century B . C . E . Epi dauros.
F o r example, Aristides does n o t n a m e his specific c o m p l a i n t .
This
omission is typical o f the Discourses, w h i c h report in detail the god's prescrip tions—many resembling those o f the medical profession (as here), others ap 70
pearing to have n o particular medical benefit —but w h i c h rarely r e c o u n t his ailments in similar detail. A s a result, the nature o f the cure itself is obscure. Aristides reports only that he had b e e n confined to b e d for s o m e m o n t h s ,
71
and that his relief from the ( u n n a m e d ) symptoms is so great that he c a n n o t describe it. I n d e e d he does not. T h e god prescribes a w o r m w o o d and vinegar c o n c o c t i o n in order that Aristides "should n o longer feel disgust" ( c o s W 5uo— Xepavaipi), a n d u p o n taking it Aristides reports that the potion brings " r e l i e f ( p a o T c o v n ) and "causes benefit" (OVIVTUJI), language that leaves unclear wheth er Aristides was cured o r merely experienced temporary remission o f his symp toms, whatever they were. T h e god also does n o t administer the d r i n k in the dream, and Aristides does n o t awake cured. A s with his earlier smearings and baths, Aristides h i m s e l f must mix the potion and d r i n k it.
Finally, Aristides
and Philadelphos have the same dream, with a few variations. T h e healing o f Arata provides the sole example o f this p h e n o m e n o n in the Epidauros inscrip tions. mother.
In that case, however, the patient a n d suppliant were daughter
and
In the present case, Philadelphos does n o t undergo incubation o n
Aristides's behalf. T h e visions focus, n o t o n Aristides' illness and relief from it, b u t o n the role o f the god as director o f Aristides's life.
T h e accounts o f b o t h dreams
agree that the topic o f the speech and hymn is Asklepios as "Giver o f Desti nies" (poipovopov). In the a c c o u n t o f Philadelphos' dream in particular, the
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103
drink o f w o r m w o o d and vinegar serves as an example o f the god's ongoing m a n a g e m e n t o f Aristides's affairs: now, as he has d o n e myriads o f times previ ously, the god gives instructions that will change his very destiny, i f Aristides will only follow them.
Aristides does n o t elaborate o n where his life was
headed before he b e c a m e a devotee o f the god, n o r o n how it has improved since, b u t elsewhere in the Discourses we learn o f his earlier career struggles, and o f the fame and renown that he gains through his unsurpassed skills at oratory, which, like his health, he attributes to the god. In the present passage, however, the d r i n k serves as a transition to the sub ject o f the mystical e n c o u n t e r s with the god that his disclosures bring.
The
revelation o f the drink is o n e o f "thousands" (pupi'a) by which the god gives direction: For there was a seeming, as it were, to touch him and to perceive that he himself had come, and to be between sleep and waking, and to wish to look up and to be in an guish that he might depart too soon, and to strain the ears to hear some things as in a dream, some as in a waking state. Hair stood on end, there were tears of joy, and the weight of this knowledge was no burden. W h o could describe these things in words? Anyone who has been initiated knows and understands.
72
T h e polysyndeton o f the passage in G r e e k heightens the intensity o f direct divine e n c o u n t e r that Aristides attempts to convey. In the description o f his revelation, Aristides stacks perception upon perception, each governed by the initial periphrastic perceptions,
73
SOKETV
rfy.
T h e result is a melange o f "seeming" sensory
liminal states, and e m o t i o n s , all o f w h i c h defy description for
the uninitiated.
T h e r e is, consequently, a proselytizing e l e m e n t to Aristides's
account. W e find in this passage n o dispassionate report, b u t an impassioned a c c o u n t o f special knowledge and understanding the god through "mystic transport,"
74
(OUVOISEV T E
Kai yvcop(^Ei) o f
the effect o f w h i c h is to invite readers to
j o i n the ranks o f those w h o experience the god in this way and w h o enjoy his providential c a r e .
75
In the a c c o u n t o f his dream, Aristides dwells o n the protracted and com prehensive care that Asklepios gives to his initiates; the god's role as a healing deity has receded.
Aristides emphasizes relief from symptoms rather than
c o m p l e t e cure, repeated mystical experiences rather than instantaneous recov ery, ongoing instruction by the god rather than short-term e n c o u n t e r with him. T h e myriad revelations that Aristides receives reveal the god's dedication to directing the course o f his life,
76
and Aristides's periods o f (relative) health
reveal that dedication. Aristides makes the ongoing nature o f his religious devotion clear in an o t h e r well-known passage that serves as a panegyric to the Asklepion at Perga m o n (Disc. 2 3 . 1 6 - 1 7 ) .
In this section the issue o f illness and health barely
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• JAMES RILEY
STRANGE*
registers. F o r Aristides, sickness (r) v o o o s ) is profitable (XuoiT6Xr)v), for it is the c o n d i t i o n that brings o n e to the city, and t h e n c e in c o n t a c t with the god. H e r e salvation (ocoTr)p(a), a typical term for physical healing in t h e G r e c o R o m a n world, takes o n an indistinct m e a n i n g having to d o with general wellbeing—what in c o n t e m p o r a r y language o n e m i g h t call personal fulfillment and happiness.
Aristides's terms for this state o f divine benefit are "goods a n d
profit" (xP^Ma Kai KEpSos) and "precious gems" (vpr]oi), images that suggest a state o f material wealth.
Aristides, however, indicates that he uses the terms
figuratively when h e claims that the benefit t h a t c o m e s through t h e god sur passes
"all that
is considered
happiness
[suSaipcovia] among
people."
T h r o u g h its asklepion, the city is a safe harbor, a port that provides "tranquil ity" (yaXr)vrj) for all w h o c o m e there. T h e salvation that t h e god brings, there fore, is less substantial t h a n wealth, o r even health, for that matter, b u t is a sure route to true happiness. H e r e is t h e clearest indication that for Aristides the god does n o t merely dispense healing. Extrapolating from these examples, h e a l t h / s a l v a t i o n in Aris tides's Discourses pertains to the whole o f o n e ' s life, and it surpasses whatever typically holds value for people. T h e s e things o f worth are n o t only material wealth, b u t also those intangible experiences o f life: Aristides m e n t i o n s be longing to a c h o r u s (xopou ouXXoyos), sailing together (irXou KOIVCOV(CC), a n d studying u n d e r the same t e a c h e r (5i5aoKCcXocov TCOV OCUTCOV TUXEIV), presuma bly all group activities in w h i c h Aristides has engaged.
T o hold s u c h experi
ences in c o m m o n with others is a felicitous c o i n c i d e n c e , b u t
it c a n n o t
c o m p a r e t o the benefit (again, left unspecified) o f t h e fact that o n e has made a pilgrimage to t h e asklepion and has b e e n initiated into the divine mysteries there. Left unanswered is the question o f what, exactly, devotion to the god brings a person. T h e first two passages e x a m i n e d provide an answer: Aristides points to his own periods o f good health and skill at d e c l a m a t i o n as b o o n s from t h e god, w h i c h he interprets as a reversal o f his very destiny.
By exten
sion, others should expect help that fits their own peculiar problems and goals. W h a t is lacking in Aristides is a clear dualism through w h i c h he classi fies s o m e goods as material, and therefore transitory and inferior, a n d others as immaterial, a n d therefore p e r m a n e n t and superior.
S u c h a dualism is,
however, suggested by Aristides's devaluation o f b o t h wealth and the (necessar ily) transitory experiences that people enjoy by virtue o f being creatures with bodies. Y e t Aristides also continually praises his periods o f symptom-free, o r symptom-reduced, living, as well as his oratory skill, w h i c h likewise are fleeting goods. W i t h o u t m o r e explicit help from Aristides himself, we m u s t infer that Aristides does n o t value these qualities as goods in themselves, b u t as temporal
• THE EVERYDAY PRACTICE OF GRECO-ROMAN RELIGION •
105
indications o f his favor with the god, which he has secured through his con tinued devotion. Aristides does n o t spell out a m o r e p e r m a n e n t aspect o f sal vation. Howard C l a r k Kee uses the Discourses o f Aristides as his primary source for arguing that by the second century C . E . , the cult o f Asklepios had undergone a fundamental shift from venerating a cult healer (as we see in the Epidauros inscriptions) to devotion to the god as a benefactor, personal guide, and ulti mately savior.
77
S u c h d i a c h r o n i c observations are b e y o n d the scope o f this
work, b u t the present investigation has also found key differences between the passages from Aristides's Discourses a n d the Epidauros inscriptions in three ar eas: the focus o f the god's activity, the duration o f the god's attention, and the demands placed o n the suppliant. First o f all, the god o f the late-fourth century Epidauros inscriptions is clearly a healer: the suppliant arrives with a physical malady o f s o m e sort a n d leaves the next day cured. T h e s e practices throw the gods' activities in the Dis courses into sharp relief, for in Aristides' Tales we e n c o u n t e r n o miraculous cures, only temporary relief o f c h r o n i c symptoms that s o m e t i m e s take effect over the course o f m o n t h s , and through repeated and often taxing physical ac tivity. A b o v e all, what Aristides brings out is the god's role as shaper o f hu man destinies a n d bringer o f salvation. S e c o n d , the healings o f the Epidauros inscriptions focus only o n the heal ing o f a particular ailment and are instantaneous, whereas Aristides empha sizes a lifetime o f devotion to the god a n d a salvation that endures. Finally, at Epidauros, in return for his healing acts the god expected only belief in his ability and willingness to cure, a n d occasionally a votive offering as a sign o f gratitude and faith. By contrast, the Asklepios o f Aristides' experi ence invites initiation into his cult, encourages long-term devotion marked by ecstatic visions, a n d graciously offers to c o n t r o l the details o f o n e ' s life, which Aristides interprets as a change o f personal destiny. In this way, Aristides' devotion t o the god shares a characteristic with the magical papyri that we read. T h o s e t o o gave an indication that people sought divine aid, n o t for healing alone, b u t for help with the minutiae o f their wor kaday lives, and they also m a t c h e d particular prescriptions to various needs and wants. W e found in the spells, however, n o signs o f religious devotion, whether prolonged o r brief, n o indication o f divine goodwill, n o official cult with priests and initiates. A c h i e f difference between t h e two systems lies in the matter o f will. In the G r e e k spells, the divine beings w h o are available to help h u m a n s do n o t necessarily care to d o so, a n d the three spells that we read made n o appeal to divine b e n e v o l e n c e . Instead, people sought temporarily to b e n d the will o f the being to their own.
S u c h an understanding o f divine
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•JAMES RILEY STRANGE
power clashes with Aristides's depiction o f a god w h o benefits h u m a n s when they submit to his guidance. T h e r e is in Aristides's devotion to Asklepios the n o t i o n that what the G r e e k spells seek to c o n t r o l (we e x a m i n e d sickness alone) is an inescapable aspect o f life.
T h r o u g h worship o f the deity o n e can find
some relief from life's ills, b u t p a r a m o u n t in this lifelong devotion is giving o n e s e l f over to the god's care and accepting his c o n t r o l over o n e ' s life. T u r n i n g n o w to a c o m p a r i s o n with James, Aristides shares with J a m e s cer tain aspects c o m m o n to G r e c o - R o m a n moralists. Primarily, as a result o f his devotion to the god, Aristides adopts counter-cultural values, such as his reali zation that happiness is n o t to be found in wealth, a claim that finds affinity with J a m e s ' s outright c o n d e m n a t i o n o f the wealthy. T h e two also share a con cern for a prolonged and mutual relationship between h u m a n s a n d the Divine in w h i c h each party takes up certain duties, a n d within which each can expect particular responses from the other. W e also find u n m a t c h e d categories, such as the mystical e l e m e n t in the Tales that has n o counterpart in J a m e s , and James's c o m m u n i t a r i a n and eschatological visions that find n o m a t c h in the Tales.
T h e result o f this imbal
ance is that w h e n J a m e s expresses the idea o f unity o r restoration, he refers in particular to the reconciliation o f c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s to o n e through their mutual submission to G o d .
another
S u c h submission, however, does
n o t entail mystical c o m m u n i o n with the Divine, whereas it does guarantee fa vorable j u d g m e n t at the parousia.
O n the o t h e r hand, Aristides' n o t i o n s o f
c o n n e c t i o n to Asklepios focus o n immediate e n c o u n t e r s with the god in nu merous, repeated experiences. T h e same d i s j u n c t i v e may also explain differences in the way each text deals with the god's involvement in the day-to-day lives o f h u m a n s .
Whereas
the Epistle o f J a m e s and the Tales c o n t a i n similar n o t i o n s o f c o n t i n u e d devo tion a n d submission, in J a m e s these t o o work as part o f an eschatological in terpretation o f existence, whereas Aristides' n o t i o n o f "destiny" is a thisworldly matter.
Even so, the G o d o f J a m e s is also c o n c e r n e d with the details
o f life in the present.
T h e differences with Aristides b e c o m e clear when we
consider that J a m e s places the primary sphere o f G o d ' s activity in t h e world to c o m e (where h e judges, rewards, punishes, a n d reverses fortunes), while pres ently G o d seldom directly interferes in the intra-community relationships o f Christians, n o r does he intervene w h e n c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s face abuse from outsiders. In J a m e s as well we find little emphasis o n what we m i g h t call indi vidual fulfillment in the present: success in o n e ' s career, a sense o f personal well-being, and u n i o n with G o d . J a m e s rather expects that Christians will en c o u n t e r hardships o f various types, all o f w h i c h they must endure,
perhaps
with n o relief o f any kind, "to the e n d . " W h e r e a s for Aristides, the god grants
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measurable rewards to individuals in the present life, for J a m e s , h u m a n ac tions o n b e h a l f o f G o d have discernible c o n s e q u e n c e s in this world: h u m a n s care for the destitute, make peace, pray for o n e another's healing, and correct o n e another's behavior; or, conversely, they send the needy away with empty blessings, drag the defenseless into court, tear apart the c o m m u n i t y , and c h e a t workers o u t o f their wages. Aristides' Tales also c o n t a i n an evangelistic e l e m e n t that the Epistle o f James does not. W h i l e it is true that Aristides neither states why he writes the Tales n o r reveals w h o comprises his intended audience, the narratives read like extended prose panegyrics to the god, and so implicitly carry an invitation to follow Aristides's example o f devotion to the " S a v i o r . "
78
T h a t invitation be
comes m o r e explicit, yet still subtle, in Aristides's claim that only "initiates" can understand the difficulty with w h i c h he puts his experience o f the god in to words: i f you wish to understand, j o i n the ranks o f the initiated.
Through
his Sacred Tales, therefore, Aristides addresses outsiders—those unfamiliar with b o t h the practices o f the Asklepios cult and the life changes that devotion to the god bring—whereas J a m e s ' s epistle focuses its attention squarely on insid ers. In the Sacred Tales o f Aristides, we e n c o u n t e r an example o f a G r e c o R o m a n author w h o does n o t set forth a defense o f the moral life, and w h o deploys n o moral discourse to discuss pious acts. Aristides's enthusiastic pur suit o f happiness rests instead o n the fulfillment o f obligations imposed by the god.
In addition to this religious discourse, Aristides's accounts stress the in
tensely personal nature o f his religious experience. Aristides endorses partici pation in the cult o f Asklepios, b u t his apology for doing so refers neither to congregational solidarity (a small-scale corporate c o n c e r n ) , n o r to the good o f the city, G r e e k traditions, o r the R o m a n E m p i r e as a whole (large-scale corpo rate c o n c e r n s ) .
Rather, Aristides's implicit invitations to j o i n the Asklepios
cult stress the personal benefits that the god offers his suppliants.
Aristides
offers a chain o f anecdotes detailing b o t h the god's c o n t i n u e d attentions to his torments and the G o d ' s guidance o f his own career.
Confession of Sins in Asia Minor Few G r e c o - R o m a n authors deal with either the confession o f sins as a religious practice
79
or the admission o f error as a social o n e .
80
T h e paucity o f literary
references is m a t c h e d by the few votive inscriptions o f the Hellenistic and R o m a n periods that express confession o f and repentance from sins. T h e socalled " C o n f e s s i o n Inscriptions" from Asia M i n o r (also called the M a e o n i a n
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• JAMES RILEY STRANGE •
inscriptions, a n d the Lydian and Phrygian inscriptions) may provide an excep tion, offering a c o l l e c t i o n o f firsthand examples o f religious confession o f sins in t h e G r e c o - R o m a n world outside J u d a i c a n d C h r i s t i a n t e x t s . 1 3 8 published s t e l a e
82
81
date to the s e c o n d and third centuries C E . ,
T h e some 8 3
and like
the Epidauros inscriptions they c o n f o r m to a basic structure: the m o s t detailed inscriptions include: 1) t h e n a m e o f the god h o n o r e d (often a local deity, such as M e n , Meter, Zeus o f the T w i n O a k s , A p o l l o Lairbenos, etc.), 2) t h e n a m e o f the person
h o n o r i n g t h e god, 3 ) a report o f c o m m i t t i n g a
transgression
( a p a p T a c o , TrapaPaivco; this is often "confessed," opoAoyEco, E^oMoAoyEopai), 4 ) an a c c o u n t o f the god's inquiry (ETn£r)TEco, ava£r)TEco) into the a n d / o r epiphany through a dream 5) a punishment
(UTTVOS,
by t h e god (KoAa£co,
matter
ovEipos) o r messenger (ayyEAos),
KOACCOIS),
6 ) an act o f expiation
(iAaoKEa8cci, E^iAaaKEO0aO, 7 ) removal o f the p u n i s h m e n t , 8 ) and t h e erection o f a stele (oTr]Aoypa<|>Eco) with a p r o c l a m a t i o n o f the god's power (Suvapis) as a m e m o r i a l to the e v e n t .
84
M o s t inscriptions carry only s o m e o f these ele
ments, b u t they o c c u r frequently and in a regular order, so that we c a n call the "confession inscription" a genre with its c o n v e n t i o n s .
85
T h e Confession Inscriptions T h e so-called confession inscriptions reveal an understanding o f t h e world in which t h e gods take a particular interest in t h e daily activities o f h u m a n be ings. human
T h o s e w h o erected the stelae indicate that the gods regularly oversee interactions b o t h with o n e a n o t h e r a n d with the gods themselves.
T h e y give witness to only o n e aspect o f that oversight: the gods intervene in the case o f m o r a l o r religious error, punishing the offense and relenting w h e n propitiated.
T h e inscriptions thus b e a r witness to a religious system in w h i c h
h u m a n s b e a r responsibilities to o n e a n o t h e r a n d to the gods, in w h i c h the gods respond to transgressions in the here a n d now, a n d in w h i c h
humans
may substitute an act o f a t o n e m e n t for their own suffering, thus m a k i n g right o n their own what the deity has sought to justify through sanction. J a m e s t o o has s o m e t h i n g to say a b o u t the social a n d religious associations o f h u m a n s , their interactions with G o d , and the c o n s e q u e n c e s o f sin and faith in b o t h realms o f h u m a n
activity.
H e n c e , the record o f h u m a n guilt a n d acts o f
a t o n e m e n t in these testaments to divine power can b e c o m p a r e d to J a m e s ' s understanding o f h u m a n wrong and restitution. Because o f t h e relative obscurity o f these texts, I provide full translations. W e begin with an inscription that recounts a theft and its c o n s e q u e n c e s .
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BWK3 Great is Men Axiottenos Tarsi, who rules. Because a scepter was set up in the event that someone stole something from the bathhouse, when a garment was stolen the god was displeased, and after some time he made the thief bring the garment to the god, and he confessed. Therefore, through a messenger the god commanded that the garment be sold and to record (the god's] powers on a stele. In the year 2 4 9
Petzl records the stele's date "In the year 2 4 9 " as c. 1 6 4 / 5 C . E .
8 7
The
photograph in Petzl's v o l u m e shows a stele o f white marble with the inscrip tion s u r m o u n t e d by a relief, the upper, larger panel o f w h i c h depicts " M e n , in Phrygian h o o d , with an u p t u r n e d c r e s c e n t over his shoulders.
In his upraised
right h a n d he holds the scepter, a n d to his right the g a r m e n t lies at an an gle."
88
T h i s scepter appears in several reliefs a n d receives m e n t i o n in o t h e r in
scriptions; the language o f the inscriptions suggests that the scepter symbolizes the god's judicial authority, manifested in issuing c o m m a n d s (as here), requir ing propitiation, and rendering j u d g m e n t .
89
Petzl identifies the figure in the
smaller panel below and to the left, standing with b o t h arms upraised, as a boy.
Presumably this is t h e thief, a n d i f he indeed is a child, his parents may
be responsible b o t h for sponsoring the stele a n d for keeping his n a m e o u t o f it. C o n f e s s i o n o f sin does n o t appear to b e a primary focus o f t h e stele's proc lamation.
Regarding the raised h a n d s o f the smaller figure, m o r e often in
these m o n u m e n t s a figure stands with right h a n d r a i s e d , interpreted as adoration o f the g o d . BWK
91
90
a gesture s o m e t i m e s
I f this is the case, t h e n t h e relief o n
3 may b e intended to depict t h e very act o f confessing (E^coMoXoyr)oaTo)
the c r i m e . However, whereas the stele's sponsors must regard the m o n u m e n t as a p e r m a n e n t testimony, and whereas it does record the c o m m i s s i o n a n d confession o f a theft, the inscription itself states that the m o n u m e n t gives ex plicit witness to the god's powers (TCCS SUVCXMEIS).
M o r e subtle is the inscrip
tion's revelation that M e n is willing to act in the lives o f his
suppliants
through causing the return o f the stolen garment, its sale, and the p l a c e m e n t o f the stele itself as a warning to potential sinners.
T h a t we can classify the
theft as a m o r a l and legal error in distinction to a religious violation will be c o m e clear in the e x a m i n a t i o n o f o t h e r inscriptions. BWK 6 8 Great is Mother Anaeitis, who rules, and Meis Tiamu, and [great are) their powers. [Concerning] Hermogenes and Apollonios, the sons of Apollonios Midas from Zuros of the Mandrenes: when three shoats belonging to Demainetos and Papios of Azita wandered off from the pens of Sura and became mixed with the herd of Hermogenes and Apollonios, their five-yearold slave boy fed them and returned them within [the pen]; when therefore Demainetos and Papios came searching [for the shoats], through some ingratitude they [Hermogenes and Apollonios] did not admit [that they had the
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pigs]. Therefore the scepter was set up by the goddess and the Lord Tiamu, and when they did not admit [what they had done] the goddess therefore displayed her own powers, and after Hermogenes died, his wife and child, and his brother Apollonios appeased her, and now we bear witness to her and praise her together with [our] chil dren. In the year 1 9 9 .
92
A n emphasis o n the gods' powers (ai S u v a u t S
93
auTcov), also present in
the previous inscription, stands o u t in the present example C.E.
9 4
from
114/115
because o f their m e n t i o n at b o t h the beginning a n d e n d o f the narra
tive. T h e stele provides an explanation for the death o f H e r m o g e n e s , tracing it to the de-facto theft o f two young pigs from a n o t h e r herd.
Although neither
what h a p p e n e d to the animals n o r the crime t h a t earned the gods' response o f power is clear (a confusion that accounts for the phrases in brackets above), the language suggests that the brothers c o m m i t t e d a sin o f omission, failing to disclose that the shoats had b e c o m e intermingled with their own herd.
The
stele t h e n interprets H e r m o g e n e s ' death as divine p u n i s h m e n t for this omis sion, with his family erecting the stele as a sign o f redress after the fact and as a witness to the goddess M o t h e r Anaetis in particular. T h e "ingratitude" (axapiOTi'av) that the inscription m e n t i o n s is a n o t h e r obscurity. T h e term may allude to an earlier disagreement between the broth ers and the pair D e m a i n e t o s and Papios.
In this case, the verb opoAoysco
bears n o t only a religious b u t also a semi -orensic meaning. T h e brothers fail to "admit" (OUK copoAoyrioav, pr| bpoAoynaavTcov) their crime, perhaps in two separate instances: w h e n the pigs' owners c a m e looking for them, a n d after the raising o f the scepter, w h i c h may indicate a legal inquiry c o n d u c t e d u n d e r the auspices o f the divine cult. T h e stele, therefore, suggests that the sin is o f b o t h a m o r a l a n d a legal nature, while also carrying religious c o n s e q u e n c e s , for it offends the gods a n d invites their intervention, namely t h e raising o f the scep ter, the death o f H e r m o g e n e s , the act o f propitiation offered by his family, a n d the erection o f the stele as eternal witness to the gods' might. B W K 112 ... of Apollonios because he sinned: because I went up into the [sacred] place acciden tally and twice went through the village while impure. I forgot and passed into the village [again]. I announce that no one will despise the god[s?], because he will have the stele as an example. W h a t lies before you, Eutycheis made of his own will, and he confessed and made propitiation.
95
96
In this "confession" text—possibly dating to the third century C . E . — there is a clear admission o f guilt in the claim, "because he s i n n e d " (Si TO 97
rjpapTTjKEVE ), the transgression is spelled out, a n d the transgression is con fessed (E^OMoAoyrjaccTo). Again, however, the inscription's confessional nature plays a secondary role to its veneration o f the god. In this case, Eutycheis "an-
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111
n o u n c e s " (TrapayeAco) that n o o n e w h o reads his public proclamation will make the same error that he has. 98
T h a t Eutycheis "accidentally" ('TTIOETUXEI ) c o m m i t t e d the transgressions indicates that the acts carry n o m o r a l value. R a t h e r , the offenses o f entering a 1
sacred area (TCO X ^ P )
a n
d twice ((3 ) going through a village while impure
( a v a y v a ) constitute a failure to m e e t the religious obligation o f maintaining ritual cleanliness. As a result, this inscription and others that similarly testify to religious transgressions
99
stand in contrast to the two previous, in which the
moral nature o f the infractions d o m i n a t e d : although those crimes required propitiation o f the god, they were c o m m i t t e d against o t h e r people's property; this particular sin is against the god alone. BWK
43
Antonia, daughter of Antonius, to the god Apollon Bozenos, because I went up to the [sacred] place wearing filthy clothes, and after I was punished I confessed and offered up a blessing, because I became whole.
BWK
100
4 3 shares s o m e details with 1 1 2 : the sin is probably a problem o f
impurity, indicated by the phrase "in filthy c l o t h e s " (EV puTrccpco ETTEVSUTT)) and by the indication that A n t o n i a wore t h e m within s o m e sacred precincts (ETTI TOV xopov [sic]). T h e stele does n o t specify that this was a deliberate act, and so as with B W K 1 1 2 we may consider it a religious violation with little moral c o n t e n t . Y e t here we find the added detail that A n t o n i a "was punished" (KO101
A a o r J i o a ) for this sin. T h a t she reports b e c o m i n g "whole" (bAoKAnpos) as a result o f her confession (E^cojJoAoynoaijrjv) indicates an illness o r injury o f some type.
T h e implication is that h e r confession propitiated the god, w h o
then relented. U n l i k e the practices o f prayer a n d healing, which were ubiquitous in an tiquity, and correction, w h i c h forms a topos in the writings o f moralists, it is difficult to find confession treated as a distinct category o f religious o r moral behavior. Even in this particular corpus o f inscriptions, confession serves the primary purpose o f the texts, w h i c h is to bear witness to the god's power to ef fect justice, and to their willingness to intervene in the affairs o f h u m a n be ings.
102
Nevertheless, the following diagnostic categories do provide points for
comparison and contrast with J a m e s . As with the Epistle o f James, it is difficult to separate out confession and correction as distinct practices in the religion(s) to w h i c h these stelae attest. In C h a p t e r 2 we found it necessary to consider confession and correction in James together.
Similarly, in the Asia M i n o r inscriptions, admission o f guilt
does n o t o c c u r in the majority o f stelae, and when it does, it is o n e part o f the proclamation o f the god's power to correct the actions o f suppliants. T h e con-
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•JAMES RILEY STRANGE •
fession inscriptions a n d J a m e s alike share the use o f legal imagery: G o d indicts the s i n n e r and brings j u d g m e n t . T h a t J a m e s casts j u d g m e n t to the t i m e o f the Lord's c o m i n g highlights the immediacy o f the s e n t e n c i n g in the inscriptions: the god visits p u n i s h m e n t o f various types u p o n sinners, a n d relents when the suppliant o r a surrogate (in the case o f B W K 6 8 ) makes an act o f propitiation. Again, the individualistic nature o f the inscriptions' practices contrast starkly with J a m e s ' s understanding o f religious acts. In J a m e s , m e m b e r s o f the assembly are to confess sins to o n e a n o t h e r , b u t w h e t h e r as an admission o f offenses that c o n c e r n the confessor in particular, o r as a revelation within a gathering o f the assembly o f o n e ' s sins, is n o t clear. W h a t is striking, however, in c o m p a r i s o n with the inscriptions is the absence o f G o d in the practice. T h e implication is that the one(s) hearing confession stand as G o d ' s surrogates. W i t h few exceptions, in the inscriptions o n e confesses to the deity in response to an act o f divine correction, epiphany, o r p u n i s h m e n t ; there is n o m e n t i o n o f confessing to an intermediary, o r within a c o n v o c a t i o n . B W K 6 8 provides o n e o f these exceptions, since the first time that the principals, H e r m o g e n e s and A p o l l o n i o s , d o n o t "confess," they w i t h h o l d information from the pigs' true owners. T h e s e c o n d i n c i d e n t either repeats the first, o r marks a separate failure to confess the sin to the goddess.
N o t e , however, that the stele never
m e n t i o n s the return o f the pigs, unless the language "they appeased
her"
(tXaoovTO a\JTT)v) refers to it. T h e phrase might just as well, however, allude to the erection o f the stele itself. Likewise, B W K 3 makes n o m e n t i o n o f re turning the g a r m e n t to its owner; rather, the g a r m e n t is b r o u g h t t o the god and t h e n sold.
O t h e r inscriptions in the corpus follow a similar pattern: in
cases involving m o r a l error, the stelae emphasize redress to the god(s) rather than to the individuals w h o are wronged.
W h a t we find in the inscriptions,
therefore, is similar to what we saw at Epidauros: public attestation to individ ual a n d personal religious experience, w h i c h in s o m e cases has social repercus sions, b u t w h i c h for the m o s t part focuses o n a series o f transactions between suppliant and the deity.
Conclusion: Morality and Religion in James and Select Greco-Roman Texts Because e a c h section in the previous two chapters c o n t a i n s its own detailed c o m p a r i s o n , here I speak in m o r e general terms. W h e n the moralists treated here are placed alongside J a m e s , they shed light o n his worldview, understand ing o f the social order, and construal o f a way o f life for G o d ' s people, as well as the telos o f that way o f life. W e r e we to have read works that set forth moral
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visions o f different streams o f the G r e e k philosophical tradition—say Pythago rean o r Epicurean thought—no d o u b t different light would be shed o n aspects o f J a m e s ' s system. T h e same can b e said a b o u t the examples o f popular (and localized) religious practice treated in these chapters ( P G M , Epidauros, a n d Asia M i n o r confession inscriptions), a n d the o n e example o f the exceptional (Aristides).
W h a t then is learned w h e n we c o m p a r e religious practices in
James with those from o n e o f Plato's political treatises, a later Platonic moral ist, an heir o f Zeno, as well as examples o f popular religious practices against which they likely formulate their versions o f pious living: magical spells, public records o f divine encounters, a n d a fervent devotee to Asklepios? T o help to sort o u t the tangle o f data drawn from the texts treated in this chapter, we re turn to the grid o f diagnostic categories derived from J a m e s , a n d review the instances in w h i c h they find counterpart categories in these G r e c o - R o m a n texts. [1] In J a m e s 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 , religious practices respond to moral crises in the community.
T h i s category finds a counterpart in Plutarch's a n d Epictetus'
treatises o n c o r r e c t i o n . T h a t certain behaviors and beliefs must b e put right exposes the state o f moral crisis b r o u g h t o n by violations o f codes o f good manners a n d virtuous c o n d u c t .
T h e category is present as well in the Asia
M i n o r inscriptions, in w h i c h b o t h m o r a l and religious sins provoke the gods to respond with acts o f j u d g m e n t . [2] In J a m e s 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 , religious practices are c o m m u n i t a r i a n acts, that is, they are acts carried out by c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s o n b e h a l f o f o t h e r c o m m u nity m e m b e r s a n d for the sake o f the well-being o f the c o m m u n i t y .
The
G r e c o - R o m a n moralists register corporate c o n c e r n s o f their own, speaking ei ther directly o r indirectly o f the ways in which individual virtuous p r a c t i c e s including piety a n d social correction—shore up the structure o f t h e polis, pre serve traditional ways, or better the entire R o m a n world. Similarly, acts o f vice erode b o t h tradition and society's underpinnings.
Regarding prayer, Plato and
Plutarch respond to popular n o t i o n s o f piety by criticizing trends that we have identified with the system o f X ^ P ^ S : Plato, by asserting that the gods c a n n o t b e bribed by acts o f supplication; Plutarch, by deriding religious practices that are c o n s u m e d with precise performance o f rites.
Regarding correction, Plutarch
speaks against the practice o f flattery, which h e paints as an insipid, obsequi ous mockery o f c o r r e c t i o n , while also addressing the social m a n n e r s that undergird friendship, o n e o f society's i m p o r t a n t b u t less-formalized institutions. Epictetus talks a b o u t correction only as the responsibility o f the "professional" C y n i c philosopher, b u t his c o n c e r n for the good o f R o m a n society is evident. J a m e s t o o c o n d e m n s ignorance a n d selfish a m b i t i o n , and the use o f relig ion in their cause. His c o m m u n i t a r i a n vision for the life o f morality and de-
• JAMES RILEY
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votion to G o d , however, stands in opposition to these G r e c o - R o m a n corpo rate c o n c e r n s . H e betrays n o optimism about either the polis as a good insti tution o r citizenship in the E m p i r e as a position o f advantage.
H e is n o t a
philosopher building a U t o p i a n state, b u t a m o r a l theologian w h o claims that G o d opposes the ethos o f "the world"—both its inhabitants' ways o f thinking and their actions, w h e t h e r played o u t in the e c o n o m i c o r legal spheres—and w h o imagines c o m m u n i t i e s o f believers taking up a way o f life that resists its influences.
103
C o r p o r a t e c o n c e r n s practically vanish in t h e forms o f popular religion ex a m i n e d in this chapter. W h e t h e r general and impersonal, in the case o f mag ic, or intensely personal a n d idiosyncratic, in the case o f Aelius Aristides, the benefit o f divine power is presented as an advantage to t h e individual. [3] J a m e s presents these practices as having eschatological o u t c o m e s in ad dition to their effects in the here and now.
Healing b o t h restores the body
and brings a b o u t forgiveness o f sins, and it is n o t dissociated from the sinner's restoration to G o d and to the c h u r c h . A l t h o u g h J a m e s encourages believers to accept all good things in their lives either as divine gifts ( 1 : 5 , 17) o r as prod ucts o f G o d ' s will ( 4 : 1 5 ) , and asserts that m o r e good is available to the com munity whose m e m b e r s will ask for it ( 4 : 2 b - 3 ) , he nevertheless expects b o t h prosperity and poverty, b o t h e c o n o m i c success and victimization by fraud, as a matter o f course in the present life. James's o p t i m i s m a b o u t G o d ' s c o m i n g justice contrasts with t h e moralists' vision for divine help here and now, whether in the form o f a just and virtu ous society, o r in relief from physical discomfort and a corresponding b o o s t in o n e ' s career.
F o r Plato and Plutarch,
h u m a n s should expect s o m e m o d e s t
material gain from the gods, b u t only because in moderation it makes possible the immaterial (and h e n c e truly valuable) benefits o f the gods, s u c h as true happiness that can only b e found in the h u m a n rational capacity, which in turn leads to the acquisition o f virtue.
In " O n the Calling o f a C y n i c , " Epic
tetus does n o t address the benefits that the gods grant to h u m a n s , and it is clear that he values C y n i c asceticism, b u t he also advocates the C y n i c life for very few; the rest should strive to live, as he h i m s e l f does, enjoying the advan tages o f a safe and prosperous society while m a i n t a i n i n g a S t o i c d e t a c h m e n t and reserve. Aelius Aristides also seeks divine help in the present existence, but his Sacred Tales are n e i t h e r philosophical n o r moral treatises, a n d this may explain the small role that any sort o f c o m m u n i t y plays in them, in contrast to his rhapsodic p r o n o u n c e m e n t s o n the personal benefits o f devotion to the god. [4] In James, faith—presented as prolonged and single minded devotion to God—is present explicitly in the practices o f prayer and healing, a n d implicitly
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in the restorative aspects o f confession and c o r r e c t i o n . O n l y two examples o f G r e c o R o m a n popular religion that we looked at had n o m a t c h for this cate gory. In the magical papyri, o n e sought to t a m e the superior powers o f divine beings to o n e ' s use while giving n o sense o f fidelity to those forces, whereas the Epidauros stelae expressed the idea o f credulity. N e i t h e r source advocated for divine-human interaction lasting longer than the resolution o f the health crisis.
By contrast, although the confession inscriptions focused o n the crisis
o f the god's j u d g m e n t and expiation, they stood as testimonies to the ongoing interest that the gods take in h u m a n affairs, and the c o n t i n u e d n e e d for hu mans to c o n d u c t their lives in ways pleasing to the divine powers. A m o n g the specific authors we looked at, Aelius Aristides speaks passion ately about Asklepios' care for him. H u m a n duty toward the gods also forms a significant category in the work o f Plato, Plutarch, a n d Epictetus.
Standing
b e h i n d all these characterizations o f piety is the assumption that the righteous person is o f relatively high social status and participates freely in licit forms o f religious expression, either state-sponsored cultic activities o r semi-private, family rites.
In this vision, steadfast religious devotion is part o f civic duty,
and constancy requires the same discipline necessary for the c o n t r o l o f the passions and correct application o f the rational capacity. O n the o t h e r h a n d , in J a m e s , fidelity to Israel's G o d as "Father" and to Jesus C h r i s t as " L o r d " is linked to the c o m m u n i t i e s ' relatively low social position, w h i c h makes t h e m vulnerable to exploitation in the courts and without recourse in instances o f e c o n o m i c mistreatment.
In this construal o f matters, unfaltering c o m m i t m e n t
to G o d faces challenges from outsiders: either in the form o f the world's val ues a n d desires, o r in the form o f mistreatment by those w h o possess power. W h e r e a s for the moralists, remaining faithful has c o n c r e t e benefits in the pre sent, fidelity for James may intensify suffering now, b u t ensures salvation at the parousia. [5] Similarly, through these practices c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s take up G o d ' s example o f prolonged and single m i n d e d care for the c o m m u n i t y , and G o d ' s j u d g m e n t o f it.
In James, i f help c o m e s to the powerless, it does so t h r o u g h
the moral acts o f m e m b e r s o f the c h u r c h e s o f the Diaspora, for G o d mediates care through those who s u b m i t to G o d and take up G o d ' s m o d e o f action to wards h u m a n s .
O f the G r e c o - R o m a n texts examined, Epictetus alone con
ceives o f the C y n i c as an intermediary for the Divine, a n d o f all the practices examined, only correction is presented as having a direct and positive impact on a n o t h e r h u m a n .
Plato, as well, conceived o f the corporate aim o f virtue,
namely the creation o f a good state, b u t he had little specific to say about the interactions o f citizens with o n e a n o t h e r beyond laying o u t an e c o n o m i c a n d political structure.
Prayers and requests for healing in the G r e e k magical pa-
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•JAMES RILEY
STRANGE
pyri a n d Epidauros inscriptions are largely petitionary, focused o n the needs and wants o f the o n e s praying o r o f their family m e m b e r s , and with few excep tions the rare practice o f confession in the Lydian and Phrygian inscriptions involves a single person making supplication before his o r her deity. T o summarize, we have seen that the moralists' value o f t h e city/state, G r e e k cultural values, o r the Empire, contrasts with J a m e s ' s construal o f the polluting influence o f "the world," and that t h e attempts to tame divine beings in the G r e e k spells is dissimilar to James's d e m a n d for the believer's submis sion to G o d . Similarly, Epictetus' portrait o f the C y n i c philosopher as a lone m o r a l agent, making the correction o f every h u m a n he e n c o u n t e r e d his o r her sole o c c u p a t i o n , stands o u t against J a m e s ' s desire for all m e m b e r s o f the as sembly to set aside their own desires in order to work and pray for the com munity's good.
T h e idea o f credulity, o r b e l i e f that the gods will do what a
person asks—prevalent in the P G M a n d inscriptions from Epidauros—simply finds n o equivalent in J a m e s , w h o characterizes TTIOTIS with images o f con stancy, e n d u r a n c e , a n d deeds o f mercy.
In the same way, J a m e s c o n t a i n s n o
n o t i o n that G o d manipulates an individual's daily existence, either to help suppliants o r to punish sinners.
In contrast to Aristides' intense, personal,
and unmediated e n c o u n t e r s with Asklepios, as J a m e s sees things, G o d directs h u m a n actions t h r o u g h the gift o f the law o f freedom rather t h a n t h r o u g h personal revelations, a n d all direct e n c o u n t e r s with G o d are delayed until the arrival o f the Judge. Finally, J a m e s presents n o t h i n g to m a t c h the idea o f good social m a n n e r s in Plutarch.
F o r J a m e s , it is sin that destroys intra-communal
relationships, a n d it is submission to G o d that restores t h e m . T h e G r e e k a n d Hellenistic religions a n d their critics did n o t make the on ly systematic statements a b o u t right m o d e s o f behavior in antiquity. T h e m a n y authors o f the J u d a i c sources set forth their own visions for a way o f life in the world, as we see in the n e x t two chapters.
• T H E EVERYDAY PRACTICE OF GRECO-ROMAN RELIGION*
117
Notes 1.
Aelius Aristides provides an exception. See the discussion below. See also "How ought we to bear our illnesses?" (Diatr. 3.10), in which Epictetus says that people should endure a fever in the appropriate way, just as they take up any other task. He advises following the instructions of one's physician, but has nothing explicit to say about seeking healing from the gods or some other divine being.
2.
See e.g. Pindar, Third Pythian Ode, 3 8 - 5 3 , and see in particular the discussion in the next chapter about healing in Sirach.
3.
Cf. John Scarborough, Roman Medicine (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1969), 20, 143.
4.
Scarborough, Roman Medicine, 144.
5.
C. Thomas McCollough and Beth Glazier-McDonald, "Magic and Medicine in Byzantine Galilee: A Bronze Amulet from Sepphoris," in Archaeology and the Galilee: Texts and Con texts in the Graeco-Roman
and Byzantine Periods, ed. Douglas R. Edwards and C. Thomas
McCollough, South Florida Studies in the History of Judaism (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1997), 144; Arthur Darby Nock, "Paul and the Magus," in The Beginnings of Christianity, pt. 1, vol. 5, ed. F. J. Foakes Jackson and K. Lake, 1 6 4 - 8 8 (London: Macmillan and Co., 1 9 2 0 - 1 9 3 3 ) ; repr., Essays on Religion and the Ancient World, vol. 1, 3 0 9 - 3 0 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1972), 3 1 3 - 1 4 ; Hans-Josef Klauk, The Religious Context of Early Christianity, translated by Brian McNeil, (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 2000), 2 1 5 19. 6.
See Shauf, Theology as History, 1 7 7 - 9 0 .
7.
PGM VII. 1 9 3 - 9 6 ; VII. 1 9 7 - 9 8 ; VII. 2 0 1 - 2 ; VII. 2 0 3 - 5 ; VII. 2 0 6 - 7 ; VII. 2 0 8 - 9 ; VII.
8.
The English translations of the PGM are collected in Hans Dieter Betz, ed., Greek Magi
2 1 3 - 1 4 ; VII. 2 1 8 - 2 1 . cal Papyri in Translation Including the Demotic Spells (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1986).
Prior to Betz's volume, most of the Greek texts, which are scat
tered in many museum and library collections in Europe and the United States, had been compiled by Karl Preisendanz in the work that gave the collection the name by which it is still called: Papyri graecae magicae: die grieschischen Zauberpapyri, Sammlung wissenschaftlicher Kommentare (Stuttgart: B. G. Teubner, 1 9 7 3 - 7 4 ) .
Betz, however, ex
panded the number of Greek texts (as well as including spells in Demotic) to take into account spells not included in Preisendanz's volume. 9.
Scarborough has "[you?]."
10.
Scarborough has "your (?)."
11.
PGM VII - P. Lond. 121 at the British Museum in London. English translation slightly modified from John Scarborough, in Betz, Greek Magical Papyri, 1 2 3 - 2 4 . Greek text: Preisendanz, Papyri graecae magicae, 12.
12.
See PGM VII. 2 1 8 - 2 1 , which uses both words. TTepiavpov, something "hung around" (i.e., the neck), refers to the use of the object, whereas <(>uAaiaT)piov, something that "guards against" a danger, derives from the object's function. Scarborough's note sug gests that to "clothe" the tin tablet "in 7 colors" means to suspend it by a cord plaited from threads of seven different colors. Betz, ed., Greek Magical Papyri, 124, n. 27.
118
13.
•JAMES RILEY STRANGE •
Betz does not specify whether he refers to the ancient or modern reader, or both.
Ibid.,
xxxii. 14.
Betz's example in his table of textual signs includes IAO (Yahweh?), SABAOTH, and ADONAI. Ibid., xxxii. See the following treatment of PGM LXXXIII. 1-20.
15.
Use of magic by Jews evidently was widespread in Hellenistic through Byzantine times, and it has generated some modern studies.
See Betz's note 47 in ibid., lii-liii. See also
McCollough and Glazier-McDonald, "Magic and Medicine," "Jewish Liturgy and Magic," in Geschichte-Tradition-Reflexion:
1 4 4 - 4 5 ; Peter Schaffer,
Festschrift fiir Martin Hengel
zum 70. Geburtstag, vol. 1, Judentum, ed. Hubert Cancik, Hermann Lichtenberger, and Peter Schaffer (Tubingen: J. C. B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1996), 5 4 1 - 5 6 . 16.
The editor has reconstructed the text at this point, evidently based on "fever with shiver ing fits" in line 3 of the papyrus (the second line of text above).
17. 18.
Note 3 for this spell says, "The papyrus may read, your father'"; Betz, ed., Greek Papyri, 3 0 0 . PGM LXXXIII = P. Princ. II 107 at Princeton University AM 8 9 6 3 .
Magical
English translation
by Roy Kotansky, in Betz, ed., Greek Magical Papyri, 3 0 0 . Greek text: E. H. Kase, Jr., "No. 107: Gnostic Fever Amulet," in Papyri in the Princeton University Collections, vol. 2 (Prince ton: Princeton University Press, 1936), 1 0 2 - 1 0 3 . 19.
See McCollough, "Magic and Medicine," 245; cf. PGM VII. 2 1 1 - 1 2 , 2 1 3 - 1 4 .
20.
Kase, "Fever Amulet," 103; line 3 of the text has puyomipsTov.
21.
Ibid.; line 5 of the text has TETapxiov.
22.
See David Frankfurter, "Amuletic Invocations of Christ for Health and Fortune," in Re ligions of Late Antiquity in Practice, ed. Richard Valantasis (Princeton, N. J. and Oxford, U. K.: Princeton University Press, 2000), 3 4 0 - 4 3 .
23.
Betz, ed., Greek Magical Papyri, 300, n. 2.
24.
An important questions, not to be pursued here, is whether these magical papyri should be incorporated into the witnesses collated for the preparation of an eclectic New Tes tament text. Kase dates this papyrus to the 4 to 5 centuries C.E. The "citation" of Matthew may indicate the gospel's status as Christian scripture and its regular use in lit urgy in whatever locale the papyrus was produced (Kase gives no provenance for the pa pyrus, although the material suggests that it was produced somewhere in Egypt). The reference to Michael as "archangel" apparently alludes either to Jude 9 or to Revelation 12:7, or stems from Christian beliefs based on those passages, and it may indicate that these too were playing a role in Christian worship in the area of the papyrus' origin. 72 78 98 47 18 Jude appears in
t h
24
t h
t h
25.
According to Kotansky, we should read MICHAEL for MIGAEL in line 19 (in Kase, MIGAEL is in line 18). Betz, ed., Greek Magical Papyri, 3 0 0 , n. 5.
26.
C f . D a n 10:13, 2 1 .
27.
This reading is based on the partial reconstruction "IaAa[|jav mate line of the text.
28.
For a discussion of the typical parts of a Roman prayer, see Michael J. Brown, The Lord's Prayer Through North African Eyes: A Window into Early Christianity (New York and Lon-
1" in the penulti
• T H E EVERYDAY PRACTICE OF GRECO-ROMAN RELIGION*
119
don: T & T Clark International, 2 0 0 4 ) , 6 2 - 6 5 . There are many examples in the PGM of actual hymns, or portions of them, that have been incorporated into magical rites, al though often the meter has become corrupted. See, for example, PGM I. 2 6 2 - 3 4 7 ; II. 6 4 - 1 8 3 ; III. 1 8 7 - 2 6 2 ; III. 4 9 4 - 6 1 1 ; IV. 1 5 4 - 2 8 5 . 29.
Kotansky reads KaxaKAmKov (something that causes a person to be bedridden) for K C X TCtKAnTiKOv (something that summons). Betz, Greek Magical Papyri, 3 2 1 , n. 1.
30.
In both Betz's and Maltomini's editions, the text following the magical characters is split
31.
The language here refers to the drawing of the manikin, above which the letters "cococo, m, ooo" are written.
into two columns that fall on either side of a (very poor) drawing of the manikin.
32.
Kotansky says that the text is corrupt at this point and cannot be explained fully. "Of the victim" follows Maltomini's deciphering of the letters following "bones": eioaTnOTaxpn; Betz, Greek Magical Papyri, 3 2 1 , n. 3; Franco Maltomini, "I Papiri greci," in Nuovi papyri magici in copto, Greco e aramaico,
S C O 29 (Pisa: University of Pisa, 1979), 107. If
this text, as reconstructed, means to include the word oaTns, it perhaps refers to a sacrificial victim (so Kotansky), or possibly to a the corpse of a woman who has died a violent death. Cf. PGM I. 2 4 7 - 4 9 ; II. 145, 171. 33.
This may be the tomb of someone who has died a violent death.
34.
PGM C X X I V = P. Cazzaniga,
no. 7 at the University of Pisa. English translation slightly
modified from Roy Kotansky, in Betz, ed., Greek Magical Papyri, 3 2 1 . Greek text: Mal tomini, "I Papiri greci," in Nuovi papyri magici in Copto, Greco e Aramaico,
S C O 2 9 (Pisa:
University of Pisa, 1979), 9 4 - 1 1 2 (Pap. 7). 35.
Betz, ed., Greek Magical Papyri, xxvii. Maltomini dates it to the late 5
t h
or early 6
t h
c. C.E.;
Maltomini, "I Papiri greci," 9 5 . 36.
The spell assumes that the purchaser lives in a house with beaten earth floors, which suggests that users of this type of magic occupy the lower classes.
37.
Cf. spells for acquiring a daimon as an assistant: PGM I. 4 2 - 5 4 , 8 8 - 9 0 , 9 5 - 1 3 2 ; III. 50ff, 95-160ff.
38.
Cf. Acts 13:11.
39.
Betz, ed., Greek Magical Papyri, xlvii.
40.
Betz goes on to characterize the entire enterprise of magician and client as one of decep tion and gullibility. One wonders if Betz wishes to paint all religious practices with the same brush.
41.
Well-known temples to Asklepios were located at Trikka, Athens, Epidauros, Kos, Smyr na, Pergamon, and Rome, but temples and shrines to the god were scattered across the Mediterranean (including North Africa) in the Hellenistic and Roman eras. E. J . Edelstein and L. Edelstein, Asclepius: A Collection and Interpretation of the Testimonies, vol. 2 (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1945). The town of Epidauros is lo cated on the Saronic Gulf, about 3 0 km southwest of Corinth. The temple to Asklepios at Epidauros lies about 9 km ( 1 6 km by road) southwest (inland) of the town. R. A. Tomlinson, Epidaros (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1983), 9 - 1 1 (incl. "1 Map of Ep idauros District").
42.
Howard Clark Kee, Miracle in the Early Christian World: A Study in Sociohistorical Method (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1983, 83; cf. Louise Wells, The Greek Language of Healing from Homer to the New Testament Times, BZNW 83 (Berlin and New
120
• JAMES RILEY STRANGE •
York: Walter de Gniyter, 1998), 18. Both Kee (Miracle, 83ff) and Wells (Language of Healing, 18ff.), provide a helpful synopsis of the information about the temple complex and its inscriptions collected in Edelstein and Edelstein, eds., Asclepius. 43.
Presumably this is Antoninus Pius (emperor from 1 3 8 - 1 6 1 C.E.). Kee, Miracle, 84.
44.
The second century geographer Pausanias gives an account of the myth, as well as a de tailed account of the cult of Asklepios and the facilities at Epidauros in Descr. 2 . 2 6 . 1 2.27.6. According to Pausanias, Descr. 2 . 2 7 . 1 - 6 , the compound housed a main temple to Asklepios, an adjacent structure for the incubation of patients (called the apccrov, but not by Pausanias), a nearby circular building (tholos) containing stelae with inscriptions, a theater, temples to various gods, a stadium, a "Portico of Cotys," and a maternity ward/hospice for the dying. Pausanias describes six stelae remaining in the tholos that re corded miraculous healings by the god "in the Doric dialect." Excavations have found the structures that Pausanias describes and many others as well.
45.
Some stelae bearing inscriptions of the second half of the fourth century B.C.E. were excavated and published by P. Kawaidas in Fouilles Epidaure (Athens, 1891); cf. P. Kavvaidas, To lepov TOU
'AafcA/jmou ev
'EmSaupcS KCXI rj depaneia
TCOU aodeucov (Athens,
1900); both quoted in Wells, Language of Healing, 2 1 . Inscriptions from two of these ste 2
lae have been published as IG 4 . 1 . 1 2 1 - 2 2 . Inscriptions nos. 1 - 2 0 are from stela 1; nos. 21-43 46.
are from stela 2.
Greek text: Edelstein and Edelstein, eds., Asclepius,
1:222; translation: ibid.,
1:230,
slightly modified in places. 47.
Literally, she is "one-eyed": aTsporrnAAos is the Doric form of ET6p6(|>0aAuos; L&S, s.v. "cmpoTmAAos." 2
48.
Cf. IG 4 . 1 . 1 2 1 - 2 2 , nos. 3, 9 (treated below), 10, 3 6 .
49.
See Wells' treatment of the frequent use of the word \)y\r\S and its occurrence in this formula in Wells, Language of Healing, 3 1 - 3 3 . 2
50.
Cf. IG 4 . 1 . 1 2 1 - 2 2 , nos. 5, 6, 7, 15, 2 5 .
51.
Wells, Language of Healing, 2 3 - 2 5 .
52.
Cf. IG 4 . 1 . 1 2 1 - 2 2 , nos. 12, 2 3 , 2 5 , 27, 3 0 .
53.
2
Greek text: Edelstein and Edelstein, eds., Asclepius,
1:223; translation: ibid., 1:232-32,
slightly modified. 54.
Like Ambrosia, the man is aTsporrnAAos.
55.
Greek Text: Edelstein and Edelstein, eds., Asclepius, 1:225; translation: ibid., 1:233.
56.
C f . / G 4 . l . 1 2 1 - 2 2 , no. 2 3 .
57.
2
Cf. Aelian, Nat. an. 9 . 3 3 , in which physicians cannot cure a woman of a tapeworm. The god must intervene when his attendants at Epidauros cut off the woman's head to re move the worm but cannot reattach it.
58.
I.e., Sparta, about 100 km southwest of Epidauros, on the Peloponese.
59.
Wells, Language of Healing, 15f.
60.
Two inscriptions (nos. 7 and 3 6 ) do recount incidents in which Asklepios punishes sup pliants, but neither incident is severe (the first causes marks on the face, the second, in jury), and the god later makes the second man well after he is suitably penitent and remorseful. These stories seem calculated to promote truthfulness and authentic devo tion rather than to convey any malevolence on the part of the god.
THE EVERYDAY PRACTICE OF GRECO-ROMAN RELIGION •
121
61.
Kee, Miracle, 9 4 .
62.
/G 4 . 1 . 1 2 1 - 1 2 2 , no. 3. The god renames this man"ATnoTos.
63.
Cf. Rom 16:5; 1 Cor 16:19; Col 4:15; Philem 2.
64.
Kee, citing Boulanger (Aelius Aristide et la sophistique dans la Province d'Asie au U siecle de
2
e
notre ere [Paris: Boccard, 1923], 1 3 5 - 3 6 ) , states that according to estimates, Aristides re mained in Pergamon for five years. Kee, Miracle, 9 5 . 65.
These six works have been collected as numbers 4 7 - 5 2 of Aristides' Orations or Dis courses.
For synopses of Aristides's life, see P. Aelius Aristides, Aristides in Four Volumes,
trans. Charles A. Behr, L C L (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1973), vii-xii (a single volume of this work has been published); Kee, Miracle, 9 0 - 9 1 . 66.
I work with the translation of Charles Behr: P. Aelius Aristides, The Complete Works, trans. Charles A. Behr, vol 2 (Leiden: E. J . Brill, 1981), 3 0 5 - 3 0 6 . Greek text: W . Dindorff, ed., Aristides, vol. 1 (Leipzig: Reimer, 1829); reprint, Hildesheim: Olms, 1964 [Greek text online] accessed 6 June 2006; available from http://www.tlg.uci.edu; Inter net.
67.
Cf. Disc. 4 8 . 8 0 .
68.
Disc. 4 8 . 3 5 .
69.
Disc. 4 8 . 3 0 - 3 5 b .
70.
See the above discussion.
71.
Disc. 4 8 . 3 4 .
72.
Disc. 4 8 . 3 2 . Translation: Behr, 2 : 2 9 7 - 9 8 , modified.
73.
Cf. Ezek 1 : 2 6 - 2 8 .
74.
Kee, Miracle, 9 5 .
75.
Cf. Apuleius, Golden Ass, Book 11.
76.
Cf. Disc. 5 1 . 3 6 .
77.
Kee, Miracle, 1 0 3 - 1 0 4 ; cf. H. W . Plecket, "Religious History as the History of Mentality: The 'Believer' as Servant of the Deity in the Greek World," in Versnel, ed., Faith Hope and Worship, 1 5 8 - 5 9 .
78.
Disc. 4 7 . 1 .
79.
Speaking of Plato, Meijer claims, "[T]he prayer for forgiveness virtually never appears: his object is never to repair evil which has been committed." P. A. Meijer, "Philosophers, Intellectuals, and Religion in Hellas," in Versnel, ed., Faith, Hope, and Worship, 2 4 2 .
80.
There are certainly many instances of admitting guilt or wrongdoing, but no author that I have found discusses doing so on the order of a social practice, within an instinitionalized relationship (such as patron-client) or quasi-institutionalized one (such as friend ship), or within the practices of a philosophical system (such as Cynic correction).
81.
Pettazzoni attempts to link the few references to confession of sins in Greco-Roman texts to the religious practices expressed in these inscriptions. Raffaele Pettazzoni, "Confes sion of Sins and the Classics," HTR 3 0 (1937): 1 - 1 4 . Touching on Ovid (Epist. 5 1 - 5 8 ; Metam. 1 1 . 1 2 9 - 1 4 3 ; Fast. 6 . 3 0 5 - 3 2 7 ) , Juvenal (Sat. 6 . 5 3 5 - 5 4 1 ) , Aelian (Nat. an. 11.17), and Plutarch (Superst. 168D), Pettazzoni concludes that confession of sins was not origi nally part of Greco-Roman religious practices (p. 14), but was endemic to worship of fe male deities (Isis, Dea Syria, and the Anatolian Great Mother, much of which was traceable to the Hittites) that later moved into the West.
122
82.
• JAMES RILEY STRANGE
Aslak Rostad, "Confession or Reconciliation? The Narrative Structure of the Lydian and Phrygian 'Confession Inscriptions,'" SO 77 (2002): 148. Before Steinleitner's published dissertation of 1913, the inscriptions were available to the public "only in scattered trave logues, museum annals, memoirs, and the like"; Hans-Josef Klauk, "Die kleinasiatischen Beichtinschriften und das Neue Testament," in Geschichte-Tradition-Reflexion:
Festschrift
fur Martin Hengel zum 70. Geburtstag, vol. 3, Friihes Christentum, ed. Hubert Cancik, Her mann Lichtenberger, and Peter Schaffer (Tubingen: J . C. B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1996), 63. After Steinleitner's study the corpus of inscriptions has expanded, and both M. Ricl and G. Petzl have published more complete collections.
Marijana Ricl, La conscience du
peche dans les cultes anatoliens a lepoque romaine. La confession des fautes rituelles et ethiques dans les cultes meoniens et phrygiens (Serbian, with a French summary; Belgrade, 1995); Georg Petzl, ed., Die Beichtinschriften
Westkleinasiens,
Epigraphica Anatolica vol. 22
(Bonn: Dr. Rudolf Habelt GMBH, 1994). Ricl's publication contains 135 inscriptions; Petzl's, 124. Both authors have subsequently published other inscriptions. This book re lies on Petzl's text (hereafter B W K ) and numbering system. 83.
H. S. Versnel, "Beyond Cursing: The Appeal to Justice in Judicial Prayers," in Magika Hiera: Ancient Greek Magic and Religion, ed. Christopher A. Faraone and Dirk Obbink (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991), 75. Photographs and transcrip tions of many of these inscriptions may be found within larger collections of inscriptions from Asia minor. For a list of these publications see Eckhard J . Schnabel, "Divine Tyr anny and Public Humiliation: A Suggestion for the Interpretation of the Lydian and Phrygian Confession Inscriptions," NovTXLV (2003): 160, note 1.
84.
Cf. Schnabel, "Divine Tyranny," 161; Rostad, "Confession or Reconciliation?," 1 4 6 - 4 7 .
85.
Rostad, "Confession or Reconciliation?" 146.
86.
All translations are by the author. Greek text: Petzl, Beichtinschriften, 3.
87.
Petzl, Beichtinschriften, 3.
88.
Petzl, Beichtinschriften, 3. According to Schnabel, "Divine Tyranny," 161, the crescent moon in this position frequently appears on the stelae as a symbol for Men; cf. BWK 4, 5, 6, 18, 57, 58, 5 9 , 6 1 , 6 2 , 6 3 . For further examples of the god holding the scepter, see BWK 5 1 , 5 2 , 5 8 , 6 1 , 6 7 , 6 8 .
89.
Schnabel, "Divine Tyranny," 1 6 1 - 6 2 , cites J . H. M. Strubbe, "Cursed be he that moves my bones," in Faraone and Obbink, Majika Hiera, 4 4 .
90.
Cf. BWK 6, 7, 10, 11, 12, 20, 3 5 , 37, 3 8 , 62(?), 97.
91.
Schnabel, "Divine Tyranny," 162.
92.
Greek text: Petzl, Beichtinschriften, 8 6 . The stele is now lost. For bibliographical informa tion on extant copies and photos of the monument, see ibid.
93.
Read 5uva[j6s.
94.
Petzl, Beichtinschriften, 86.
95.
Greek text, Petzl, Beichtinschriften, 132. This stele was found in secondary or later use, incorporated into the wall of a house.
96.
Ibid.
97.
Read perfect infinitive TlpapTnKevai. See Petzl, Beichtinschriften, 132. Cf. BWK 109.
98.
Read STTEIOETUXE-
99.
See BWK 1, 4, 1 0 , 4 3 , 7 6 , 116.
THE
100.
EVERYDAY PRACTICE OF GRECO-ROMAN RELIGION •
123
Ibid, 5 2 - 5 3 .
101.
Read ptc KOAOCOSETOO: .
102.
As Rostad has pointed out, verbs of confessing occur in only nine of the inscriptions (Petzl reproduces 124 inscriptions), and only three of these specify the particular trans gression committed; Rostad, "Confession or Reconciliation?" 151 (many others, how ever, contain accounts of sins without using verbs of confession: cf. BWK 1, 4, 5, 10, 15, 19, 37, 4 3 , 6 0 , 6 5 , 76). Rostad concludes that the primary intent of the inscriptions is to attest to reconciliation between the deity and the individual, and suggests that such "rec onciliation was the object of the cult" in which the erection of steles played a role; ibid., 160-61.
103.
Bauckham, James,
102-104.
• C H A P T E R
F I V E *
Ways Not Taken by James: Judaic Visions of Corporate Life
A
s in C h a p t e r s 3 and 4 , the discussion o f Judaic texts is limited to a few
writings.
T h o s e writings talk a b o u t prayer, divine healing, confession
o f sins, and correction within structures whose categories o f t h o u g h t
provide counterparts to J a m e s ' s categories, and where disproportionate catego ries, o r categories found in o n e text b u t n o t another, neither impede the task
o f c o m p a r i s o n n o r render it ineffective.
1
Despite representing m a n y different
genres, all o f the Judaic texts treated in this chapter are overtly didactic in na ture. T h e y address the issue o f how the heirs o f biblical Israel, differently con ceived, are to live o u t a distinctive way o f life. All can generally b e classified as instruction directed to a particular Israel in h o w to live according to T o r a h , however differently each text may conceive o f Israel and T o r a h . A l o n e o f all the J u d a i c works compared to J a m e s , the Community Rule o f the D e a d S e a Scrolls presents the practices o f prayer, confession, and correction within a relatively c o m p a c t text.
F o r that reason all o f C h a p t e r 6 is devoted to that
writing.
Prayer M a n y different kinds o f a n c i e n t J u d a i c texts talk a b o u t the effectiveness o f prayer o r instruct people in how they should pray.
T h e sections that follow
assess passages from two tractates o f the M i s h n a h whose systemic categories may b e c o m p a r e d with J a m e s : Berakhot and
T h e People of Israel Before God: m.
2
Ta'anit.
Berakhot
In the matters discussed in the M i s h n a h ' s divisions and tractates, t h e way Sag es reason a b o u t T o r a h is important.
T h e logic that governs the process by
which sages arrive at rulings establishes precedent, and this precedent in turn allows Israelites to work out, through analogy, how T o r a h applies in their
126
• JAMES RILEY STRANGE
workaday world.
M o r e t h a n establishing patterns o f logic for further rulings,
however, the Sages' reasoning reveals the assumptions that lie b e h i n d their logic, and these assumptions provide a window into how the framers o f the M i s h n a h t h i n k a b o u t G o d , h u m a n s , a n d the relationship between the two.
3
W i t h the two tractates o f the M i s h n a h considered here—Berakhot and Ta'anit—James's
instructions o n prayer can b e c o m p a r e d with those o f a true
U t o p i a n vision: the M i s h n a h sets o u t a way o f life for a single, homogenized Israel that existed nowhere at the time that the work reached c o m p l e t i o n (ca. 2 0 0 C . E . ) ; nevertheless, the text works o u t instructions for the minutiae o f that imagined Israel's daily existence. B o t h texts set forth instructions based o n their distinctive worldviews: James, by speaking o f the challenges faced in daily living by the "twelve tribes o f the Diaspora"—Israel in exile a m o n g G e n tiles; the M i s h n a h , by imagining Israelite life as it ought to be, free o f outside rule and constraint, within Israel's ancestral land, where the only challenges that generate discussion are governed by the p r o b l e m o f keeping T o r a h within the Israelite h o u s e h o l d and in t h e daily life o f Israelite society. Moreover, o f the texts reviewed in this chapter, only the M i s h n a h b e c a m e a normative text for the Judaism o f the two T a l m u d s , and h e n c e for the Juda isms o f the sixth century C . E . to the present.
4
T h u s , tractates Berakhot and
Ta'anit m a k e it possible to c o m p a r e a foundational text o f all present Christi anities ( C a t h o l i c , O r t h o d o x , and Protestant) to a foundational text o f all pre sent-day Judaisms. Tractate Berakhot c o n c e r n s itself with the recitation o f the Shema, Eighteen B e n e d i c t i o n s (also called the Amidah),
the
grace said at the beginning
and ending o f meals, blessings recited in special circumstances, and the rules governing these practices. T h e pertinent sections have to do with regulating times o f prayer, with the i n t e n t i o n o f the o n e praying, and what the framers o f the M i s h n a h consider a useless prayer. W e begin with the o p e n i n g passage o f the tractate, 1:1 A - N .
5
T h e passage
deals with the question o f h o w to reckon "evening" in the obligation to recite 6
the Shema at the e n d o f the day: in order to fulfill this obligation, w h e n may o n e begin to recite, and at what time may s o m e o n e be assured that h e
7
has
m e t the obligation ( i f he has recited by this time), o r that h e has failed to meet it (if he has n o t recited)? T h e matter is settled at E with Sages' ruling: in this particular instance, "evening" persists until midnight. W h y then does the dis cussion c o n t i n u e with R a b b a n Gamaliel's opinion?
W h a t is at stake in the
protracted discussion appears at N : Sages may indeed agree with the principle b e h i n d G a m a l i e l ' s generous interpretation o f matters ("evening" concludes at dawn), b u t their c o n c e r n is to prevent, n o t only the sin o f failing to m e e t the obligation, b u t even the proximity o f s i n .
8
I f o n e has recited by midnight, he
• J U D A I C VISIONS OF C O R P O R A T E
LIFE*
127
will n o t even c o m e close to transgressing the rule stipulating that evening ends at dawn. W h a t is at issue, therefore, is the protection o f Israelites from their h u m a n proclivities, whether through evil intent o r accident.
T h e issue be
comes clear with the language at J - L , for the ruling o f G a m a l i e l applies to all mitzvoth that sages say may b e performed until midnight. H e n c e , the o p e n i n g passage o f the M i s h n a h ' s tractate o n prayer (and o f the M i s h n a h itself) establishes reasoning that may be applied b e y o n d the spe cific case presented, since religious obligations to be performed in the evening should b e c o m p l e t e d any time before midnight. Y e t the idea lying b e h i n d sag es* ruling is even m o r e far reaching, for it reveals the intention b e h i n d the judgment.
T h e passage turns o u t to have little to d o with the particulars o f
Shema recitation, b u t with how to interpret obligations that o n e must meet at particular hours o f the day, and the c h i e f consideration is to protect the Israel ite male from sin. A t 2:1 a new problem arises. W h e n the time for recitation o f the Shema arrives, how does o n e make the transition from reading the Shema, the text o f 9
which is found in scripture, to reciting it in fulfillment o f religious obligation? T h e d e t e r m i n i n g factor in fulfilling religious obligations is the h u m a n will, for only what the person intends to do can distinguish between two otherwise identical activities. Because until relatively recently people read aloud, reading for study looked n o different from prayer recitation. Again the matter is set tled early on, in this case at B and C : if, while reading the Shema from the T o rah, the time for recitation arrives, simply by making the decision to change his reading into recitation ( " i f h e directed his heart," ite male fulfills
the obligation.
n $ ]13 Cfc) the Israel
If, o n the o t h e r h a n d , he c o n t i n u e s to
read with n o change in his intention, the obligation remains u n m e t until he does so. Again, the discussion c o n t i n u e s with the rulings o f n a m e d authorities. In this case, the o p i n i o n s o f R.s M e i r a n d J u d a h serve two apparent purposes.
In
the immediate context, their words clarify the issue o f "directing the heart." Does this act o f the will preclude interruptions in recitation? R.s M e i r and Ju dah b o t h allow interruptions in certain spots in the Shema,
10
under particular
c o n d i t i o n s , and making distinctions between the o n e reciting, a fellow Israel ite, a n d a non-Israelite. A person may disrupt his own recitation at a break be tween paragraphs in order to greet a fellow Israelite a n d to respond to an Israelite's greeting "out o f respect" ( l i M H "DSQ, D , E , K ) . Likewise, R.s M e i r and J u d a h agree that a person may suspend his own recitation in the middle o f a paragraph in order to initiate a greeting, only "out o f fear" (ntjn'H "390, F, I). T h e two offer differing o p i n i o n s o n particular p o i n t s ,
11
b u t the same issue
governs the logic o f both: the intention to recite the Shema carries forward de-
128
• JAMES RILEY STRANGE •
spite certain types o f interruptions, a n d allowances are made for the effect that mitigating c o n d i t i o n s have o n a person's intent.
T h e s e c o n d i t i o n s (respect
and fear) are sufficiently vague to allow the rulings to form analogies for a myr iad o f circumstances in the life o f an Israelite. A s e c o n d purpose b e h i n d these o p i n i o n s does n o t b e c o m e clear until 5 : 1 . Again, the ruling in this section emphasizes the role o f the h u m a n will in reli gious practices: in the matter taken up in this passage, the i n t e n t i o n to per form the act carries even greater weight than t h e i n t e n t i o n to recite the Shema. Here, the prayer u n d e r discussion is the standing prayer, or Amidah (also the "Eighteen B e n e d i c t i o n s " ) , w h i c h o n e must undertake "in a s o l e m n frame o f 12
m i n d " (Efrn 7 3 ' 3 "?jino).
W i t h the ruling at D a n d E , the earlier o p i n i o n s o f
R.s M e i r and J u d a h in 2:1 are clarified: at stake is distinguishing between the obligations o f the Shema a n d the Amidah.
O n c e Israelites have "directed their
1
hearts toward the O m n i p r e s e n t " (DipQ ? 33*? n $ 1313' #) for the purpose o f recit S
ing the Amidah, they must n o t interrupt it, either o u t o f respect (responding to the king's greeting), or o u t o f fear (untwining the serpent from o n e ' s h e e l ) .
13
In this instance, praying "in a solemn frame o f m i n d " is o n a different order than "directing the heart" towards recitation, presumably because the former requires giving o n e ' s attention to G o d himself. H u m a n i n t e n t i o n distinguishes a m u n d a n e activity from a sacred o n e , for directing o n e ' s heart toward recitation o f t h e Shema accomplishes the deed, and solemnity is required to meet the obligation to recite the Amidah.
At
4:4A, R . Eliezer rules, " ' O n e w h o makes his prayers a fixed task—his prayers are n o t [valid] supplications [of G o d ] . ' "
O n e must intend to pray; simply
speaking the words at the predetermined time does n o t fulfill the obligation. A t 4 : 5 Sages give a striking example o f the power o f h u m a n i n t e n t i o n , for through it o n e meets even the obligation to perform a physical act. Sages say that i f o n e riding a donkey is unable to d i s m o u n t so that he can stand while praying, he may fulfill the obligation by turning his head toward the east. I f for s o m e reason even this act is n o t possible (if, for example, he does n o t k n o w in w h i c h direction east lies), "he should direct his heart toward the C h a m b e r o f the Holy o f Holies." H u m a n i n t e n t i o n also distinguishes between sacred activities o f lesser a n d greater solemnity. N o o t h e r blessing addressed in m. Berakhot requires the sol e m n attention necessary for reciting the Amidah. cern about interrupting
T h e tractate displays n o con
the many o t h e r blessings for various o c c a s i o n s .
14
N o n e o f these events, s o m e that o c c u r in the course o f every day and others that reflect unusual circumstances, requires the attention that o n e must devote to the Amidah.
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T h e passages treated here have provided s o m e details about how to pray; what then a b o u t praying in the wrong way? Merely going through the m o t i o n s has b e e n addressed at 4 : 4 , and a n o t h e r b r i e f statement appears at 9 : 3 .
Previ
ous passages have dealt almost exclusively with scripted prayers: the prayer is read aloud or recited as memorized, according to a standard form, and with abbreviations o r different wordings allowed for various situations or special occasions.
15
Sages do make allowances for unscripted prayers as well, particu
larly in unanticipated circumstances, as in 9 : 3 E and F .
1 6
T h e type o f un
scripted prayer treated is a vain prayer (\NW n'psn), as are the scripted prayers for good and evil recited in the wrong c i r c u m s t a n c e s .
17
W h a t accounts for the
ruling is clarified at 9 : 3 E and F: vain prayers are those that attempt to u n d o what has already happened. A prayer can n e i t h e r change the sex o f an u n b o r n fetus n o r reverse a calamity, just as it is useless to cry o u t a b o u t the past.
18
T h i s claim appears to lie b e h i n d 9 : 3 B as well: saying the blessing for good over (one's own) evil circumstances and for evil over (an enemy's) good circum stances entails an attempt to reverse what has already occurred. Here we e n c o u n t e r the limits o f h u m a n will: it can transform
spoken
words into a prayer and can turn sitting into standing, b u t it c a n n o t o n its own ensure the effectiveness o f the prayer. T h a t is d e t e r m i n e d in part by the appropriateness o f the prayer (whether o r n o t the o n e praying expects G o d to reverse an accomplished fact), b u t o t h e r factors pertain as well. Sages address the matter at 5 : 5 , in w h i c h they discuss the effect that to "err" (nuti) while praying the Amidah has o n the o u t c o m e o f the petition for healing.
19
A t issue is whether or n o t the prayer is "fluent"
20
(rnuri).
A "fluent"
prayer is interrupted by neither error n o r confusion. A t stake again is h u m a n intention: the o n e praying o n b e h a l f o f the congregation has directed his m i n d toward G o d , b u t i f he makes an error, h e must cease praying altogether. W h i l e the obligation to recite the Amidah may be m e t by appointing a re placement, the example o f R . H a n i n a h b . D o s a
21
indicates that an interrupted
petition for healing has lost its efficacy. T h e implication is that o n c e a person has b r o k e n the "solemn frame o f m i n d " required for the Amidah, he c a n n o t return to this state. W h a t can b e made o f the preceding analysis? W h e n we read J a m e s and m. Berakhot, we e n c o u n t e r authors w h o are scarcely in conversation at all. Rarely do their discussions overlap, and categories that form the c e n t e r o f c o n c e r n for o n e barely register in the other.
T h e two could n o t be m o r e different in
formal matters: J a m e s n a m e s b o t h h i m s e l f as author a n d his audience as "the twelve tribes o f the Diaspora"; t h e M i s h n a h speaks in an a n o n y m o u s voice and addresses n o o n e in particular.
22
J a m e s takes o n t h e trappings o f a letter,
so that even though it lacks a formal epistolary closing, the phrase, "above all,
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•JAMES RILEY STRANGE
my brothers" o f 5 : 1 2 does signal that the instruction is nearing its end; the M i s h n a h simply takes up its discourse with n o introduction, and does n o t sig nal its end, so that, although 6 3 tractates separate its opening and closing lines, all s o u n d as i f they could be found anywhere in the text. W h e r e a s J a m e s exhibits an informal, organic strucnire, the M i s h n a h is arranged into six divi sions, with each division being comprised o f several tractates and e a c h tractate tackling a distinct topic. I f J a m e s addresses c o m m u n i t i e s o f believers scattered in the "Diaspora" o f the E m p i r e , the M i s h n a h presents G o d ' s people living as if n o n e had ever left the L a n d and all still worshipped in a T e m p l e that is long gone.
I f J a m e s is c o n c e r n e d with the integrity and survival o f a c o m m u n i t y
constituted and organized in a way contrary to the surrounding society, the M i s h n a h sets forth a U t o p i a , a way o f life and construal o f the social order for an ideal Israel that existed nowhere in the s e c o n d century C . E .
2 3
Finally, the
primary category o f prayer in the Mishnah—blessing G o d , as indicated by para graph after paragraph c o n c e r n i n g its regulation—scarcely registers in J a m e s (the e n c o u r a g e m e n t to sing praises in 5 : 1 3 is a single example), and the category o f intercessory prayer, w h i c h generates further exhortation and p r o o f by exemplum in J a m e s , forms a m i n o r category in the M i s h n a h . It is important, however, n o t to draw facile conclusions about whether the M i s h n a h allows for certain types o f prayer, or whether Jews o f s e c o n d century Palestine prayed for o n e another.
Clearly, whereas m o s t o f the prayers o f m.
Berakhot take the form o f blessings o f the Divine, they nevertheless are in tended as petitions and intercessions. In 1:4B, for example, the s e c o n d o f the two blessings said after the evening recitation o f the Shema contains a petition for peaceful sleep. Likewise, the b r i e f prayer that R . N e h u n i a b . H a q a n a h said upon entering the beit midrash apparently was intended to ensure correct read ing and accurate declaration o f T o r a h . T h e clearest indications that blessings often function as petitions c o m e at m. Berakhot 4 : 4 and 5:2: in 4 : 4 , a person walking in a dangerous place may ask G o d for safe passage;
24
in 5 : 2 , a prayer
for rain (which is a prayer for crops, and h e n c e for survival o n o n e hand and well-being o n the other) is included in the n i n t h blessing o f the Amidah.
R.
H a n i n a h b . D o s a ' s prayer for the sick (also presumably during the Amidah) in 5:5 is c o u c h e d within a blessing as well. In addressing the petitionary force o f prayer in m. Berakhot, Zvee Zahavy argues that through their regimented and rigorous prayer life the rabbis o f the age o f Y a v n e h sought wellness and protec tion.
25
I f this is the case, then even graces said at meals can be understood as
petitions for G o d to c o n t i n u e to grant good crops and healthy flocks. Given these data, we n o w have the problem o f how to distinguish petition and intercession in m. Berakhot from what we find in J a m e s . T h e solution lies in the construal o f the praying c o m m u n i t y in each text. In m. Berakhot there is
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LIFE*
evidence o f a localized c o m m u n i t y o f worshipers, b u t in contrast to James, the tractates o f the M i s h n a h work o u t the problem o f how, through the institu tion o f the Israelite household, every Israelite can live a life o f sanctity that be fore the destruction o f the T e m p l e was relegated to priests alone.
While
prayer in Berakhot may protect the welfare o f the c o m m u n i t y , it works primar ily to sanctify holy Israel in its relationship with its G o d . Matters that interces sory prayer
addresses
in James—who is a
member
o f the
group,
how
congregations constitute themselves over and against the structures and values o f the d o m i n a n t society—are simply n o t addressed in m. Berakhot, in which Is raelite society has n o rivals.
26
A p r o m i n e n t difference between J a m e s and the M i s h n a h is that m. Berak hot presents prayer as a religious obligation: the paragraphs address times o f day or circumstances under which it must b e done, in what position, in what frame o f m i n d , and so forth. Especially the opening paragraphs o f the tractate are filled with references to a religious obligation (m^o) and to fulfilling (N2r) such.
By contrast, in C h a p t e r 2 o f this study we saw that J a m e s uses moral
discourse to discuss religious matters, encouraging s o m e behaviors and atti tudes while warning against others, speaking o f virtues and vices, warning o f c o n s e q u e n c e s and
assuring
c o m m o n in o t h e r moralists.
rewards,
and
employing
rhetorical
flourishes
N o w h e r e can we find in J a m e s a c o n c e r n for
what is necessary to complete a mitzvah.
T h a t fact is all the m o r e apparent,
now that we have the M i s h n a h ' s example in front o f us. A n o t h e r conspicuous difference between the two texts b e c o m e s clear with the i m p o r t a n c e o f h u m a n intent in m. Berakhot.
By claiming that a person
prays by directing the heart toward G o d , and that in s o m e circumstances in tention alone fulfills the obligation to stand erect, the authorship o f Berakhot asserts that the h u m a n will transforms m u n d a n e activities into sacred ones. In the same way, the performative utterance o f a blessing renders any m u n d a n e space into sacred space, and by extension, calling for prayer in unforeseen cir cumstances m e a n s that any time may b e changed into sacred time by the same deliberate a c t . James.
27
T h e transformative power o f h u m a n intention is muted in
T h e a u t h o r o f the epistle is c o n c e r n e d , rather, with the moral conse
q u e n c e s o f the exercise o f the will: it must b e submitted to G o d (Jas 4 : 7 , 1 0 ) , otherwise it has tremendous destructive capacity when it is directed toward the vices o f bitter jealousy, selfish a m b i t i o n , and the fulfillment o f o n e ' s own plea sures ( J a s 3 : 1 3 - 4 : 3 ) .
2 8
In m. Berakhot, unscripted prayers at times o f crisis form a m i n o r o r inert category, requiring n o c o m m e n t a r y o r regulation.
Y e t the M i s h n a h ' s framers
acknowledge that such prayers can have powerful results, as the following co gent example illustrates.
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• JAMES RILEY STRANGE •
T h e Exceptional Individual Before God: m.
Ta'anit
Tractate Ta'anit o f the M i s h n a h discusses what c o n d i t i o n s o f drought follow ing the festival o f S u c c o t d e t e r m i n e the duration and severity o f fasts to be held until the early (i.e., fall) rains c o m e . In 3 : 8 , Sages tell the famous story o f H o n i "the circle-drawer." T h e people o f Jerusalem ask H o n i to pray for rain o n their behalf. H o n i ' s prayers are unsuccessful until he draws a circle, stands in its center, and de mands, " ' L o r d o f the world! Y o u r children have turned to me, for before you I am like a m e m b e r o f the family. I swear by your great name—I'm simply n o t moving from here until you take pity o n your children!'" It begins to rain, b u t insufficiently, in H o n i ' s estimation. H e d e m a n d s m o r e rain, and m o r e , "until Israelites had to flee from Jerusalem up to the T e m p l e M o u n t because o f the rain."
T h e citizens are forced to ask H o n i to pray that the rains stop, and
S i m e o n b . S h a t a h declares, " ' I f you were n o t H o n i , I should decree a b a n o f e x c o m m u n i c a t i o n against you.
B u t what am I going to do to you?
F o r you
importune before the O m n i p r e s e n t , so he does what you want, like a son who importunes his father, so he does what he wants.'" W h a t is striking a b o u t this example o f prayer that can bring rain sufficient to flood J e r u s a l e m
29
is the absence o f the primary categories o f prayer found in
m. Berakhot. H o n i ' s prayer is n o t scripted, it falls at n o particular time o f day or day o f the m o n t h , and it requires n o special focus o f the will: that is, it does n o t m e e t a religious obligation in any sense. A t first glance, H o n i ' s prayer falls into the category o f prayers said in special circumstances, which is introduced at m. Berakhot 9 : 1 , yet it also c o n t a i n s n o blessing o f the Deity, constituting ra ther an intercessory prayer o n b e h a l f o f the c o m m u n i t y ("fl3in; 1:5A). More over, even within tractate Ta'anit the prayer is an anomaly. In m. Ta'anit 1:2-5 we find references to prayers for rain in the m o n t h s o f Nisan, Marheshvan, and Kislev, which i f n o t answered trigger a series o f fasts o f increasing severity (1:3—7).
30
During the fasts, the recitation o f the Amidah is lengthened by the
addition o f six additional blessings, bringing the total to 2 4 ( 2 : 2 ) .
Each o f
these prayers for rain, however, is a particular scripted line spoken at a certain point within the recitation o f the Amidah (see 1:1; cf. B e r . 5 : 2 ) . T h e story o f H o n i does n o t fall within this discussion; in fact, it lacks all indications o f ur gency. T h e simple imperative, "Pray for rain" ( 3 : 8 C ) , suggests that the people approach H o n i in order to avoid fasting (after all, the m o s t severe fasts restrict c o m m e r c e , bathing, and sexual activity, a m o n g o t h e r things). T h e prayer o f H o n i fits within n o established paradigm in either Berakhot o r Ta'anit,
nor
does it indicate a desperate situation o n the part o f the c o m m u n i t y . It rather
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instigates a crisis, which H o n i must also abate through prayer.
31
Oddly, the
c o n t e n t o f this second prayer is n o t given. A second surprise in the narrative c o m e s from H o n i ' s status.
Evidently
his ability to importune the O m n i p r e s e n t and to have his prayers answered is well known, yet he bears n o honorific title in this episode.
H e is n o t pre
sented as a sage w h o is skilled in knowledge o f T o r a h o r in reasoning through analogy.
He is exceptional, instead, for his special relationship with G o d ,
which is evident in his petulant drawing o f circles.
H e may stand before the
O m n i p r e s e n t and make demands as child to a parent, and he may expect to have those d e m a n d s met. T h i s u n i q u e status, furthermore, protects h i m from the c o n s e q u e n c e s o f demands gone awry. W e r e it H o n i himself w h o flooded Jerusalem, S i m e o n b . S h a t a h would e x c o m m u n i c a t e h i m , b u t it was G o d w h o sent the rain at H o n f s behest, and what can anyone do a b o u t that? T h e story o f H o n i invites c o m p a r i s o n with J a m e s in many details: at issue is bringing and stopping the rain through prayer, the question o f what makes prayer effective, the discussion o f prayer in c o n j u n c t i o n with o t h e r religious practices (in the case o f m. Ta'anit, fasting), and interceding with G o d o n be half o f a c o m m u n i t y . T h i s final point deserves c o m m e n t because it so closely resembles o n e o f James* primary categories. Evidence is simply t o o scant to draw firm conclu sions a b o u t what Sages envision here.
T h e practices regulated in Ta'anit—
times and duration o f fasts and the c o n d u c t o f the fasts themselves, and the particular calendar by which they are scheduled—surely set Israelites apart from all o t h e r peoples. T h e authors o f Ta'anit, however, do n o t talk about a com munity distinguishing itself from others through its way o f life; they imagine Israel shaping its own destiny, troubled only by the challenges o f following T o rah as G o d wants it to be followed. A society that is at odds with Israel's way o f life, o r rival c o m m u n i t i e s making claims to the title Israel or its inheritance (as C h r i s t i a n c o m m u n i t i e s are certainly doing at the turn from the s e c o n d cen tury to the third), simply make n o impression in this discussion.
32
W e r e we to
take the tractate at face value, we should expect to find in s e c o n d century Pal estine a single, h o m o g e n e o u s Israel, under the authority o f n o foreign gov e r n m e n t , nowhere in exile, regulating its life through T o r a h observance and a legislative system free from all constraints. In contrast to James, who insists that Elijah has n o special status, H o n i is the exceptional m a n in m. Ta'anit.
Conversely, whereas J a m e s calls for his
readers to pray like Elijah, Ta'anit's authors show n o such expectation with H o n i . James, in the m o d e o f moral exhortation, seeks to bring a b o u t certain virtuous behaviors, in particular those that help to establish and maintain the Christian c o m m u n i t y in an alien e n v i r o n m e n t . James is c o n c e r n e d with how
•JAMES RILEY
134
STRANGE*
m e m b e r s act toward o n e another, instructing t h e m to take up particular deeds and ways o f relating that level social strata (at least within the e n v i r o n m e n t o f the c o m m u n i t y ) a n d subvert the values o f outsiders. T h e M i s h n a h ' s authors, by contrast, c o n c e r n themselves with the issue o f how to maintain sanctity for Israel in the absence o f t h e Jerusalem T e m p l e .
3 3
T h e answer that they find
and work out is through T o r a h observance by all Israelites in all aspects o f their lives. Religious obligation, rather than virtue and vice, is what is at stake in the tractate. A s a result, its examples, b o t h positive and negative, and usu ally drawn from the lives o f n a m e d authorities, typically serve as analogies or precedents for the application o f T o r a h in c o n c r e t e circumstances. H o n i does n o t function in this way, for he is u n i q u e in his interaction with t h e O m n i present. In the person o f H o n i , an exceptional relationship with the Divine suf fices to replace all regulations c o n c e r n i n g effective prayer.
H o n i is n o t obli
gated to direct his heart toward the Holy o f Holies, n o r is he to worry about the fluidity o f his words, for what effect can interruptions have o n such a prayer as he prays?
A b s e n t , as well, is a care for the validity o f t h e prayer—
whether he prays in vain, o r substitutes the wrong prayer for the circumstance at hand.
T h e nature o f the relationship abrogates all o t h e r stipulations con
cerning prayer; this prayer c a n n o t (and according to S i m e o n b . S h a t a h , it should n o t ) serve as an example for Israel. In m. Ta'anit, the exceptional indi vidual violates, and so reinforces, the rule governing all Israelites. In James, the exceptional figure is m a d e m u n d a n e , and so his example applies to all.
Healing W h e n authors o f a n c i e n t J u d a i c texts c o n t e m p l a t e illness and its effects, often their first recourse is to urge the faithful to seek healing from G o d , for they assume that sickness has a bearing o n the divine-human relationship: either h u m a n infirmity places a lien o n a G o d w h o is dedicated to the wellness o f G o d ' s children, o r illness is c o n n e c t e d to sin, so that healing is linked to ex piation as well. T e x t s a b o u t divine healing a b o u n d in a n c i e n t J u d a i c sources, b u t for the purposes o f this comparative project, we e x a m i n e only two: Sirach's statements about the appropriate course o f action w h e n an Israelite falls ill, and the tale o f T o b i t .
• J U D A I C VISIONS OF CORPORATE
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Healing T h r o u g h Prayer and the Physician's Hands: Sirach In Jerusalem a r o u n d 1 8 0 B . C . E . , Jesus son o f Eleazar son o f S i r a c h c o m p o s e d a collection o f exhortations in Hebrew that instructed Jews how to live within a Hellenized culture ( 5 0 : 2 7 ) . A b o u t fifty years later (c. 1 3 2 B . C . E . ) , the grandson o f this Jesus c a m e to Egypt, where he translated the work i n t o G r e e k and added a p r o l o g u e .
34
T h e Epistle o f J a m e s and the " W i s d o m o f Jesus b e n Sira," o r "Ecclesiasticus" in the O l d Latin (hereafter "Sirach"), share many similarities o f form and topic, b o t h c o n t a i n i n g s o m e c o h e r e n t units o f instruction yet exhibiting ar rangements whose overall structure is difficult to d i s c e r n .
35
A n analysis o f
what S i r a c h has to say a b o u t the practice o f healing allows us t o c o m p a r e James's teachings with a n o t h e r text that addresses its discourse to Israel's heirs, living as natives o f the Hellenized world and immersed in the lives o f their var ious cities, yet characterized as exiles w h o show themselves to b e faithful by their devotion to the o n e true G o d through T o r a h .
W h e r e a s the M i s h n a h
addresses n o o n e in particular and acknowledged n e i t h e r "Hellenistic Juda ism" n o r R o m a n rule o f Palestine, b o t h S i r a c h and J a m e s explicitly address themselves to Israel and take up the problem o f Diaspora living. W h e r e a s the M i s h n a h (as well as 1 Q S ) speaks in n o particular voice, b o t h S i r a c h and J a m e s speak as n a m e d authorities in their respective c o m m u n i t i e s .
W h e r e a s the
M i s h n a h generates discourse from particular problems o f halakhah, b o t h Si rach and J a m e s collect and pass o n wisdom, S i r a c h explicitly so, J a m e s implic itly as evidenced by his use o f the Jesus t r a d i t i o n .
36
Sirach's discussion o f healing through prayer m o s t naturally evokes a comparison with James.
W h a t immediately stands o u t is the praise o f the
work o f physicians in Sirach 3 8 : 1 - 1 5 .
3 7
Analysis should begin with a word about the style o f the passage, which can properly b e called a short s e r m o n or meditation o n healing, c o m p o s e d o f two p o e m s .
38
T h e Hebrew draws from the stylistic examples o f the B o o k o f
Proverbs when setting o u t aphorisms, sermons, and instructions (all o f w h i c h show up in the G r e e k as well): parallelism ( w . 3 , 10, 1 1 , 1 2 ) , m e t a p h o r ( w . 3 , 10, 1 3 , 1 5 ) , and scriptural allusions ( w . 4 [ G e n 1 : 1 1 - 1 2 ] , 5 [Exod 1 5 : 2 3 - 2 5 ] , 11 [Lev 2:2]) appear t h r o u g h o u t the passage, as well as the use o f t h e vav con j u n c t i o n and consecutive (which b e c o m e s polysyndeton in G r e e k ) , and direct address.
T h e Hebrew shares o t h e r matters o f style with standard rhetorical
tools well known from Hellenistic g n o m i c literature, such as assonance and alliteration,
39
amplification (v. 1 1 ) ,
40
truncated syllogism (v. 1 4 ) ,
41
and rhetori
cal question (v. 5 ) . T h e translation into G r e e k adds still o t h e r stylistic and rhetorical devices: imperatives appear 10 times in the passage and are c o n c e n -
136
• JAMES RILEY STRANGE •
trated in the four verses that instruct in praying, securing absolution, a n d see ing a physician ( 9 - 1 2 ) ; we also find a s s o n a n c e homoiotekuton**
42
a n d alliteration,
43
as well as
tricolon (v. 1 0 ) , repetition bordering o n epistrophe ( w . 1 - 8 ) ,
a n d possibly a shift in a u d i e n c e
46
c o m b i n e d with a prayer against evil (v. 1 5 ) .
45
47
T h e vocabulary o f the passage draws readers' attention as well, for the G r e e k text indicates that S i r a c h ' s grandson is s c h o o l e d in standard Hellenistic G r e e k , b u t that he also has access to the Septuagint, which supplies the vo cabulary for religious discourse to Jews o f the Hellenistic Diaspora, a n d in a few instances he appears to have put together his own technical vocabulary to render certain phrases o f his grandfather's Hebrew. O n o n e hand, the G r e e k text o f S i r a c h translates the Hebrew words for prayer, sickness, and healing by drawing from the typical repertoire o f G r e e k t e r m s .
48
O n the o t h e r h a n d , the
grandson c o u c h e s the ideas o f sin and a t o n e m e n t in language that does n o t reflect typical G r e e k usage. removing transgression sin),
49
from
'A(j>(oTr]|Ji occurs regularly in S i r a c h to c o n n o t e o n e s e l f (i.e., repentance o r abstinence
yet this usage is attested only here a n d there in the S e p t u a g i n t .
o t h e r example, the G r e e k renders the rare Hebrew
50
from In an
("injustice") in v. 10
with TrAr||j|JEAsia, a word denoting a false n o t e , or, metaphorically, a fault or error.
51
T h e term a n d its cognates seldom appear in G r e e k literature,
ring far less frequently than derivatives o f a | j a p T — .
52
occur
In the Septuagint, o n the
o t h e r h a n d , verbal a n d n o m i n a l forms o f TrArmpEAsicc o c c u r about 7 0 times, nearly h a l f o f the total instances in all o f G r e e k literature up to the fourteenth century C . E .
5 3
T h e text o f Sirach—in the Hebrew, a n d m o r e so in the Greek—participates in the same usage a n d shaping o f language that we find in the G r e e k moralists. T h i s amalgamation o f style a n d vocabulary gives clues about the identity o f the grandson's audience. T h e text reveals an assumption that readers will appreci ate its rhetorical flourishes for what they are; h e n c e , the text identifies its read ers as G r e e k s .
T h i s identification is also clear from certain topoi present
elsewhere in the b o o k , such as friendship and g o o d table manners, as well as aspects o f Hellenistic culture in which the text assumes its readers participate, such as d i n n e r parties and the consultation o f physicians. A t the same time, Sirach draws from imagery a n d modes o f expression that categorize a particu lar population within the Hellenistic world: a Diaspora people that identifies itself as heirs o f Israel's T o r a h , a n d a tradition o f learning a n d way o f life that is distinctive to t h e m . W e can n o w ask about the purpose o f S i r a c h ' s literary features. W e begin by placing 3 8 : 1 - 1 5 in conversation with 3 0 : 1 4 - 2 0 .
In the earlier passage, Si-
rach weighs the benefits o f "health and fitness" (uyieia KCXI eu£(a) against any o t h e r goods, particularly material wealth.
Likewise, in v. 17 any o t h e r evil,
• J U D A I C VISIONS OF CORPORATE
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LIFE
even death, is preferable to "a life o f misery" (£cor)V THKpav) and " c h r o n i c sick ness" (appcooTnjjcc E'MIJOVOV).
O n e w h o is constantly ill can n o m o r e enjoy
riches than a closed m o u t h , the dead, o r a statue can eat, a n d wealth will bring as m u c h misery to the sick as sexual arousal causes a e u n u c h .
54
T h e claim in v.
19b indicates why this is the case: illness is G o d ' s p u n i s h m e n t .
55
S u c h an in
terpretation is in line with what S i r a c h says a b o u t the law o f retribution else where in the b o o k .
S i r a c h is clear that sin has c o n s e q u e n c e s in this life, for
the Lord brings swift retribution u p o n those w h o transgress the law and d o not repent.
56
In o t h e r passages, G o d is also the source o f "good a n d bad, life
and death, poverty and w e a l t h . "
57
In light o f these claims, we may infer that
for S i r a c h , at times sin leads to sickness as a natural c o n s e q u e n c e , a n d at oth ers G o d causes illness as a response to sin. W e should expect to find that for Sirach, healing entails remission o f sins and justification before G o d , and therefore seeking healing will carry with it strong religious c o n n o t a t i o n s as well. S u c h is the case. In 3 8 : 1 - 1 5 S i r a c h a d m o n i s h e s the wise person (ccvrjp <J>p6vipos) w h o is sick b o t h to "pray to the L o r d " ( s u £ a i Kupi'co) a n d to seek professional care from a physician. T h e e x h o r t a t i o n at verse 9 provides an ob vious p o i n t o f focus for o u r discussion, for in it S i r a c h clearly prescribes heal ing as a religious act.
O n e w h o is sick o u g h t to seek healing
through
petitionary prayer without delay, as t h e a d m o n i t i o n n o t to " l o o k aside" (pr| TTapapXETre) suggests.
58
S i r a c h rests his assurance that the Lord will heal
(iaoETCd) o n this simple a d m o n i t i o n .
A t verses 1 and 1 2 , however, the crisis
o f illness requires a n o t h e r response that has religious significance as well. T h e physician's "place" (TOTTOV) in divine healing also ought to be acknowledged, because physicians' skills and the m e d i c i n e s they use also have their source in God.
5 9
The
passage's grammatical structure supports this n o t i o n .
In verses 1 0
and 1 1 , S i r a c h explicitly links sickness to sin, a n d he expects three religious practices to a c c o m p a n y petitionary prayer for healing: r e p e n t a n c e (aTTOOTnoov TrAr]|j|j6AEiav Kai EiiSuvov x s » p a s ) ,
6 0
an act o r attitude o f cleansing (OTTO i r a o n ^
a p a p T t a s K a B a p i a o v KapSt'av), and a public act o f expiation. T h e c o m m a n d to allow a physician to help in v. 12 follows immediately u p o n these practices, and is linked to t h e m by a c o o r d i n a t i n g Kai. F u r t h e r m o r e , in v. 9 , following the introductory subordinate clause, "when you are ill" (EV appcooTfipaTi o o u ) , the initial negative imperative is followed by a string o f eight clauses, all gov erned by aorist imperatives, the first seven having to d o with t h e abovem e n t i o n e d acts o f expiation, and the final in v. 12 being to "give" (60s)
the
physician his place in healing, a c o m m a n d that e c h o e s the clause, "offer [5os] a pleasing odor," at v. 1 1 . T h e parallel exhortations to h o n o r the physician
138
•JAMES RILEY S T R A N G E *
"for the value o f his services" (irpos TCCS X P
E I A
S G\JTOU TIMOUS auToO) in verse
1 and to give the physician his place in verse 1 2 , as well as to pray without de lay in verse 9 , stand side by side in the passage as religious responses t o illness. A c c o r d i n g to Sirach, w h e n people b e c o m e sick, they should avail themselves o f all divine aid at their disposal: prayer a n d the care o f physicians. Given this reading o f the passage, the supposed apostrophe that closes the passage in the G r e e k text (v. 15) takes o n meaning, n o t as hostility toward the 61
sinner n o r skepticism a b o u t the physician's abilities —a s e n t i m e n t that con flicts with what has c o m e before—but as a deprecatio for the healing a n d spiri tual restoration for the s i n n e r .
62
T h e passage as a whole expresses the
assumption that o n e w h o is sick also has sinned, a n d that b o t h problems must be addressed in order for the Lord to heal that person. In the remedy that Si rach prescribes, r e p e n t a n c e a n d a t o n e m e n t take their place alongside prayer for healing and the work o f physicians. T h e s e ideas are picked up and carried i n t o verse 1 5 , in w h i c h we may assume that the participle b aMCcpTcivcov also contains the idea o f sickness (the o n e w h o sins has fallen ill); likewise, the ex pectation o f "falling into the h a n d o f a physician" carries with it the idea o f receiving care from the G o d w h o works through t h e physician. S u c h a wish is in line with o t h e r sections o f S i r a c h that call for repentance and speak o f God's mercy.
63
T h e issues o f sin, repentance, and divine j u d g m e n t bring up the question o f eschatology in S i r a c h . S i r a c h claims that G o d metes o u t b o t h reward and p u n i s h m e n t in the present life, b u t what does he say a b o u t the role o f judg m e n t in the world to come? T h e answer is, his eschatology follows the law o f retribution expressed in chapter 2 8 o f D e u t e r o n o m y ; j u d g m e n t occurs before death (even i f just before i t ) ,
64
after w h i c h all descend to H a d e s / S h e o l .
65
T h e r e are only vague references in S i r a c h to a j u d g m e n t after death o r to life in a world to c o m e , and very few o f t h o s e .
66
T h e way to survive death is
through the h o n o r that o n e has accrued in life by o n e ' s reputation and the legacy o f children w h o follow o n e ' s e x a m p l e .
67
W e begin the c o m p a r i s o n and contrast o f J a m e s and S i r a c h with Sirach's use o f a<|>(r|Mi to indicate "putting away" one's faults (aTTOOTrjoov TTAr)|j|jeAeiav A
KCU Eii0uvov X £ i P S
K a i
oiro Ttaoris a p a p T i a s K a 0 a p t a o v KCcpSiav). T h i s dis
tinctive usage by S i r a c h also appears in J a m e s (CCTTOOEJJEVOI Traoccv pvTnav Ken TTEpiaoEiav KaKias in Jas 1:21; cf. 4 : 8 ) , the only example o f such a usage in the New Testament.
68
T h i s "parallel" between the two authors constitutes b u t o n e
o f many verbal a n d t h e m a t i c similarities between J a m e s and S i r a c h .
69
Even so,
n o matter how the n u m b e r a n d level o f these similarities may strike us, with o u t systemic c o m p a r i s o n we are left only with resemblances in details, and with speculations a b o u t James's literary d e p e n d e n c e o n Sirach, a c o n n e c t i o n
JUDAIC VISIONS OF C O R P O R A T E LIFE •
139
that is as complicated and difficult to work o u t as James's reliance o n the Jesus tradition. T h e n e e d for systemic c o m p a r i s o n b e c o m e s clear w h e n we n o t e the cate gories o f thought that lie b e h i n d the discussion o f healing in b o t h texts. First, for b o t h authors, G o d ' s people must deal with the d o m i n a n t cultural forces o f Hellenistic society. T h e G r e e k text o f S i r a c h speaks to the broader Jewish Di aspora o f the Hellenistic world, m u c h as J a m e s addresses "the twelve tribes o f the Diaspora." Y e t S i r a c h addresses people w h o are fully engaged in s o m e as pects o f the upper strata o f G r e e k society, for h e takes up the topos o f friend ship at length ( 6 : 5 - 1 7 ;
37:l-6)
7 0
manners at b a n q u e t s ( 3 1 : 1 2 - 3 2 : 1 3 ) .
a n d addresses the issue o f good table 7 1
S e c o n d , b o t h authors address the issue
o f how G o d ' s people ought to live as a moral problem, a n d b o t h sometimes pattern their discourses after the example o f Proverbs. T h e i r writings resemble each o t h e r in form, and they draw from a similar well o f tradition and scrip ture when setting forth the way o f life that they wish their readers to follow. S o we find in each an insistence o n keeping G o d ' s law (yet with few and muted examples o f formal scriptural midrash), a declaration that wisdom is from G o d , a d e m a n d for religious faithfulness, and a knowledge o f scripture in all three o f its divisions that is manifest in citations, allusions, mimicry o f style, a n d holding up the great figures o f old as exempla for the day-to-day lives o f G o d ' s people. In light o f these matching categories, the disproportionate categories, a n d categories in o n e text that have n o counterpart in the other, b e c o m e m o r e evident. J a m e s ' s valuation o f wisdom, for example, does n o t m a t c h in scope or form S i r a c h ' s theology o f W i s d o m personified (Sir 1 : 1 - 1 0 ;
24:1-12).
7 2
M o r e importantly, although b o t h authors state that wisdom has its source in G o d , S i r a c h characterizes the trait o f wisdom as a c o m m o d i t y e a r n e d through prolonged study. H e compares learning wisdom to the trades: getting wisdom is a life-long o c c u p a t i o n (Sir 3 8 : 2 4 - 3 9 : 1 1 ) ; the early cultivation o f wisdom yields a harvest in o n e ' s later years (Sir 6 : 1 8 - 1 9 ) ; wisdom accumulates like wealth, elevating o n e ' s status a m o n g peers (Sir 3 9 : 9 - 1 1 ; cf. Prologue; 4 4 : 1 - 1 5 ) and forming a social stratum m u c h like that enjoyed by the wealthy upper classes. S u c h a characterization contrasts starkly with J a m e s ' s presentation o f wisdom as a good that is freely available to all w h o ask for it (Jas 1:4), and that levels the positions o f all in the c o m m u n i t y rather than raising the standing o f any individual o r class. T h e contrast is evident in the authors' two different modes o f addressing their readers: S i r a c h ' s "my child" ("DD/TEKVOV pou) a n d James's "my b r o t h e r s " and "beloved brothers" ( O S E X ^ O I pou aycxTrr|To() b o t h deploy the language o f fictive kinship, S i r a c h ' s suggesting an authorittive status a m o n g Jerusalemites (and later, a p o s t h u m o u s authority a m o n g Diaspora
140
•JAMES
RILEY STRANGE •
Jews), J a m e s ' s , a valuation o f relatively unstratified social relations a m o n g m e m b e r s o f the assembly. N e i t h e r a u t h o r gives a full a c c o u n t o f everyday existence. Nevertheless, Si rach talks a b o u t households a n d work, friendship and social class, worship in the T e m p l e and T o r a h study, d i n n e r parties and governing.
M o s t o f this dis
cussion is lacking in the Epistle o f James: n o w h e r e does h e talk a b o u t the h o n o r due to parents, the raising o f sons and daughters, o r the benefits o f a g o o d wife a n d the costs o f a bad o n e (cf. S i r 3 : 1 - 1 6 ; 2 5 : 1 3 - 2 6 : 1 8 ;
30:1-13;
3 3 : 2 0 - 3 3 ; 4 2 : 9 - 1 4 ) , n o r does he take up the t r e a t m e n t o f slaves (cf. S i r 3 3 : 2 5 33).
7 3
J a m e s ' s sole references to family ties consist o f n a m i n g G o d "Father,"
a n d the use o f "brothers" (for his readers) a n d "a b r o t h e r o r a sister" (for fel low believers: Jas 2 : 1 5 ) . J a m e s says n o t h i n g a b o u t g o o d governance o r h u m a n friendships,
74
and has n o instruction in d i n n e r e t i q u e t t e .
75
James's lack o f c o n c e r n a b o u t h o n o r and s h a m e partially explains these omissions.
76
J a m e s ' s few statements o n the subject (see Jas 2 : 1 - 7 ) simply do
n o t display the same level o f nervousness a b o u t status and legacy that S i r a c h shows,
77
a n d w h e n J a m e s brings up the subject it is to warn against h o n o r i n g
the wealthy in the assembly at the expense o f the p o o r ( " B u t you have dishon o r e d [lyniJaoaTE] the poor," Jas 2 : 6 ) . M a n y o f S i r a c h ' s notoriously misogynistic p r o n o u n c e m e n t s a b o u t wives and daughters, as well as his advice o n good table m a n n e r s , can b e linked to an emphasis o n avoiding s h a m e and accruing honor.
78
T h e lack o f talk a b o u t the h o u s e h o l d in J a m e s also highlights James's
emphasis o n intra-community ties between C h r i s t i a n believers. It is the reli gious c o m m u n i t y that forms the primary sphere o f b o t h virtuous (care-giving, G o d l i k e ) a n d evil (self-promoting, d e m o n i c ) behavior.
O t h e r relationships,
particularly those between people w h o have power a n d those w h o d o n o t (plaintiff a n d defendant, employee a n d laborer, teacher a n d student) inspire warnings a b o u t abuse, the o u t c o m e o f w h i c h is n o t shame, b u t divine judg ment. James has n o m a t c h for S i r a c h ' s discussion o f the value o f the trades (Sir 3 8 : 2 4 - 3 4 ) , the exalted work o f the scribe (Sir 3 8 : 3 4 b - 3 9 : l 1), o r for S i r a c h ' s extended praise o f ancestors (Sir 4 4 - 4 9 ) , panegyric o f a c o n t e m p o r a r y ( S i m o n t h e High Priest in S i r 5 0 : 1 - 2 1 ) , and prayers (Sir 2 2 : 2 7 - 2 3 : 6 ; 5 1 : 1 - 3 0 ) .
Like
wise, S i r a c h has n o t h i n g corresponding to J a m e s ' s discussion o f faith and works, the c o m i n g eschaton, a n d the life o f individual congregations. T h i s last discrepancy is m o s t visible in the discussion o f sickness a n d heal ing in S i r a c h 3 8 : 1 - 1 5 .
S i r a c h m o r e clearly speaks o f physical healing than
J a m e s does, and his description o f physical illness and recovery makes n o ref erence to salvation. W e can explain this contrast by the absence o f t h e tightly defined, minority congregation in S i r a c h ' s discourse, and the want o f a clear
• J U D A I C VISIONS OF C O R P O R A T E
LIFE*
141
eschatology in his b o o k : S i r a c h does tie illness to sin, b u t healing does n o t pertain to the sinner's restoration to the assembly, salvation o f a fellow's soul, or the c o m i n g j u d g m e n t and resurrection o f the dead.
R a t h e r , for S i r a c h , seek
ing healing reveals the extent o f a person's reliance o n G o d in the here and now, for through b o t h prayer and the medical profession, the sick individual has access to G o d ' s gracious care. Nevertheless, S i r a c h shares with J a m e s the n o t i o n that illness is a religious problem, and that healing requires a c o m b i n a t i o n o f religious acts: prayer and making expiation. E a c h person, however, prays and expiates sin o n his o r her own behalf. T h e r e is n o indication in S i r a c h that these are intra-communal acts that distinguish a group from its surrounding culture, or that build up the community.
Restoring the Household T h r o u g h Healing and Exorcism: T h e Story of T o b i t W h e n o n e thinks o f healing in a n c i e n t J u d a i c texts, the b o o k o f T o b i t nauirally c o m e s to m i n d . It tells two stories o f divine cure: righteous T o b i t has his sight restored, and i n n o c e n t S a r a h finds relief from the t o r m e n t o f the d e m o n Asmodeus.
79
T h e events are set within biblical times, during the Israelite de
portation to Assyria: h e n c e , exile and the expectation o f return forms a major topos in the w o r k .
80
Like D a n i e l and Esther, the b o o k was written m u c h later
than the events it purports to tell.
81
T o b i t is a didactic t a l e
82
that imparts the
lessons o f Israel's sin, punishment, faithfulness in exile, a n d restoration to the generations w h o have seen the prophets' words only partially fulfilled: at the time o f the b o o k ' s c o m p o s i t i o n , Israel worships in the rebuilt T e m p l e , b u t un der the hegemony o f foreign rulers. A reading o f T o b i t allows a c o m p a r i s o n between J a m e s and a text that, un like J a m e s , c o u c h e s moral instruction in an overall narrative form, and so brings the reader into the sweep o f Israel's story, from the shame o f defeat and exile to the glory o f return and restoration.
Speaking to a distinct group o f
people, the a u t h o r o f T o b i t draws from a period o f Israelite history to extract an analogy with his contemporary situation (the current Diaspora is like that o n e was), and from biblical prophecy a b o u t return to encourage h o p e in his contemporaries (as G o d has been faithful in fulfilling those prophecies, so G o d will faithfully accomplish the rest). J a m e s t o o draws an analogy with Isra elite exile to encourage a particular people, b u t the grand flow o f Israel's story is missing from his instruction, except for references here and there to great figures o f the past, and James's eschatology focuses elsewhere than Israel's glo rious return.
A n examination o f healing in T o b i t will reveal where and at
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what levels the texts o f T o b i t a n d J a m e s converge, and where their vision o f Israel, its place in the world, a n d the e n d to which it is heading differ. B o t h J a m e s a n d S i r a c h deal with divine healing in isolated passages, b u t in the B o o k o f T o b i t , T o b i t ' s blindness and Sarah's haunting take up substantial portions o f the narrative, even when they serve as b a c k d r o p to the action downstage.
83
H e n c e , the p r o b l e m o f theodicy is evident from the o p e n i n g pas-
sages o f the story: how can o n e justify the affliction o f a righteous Israelite man
and
the
torment
o f an
innocent
Israelite maiden?
T o b i t ' s self-
characterization as a righteous person w i t h o u t peer immediately casts h i m in the vein o f N o a h , J o s e p h , J o b , and D a n i e l , thus signaling that the t h e m e o f G o d ' s justice will occupy m u c h o f the narrative.
84
Indeed, the autobiographi
cal a c c o u n t o f T o b i t ' s good deeds monopolizes the story line for the b u l k o f the first three chapters, leading inexorably to the a c c o u n t o f how h e b e c a m e b l i n d , b u t also intensifying the injustice o f his suffering, w h i c h is n o t physical alone.
In contrast to the high social standing that h e has enjoyed a m o n g his
fellow exiles and at court, his life slumps i n t o a shameful existence after turn ing blind, and that existence, in his judgment, is worse t h a n death.
In con
trast to T o b i t ' s righteousness, the narrative highlights Sarah's youth a n d sexual innocence.
Also unlike T o b i t , h e r suffering at the hands o f the d e m o n As-
modeus has n o physical d i m e n s i o n , b u t her t o r m e n t is described in psycho logical a n d social terms, focusing in particular o n her lack o f children.
She
t o o is reduced to s h a m e and prays for death. In a sense, the story's beginning has already revealed its end, leaving o u t only the details.
85
T h e story o f a righteous Israelite w h o rises to p r o m i n e n c e in
captivity portends G o d ' s gracious intervention in the lives o f the c h a r a c t e r s .
86
T h a t Sarah's situation is linked to that o f T o b i t assures her happy ending as well, as does her n a m e .
87
T h e narrative confirms these portents early, through
t h e dispatching o f R a p h a e l "to heal b o t h o f t h e m " ( 3 : 1 7 a ) .
By that same
means, the story justifies G o d ' s actions early o n as well, for at the outset we k n o w that the characters' sufferings, although intense, are only temporary, and that the D e u t e r o n o m i s t i c d o c t r i n e o f retribution will prevail in the e n d : G o d will reward their steadfastness a n d destroy the w i c k e d .
88
T h e reason for T o b i t ' s suffering is never clearly stated.
In his prayer for
death, T o b i t poses the possibility that G o d has disciplined h i m for a sin, yet he c o n t i n u e s to claim his own righteousness, i f n o t his sinlessness.
89
Conversely,
T o b i t also asserts that all o f G o d ' s deeds are just ( 3 : 2 ) , and h e n c e suggests that h e may indeed deserve his afflictions. In contrast to this admission, the story c o n t i n u e s to elaborate the t h e m e o f T o b i t ' s goodness. As for Sarah, t h e read ers k n o w that she suffers because o f the deeds o f an evil spirit, over w h o m she has n o c o n t r o l , although she herself is apparently ignorant o f this f a c t .
90
The
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143
clearest indication that b o t h T o b i t a n d S a r a h suffer unjustly is that n e i t h e r healing requires an act o f expiation o f sin o r propitiation o f G o d , just as nei ther character confesses sins before o r after being h e a l e d .
91
S a r a h suffers at the
will o f A s m o d e u s alone, a n d her cure requires only his b a n i s h m e n t . T o b i t ap parently has gone blind merely as the result o f happenstance, and his healing requires that he follow what looks like a medical prescription. T h e healings are n o t merely the result o f administering the right m e d i c i n e , however. R a p h a e l reveals that h e was sent to test T o b i t a n d S a r a h . By impli cation, this test entails their willingness to c o n t i n u e o n in faithful devotion to G o d in the face o f anguish a n d despair: T o b i t , by securing the deposited m o n ey for his son's inheritance; Sarah, by marrying again despite her long record o f calamity and heartbreak. Ultimately, healing can b e traced to G o d through his messenger, w h o instructs T o b i a s in the preparations o f medicines. Like the story o f J o b , T o b i t ' s own tale sets forth an a c c o u n t o f G o d ' s ineffability, a n d so leaves the doctrine o f retribution intact.
Y e t in addition to
dealing with the problem that evil poses for divine righteousness, t h e b o o k o f T o b i t acknowledges the social repercussions o f falling ill a n d being t o r m e n t e d by an evil spirit: these calamities cut a person o f f socially, cause e c o n o m i c hardship, a n d bring shame u p o n b o t h the principal characters a n d their fami lies. T h e ultimate sign o f social a n d familial alienation is evident in the two prayers for death and Sarah's suicide plan. O t h e r forms o f social isolation in clude T o b i t ' s descent into poverty, a n d S a r a h ' s inability to provide an heir. Signs o f the loss o f h o n o r also pervade the a c c o u n t s o f illness a n d d e m o n i c harassment.
92
Restoring sight and banishing the d e m o n bring a b o u t restoration in all three o f these areas: social a n d familial relations, e c o n o m i c status, a n d h o n o r . T h e episode in w h i c h T o b i t regains his sight c o n t a i n s m a n y references to the restoration o f family solidarity as well ( 1 1 : 1 3 - 1 5 ) . T h a t healing for S a r a h en tails r e i n s t a t e m e n t o f her place in family a n d society is m a d e explicit in 6 : 1 8 . Earlier, S a r a h ' s ability to participate in b o t h o f h e r families (her family o f ori gin, and her new family) as social a n d religious c u s t o m dictate is characterized as "healing" ( 3 : 1 7 ) . Social restoration also brings e c o n o m i c recovery: through T o b i a s , S a r a h provides a son to inherit b o t h h e r father's and husband's es tates; T o b i t regains his wealth, which he is able to pass o n to his s o n . T h e nar rative places greatest weight o n the r e i n s t a t e m e n t o f respectability to T o b i t , Sarah, and their families ( 1 4 : 3 ; cf. v. 1 2 ) . Finally, T o b i t ' s sickness a n d healing are paradigmatic o f Israel's own exile and promised r e t u r n .
93
T o b i t identifies the story o f Israel with his own story
when he recalls the words o f A m o s as i f they foretold his own grief during the festival o f Pentecost ( T o b i t 2 : 6 = A m o s 8 : 1 0 ) ,
94
a n d again when he justifies his
• JAMES RILEY STRANGE •
144
own suffering by reference to Israel's sins ( 3 : 2 - 5 ) .
9 5
T o b i t takes up the mantle
o f a prophet to Israel, for his blindness and cure b e c o m e an o b j e c t lesson that all o f Israel should repent: as T o b i t has d o n e , Israel must c o n t i n u e to worship G o d faithfully in its exile ( 1 3 : 6 ) ; in exchange, G o d will gather Israel from all the nations a m o n g w h i c h its people are scattered ( 1 3 : 5 ) , and will rebuild Jeru salem ( 1 3 : 1 6 - 1 7 ) a n d the T e m p l e within it ( 1 3 : 1 0 - 1 7 ; 1 4 : 5 ) .
96
T h e b o o k signals this m e t o n y m i c treatment o f Israel's plight t h r o u g h its language for s i c k n e s s / d e m o n i c t o r m e n t and recovery. common Greek terms, same a i l m e n t s .
98
97
Like Sirach, it deploys
b u t also uses theological language to diagnose the
By implication, the troubles, treatment, a n d recovery o f T o
b i t and S a r a h reflect what is at stake in Israelite life in exile, and for t h e Jews o f the Hellenistic Diaspora by extension: maintaining the identity o f G o d ' s people t h r o u g h fidelity to T o r a h , preserving the integrity o f family b o n d s , and justifying the trials o f G o d ' s people within a foreign culture. T h e B o o k o f T o b i t and the Epistle o f J a m e s share s o m e formal a n d the matic similarities. T o b i t ' s two testaments, and Raphael's/Azariah's instruction in C h a p t e r 1 2 , are essentially b r i e f g n o m i c discourses, using direct address and compiling terse c o m m a n d s o n various subjects in order to exhort T o b i a s (and readers) to lead moral lives. In part, the purpose o f the narrative is to set forth these exhortations.
Perhaps because o f this formal resemblance, and due to
the constellation o f social c o n c e r n s derived from T o r a h , T o b i t and J a m e s share o t h e r similarities, such as an insistence o n caring for t h e poor and pay ing one's laborers. M o s t significantly, like Sirach, J a m e s and T o b i t see the religious faithful as a c o m m u n i t y living in exile. T o b i t is probably addressed to Jews o f the Helle nistic Diaspora in the late third and early s e c o n d century B . C . E . F o r his part, James's address adopts the m e t a p h o r o f Israelite a n d Judahite exile for the in digenous congregations o f Jewish Christians that grew up across the R o m a n E m p i r e in the first century C . E . T h e myth o f exile works differently in each text: T o b i t promises Jews everywhere a return to their native land, whereas J a m e s informs the faithful living in the lands o f their birth that they reside there as aliens.
B o t h deploy the myth as a m e t a p h o r for the separateness o f
G o d ' s people, living according to a distinctive way o f life and adopting a worldview that sets t h e m apart from their surroundings. B o t h authors take up t h e challenges o f remaining faithful to God—and h e n c e o f maintaining the boundaries o f the community—in hostile surround ings.
B o t h authors wish for G o d ' s people to remain religiously and morally
distinct from the d o m i n a n t culture while living within it; T o b i t expresses this desire by emphasizing the practice o f endogamy, b u t also by highlighting Isra elite burial practices; J a m e s , through the intra-community religious practices o f
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145
prayer, healing, confession o f sins, a n d c o r r e c t i o n . T h e use o f filial fictive kinship terms in T o b i t " and J a m e s reinforces the structure o f the c o m m u n i t y as a distinct group with fixed boundaries; in turn, fictive kinship ties are reinforced by the care that c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s show o n e a n o t h e r through their m o r a l deeds.
E a c h text insists that m e m b e r s take responsibility for caring for the
physical needs o f the c o m m u n i t y ' s p o o r and treating workers fairly. B o t h seek to preserve c o m m u n i t y solidarity t h r o u g h perseverance in trials, and b o t h maintain that c u r r e n t tribulations are only temporary, for G o d ultimately will reward righteousness and punish wickedness. T h e c o n g r u e n c e o f these categories b e c o m e s more striking because b o t h authors present alienation from the c o m m u n i t y as a severe c o n s e q u e n c e o f ill ness. T o b i t ' s blindness and Sarah's t o r m e n t cause breaks in family a n d socie tal ties, and ultimately lead t h e m to seek death, the ultimate alienation. T h e i r cures set in m o t i o n restoration in every aspect o f life, including longevity itself. James speaks o f desire that leads to sin a n d t h e n c e to death, and o f destruction o f the c o m m u n i t y through pursuit o f selfish a m b i t i o n .
Conversely, although
J a m e s does n o t expressly b l a m e the illnesses o f c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s o n their selfishness, healing reverses the effects that J a m e s has attributed to sin. In ad dition to forgiving sins, G o d "saves" a n d "raises up" (both images that evokelife), while c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s confess sins to o n e a n o t h e r a n d turn erring m e m b e r s b a c k to the fold ( a n o t h e r image evocative o f life), thus sustaining ra ther than damaging the c o m m u n i t y . T h e worldviews e n c o d e d within the two works are also distinctive.
The
eschatologies o f the two works deploy pastoral images a n d promises o f judg ment, yet the understanding o f the transition from o n e era to the n e x t differs significantly in e a c h . N e a r the close o f their works, b o t h authors b o r r o w the prophetic image o f gathering sheep. In T o b i t , this idea refers to the e n d o f Is rael's exile a n d its return to the L a n d ( T o b i t 1 3 : 5 ; 14:5), whereas in J a m e s the imagery refers to the return o f the s i n n e r to the congregation. T o b i t expresses the idea o f e n l a d i s e m e n t
100
: Israel's h o m e is the Land promised to A b r a h a m
and given to Moses a n d the C h i l d r e n o f Israel, in which Israel fulfills its covenantal obligation to keep G o d ' s T o r a h . In J a m e s , the idea o f "turning b a c k " pertains to the c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r w h o is sinning—perhaps w h o has aposta tized—and so the myth o f the exile a n d return o f G o d ' s people does n o t per tain. Far from evoking the story o f Israel's lost a n d regained n a t i o n h o o d , J a m e s conceives o f the c o m m u n i t y in local terms. T h e congregation, rather than all o f G o d ' s people everywhere, constitutes the flock, and there is n o indication whether the Lord's c o m i n g eliminates the situation o f the Diaspora.
Fur
t h e r m o r e , T o b i t ' s eschatology is entirely this-worldly, whereas J a m e s ' s imagery
146
•JAMES RILEY STRANGE
suggests that the present sphere o f existence will o n e day c o m e to an end. T o b i t , the promise o f j u d g m e n t and reward applies to the present life.
In Re
turn, although guaranteed, happens in s o m e future generation. In James, res toration to the c o m m u n i t y is now: j u d g m e n t a n d mercy c o m e with the arrival o f the Judge. In T o b i t , G o d intervenes during a person's life; in J a m e s , G o d judges at life's e n d . E a c h text also reveals u n i q u e categories n o t shared by the o t h e r .
Con
cerns a b o u t personal and familial h o n o r and s h a m e that are prevalent in T o b i t do n o t register in J a m e s . T h e preservation o f the Israelite family for posterity— a n o t h e r key category in Tobit—also finds n o expression in J a m e s , w h o does n o t speak about families at all. Instead, J a m e s offers the counterpart category o f the congregation as a Active kinship c o m m u n i t y that is in danger o f disintegra tion, and that survives through intra-community m o r a l acts. In T o b i t , divine healing c o m e s as an answer to prayer (as it does in S i r a c h and James), b u t the prayer is individual and petitionary.
M o r e importantly,
b o t h T o b i t and S a r a h pray n o t for healing b u t for death; t h e divine response is an utter contradiction o f their prayers. Moreover, the b o o k o f T o b i t does n o t present either prayer or healing as acts that distinguish the Israelite c o m m u nity in exile. T h a t place is reserved for the practices o f endogamy, burial rites, and e c o n o m i c justice in t h e form o f almsgiving a n d right t r e a t m e n t o f em ployees. Confession o f sins forms a primary category in Israelite and J u d a i c reli gious systems, a n d examples o f confessional texts and instruction o n confes sion a b o u n d .
101
Nevertheless, in few J u d a i c texts o f the G r e c o - R o m a n period
does confession play a major role in defining o r sustaining the social e n t i t y .
102
A n exception o f n o t e is 1 Q S , which is treated in the next chapter.
Correction T h e Good Man: The Testament of
Benjamin
T h e Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs (hereafter T. 12 Patr.) expands the form o f deathbed discourses such as those o f J a c o b ( G e n 4 9 ) and M o s e s ( D e u t 33).
1 0 3
In each testament a patriarch gathers his children to his side for a so
liloquy o f final instruction and warnings. All m o r e or less c o n f o r m to a stan dardized pattern, setting o u t a biography o f t h e patriarch, an exhortation to good works, a "prediction" o f the fall o f Jerusalem to the Babylonians and its reconstruction u n d e r the P e r s i a n s ,
104
a n d an a c c o u n t o f the patriarch's death.
Probably c o m p o s e d n o earlier than the third century B . C . E . , T 12 Patr. pur-
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LIFE
ports to speak from the time o f the Israelite sojourn in Egypt to the people o f the Jewish Diaspora in the Hellenized Middle East, and perhaps to the Chris tian Diaspora in the R o m a n E m p i r e , setting forth the intervening history as prophecy, and looking still further ahead to G o d ' s final j u d g m e n t a n d re demption o f Israel.
105
T. 12 Pat. conceives o f Israel as A b r a h a m ' s heirs, w h o like J a c o b ' s sons constitute a generation o n the cusp o f returning to the land promised to their forebear and his descendants, b u t w h o for a little while longer must e n d u r e life as exiles, living as foreigners in the various provinces o f the Hellenized Mediterranean, yet who are united through their c o m m i t m e n t to a c o m m o n history and a distinctive way o f life.
T h e work is truly pseudepigraphic, pur
porting to convey the very deathbed words o f Israel's heroic tribal founders, and appropriating their authority to set forth trustworthy instruction.
The
work also draws authenticity from the fulfillment o f episodes that the patri archs "prophesy," namely the events leading up to the Assyrian and Babylo nian conquests o f Israel, the fall o f Jerusalem, and the Babylonian exile.
The
implicit logic is clear: i f these events have indeed occurred, just as J a c o b ' s sons predicted t h e m , then their descendents (i.e., the intended readers) can rest as sured that what remains unfulfilled will also c o m e to pass. T h e a u t h o r o f the Epistle o f J a m e s also purports to convey the instruction o f a h e r o o f the faith to those w h o claim A b r a h a m as "father." A comparison o f the two texts, using their construals o f correction as a test case, will reveal how their respective worldviews generate distinctive visions for the life o f the faithful w h o live in foreign lands. W e begin analysis with a passage in the Testament of Benjamin (hereafter T. Benj.) 4 . 1 - 5 because it lays o u t the character o f the "good m a n " (6 aycc0os), w h o admonishes o t h e r s .
106
T h e passage addresses the issue o f how to deal
with a problem that has religious c o n n o t a t i o n s , namely "sinners" (apapTcoXoi) w h o reject G o d . T h e discourse draws from the life o f piety yet is thoroughly moral in character, as is clear from the chain o f virtues with w h i c h B e n j a m i n characterizes the upright person: he is "a doer o f good" ( a y a 0 o i T O t c o v ) , "shows mercy" (EXES, E X E E I )
107
b o t h to the p o o r and to those w h o aim to harm him,
"loves the upright" (TOUS...5IKCXIOUS a y a T r a ) , "shows compassion for the sick" (TCO ao0EVE? au|JTTCX0E't), and G o d h e "praises in song" (avupvEf). Conversely, he n e i t h e r acts enviously (<|)0OVECO) n o r is he jealous (£r)X6co). R a t h e r , he rec ognizes virtue avSpsfos,
in others, for "he eulogizes" anyone w h o is "brave" ( T I S
ETTCCIVET),
"trusts
oco<J>povcx ITIOTEUCOV upvEf),
and 108
a y a m o v T i TOV 6E6V OUVEPYET).
praises
the
self-controlled
person" (TOV
and "gives aid to the o n e who loves G o d " (TCO
148
•JAMES RILEY
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T h e general vocabulary for these virtues c o u l d c o m e from the pen o f any contemporary Greco-Roman moralist,
109
b u t the emphasis o n showing mercy
to the p o o r a n d h o n o r i n g the o n e G o d is distinctively J u d a i c (note the com m a n d that B e n j a m i n ' s sons "imitate" [MipfpaaSe] such a person, thus b e c o m ing good themselves). M o s t i m p o r t a n t for o u r purposes is the idea that the good person "admonishes and turns b a c k " (VOU0ETGOV ETTIGTPE<|>EO those w h o reject G o d . T h e p l a c e m e n t o f correction near the e n d o f this pericope lends it s o m e emphasis, b u t its presence in a c o n c a t e n a t i o n o f virtues indicates that it is b u t o n e o f m a n y deeds that exemplify the good person. In the section that immediately follows ( 5 : 1 - 5 ) , we n o t e that although the main purpose o f this section is n o t to characterize the wicked person, never theless, the patriarch B e n j a m i n catalogs the vices o f wrongdoers: he paints them
as
"evil"
(irovnpoi),
"covetous"
(TTAEOVEKTCXO,
( a o c o T O i ) , pursuers o f "passion" (TOU TTC(0OUS).
110
and
"debauched"
T h e ignorant (implied by
"darkness" T O OKOTOS) individual "does violence t o " (uPptor)) a n d "betrays" (TTpoSoirj) those w h o are g o o d . of
the
good
person, whose
111
T h e s e traits stand in stark c o n t r a s t to those
adherence
to the
doctrine
o f human
retribution (introduced in the previous passage) here c o m e s to the fore. good person is b o t h "pious" ( o o i o s )
112
and "righteous" (b S I K C C I O S ) ,
113
nonThe
and re
sponds to attacks b o t h by m a i n t a i n i n g silence (oicoira) a n d by praying ( i r p o OEUXO|JEVOS). T h i s assertion is m o s t naturally read in light o f the a d m o n i t i o n against the "hatred o f b r o t h e r s " (r| Mioa5EX(()(a) o f 7.5 and 8 . 1 . The
promise at the e n d o f the passage receives emphasis by virtue o f its
position:
for the good person, after a b r i e f period o f h u m b l e d existence (TCX-
TTEivcoBrj), a "far m o r e illustrious" (TTOAU <|>ai5p6TEpos) life is assured. In a sin gle statement, the text b o t h sets forth a variation o f the D e u t e r o n o m i s t i c doctrine o f divine retribution and reveals a c o n c e r n for m a i n t a i n i n g h o n o r in spite o f shameful circumstances. As in T o b i t , attacks by wicked people tempo rarily bring a righteous person to a lowly state, yet G o d ultimately will reward this person with t h e h o n o r due o n e w h o steadfastly clings to G o d ' s m o r a l code.
I say "a variation o f the d o c t r i n e o f retribution because instead o f
promising p u n i s h m e n t for the wicked, the text is optimistic that they will turn to G o d o f their own will. T h e t h e m e o f retribution brings to light the m o s t significant aspect o f cor rection in the T e s t a m e n t o f B e n j a m i n : in contrast to 4 . 1 - 5 , here a good per son brings a b o u t c o r r e c t i o n through example rather than through instruction or c o n f r o n t a t i o n .
Merely by carrying o n with a pious life in the face o f adver
sity, the good person can induce those w h o are wicked to "turn b a c k " (ETTiOTpE(j)co, here intransitive), taking up the virtuous life o f their own accord: they will live peaceably (EiprjVEUco) with and respect (alSEopai) the good per-
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son; the covetous will subdue their own passions and give away the items they crave to the oppressed; and anyone w h o attacks a righteous person will repent (jjSTavosco) when treated with mercy. Admittedly, the idea that righteous liv ing can cause others to live piously is n o t u n i q u e to T. Benj. a n d the m o s t no table examples can be found in the aphorisms regarding anger in Proverbs 15:1 and 1 8 , a n d 2 1 : 1 4 .
In the c o n t e x t o f T. 12 Patr. o p t i m i s m about the t
power o f g o o d example offers a sharp contrast to the proposition, throughout the work, that G o d punishes the w i c k e d .
found
114
A l t h o u g h these passages about the this-worldly effects o f right living ex press n o eschatology, T. Benj. does discuss the "future" destruction and re building o f the Jerusalem T e m p l e .
B e n j a m i n predicts that despite
the
patriarch's instructions to refrain from many vices (most prominently those o f brotherly hatred and sexual p r o m i s c u i t y ) ,
115
his descendants will sin and en
dure p u n i s h m e n t , and that a r e m n a n t will survive to see the T e m p l e rebuilt ( 9 . 2 ) . T. Benj. alone tells o f a c o m i n g prophetic figure w h o is associated with the new, m o r e glorious T e m p l e , a n d w h o will be the c o n d u i t for G o d ' s salva tion to the twelve tribes and to the G e n t i l e s w h o have gathered at the holy site.
116
G o d ' s p u n i s h m e n t in the present cuts a person o f f from this promised
redemption o f all humanity, whereas to repent because o n e has witnessed the actions o f a righteous person brings the penitent person u n d e r G o d ' s protec tion a n d preservation until that t i m e . Finally, it is important to n o t e that the moral exhortation in T. Benj. stems from B e n j a m i n ' s elevation o f J o s e p h as an example: he lived righteously in ex ile, keeping G o d ' s c o m m a n d m e n t s despite the tribulation he suffered (T. Benj. 3.1-8).
T h e characterization o f the "good m a n " in chapters 4 a n d 5 is best
read as a moral pattern designed after the scriptural and various traditional stories o f J o s e p h , and in that c o n t e x t the reasons for the text's focus o n the virtue o f brotherly love and the vice o f sexual immorality b e c o m e self-evident. O n l y a few o f the similarities o f detail that J a m e s and T. Benj. share bear mentioning.
117
Notably, b o t h the Epistle o f J a m e s a n d T. 12 Patr. (like S i r a c h
and T o b i t ) take the form o f religious a n d moral instruction to the twelve tribes o f Israel dispersed t h r o u g h o u t the k n o w n world. J a m e s draws the image o f the exiled Israelite tribes into his own time and setting, styling fellow followers o f "the Lord Jesus C h r i s t " as Israel's heirs, a n d implying that the R o m a n Em pire—probably "the world"—is analogous to Babylon.
T h e setting o f T. 12
Patr., by contrast, conveys the reader b a c k in time before the first exile in Egypt, and like the b o o k o f T o b i t looks "ahead," peering through the Babylo nian exile to the Hellenistic Diaspora, a n d perhaps into the s e c o n d century C . E . Diaspora throughout the R o m a n empire.
B o t h works bear elements o f
various Judaisms and Christianities o f the Hellenistic and R o m a n worlds.
150
JAMES RILEY STRANGE •
B o t h have b e e n interpreted as Jewish c o m p o s i t i o n s with later C h r i s t i a n inter polations, and as c o m p o s i t i o n s written by C h r i s t i a n s . T h e case that J a m e s ex presses an early Christianity has largely b e e n settled; recent scholarship either reads T. 12 Patr. in a similar way, or admits that i f a Jewish Testaments existed prior to the s e c o n d century C . E . Christian edition, it c a n n o t b e satisfactorily recovered through literary o r textual c r i t i c i s m .
118
Moving now to consider t h e two texts at the level o f category, b o t h T. Benj. and James envision faithful individuals engaged in moral correction o f their fellows. In James, however, correction is a religious act, self-consciously under taken (as the transitive use o f ETTiaTpEco shows), and a i m e d at the preserva tion o f particular, closely k n i t c o m m u n i t i e s scattered across the
Empire,
whereas in T. Benj. the righteous Israelite male looks after his own m o r a l life style, treating all justly and with respect, a n d evildoers repent o f their own ac cord (indicated by the intransitive use o f ETnoTpE(|)co) when they witness his example. T h e idea o f the religious c o m m u n i t y as a clearly defined congrega tion is absent in T. Benj.; J a m e s contains n o n o t i o n o f Israel reconstituted as a nation. As the previous examples illustrate, b o t h texts use G r e c o - R o m a n ways o f setting forth moral discourse. T h e c o n c e n t r a t e d discussion o f virtues and vic es is particularly visible in the description o f the g o o d m a n in T. Benj. 4 and 5, and classical virtues are present as well. F o r his part, J a m e s ' s language presents religious practices themselves as virtues, and he shows a flair for rhetorical dis plays c o m m o n in G r e c o - R o m a n moral texts. B o t h J a m e s a n d T. Benj. cast their m o r a l e x h o r t a t i o n within a dualistic framework. T o begin with, b o t h tie sin to unequivocal denial o f G o d . James's accusation, "Adulteresses!" reflects prophetic c o n d e m n a t i o n s o f biblical Is rael's c o n t i n u a l attraction to polytheism and foreign alliances, while T. Benj. talks o f "rejecting the M o s t High."
In b o t h cases these characterizations tap
into a larger moral dualism that is prevalent in b o t h works: J a m e s juxtaposes "friendship with the world" with "friendship with G o d , " d e m a n d i n g
faithful
devotion in place o f doubtful wavering; in T. Benj., the deployment o f virtue and vice language as well as the references to t h e spirit o f Beliar (T. Benj. 3 . 3 , 4; 6 . 1 ) draw from the "two spirits" discourse in T. Jud. 2 0 and the b u l k o f T. Ash.
In addition, the texts assume the existence o f a created order that wrong
doing violates. J a m e s says t h a t double-mindedness (5IV|AJXOS) goes against b o t h creation and G o d ' s own singularity (aiTAeos; Jas 1:5), and is manifest in duplicitous behavior in h u m a n s , particularly o n e person's ability b o t h to bless G o d and to curse h u m a n s w h o bear G o d ' s image ([as 3 : 9 ) . In T. 12 Patr. we learn that giving in to the spirit o f d e c e i t / B e l i a r causes people and divine be ings alike to defy the natural order, as the biblical story o f the W a t c h e r s proves
JUDAIC VISIONS OF C O R P O R A T E
151
LIFE*
(T. Naph. 3 . 5 ) . T. Benj. takes up the t h e m e o f sexual impropriety in chapter 9 (invoking the story o f S o d o m ) , b u t also talks about the "single disposition" (|j(av...EiXiKpivfj) that is violated w h e n a person speaks with "two tongues" (5uo yAcoooas).
T h e result is that a person b o t h
"blesses and
curses"
(EuAoytas Kai K a T a p a s ) and engages in o t h e r unnatural and duplicitous be havior (T. Benj. 6 . 5 - 7 ) . T h e dualistic picture o f the created order c o m p l e m e n t s the eschatological worldviews found in b o t h texts. F o r b o t h J a m e s and T. Benj., the present life is lived in the m e a n t i m e , in anticipation o f the Lord's salvation in the person o f G o d ' s c h o s e n conduit(s).
J a m e s speaks o f the c o m i n g o f the Lord Jesus
C h r i s t in the immediate future to render j u d g m e n t and right injustices suf fered by the enduring faithful.
W i t h its language a b o u t the "only begotten
prophet," T. Benj. adds to the convoluted eschatology o f the final form o f T. 12 Patr., with its o n e or two messiahs a n d o t h e r prophetic figures, including a clear C h r i s t figure.
T. 12 Patr. clouds the urgency o f its eschatology with its
fictitious setting in the time o f the twelve tribes' founding, b u t it addresses a m u c h later audience that surely was to interpret the message in its own con text, and so to expect G o d ' s salvation soon. T h e eschatological views in b o t h texts diverge, however, for e a c h text takes o n e o f two different tacks from the biblical prophetic m o d e l .
T. Benj. speaks
o f Israel's gathering together again, its return, and its final restoration in the holy city o f Jerusalem.
By contrast, J a m e s makes n o reference to enlandise-
ment, b u t looks for relief from his m a n y c o m m u n i t i e s ' present trials and the implementation o f G o d ' s justice in an unjust world. In addition to the lack o f a localized c o m m u n i t y in T. 12 Patr. and the ab sence o f the n a t i o n Israel in J a m e s , what stands out in b o t h texts is the con figuration o f the corporate entity as clan or family. T. 12 Patr. has traditional wisdom instruction from father to "children" (TEKVO) in contrast to James's d e m o c r a t i c tutoring o f "brothers." E a c h uses the exemplary figures o f Israel's past for moral instruction.
A single figure stands out in T. Benj., namely the
person o f J o s e p h . T h e scriptural J o s e p h cycle dwells o n his exceptional traits. W h e n T. 12 Patr. takes up and augments this story, however, J o s e p h b e c o m e s the standard o f ethical behavior that all Israelites are to follow, a n d so loses his exceptionality, while still setting a high standard.
J a m e s treats all o f his exem
pli in a similar way, presenting A b r a h a m , R a h a b , J o b , the prophets, and par ticularly Elijah the rainmaker as standards for everyday behavior in
the
community. S o J a m e s takes his place a m o n g J u d a i c c o m p o s i t i o n s o f the G r e c o - R o m a n world that set forth their different visions for Israel's way o f life, and w h o draw clear boundaries around the corporate entity, Israel.
In particular, he j o i n s
152
•JAMES RILEY
STRANGE*
with those w h o l o o k forward to G o d ' s promised salvation while seeking to or der Israel's daily activities according to G o d ' s plan in the here and n o w . E a c h text has its own c o n s t r u c t i o n o f that plan, and the distinctiveness o f J a m e s ' s understanding is clear as well. T h e next chapter c o m p a r e s James's m o r a l vision with the instruction for the holy C o m m u n i t y in t h e D e a d S e a Scrolls' Community Rule. T h e C o n c l u sion to that chapter will summarize the results o f b o t h C h a p t e r s 5 a n d 6 .
• J U D A I C VISIONS OF CORPORATE
153
LIFE
Notes 1.
See the discussion of Menander Rhetor in Chapter 3.
2.
Examples of texts that mention prayer and prayer texts themselves include Jos. Asen. 1 2 13; m. Taan
2:2-3; Pseudo Philo, Bib. Ant. 5 1 : 3 - 6 ; Josephus A.J. 4.212; Jub. 10:3-6; Jdt a
9 : 1 - 1 4 ; 3 Mace 2:1-20; 6 : 1 - 1 5 ; Pr. Azar; Pr. Man; lQSb; 4QapocrJosh ; 4QpapPrQuot; a
a
a
4QpapRitPur B; 4QprFetes ; 4 Q 2 4 2 (4QprNab ar); 4QritPur A; 4Qshir ; 4QShirShabb ; a
HQapPs ;Tob 3:1-6, 11-15; 8:5-8, 15-17; 11:14-15; 13:1-17. 3.
See Jacob Neusner, The Mishnah: A New Translation (New Haven and London: Yale Uni
4.
Jacob Neusner, Judaism: The Evidence of the Mishnah, 2
versity Press, 1988), xxvii. n d
augmented ed. (Atlanta: Scholars
Press, 1988), 6. 5.
Unless noted, I use Jacob Neusner's translation, in which the work on m. Berakhot was done by Tzvee Zahavy and Alan J . Avery-Peck. Hebrew citations of the Mishnah are from Chanoch Albeck, ed., n:ce m o ncra, vol. 1, D'lriT m c (Jerusalem: The Bialik Insti tute; Tel Aviv: Dvir Publishing House, 1988). See also the on-line source, Mosheh Kline, "The Structured Mishnah," Whole Torah: An Integrative Approach to the Sources [database online]; available from http://www.chaver.com/Mishnali/TlieMishnalv.htm; Internet; accessed 21 March 2 0 0 5 .
Kline indicates that his unpointed edition of the Mishnah
"uses the Kaufman text as found in Albeck's edition." 6.
Cf. Deut 6:7.
7.
Using the idiom of the Mishnah. Unless it specifies otherwise, the Mishnah addresses
8.
Surely this ruling is an example of the prophets' instructions to the men of the great as sembly to "'Make a fence for the Torah'"; m. Abot 1:1. cf. Matt 5 : 2 1 - 4 8 .
9.
At m. Ber. 2:2 we see that the full text of the Shema matches what is recited today: Deut
10.
Verse 2:2 specifies the breaks in paragraphs: between the two blessings that precede the text of the Shema itself, after the second of these blessings, between the first scriptural section (ending at Deut 6:9) and the second (beginning at D e u t l l : 1 3 ) , between the sec ond scriptural section (ending at Deut 11:21) and the third (beginning at Num 15:37), and between the third scripmral section and the blessing that follows (which begins with the language, "True and certain").
11.
Whereas R. Meir says that one may offer greeting to, and respond to them, only from fellow Israelites ( D - E ) , R. Judah allows a response to non-Israelites as well (L). R. Meir also allows a response to a greeting in the middle of a paragraph only in the case of fear ( F - G ) , but R. Judah allows a response out of respect (J).
the actions of adult Israelite males.
6 : 4 - 9 , Deut 1 1 : 1 3 - 2 1 , and Num 1 5 : 3 7 - 4 1 .
12.
The recitation of this prayer is taken up at 4:1.
13.
The author of this book recalls witnessing a striking example of this ruling. In the sum mer of 1983, near the summit of the hill of Tsippori (Sepphoris), Israel, a young Israeli soldier prayed at sunrise, facing south (toward Jerusalem). One of the dig directors was backing a Chevy Suburban rapidly up the hill, directly toward the young man, it seemed.
JAMES RILEY STRANGE •
154
The driver did not see him, but the man could not have failed to see the truck, which was approaching him from the front. The truck missed the soldier by scant inches.
He
never moved. 14.
Before and after meals—with specific texts recited over certain types of foods (6:1-8:8)— and blessings for many circumstances of the day (9:4), as well as for encountering forces of nature that display God's power (9:2A) and geographical phenomena that reveal God's creation (9:2B), blessings for the institution of something new (9:3A), and for re ceiving both good and bad news ( 9 : 2 E - F ) .
15.
For a discussion of abbreviations or abstracts to the Amidah, see m. Ber. 4:3. For different wordings dictated by circumstance, see especially the blessings over meals in 6 : 1 - 8 . M. Ta'anit 2 : 2 - 4 discusses six blessings added to the Amidah during a fast.
16.
Talmon categorizes what I am calling "unscripted" and "scripted" prayers as "individualvoluntary" and "communal-institutionalized" prayers. Shemaryahu Talmon, "The Emer gence of Institutionalized Prayer in Israel in Light of Qumran Literature," in The World of Qumran from Within: Collected Studies (Jerusalem: The Magness Press; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1989), 2 0 0 - 2 0 2 .
17.
The ruling that "a man is obligated to recite a blessing over evil just as he recites a bless ing over good" comes at m. Bex. 9:5A. Cf. Job 1:21; 2:10.
18.
Cf. m. Ber. 9:4C, concerning one who enters a town: "And he gives thanks for the past, and cries out for the future."
19.
In present day prayer books one adds a prayer for the sick in the eighth blessing.
20.
Cf. m. Ber. 4:3.
21.
Based on the "fluidity" of his prayers, R. Haninah b. Dosa could predict whether his in tercessions for healing would be accepted or rejected, and thus whether the sick person would live or die.
22.
Neusner, The Mishnah, xiii.
23.
Jacob Neusner, The Mishnah: Introduction and Reader (Philadelphia: Trinity Press Interna tional, 1992), 1-4; idem, Evidence of the Mihshan, xi. Although the Mishnah clearly is di rected toward those people whom its authorship considers to make up holy Israel, an address to Israel is everywhere assumed but nowhere explicit.
24.
One recites, "God save your nation, Israel. In all critical times let their needs be before you. Blessed are you, O god, who hearkens to prayer.'" Cf. m. Ber. 9:4.
25.
Zvee Zahavy, Studies in Jewish Prayer (Lanham, Md., New York, and London: University
26.
M. Sanh. 10 takes up the matter of who is an Israelite.
27.
Cf. Howard Eilberg-Schwartz, The Human Will in Judaism: The Mishnah's Philosophy of Intention (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1986); Zahavy, Mishnaic Law, 2 - 3 ; Jacob Neusner, Juda ism Without Christianity (Hoboken, N.J.: KTAV Publishing House, 1991), 112.
28.
The discussion of the tongue (Jas 3 : 1 - 1 2 ) may be understood as pertaining to the control
29.
That is, Honi has the ability to cause God nearly to recapitulate the flood of Noah. The temple mount stands at 7 4 3 m ( 2 4 0 0 ft) above sea level, and 128 m ( 4 2 0 ft) above the Kidron Valley that separates if from the Mount of Olives to the east.
30.
These are the fall "early rains," following the festival of Succot.
Press of America, 1990), 1 8 - 1 9 .
of the will as well.
155
• J U D A I C VISIONS OF C O R P O R A T E L I F E *
31.
In fact, the story of Honi apparently illustrates the ruling at m. Ta'an. 3:8 A - B , which mentions too much rain rather than too little: "On account of every sort of public trou ble (may it not happen) do they sound the shofar, except for an excess of rain."
32.
Cf. Neusner, Judaism Without Christianity, xii.
33.
Ibid., xi, xvii ff.
34.
These dates are calculated from information in the text. According to the grandson's Prologue to the book of Sirach, the grandson came to Egypt in the 3 8
t h
year of the reign
of Ptolemy (VIII) Euergetes (II), who ascended to power along with brother Ptolemy VI in 170 B.C.E.; hence, 132 is the best date for the grandson's migration and provides a terminus a quo for the beginning of the translation, which, together with the prologue, was probably completed some time after 117 (the year of Euergetes II's death). As for the original composition, in chapter 5 0 Sirach praises the high priest Simon son of Onias, who served from 2 1 9 to 196 B.C.E. Sirach writes as if Simon were a recently deceased contemporary, yet he makes no reference either to the reign of Antiochus IV Epiphanes ( 1 7 5 - 1 6 4 B.C.E) or to the Maccabean Revolt, which began in 167. Placing the comple tion of the original writing around 180 seems reasonable, and it allows a sufficient amount of time for the grandson to have reached adulthood by 132. Patrick W . Skehan and Alexander A. DiLella, The Wisdom of Ben Sira: A New Translation with Notes (New York: Doubleday, 1987), 8 - 1 0 ; cf. Di Leila, "WISDOM O F BEN-SIRA," ABD VI: 9 3 2 . 35.
See the comparison of James and Sirach in Bauckham, Wisdom of James, 7 4 - 1 1 1 ; idem,
36.
The Mishnah passes on rulings from named authorities, but these have minority status
"James and Jesus," 1 0 0 - 3 5 . in the discourse; what nameless "Sages say" forms the authoritative opinion.
Likewise, it
is reasonable to conclude that both Sirach and the author of James composed sections of their texts de novo. Demonstrating which are original compositions is a separate matter. 37.
The translation is the author's and is based on the Greek with reference to the Hebrew, because what concerns us here is the use of the book as instruction to Jews of the Helle nistic Diaspora. The Greek text followed is that edited by Joseph Ziegler in Sapientia lesu Filii Sirach, Septuaginta: Vetus Testamentum Graecum, no. 12,2 (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1980); the Hebrew text is from Pancratius C. Beentjes, ed., The Book of Ben Sira in Hebrew: A Text Edition of All Extant Hebrew Manuscripts and a Synopsis of All Parallel Hebrew Ben Sira Texts, VTSup LXVIII (Leiden, New York, and Koln: E. J . Brill, 1997), 6 5 - 6 6 . The Hebrew at v. 11 is helpful because cos MH UTtapxcov is unintelligible and the Hebrew can be rendered into coherent English (see note 4 3 below). The He brew for Sirach 3 8 is found solely in MS B of the 1 0 - 1 2 c. (Di Leila dates B to the 1 2 c.) Cairo Geniza manuscripts (38:1 also survives in MS D). The Hebrew texts of Sirach (not including rabbinic citations) consist of the incomplete manuscripts A, B, C, D, and E, from the Cairo Geniza ( 1 0 - 1 2 c. C.E.), the 2 6 fragments comprising Sirach 3 9 : 2 7 44:17 found at Masada ( 1 c. B.C.E.; published by Yigael Yadin, The Ben Sira Scroll from Masada [Jerusalem: The Israel Exploration Society and the Shrine of the Book, 1965]), and what was found among the DSS: the small scraps from Cave 2 ( 2 Q 1 8 ) and the nine verses of Sirach 51 contained in the Psalms Scroll from Cave 11 ( l l Q P s ) . All in all we have about 6 8 % of the Hebrew text of Sirach (Skehan and Di Leila, Ben Sira, 53; Collins, Jewish Wisdom, 4 3 ) . Di Leila argues that despite a few emendations, the Geniza frag ments faithfully preserve the original Hebrew (Di Leila, Text of Sirach, 4 7 - 1 5 1 ; cf. Col lins, Jewish Wisdom, 43). t h
t h
th
t h
st
3
156
•JAMES RILEY STRANGE •
The hermeneutical issues posed by Sirach are as complicated as the textual problems, which are unlike those typically encountered in New Testament text criticism. With Si rach, apparently we deal with two Hebrew recensions (HT I and an expanded H T II) and two Greek versions, one probably by the grandson and based on H T I (G I), and a sec ond based on H T II (G II). An Old Latin version (OL) is based largely on G II, but has its own peculiarities and complicated history of transmission. The fourth century Syriac translation was based on a Hebrew text that combined H T I and II, but shows influence from a Greek version similar to but not identical with G II, and also displays unique di vergences. See Skehan and Di Leila, Ben Sira, 5 1 - 6 0 ; cf. Ziegler, Sirach, 8 1 - 8 4 . The con sequence of these facts is that one must establish (and then exegete) either the text of Sirach's original composition or that of the grandson's translation, where this is possible. Now that we have a substantial portion of the Hebrew, most translations and critical readings in books and articles base their work on the Hebrew with reference to the Greek; a few critical treatments (including the present one) attempt to deal with both. In the pages that follow I try to make it clear when I am talking about either Sirach or his grandson. 38. 39.
Skehan and Di Leila, Ben Sira, 4 4 1 . 38:9 (labials and liquids: 2, s, b, ")), 10 (alliteration and assonance in the imperatives of Skehan's restored text, which differs significantly from MS B in Beentjes' volume [Beentjes, Ben Sira in Hebrew, 66]), 15 (6 and e/e); Skehan and Di Leila, Ben Sira, 4 4 0 , 4 4 2 - 4 4 3 .
40.
Epitasis: "as much as you can afford." This phrase is supplied by the Hebrew: -B:D3 "f-]in, lit. "to the edge of your wealth." The Greek (cos MH UTTapxcov) is difficult. Torrey's trans lation of the Greek of 1 lb is as difficult as the Greek: "Make your offering generous, as though you did not exist"; C. C. Torrey, "The Hebrew of the Geniza Sirach," in Saul Lieberman, ed., Alexander Marx: Jubilee Volume on the Occasion of His Seventieth Birthday, vol. 1 (New York: Jewish Theological Seminary of America, 1950), 593f; quoted in Alexander A. Di Leila, The Hebrew Text of Sirach: A Text-Critical and Historical Study (London, the Hague, and Paris: Mouton & Co., 1966), 3 8 (emphasis added). The Vulgate omits this phrase altogether. Despite his high opinion of the authenticity of the manuscripts of the Cairo Geniza (Ziegler, Sirach, 8 4 ) , Ziegler makes no note of the Hebrew of verse 11. Nei ther Skehan's translation notes nor Di Leila's commentary mentions the Greek; Skehan and Di Leila, Ben Sira, 4 4 0 , 4 4 2 .
41.
Enthymeme: the omitted premise (implied from the earlier statement in v. 9) is that the Lord will also answer the physician's prayer.
42.
Vv. 6a (a- and 6-), 7a (a-, e-, and n-).
43.
Vv. 2b (v|/ and o), 9b (£ and a), 10b (K-), 14 (o).
44.
Vv. 1 0 - 1 1 (-ov and -cxv).
45.
Note the frequency of ending clauses with
46.
Apostrophe. The quite different sentence in the Hebrew of v. 15 does not necessitate a shift in audience.
47.
Deprecatio: v. 15. See the discussion below. I interpret the wish expressed here as having the opposite effect of ara, or a curse.
48.
CXUTOU
(+ one instance of
CXUTOTS).
In v. 9 the text instructs people to pray (euxoucti) in their illness (appcoornua), to seek healing G'acns) from a physician (iaxpos), not to despise medicines (4>ap|jaKa) that the
• J U D A I C VISIONS OF C O R P O R A T E LIFE
157
pharmacist (uupsv|;6s) mixes, and the author shows great confidence that that the Lord will heal (iaouai) those who do so. 49.
Sir 7:2; 23:12; 27:22; 35:3; cf. 17:25.
50.
See LXX Exod 23:7; Ps 119:29; Isa 52:11; Lam 4:15; Tob(BA) 4:21; 1 Mac 2:19.
51.
W occurs only around 24 times in the MT, and a feminine form common (BDB 7 3 2 ) .
is slightly more
52.
See Plutarch, Adul amic. 6 7 B , in Chapter 3, p. 103.
53.
A search for "rrAriuueX*" in the on-line T L G nirned up 149 instances in the TLG's full corpus of 12,000 works; a similar search for "auapx*" produced a list of 1,474 instances in the full corpus; Thesaurus Linguae Graecae
[digital library on-line]; available from
http://www.tlg.uci.edu/; Internet; accessed 2 0 September 2 0 0 6 . Among the Apocryphal books the occurrences of TTAriuueAeia are found exclusively in Sirach and 2 Esdras (the Greek text of Sirach has TrXrjMueAsia for "guilt offering" [as in Lev; Sir 7:31], "error" [9:13], and "injustice" [10:7]; cf. Sir 18:27; 19:4; 23:11; 26:11, 29; 41:18; 49:4; 2 Esd 9:6, 7, 13, 15; 10:10, 19), but the word appears repeatedly in L X X translations of books of the Hebrew Bible, especially in Leviticus, where TTAnjJUEAEia renders the MT's n«on for guilt offering, and TrArjUUEAsco expresses the MT's ceto/cp* for incurring guilt (see esp. Lev, chapters 4 - 7 , 14, and 19; cf. N u m 5:8; 6:12; 18:9; Josh 7:1; 22:16, 20, 31; Ezra, chapters 9 - 1 0 ; it is interesting that the words are absent from the NT).
The use of
rrArmuEAEia in connection with the grain offering in Sirach 3 8 : 1 0 shows particular affin ity with the close association of guilt, atonement, and forgiveness of sins in Lev 5 : 1 5 - 1 9 (in v. 11 Ben Sira alludes to the instructions for the grain offering in Lev 2). Finally, in verses 8 and 14 the Greek text twice expresses the notion of "health" with synonyms for "peace" (eipnvn and avarrauots; cf. Judges 18:5; 2 Sam 11:7; Ps 75:3 [eipnvn "in peace" for MT c t e "in Salem"]; Micah 2:8 [TT)S eipr)vr|s auxou "his peace" for MT ne ?© "a 1
robe"], Ezek 34:29 [eipr)vns "of peace" for MT unb "for renown"]). Such usage is not well attested outside of the LXX and surely indicates an influence from Hebrew, in which the 1
root meaning of el ?© ("soundness") carries the ideas of both physical health and a state of peace. Interestingly,
does not appear in the extant Hebrew of Sirach 38; Eiprjvn
translates rrenn ("wisdom") in v. 8, while avarrauois translates m r a (lit. "division") in v. 14b. The Hebrew of v. 14b reads, n^ir -learncs
"that he prosper treatment for him" (a
marginal note corrects n^ir to nse* "endow with skill"). In Rabbinic texts rncs connotes compromise or reaching a settlement in legal disputes (Jastrow cites t. Sank. 1:2; y. Sank. 1:18b, Ber. 10; b. Ketub.
10:6; Sifre Num. 9 5 ; Jastrow, s.v. "mra"), hence "arbitration,"
"[making] judgment": "diagnosis/treatment." 54.
It is unclear that the discussion of illness continues into w . 1 8 - 2 0 because the heading before v. 18 in some Greek mss reads, "Concerning Foods," and after v. 17 sickness is no longer mentioned explicitly. Other ms, however, place this heading before w . 16 and 17, which contain overt references to health and sickness. Moreover, despite the head ing, the topic at w . 1 8 - 2 0 is the vanity of offering pleasures to what cannot enjoy them. The images of mouth, grave, idol, and eunuch can function as analogies to the chroni cally ill person.
55.
Cf. Sir 18:21.
56.
C f Sir 5:3-6:4; 9 : 1 1 - 1 2 ; 1 0 : 1 0 - 1 8 ; 1 1 : 2 1 - 2 2 , 26; 12:6; 1 4 : 1 2 - 1 9 ; 1 6 : 1 1 - 1 2 ; 17:1-2, 2 5 - 3 2 ; 1 8 : 2 3 - 2 4 ; 19:3; 2 1 : 1 - 5 ; 26:38; 27:29; 2 8 : 1 - 7 ; 3 5 : 1 4 - 2 6 ; 3 6 : 1 - 2 2 ; 4 0 : 1 2 - 3 0 ; 41:1-13.
158
57.
• JAMES RILEY STRANGE
Sir 11:14; cf. 5:6.
58.
Cf. Sir 5:7.
59.
Sirach asserts that "the Lord created" the physician ( a u T o v
E K T I O E V KUPIOS,
38:1 and 12),
and clarifies this statement beginning at verse 2: healing comes from God, who grants to humans both knowledge (emcrrfiiin, 38:3, 6) of the healing arts and medicinal plants. Furthermore, physicians do not rely on diagnostic skills and medicines alone, but also pray that God "grant them success in health" Ova euo5c6on auxoTs a v a r r a u o i v ) . 60.
Cf. Sir 18:21.
61.
So Karris, "James 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 , " 209; cf. Skehan and Di Leila, Ben Sira, 4 4 3 .
62.
The textual problem at v. 15 is different from the one posed by v. 11, since both the Greek and Hebrew make grammatical and syntactical sense.
The Hebrew of MS B is
,
quite different from the Greek: n s n 3B'? -nan" ("...will be defiant toward the physician," NRSV). The hithpael of "oa is rare in the Hebrew Bible (BDB, s.v. - c a ) , yet hithpael and nithpael forms are fairly well attested in the Rabbinic corpus (Jastrow, s.v. -Qa), although I can find no example of "oa with the preposition
(bv and
are attested). Di Leila,
Text of Sirach, does not treat this disagreement between the Greek and Geniza Hebrew, and again, Ziegler (Sirach, 3 0 1 ) makes no mention of the Hebrew. 63.
See Sir 17:25-32; 18:13.
64.
Sir 1 1 : 2 6 - 2 7 .
65.
Sir 9:12; 1 1 : 2 7 - 2 8 ; 14:12, 16; 1 7 : 2 7 - 2 8 ; 21:10; 4 1 : 1 - 4 .
66.
See Sir 7:17b; 48:11b.
Di Leila attributes these statements, which differ from the He
brew, as interpolations from the hand of Sirach's grandson, who did his work after the publication and under the influence of Daniel; see Dan 12:1-2. Other statements at Sir 2:9c, 16:22c, and 19:19 DiLella explains as evidence of G II, later than the grandson's translation (G I). Di Leila, "WISDOM O F BEN-SIRA," ABD V L 9 4 3 . See the textual notes in Ziegler, Sapientia. 67.
Sir 30:4; 3 9 : 9 - 1 1 ; 4 1 : 1 2 - 1 3 .
68.
The use of ainui with synonyms for wrongdoings or debt in the N T denotes forgiveness of wrongs rather than avoidance of or purification from them, especially in the synoptic gospels. See Matt 6:12, 1 4 - 1 5 (Luke 11:4); 9:2, 6 - 1 6 (Mark 2, 5, 7, 9; Luke 5 : 2 0 - 2 1 , 2 3 - 2 4 ) ; 1 2 : 3 1 - 3 2 (Mark 3:28); 18:32, 35; Mark 11:25 (and 26); Luke 7 : 4 7 - 4 9 ; John 20:23; Jas 5:15 (!); 1 John 1:9; 2:12.
69.
Both authors talk about divine wisdom, keeping the law, the importance of prudent speech, on one hand and silence, on the other (note especially the characterization of the tongue as a fire), faithfulness to God, patience in testing, care for the poor and op pressed, confession of sins and repentance, warnings about the abuse of wealth, the dan ger of self-reliance, reward and punishment based on one's deeds, the brevity of life, the danger posed by one's appetites, use of the ancestors as exempla. For specific examples of "parallels," see Jas 1:2/Sir 2:1, Jas l:13/Sir 1 5 : 1 1 - 2 0 , Jas l:19/Sir 5:11, Jas 1:27/Sir 4:10 and 3 5 : 1 4 - 1 5 , Jas 2 : l - 4 / S i r 3 5 : 1 2 - 1 3 , Jas 3:2/Sir 14:1, Jas 3:6/Sir 2 8 : 2 2 - 2 3 , Jas 3:9/Sir 5:13, Jas 3:13/Sir 3:17, Jas 4:4/Sir 3 5 : 1 4 - 1 7 , Jas 5:3/Sir 29:10, Jas 5:17/Sir 48:3.
70.
In a few places James deploys discourse of the topos to talk about the issue of undivided loyalty to God, but he does not discuss at length what friendship between human beings entails.
159
JUDAIC VISIONS OF C O R P O R A T E LIFE*
71.
This topos is missing entirely in James. Interestingly, Sirach never raises the issue of die tary restrictions, unless the admonition, "Eat what is placed in front of you" (31:16) is an oblique reference to dietary laws. For a discussion of Sirach's response to Hellenism, see Collins, Jewish Wisdom, 2 3 - 4 1 .
72.
Cf. Job 28; Prov 1-9; Wis 6 : 1 2 - 1 0 : 2 1 ; Bar 3 : 9 - 3 7 .
73.
Bauckham, Wisdom of James, 9 8 .
74.
As noted earlier, James contrasts friendship with God with friendship with the "world"; cf. Sir 6 : 5 - 1 7 ; 3 7 : 1 - 6 .
75.
Sir 3 1 : 1 2 - 3 2 : 1 3 ; 3 7 : 2 7 - 3 1 .
76.
Bauckham, Wisdom of James,
77.
See especially Sir 4 1 : 1 4 - 4 2 : 8 .
102-103.
78.
Collins, Jewish Wisdom, 3 4 - 3 5 , 6 9 - 7 2 .
79.
Scholars generally agree that Tobit is an ancient romance that interweaves other literary forms, such as prayers, hymns, proverbial wisdom in the form of testaments, and a prophetic/eschatological vision; see Carey A. Moore, Tobit: A New Translation with Introduc tion and Commentary, A B 4 0 A (New York: Doubleday, 1996), 1 8 - 2 1 .
Zimmerman tries
to show that the story adopts and condenses elements from five universal folk tale mo tifs; Frank Zimmerman, The Book of Tobit, JAL (New York: Harper Brothers, 1958), 5 - 1 2 . Scholars have generally been willing to accept that the author of Tobit drew from two of these: "The Grateful Dead" and "The Monster in the Bridal Chamber." T h e author ap parently also was familiar with the "Ahiquar Tale"; Moore, Tobit, 1 1 - 1 2 ; Zimmerman, Tobit, 1 3 - 1 5 . 80.
The siege of Samaria began under Shalmaneser V ( r . 7 2 7 - 7 2 2 B.C.E.), "the king of As syria" in 2 Kings 17:5, and after more than two years the city fell in 7 2 2 / 1 under Sargon II, "the king of Assyria" in 2 Kings 17:6. Tobit's superscription places the deportation of Naphtali under Shalmaneser V, but it occurred earlier, under Tiglath-Pileser III (r. 7 4 5 727; cf. 2 Kings 15:29). Tobit's author also says that Sennacherib, rather than Sargon II, succeeded Shalmaneser V (1:15). Moore, Tobit, 10; Zimmerman, Tobit, 1 5 - 1 6 .
81.
Probably in the late third or early second century B.C.E.; Moore, Tobit, 4 0 - 4 2 . Scholars have not reached consensus on the place of composition; many simply suggest the East ern Diaspora; Richard A. Spencer, "The Book of Tobit in Recent Research," CurBS 7 (1999): 152.
82.
Amy-Jill Levine, "Tobit: Teaching Jews How to Live in the Diaspora," BR 8 (1992): 4 2 -
83.
The author follows the Greek text of Robert Harnhart, ed., Tobit, Septuaginta: Vetus Testamentum Graecum 8,5 (Gottingen: Vendenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1983). Unless oth erwise noted, translations are the author's.
84.
Tobit gives generously to the poor and keeps dietary restrictions, and as a result God re wards him with high standing with the king, Shalmaneser. Tobit performs his signature good deed in defiance of Assyrian law: he buries fellow Israelites who have been executed and their bodies dumped.
85.
W e have noted that Tobit's surfeit of piety recalls the biblical giants of Noah, Joseph, Job, and Daniel, and we should also add to the list Ruth, Judith, and Apocryphal Esther.
86.
The eight family names introduced in the superscript of the story are theophoric: Tobit's own name is probably a Greek form of the Hebrew "Tobi" ("my good), itself an abbrevia-
51,64.
160
JAMES RILEY S T R A N G E *
tion of "Tobiah" ("Yah is my good"), the name of Tobit's son; "Tobiel," by extension, is "El/God is my good"; "Hananiel," "God has been gracious"; "Raphael," "God has healed" (also the name of the angel who is sent to aid Tobit and Sarah); and "Raguel," perhaps "friend of God." The derivations of "Aduel," "Gabael," and "Asiel" are obscure; Moore, Tobit, 1 0 0 - 1 0 1 . The ironic use of theophoric names continues with Raphael's alias and supposed family: "Azariah" = "Yahu has helped"; "Hanathiah" = "Yahu has be come gracious"; "Nethaniah" probably = "Yahu has given"; "Shemaiah" = "Yahu has heard"; ibid., 1 8 6 - 8 7 .
Moore points out that the preponderance of the "-el" suffix in
Tobit's family tree, rather than "-yah," is typical of Northern Israel in the eighth and sev enth centuries B.C.E.; ibid., 100. 87.
Sarah's name recalls the childless plight of the matriarch, which God intervenes to cor rect and announces his intention to do so via angels.
88.
See Deut 2 8 : 1 - 6 8 .
89.
He admits that if he has sinned, he has done so "unaware" (ayvonuct; Tobit 3:3).
90.
Levine, "Tobit," 5 0 - 5 1 ; idem, "Diaspora as Metaphor: Bodies and Boundaries in the Book of Tobit," in J. Overman and R. MacLennan, eds., Diaspora Jews and Judaism: Essays in Honor of, and in Dialogue with, A Thomas Kraabel, South Florida Studies in the History of Judaism 4 1 (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1992), 1 0 6 - 1 1 2 .
91.
But cf. Alexander A. Di Leila, "Two Major Prayers in the Book of Tobit," in Renate Egger-Wenzel and Jeremy Corley, eds., Yearbook 2004: Prayer from Tobit to Qumran:
Inaugural
Conference of the ISDCL at Salzburg, Austria, 5-9 July 2003 (Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter, 2 0 0 4 ) , 1 0 2 - 1 0 3 . 92.
Tobit must depend on the help of his wealthy cousin Ahikar, and then endures a role reversal, relying on his wife's work to feed his family.
Both Tobit and Sarah decry the
ignominy of having to suffer "insults" or "reproaches" (6vei5iouous, 3:6, 13, 15). 93.
Cf. J . R. C. Cousland, "Tobit: A Comedy in Error?" CBQ 65 (2003): 5 4 5 ; Levine, "Metaphor," 113. The match is not exact, because the text is clear that Israel—Naphtali in particular—suffers because of its sins, whereas Tobit is more righteous than any of his contemporaries, and Sarah is innocent of any wrongdoing.
94.
Anathea Portier-Young, "Alleviation of Suffering in the Book of Tobit: Comedy, Com munity, and Happy Endings," CBQ 63 (2001): 39.
95.
Tobit makes the same connection again at 11:15 and 13:2: just as God "scourged" (iuaaTiycooas) him and "had mercy" (nAenpas) upon him (BA), so "he scourges and shows mercy"
(CXUTOS
uacrnyo? Kai sAsot; cf. 13:5, 9 [BA 10b]) to Israel. Cf. Job 5:18.
96.
The so-called doctrine of retribution spelled out in Deut 28 is also tied to the myth of exile and return, specifically the myth of Israel's slavery in Egypt and safe renirn to the land promised to their father Abaraham.
97.
In addition to general vocabulary for treatment/healing (Separreuco 2:10; iaoucxi 3:17; uyiafvco 6:9), medicine (((xxpuaKov 2:10; 6:7), and the physician ( i a T p o s 2:10), the author can also be quite specific about Tobit's diagnosis and treatment: Tobit is completely blinded (arroTu<|>A6co 2:10; arrcoXsoEv T O U S cx|>0aAuous 7:6 BA) because white films ( A E U K C O U C X T C X 2:10; 3:17; 6:9) cover his eyes, and their cure requires blowing (6:9; 11:11), the application (eyxpico 2:10; 6:9) of fish gall (xoAr] 6:5, 8, etc.) to the eyes, and the films to be pealed off (arroAerrco 11:12). Smoking (KCXTTVI^CO) fish heart (Kap5(a) and liver
161
J U D A I C VISIONS OF C O R P O R A T E LIFE
(rJTTap) will produce an odor (oouf| 6:17) that will cause any demon to flee away. Cf. Tes tament of Solomon 5 : 9 - 1 0 ; see also Josephus, J.A. 8 . 4 6 - 4 8 . 98.
Tobit describes his blindness as abandonment by God (3:6), and divine punishment (the Lord has "scourged" [uacmyoco] him; 11:15). Sarah seeks release "from troubles," the same word with which Raguel characterizes Tobit's problems (7:6; so Sinaiticus; the BA text does not include this language, but in less figurative terms relates how Raguel had heard that Tobit "had completely lost his eyesight" [aTrcoXeoEV
TOUS
60aAuous)]. Just as
divine abandonment and retribution characterize illness, so healing is "mercy" (eAeos 6:18; 8 : 1 6 - 1 7 ; 11:15), and "salvation" (ocoTnp(a/oco£co 6:18), the very things that Israel seeks as it awaits full restoration, and hence the justification of its exile and repentance ( 1 3 : 2 , 5 , 6 , 9 ; 14:5,7). 99.
In Tobit, because of endogamous marriage, wife and husband are kin, and so are "sister" and "brother," but the act of marriage itself appears to bring new meaning to the terms (7:11 cf. 7:15; 8:4), just as Azariah describes Tobias's sons as his "brothers" (6:18).
100.
For a definition, see Chapter 1.
101.
For a few examples, see Lev 5:5; 16:21; 26:10; Num 5:5-7; Ps 32:5; 4 Q 3 9 3 ; m.
Shank
6:4; m. Yoma. 102.
In the original draft of this project the story of Joseph and Aseneth was treated at some length without a significant advancement of the thesis. James Riley Strange, "The Moral World of James," Ph.D. dissertation (Emory University, 2 0 0 7 ) , 2 8 0 - 9 0 .
103.
Cf. also David's farewell discourse of 1 Chron 2 8 - 2 9 .
104.
Several include promises of a messianic figure, characterized as either a priest from the tribe of Levi or a king from Judah, or both; see T. Reu. 6.8, 11; T. Sim. 7.1; T. Levi 1 8 . 1 12; T. Jud. 1.6; 2 4 . 1 - 6 ; T. Iss. 5 . 7 - 8 ; T. Dan 5.10; T. Naph. 5 . 1 - 5 ; 6.7; 8.2; T. Gad 8.1; T. Jos. 19.11; T. Benj. 4.2.
105.
106.
Kee places the composition of an original, Jewish writing between 2 5 0 B.C.E. and the end of the second century B.C.E.; Howard Clark Kee, "Testament of the Twelve Patri archs: A New Translation and Introduction," in OTP, vol. 1 (New York: Doubleday, 1983), 7 7 7 - 7 8 . Hollander and de Jonge see no reason to posit an earlier, Jewish form of the text, and date the work to some time after the beginning of the early third century C.E., based on Origen's knowledge of T. 12 Patr. and on affinities between the work and Justin's and Irenaeus' views on God's dealing with Jews; H. W . Hollander and M. de Jonge, The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs: A Commentary (Leiden: E. J . Brill, 1985), 82-83. I work with a translation of T. Benj. slightly modified from Holander and de Jonge, Tes taments, 4 2 0 - 2 1 .
For the Greek text I follow M. de Jonge, ed., The Testaments of the
Twelve Patriarchs: A Critical Edition of the Greek Text (Leiden: E . J. Brill, 1978), 1 7 0 - 7 2 . 107.
Cf. T. Iss. 7.5; T. Jud. 18.3; T. Zeb. 2.4; 5:1-3; 7 . 1 - 4 ; 8.6.
108.
Cf. T. Jos. 4 . 1 - 5 ; 6.7; 9 . 2 - 3 ; 1 0 . 2 - 3 .
109.
According to Johnson, "In effect, [in T. 12 Patr.] the patriarchs are used to provide bibli cal examples for the topoi of Hellenistic moral exhortation"; Letter of James, 4 4 .
110.
CLT.Jud.
111.
Cf. Wis 2 : 1 0 - 2 0 .
112.
Cf. T. Reu 6.4; T. Iss. 7.5; T. Levi 16.2.
17.1; 19.103.
162
• JAMES RILEY STRANGE •
113.
Cf. T. lss. 13.1; 4.6; T. Gad 7.7; T. Sim. 5.2.
114.
Cf. T. Levi 4:1; 18: If.; T. Jud. 22:1; 23:3; T. Reu. 1:7; 4:4; 6:6; Kee, "Testaments," 778.
115.
Brotherly love (tAa56A(a) is "one of the highest virtues" in T. 12 Patr. (Kee, "Testa ments," 779); cf. T. Sim. 2 . 6 - 7 ; 4 . 4 - 6 ; T. lss. 5.2; T. Dan 5.4; T. God 3 . 1 - 5 . 1 1 ; T. Jos. 1 7 . 2 - 8 . Conversely, sexual promiscuity is "the grossest sin" in T. 12 Patr. (ibid., 779); cf. T. Benj. 8.2; 9.1; see also T. Reu. 1.6, 9; 3 . 1 0 - 4 . 2 ; 4 . 7 - 8 ; 5 . 1 - 3 ; 6.1; T. Levi 9.9; 14.6; 17.11; T. Sim. 5.3; T. lss. 4.4; 7.2; T. Jud. 1 1 . 1 - 5 ; 1 2 . 1 - 9 ; 1 3 . 5 - 8 ; 1 7 . 1 - 3 ; 1 8 . 2 - 6 .
116.
The text talks about events surrounding this "only begotten prophet" (Movoyevrjs TTpor|Tr|s) in language that clearly draws from the gospels or gospel traditions about Je sus' death and resurrection. Kee interprets this passage as a later Christian interpolation and places the passage in brackets ("Testaments," 8 2 7 ) ; Hollander and de Jonge are skep tical about the possibility of recovering (or about the very existence of) an original, Jewish text, and give no special treatment to this passage (Hollander and de Jonge, Commentary, 85, 4 3 4 ; cf. de Jonge, Testaments, 1 7 5 - 7 6 ) .
117.
For a substantial display of the overall similarities between James and T. 12 Patr., see Johnson, Letter of James, 4 3 - 4 8 .
118.
Kugler, Testaments, 2 1 - 3 8 ; Hollander and de Jonge, Commentary, 8 2 - 8 6 .
• C H A P T E R
S I X *
The Way Taken by James? The Deeds of the Community in 1QS
B
1
ecause the Community Rule o f the D e a d S e a Scrolls ( 1 Q S ) presents the practices o f prayer, confession, and correction in relative proximity to
o n e another, the analysis o f this d o c u m e n t warrants a separate investi
gation. T h e Community Rule addresses a tightly-knit and clearly-defined group that lays claim to the title Israel. H e n c e , 1 Q S provides us the opportunity to view J a m e s alongside a text that strictly segregates "the C o m m u n i t y " from all o t h e r claimants to Israel. Aside from the particular type o f separation set forth in 1 Q S , the authors also understand that the group is made distinctive from o t h e r claimants by its way o f life, within w h i c h religious practices take a prom inent place. J a m e s t o o makes claims a b o u t w h o constitutes G o d ' s holy people, the constitution o f the people into a c o m m u n i t y or c o m m u n i t i e s , and how they live their lives in distinction to outsiders. T h e r e f o r e , we ask, how d o the various religious practices that we find in 1 Q S and J a m e s generate categories that reveal distinctive religious systems?
The Community at Prayer 2
T h e Community Rule closes with a section that lays o u t the character and be havior o f an individual called the "Instructor" CrDED). o n e w h o prays.
3
F o r e m o s t , he must b e
T h i s r e q u i r e m e n t is stated in a section covering roughly the
final two and one-half c o l u m n s o f the d o c u m e n t , beginning with a partially preserved o p e n i n g statement, "I... and in distrjess he shall bless his C r e a t o r 4
and in all that happens he shall r e l c o u n t ...," a n d is reinforced in the first line o f the closing passage: "Blessed be you, my G o d , w h o o p e n s the heart o f your servant to knowledge!"
5
T h e passage is organized according to the following
rough outline: appointed times for prayer ( I X . 2 6 a - X . 5 ) ; a prayer ( X . 6 - X I . 2 2 ) consisting o f a vow ( X . 6 - X I . 2 a ) , a hymn o f praise ( X I . 2 b - 1 5 ) , a n d a closing benediction (XI. 1 6 - 2 2 ) .
6
164
JAMES RILEY
STRANGE*
T h e general topic o f this passage is presented in the first section: the In structor is obliged t o bless G o d "in all that happens," a n d nothing, including "distress" (nplH, I X . 2 6 ) shall abrogate that obligation. 7
sal p r o n o u n c e m e n t t o b e understood?
8
H o w is such a univer
First, there are appointed times for 9
prayer ("the periods w h i c h G o d decreed" X . l ) , organized by times o f day, sea sons, m o n t h s ,
10
a n d holy days (X. 1 - 5 ) .
11
S e c o n d , with the shift to first person
address at X . 6 (indicating t h e inclusion o f a prayer text o r vow), the Instructor adds a m o r e rigorous interpretation o f his own duties: n o t only will h e pray at the times o f day marked by the passage o f heavenly bodies, he will also bless G o d at m o m e n t s marked o u t by daily routine. In 1 Q S X . 1 3 b - 1 6 a , t h e Instructor organizes his time for prayer by two cri teria: there are times that follow t h e cycles o f sun, m o o n , a n d stars, a n d there is a m o r e exacting obligation, freely undertaken, t o bracket every daily activity with a blessing directed toward G o d . T h e language o f t h e passage evokes liminal states, those interstitial m o m e n t s that lie between t h e close o f o n e ac tion o r circumstance a n d the c o m m e n c e m e n t o f another: "when I start" (rrera), "before" (D-ira), a n d "at the o n s e t o f (also r r i r a ) ; "to stretch o u t my hands a n d my feet" suggests t h e m o m e n t o f waking, as "lying down in my b e d " implies the wakeful period before s l e e p .
12
T h e Instructor declares that he will
bless G o d before every meal, a n d in c o n t e x t t h e statement, "I shall bless him...in t h e row o f m e n , " suggests obligatory c o m m u n a l prayer while seated o r standing in ranks, perhaps at the start o f the day. In addition t o t h e emphasis o n the practice o f prayer, a strong moral thread runs through t h e text o f the vow, augmented by eschatological strands. Beginning at X . l 7 b , the Instructor acknowledges an obligation to d o good t o his fellows,
13
b u t h e states that he will n o t transgress what falls to G o d ' s re
sponsibility alone. W h e r e a s the Instructor promises t o s h u n sinners a n d apos tates with righteous anger ( X . l 9 b - 2 l a ) , nevertheless he will " n o t repay anyone with an evil reward" ( X . 1 7 ) , "for t o G o d (belongs) the j u d g m e n t o f every living being" ( X . l 8 ) .
O t h e r acts a n d attitudes to b e avoided are jealousy, t o "crave
wealth by violence," a n d t o engage in disputes with outsiders ("the m e n o f t h e pit"; X . 1 9 ) .
W i t h i n "the C o m m u n i t y " (irrn), t h e Instructor vows t o c o n t r o l
his speech with care ( X . 2 1 b - 2 5 a ) ,
1 4
a n d t o carry o u t his duties with justice a n d
compassion ( X . 2 5 b - X I . 2 a ) . T h i s focus o n right action between fellow m e m b e r s raises two important points: the speaker clearly voices this h y m n as a participant in the select society that 1 Q S e n v i s i o n s ,
15
a n d h e contrasts his own wantonness with G o d ' s good
ness, affirming that redemption c o m e s from t h e merciful G o d alone ( X I . 9 b 15a). T h e resulting picture is o f a yhd kept separate a n d distinct from the sin ful mass o f humanity that surrounds it, a n d completely reliant o n G o d , b o t h
• T H E D E E D S O F T H E C O M M U N I T Y IN
165
iQS*
for its acts o f goodness in this world and for its redemption in the world to c o m e . T h i s portrayal o f the yhd c o n t i n u e s the idea that only G o d is just and capable o f remitting sins ( X I . 9 ; cf. X I . 3 , 12, 1 4 ) ; G o d alone discloses knowl edge, guides the speaker's path, a n d grants wisdom that is h i d d e n from the rest o f h u m a n i t y ( X I . 2 b - 6 a ) . W e see the same ideas repeated in the final b e n e d i c t i o n (the only clear prayer text in this section, for it is the only passage that addresses G o d di rectly): as the closing statement o f a d o c u m e n t laying o u t strict protocols for righteous behavior, what stands o u t is the deep gulf dividing the h u m a n and divine natures. W h e r e a s h u m a n s are frail, G o d is mighty; whereas G o d is per fect, apart from G o d h u m a n s can m a k e n o claim to goodness.
T h e prayer
emphasizes G o d as the foundation o f true knowledge, as is evident in the ab u n d a n c e o f n o u n s and verbs that refer to h u m a n cognition (nxn "knowledge," X I . 1 5 , X I . 1 8 ; b*3E7lb "to understand," X I . 1 8 ; mOTD "thoughts of," X I . 1 9 ; H T H 1
"your mysteries," X I . 1 9 ; pinm ? "to fathom," X I . 1 9 ; HOT "be considered," X I . 2 1 ; j * T "understand," X I . 2 2 ) . O n their own, h u m a n s perceive n o t h i n g o f God,
h e n c e knowledge a b o u t the divine c o m e s from G o d alone, and the
community—here identified as "the selected o n e s o f h u m a n k i n d " (CIK " T m , X I . 16)—is the sole recipient o f that knowledge. Finally, eternal life is to b e had only through G o d , for in contrast to the C o m m u n i t y itself, w h i c h the speaker earlier characterized as "an everlasting plantation throughout all future ages" ( X I . 8 - 9 ) , h u m a n beings themselves (C7KH p "the son o f man," a n d T\m T i ' r "one b o r n o f a w o m a n " o f X I . 2 0 ) are frail and destined for death ( X I . 2 1 - 2 2 ) . It should b e noted that calendrical cycles o f prayer laid o u t at the begin ning o f the passage recall regulations for feasts and sacrifices found in scrip ture, for these o c c u r in stipulated seasons a n d m o n t h s , and o n holy days.
16
T h e suggested c o n n e c t i o n between prayer in the C o m m u n i t y R u l e and sacri fice in scripture presents o n e possible function o f these prayers: in the text they may substitute for s o m e types o f ritual sacrifice for the C o m m u n i t y . IX.26b-X.la
the text reads, " [ . . . a n d with the offering of] his l i p s
18
17
At
he shall
bless h i m during the periods w h i c h G o d decreed...." (cf. X . 6 , 8, 1 4 ) . T h e lan guage is repeated, this time in the first person singular, at X . 6 , with the affir mation that the speaker will indeed bless G o d at the appointed times, a n d giving special attention to seasons and "seven-year periods" ( X . 7 - 8 ) .
We
should also n o t forget that at the site o f Q u m r a n itself, in m o s t o f the o p e n spaces between buildings, Harding a n d de V a u x uncovered several deposits o f disarticulated a n i m a l b o n e s overlaid with pottery sherds, many o f t h e m hardly covered with earth (the n u m b e r o f deposits found is n o t specified, and de V a u x hypothesizes that m o r e remain to b e uncovered; 3 9 were e x a m i n e d close ly). T h e fact that the b o n e s were bare o f m e a t when collected, with charring
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•JAMES RILEY STRANGE •
o n s o m e o f them, indicates that the animals were c o o k e d and eaten, a n d the peculiarity o f the deposits suggests that people were interring the remains o f ritual meals, perhaps sacrifices.
19
I f the scrolls are to be associated with the
ruin o f Kirbet Q u m r a n (as I believe they a r e ) ,
20
it is important to avoid making
a b l a n k e t claim that in the Q u m r a n c o m m u n i t y animal sacrifice is replaced by prayer and o t h e r practices.
W e can, however, reason that the C o m m u n i t y
R u l e interprets certain prayers as sacrifices, particularly sacrifices o f atone ment.
21
T h e evidence points to prayer as b o t h an individual and a corporate act. T h e G o d to w h o m the Instructor and o t h e r m e m b e r s pray has called o u t a yhd to isolate itself from all impure influences,
22
b u t because this section o f the
Community Rule presents prayer as a practice o f the Instructor himself, clearly 2
there is evidence o f individual prayer in 1 Q S . '
O n the o t h e r hand, we may
hypothesize that the first person singular address (comprising a v o w
24
and a
prayer) constitutes the text o f a congregational prayer that has been imported i n t o the Community Rule at this point, for it has a form that resembles o t h e r prayer texts a m o n g the D e a d S e a S c r o l l s .
25
T h e r e is n o n e e d to rely o n hy
pothesis alone, however, for there is o t h e r evidence o f corporate prayer in 1QS.
Earlier in the d o c u m e n t we find corporate blessings invoked over the
yhd, and curses o n those w h o m it shuns and o n those m e m b e r s w h o j o i n and t h e n fall away. T h e prayers are antiphonal: the "priests and levites" speak the benedictions
and
maledictions, and
" ' A m e n , A m e n ' " (11.10 and 1 8 ) .
2 6
those gathered
respond
in
unison,
T h e m e n t i o n o f prayer "in the row o f m e n "
at X . 1 4 indicates a similar circumstance. T h e Instructor makes plain the reciprocal relationship that exists between G o d and C o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s : G o d gives to the C o m m u n i t y , and m e m b e r s o f the C o m m u n i t y keep G o d ' s c o m m a n d m e n t s in order to constitute a pure assembly, sealed o f f from outside pollutants. Noteworthy is the absence o f any expectation placed o n G o d : there is n o divine favor here that the Instructor will repay.
In the vow o f 1 Q S , G o d is praised because o f acts already accom
plished—forgiveness o f sins, disclosure o f knowledge, help t o live righteously, 27
granting o f wisdom, justice, an everlasting inheritance —and when the sole petition is made (a single sentence at X I . 1 6 b - 1 7 a ) , it is for these very t h i n g s .
28
T h e r e is n o m e n t i o n o f rescue from e n e m i e s or from affliction, b u t merely the assurance that G o d will act justly: G o d will remain faithful to the c o m m u n i t y a n d will ultimately punish the w i c k e d .
29
T h e general absence o f petition o r intercession in 1 Q S contrasts with the preponderance o f the language o f blessing.
30
T h e section o f 1 Q S u n d e r review
stipulates only that the Instructor will bless G o d , and provides an example o f
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that form o f prayer alone. It is possibe that these blessings may also c o u n t as ritual sacrifices, particularly sacrifices o f a t o n e m e n t .
31
In 1 Q S , prayer is a religious act, and the text sets it forth using religious discourse. Prayer is a discipline that follows a schedule prescribed by the cal endar o f festivals and the cycle o f the day.
Nevertheless, whereas 1 Q S regu
lates the times for prayer, there are n o stipulations for where prayer must happen. T h e r e are indications that m e m b e r s o f the yhd pray while in assem bly, b u t otherwise the places for prayer are the bed, the doorway, the table, and any place where the individual might be w h e n the time for prayer arrives. M o r a l discourse colors the discussion o f prayer as well, particularly in the catalogue o f vices in the vow that the Instructor promises to avoid.
Prayer,
therefore, n o t only meets a religious obligation, b u t c o n f o r m s to the moral standards that the C o m m u n i t y embraces, and the rigorous n o r m s that the In structor additionally takes o n . C o n c e r n e d as it is with the preservation o f the C o m m u n i t y , the discourse o n prayer alludes to the eschatological assumptions that lie b e h i n d the forma tion o f the yhd. A n d as a c o m p o n e n t o f the way o f life that distinguishes the Community—through prayer according to its own calendar and prayers mark ing o u t the daily tasks that make C o m m u n i t y life unique—prayer plays a role in assuring the salvation o f C o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s at "the day o f vengeance," while distinguishing them from "the m e n o f the pit," w h o will suffer eternal punishment. Based on these diagnostic categories, the similarities between 1 Q S and James are clear. 1 Q S shares with J a m e s the category o f a c o m m u n i t y that is at odds with and that shapes its ethos over against that o f a d o m i n a n t society;
32
moreover, 1 Q S may shun the priesthood in Jerusalem a n d the congregation calling itself Israel w h o m it serves.
33
Also, in 1 Q S the surrender o f all posses
sions into the c o m m o n purse o f the C o m m u n i t y is at odds with o t h e r known forms o f Judaism that presume ownership o f property, a n d h e n c e that encour age social stratification along e c o n o m i c l i n e s .
34
Similarly, J a m e s ' s vision o f
egalitarian social structures stands in direct contrast to the hierarchical, statusoriented organization o f R o m a n society, t h r o u g h o u t w h i c h "the twelve tribes o f the D i a s o p o r a " are scattered. It is important to n o t e that beyond regulating power and wealth, b o t h James and 1 Q S place controls o n proper speech in the assembly, a n d readers familiar with o n e text will hear echoes in the other. T h e Instructor's declara tion that he will n o t speak "foolishness" ( 1 Q S X . 2 2 ) recalls James's reproach, " O empty m a n " (Jas 2 : 2 0 ) , and the Instructor's promise to s h u n "wicked de ceptions," "sophistries,"
35
and "lies" in that same passage is similar to James's
repeated pleas that his readers n o t deceive themselves (Jas 1:16, 2 2 , 2 6 ; cf.
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• JAMES RILEY STRANGE •
2:1).
3 6
T h e implication is that individuals d o n o t merely h o l d these deceptive
ideas, b u t also spread t h e m t h r o u g h the m e d i u m o f speech. Similarly, the In structor's avoidance o f "profanity"
37
( 1 Q S X . 2 2 ) a n d "worthless words, un
clean things and plotting" ( 1 Q S X . 2 4 ) evokes the warnings in James to replace every "sordidness a n d r a n k growth o f wickedness" with "the implanted word that has the power to save" (Jas 1:21), that b o t h blessing and curses should n o t c o m e from the same m o u t h (Jas 3 : 8 - 1 2 ) , a n d that verbal expressions o f getrich schemes fail to acknowledge G o d ' s sovereignty (Jas 4 : 1 3 - 1 6 ) . In b o t h texts, prayer stands in sharp contrast to these types o f profane speech. B o t h the Instructor a n d J a m e s eschew ways o f speaking that divide the c o m m u n i t y ; b o t h characterize prayer as b i n d i n g together a c o m m u n i t y that is self-conscious a b o u t its distinctiveness.
38
T h e Instructor a n d J a m e s alike af
firm the goodness o f singing hymns, the Instructor because he uses hymns to "continually r e c o u n t the just acts o f G o d and the unfaithfulness o f m e n " ( 1 Q S X.23).
T h i s claim gets at the very heart o f the religious system that 1 Q S pre
supposes: G o d a l o n e is good, h u m a n beings are corrupt, b u t G o d has kept pure those w h o separate themselves from the " m e n o f the pit" a n d w h o sub m i t themselves to the " S o n s o f Zadok."
F o r his part, J a m e s prescribes hymn
singing as a particularly C h r i s t i a n reaction to happiness (Jas 5 : 1 3 ) .
In an ex
h o r t a t i o n that recalls b o t h the instruction to c o u n t trials as a joy (Jas 1:2) a n d the r e m i n d e r that all good gifts c o m e from G o d a l o n e (Jas 1:17), J a m e s calls o n "any o n e a m o n g you"—a fellow m e m b e r o f t h e "twelve tribes o f t h e Dias pora"—to pray to G o d when suffering a n d to sing G o d ' s praises when cheerful. T h i s a d m o n i t i o n goes to the heart o f J a m e s , w h o calls for the assembly to m a i n t a i n an unflagging devotion to G o d while living in exile. T h e r e are m a n y o t h e r similarities, n o t all o f w h i c h have to d o with prayer specifically, b u t w h i c h do characterize two c o m m u n i t i e s w h o
distinguish
themselves through acts o f prayer. Just as the Instructor values teaching with prudence, justice, compassion, and love for the oppressed (i.e. the m e m b e r s o f t h e C o m m u n i t y ; 1 Q S X . 2 4 - 2 6 ) , so J a m e s , w h o also shows keen c o n c e r n for t h e oppressed (also m e m b e r s o f the c o m m u n i t y ; Jas 2 : 6 ; cf. 1:27; 2 : 2 - 5 ; 5 : 4 - 6 ; 5 : 7 - 8 ) , admonishes those w h o possess wisdom to demonstrate it within the assembly through works d o n e in gentleness (Jas 3 : 1 3 ) .
Likewise, b o t h the In
structor a n d J a m e s value instructing a n d correcting with meekness ( 1 Q S X I . 12a; Jas 1 : 1 9 - 2 1 ; 3 : 1 3 - 1 8 ; 5 : 1 9 - 2 0 ) .
N e i t h e r justifies personal retaliation; ra
ther, b o t h expect ultimate justice at the eschaton a n d affirm that it should c o m e from the h a n d o f G o d alone ( 1 Q S X I . 1 8 ; Jas 2 : 1 3 ; 4 : 1 2 ; 5 : 1 - 6 ) .
Both,
as well, call for stalwart faithfulness toward G o d in the face o f trials; in terms o f prayer, the Instructor is to c o n t i n u e to bless G o d ( 1 Q S I X . 2 6 ; X . 1 5 b - 1 6 a ) , whereas J a m e s instructs m e m b e r s o f the assembly to pray for wisdom (Jas 1:2-
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4 ; cf. 1:12; 5 : 7 - 1 1 ) .
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Finally, just as the Instructor takes o n m o r e stringent
prayer responsibilities than those laid o u t for h i m ( 1 Q S X . 1 3 b - 1 6 a ) , so J a m e s warns teachers that they will b e held to a higher standard (Jas 3 : 1 ) . W e should n o t e that J a m e s is talking a b o u t the ability o f teachers to c o n t r o l their speech in the assembly, a n d the final passage o f J a m e s makes it clear that prayer is a vital form o f speech a m o n g m e m b e r s . T h e s e similarities, striking as they are, underscore sharp differences be tween the two texts at the level o f category. A l t h o u g h b o t h texts establish a way o f life whose logic clashes with surrounding mores (as the texts construe t h e m ) , from its o p e n i n g lines 1 Q S is focused squarely o n the internal mainte n a n c e and discipline o f an isolationist c o m m u n i t y .
39
T h e language o f volun
0
tary apartheid used to characterize the yhd* fits well with the report a b o u t t h e Essenes found in Pliny the E l d e r ,
41
as well as with the archaeology o f the site
o f Q u m r a n , located as it is o n a m a r l terrace overlooking the D e a d S e a and physically removed from o t h e r habitations. In contrast to 1 Q S , J a m e s stresses non-conformity with "the world" rather than withdrawal from it.
His a d m o n i t i o n "to keep o n e s e l f unstained by the
world" (Jas 1:27) suggests that c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s m a i n t a i n regular patterns o f intercourse with outsiders, the very source o f the problem.
O t h e r state
m e n t s in the text support this supposition: J a m e s ' s addressees are dragged into c o u r t (Jas 2 : 6 ) ; it is possible for b o t h p o o r and rich visitors to e n t e r their syna gogues (Jas 2 : 2 ) ; they are instructed to care for the destitute o f society (Jas 1:27).
In addition, the a d m o n i t i o n to avoid oaths o f any type (Jas 5 : 1 - 6 ) sug
gests that J a m e s presupposes that m e m b e r s engage in legal and business deal ings with n o n - m e m b e r s , a n d the warning to abusive landowners (Jas 5 : 1 2 ) implies that s o m e m e m b e r s are employed by wealthy outsiders. M o r e o v e r , the two texts set forth two very different c o m m u n i t y constitu tions.
A l t h o u g h 1 Q S p r o m o t e s e c o n o m i c egalitarianism, requiring m e m b e r s
to share wealth a n d possessions, the C o m m u n i t y works o u t its c o m p l e t e devo tion to G o d ' s precepts in a rigid status hierarchy, as evidenced by its attention to order and discipline.
1 Q S dictates that c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s e n t e r the as
sembly and sit according to their rank: first "priests" (E'DJTDn) t h e n "levites" ( r ^ n ) and finally "all the people" (DOT "TID),
42
" A n d no-one shall move down
from his r a n k n o r move up from the place o f his lot" ( 1 Q S I I . 1 9 b - 2 3 ) .
4 3
A
person w h o falls i n t o a fourth category, the outsider, must undergo a rigorous period o f initiation before being admitted to the lowest r a n k .
44
In J a m e s ' s presentation o f the c o m m u n i t y , there is n o clear system o f r a n k and file to sort o u t its structure. kinship ties.
Instead, J a m e s appeals to egalitarian fictive
A s n o t e d earlier, J a m e s addresses his readers m o s t often as
"brothers" and o n c e refers to "a b r o t h e r or a sister," b o t h o f w h i c h c o n n o t e an
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• JAMES RILEY STRANGE
ideal o f general equality a m o n g m e m b e r s , and even between J a m e s and the people he addresses.
W h e r e we find evidence o f rank (twice) and discipline
(once), n o t i o n s o f hierarchy are upset and the distinction between insider and outsider is m o r e fluid than what we find in 1 Q S . R a t h e r than stressing the authority o f teachers, J a m e s warns t h e m that they will b e held to a higher moral standard, particularly regarding their speech (Jas 3 : 1 ) . T h e elders, for their part, d o n o t call sick people to them; rather, when s u m m o n e d they gath er at the bedside o f the ill (Jas 5 : 1 4 ) .
References to initiation i n t o the com
munity (possibly baptism) lack any indication, either that those w h o h o p e to j o i n the assembly must undergo a rigorous period o f testing and instruction as c a t e c h u m e n s , o r that they are sorted into ranks o n c e they j o i n . T h e practice o f prayer also reveals deep divisions between the categories o f thought that lie b e h i n d the discussions in these texts.
W h e r e a s in James,
brothers and sisters make requests to G o d o n o n e another's behalf, 1 Q S is nearly silent o n the n o t i o n o f petition for o n e s e l f o r intercession for others. Prayer at the e n d o f the C o m m u n i t y R u l e is o f a single type—praise a n d bene diction o f God—and the text makes n o m e n t i o n o f any o t h e r kind. (Similarly, J a m e s does n o t m e n t i o n liturgical prayer in which the assembly recites a text in unison,
45
whereas sections o f 1 Q S suggest that w h e n the c o m m u n i t y blesses
G o d it employs just this kind o f prayer.)
46
T h e s e contrasting pictures o f prayer reveal two different ways o f interpret ing the relationship between h u m a n s and G o d .
J a m e s places emphasis o n
G o d ' s ongoing provision for G o d ' s children through petition and response: they may ask for what they lack, and they may call o n G o d ' s power when a b r o t h e r or sister is sick. N e x t to this picture it b e c o m e s clear that 1 Q S stresses the idea that G o d has bestowed all necessary things from the beginning: G o d ' s children bless G o d for acts that G o d has already accomplished.
Confessing the Sins of the Children of Israel T h e Community Rule c o n t a i n s a b r i e f passage o n the confession o f sins, and its treatment in this section c a n b e concise as well. Despite the segment's brevity, however, it gets at the heart o f what is at stake for the C o m m u n i t y o f G o d : re n u n c i a t i o n o f o t h e r claims to G o d ' s T o r a h , submission to those in authority, and taking up the way o f life o f the yhd.
T h i s fact b e c o m e s clear in the first
c o l u m n o f the scroll, w h i c h lays out what should happen "when [initiates] en ter the covenant." 1 Q S 1.21—II. 1 speaks o f the process o f initiation i n t o G o d ' s covenant ( m i l ) .
T h e text implies that initiates are shifting their allegiances
from o t h e r groups to the " R u l e o f the C o m m u n i t y " ("Tim - p o 1.16).
The
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process requires a d e n u n c i a t i o n o f others w h o claim the title "Israel" (it is n o t clear in 1 Q S w h o these are) and a r e n u n c i a t i o n o f their ways. T h e text does n o t m e n t i o n acknowledging a person's own wrongdoings; rather, it is the Levites w h o recite the initiates' former sins, and the initiates acquiesce ("confess" CTID) to this e n u m e r a t i o n o f their iniquities. what " 1 " have d o n e that is at stake in the c o n f e s s i o n ,
47
It is n o t
but w h a t "we" have
d o n e as former rivals o f the yhd that pertains, and that is spelled o u t by the au thorities o f the new c o m m u n i t y .
48
W h a t is at stake in this confession is the
c o m m u n i t y ' s way o f life in deliberate contrast to the ways o f its rivals. " C o n f e s s i o n " entails accepting the Levites' characterization o f their former religious life (and the lives o f their ancestors) as sinful, and it grants initiates access to G o d ' s mercy. In contrast to those w h o submit, the priests consign to destruction those w h o refuse to j o i n : these are c o m m i t t e d to "the gloom o f ev erlasting fire" and to the denial o f G o d ' s mercy and forgiveness ( I . 5 b - 1 0 ) . A d m i t t a n c e to the c o m m u n i t y , therefore, assures salvation, while rejection o f its claims and way o f life (or exclusion from it) guarantees destruction b o t h in the here and now, and in the world t o c o m e . C o n f e s s i o n o f sins in 1 Q S is thus a public (it takes place in an assembly o f the many), corporate, impersonal act. T h e text betrays n o c o n c e r n for the par ticular misdeeds o f any individual, b u t characterizes initiates' sins collectively as the sin o f the children o f Israel. T h e image o f Levites intoning the peoples' sins in the assembly evokes provisions for the Day o f A t o n e m e n t in Leviticus 16, while the response, " W e have acted sinfully..." recalls repeated instances o f Israel's corporate confession and repentance in Judges and 1 S a m , when the nation as a whole or the gathered tribes confess that they have turned from G o d to o t h e r g o d s .
49
C o n f e s s i o n is a religious practice, prescribed for those wishing to gain en trance into the "covenant," and securing their salvation with the salvation o f the entire C o m m u n i t y . 1 Q S sets forth confession using religious discourse.
Acquiescing to the
Levites' e n u m e r a t i o n o f their sins fulfills the obligation o f a t o n e m e n t for the body o f initiates, and it prepares t h e m for the further steps o f adhering to the C o m m u n i t y ' s interpretation o f appointed times, bringing their wealth to the C o m m u n i t y purse, and full participation in the C o m m u n i t y ' s daily life. T h e r e is n o talk o f virtue and vice, n o r does the text engage in moral exhortation. T h e ritual o f confession in 1 Q S reinforces the picture o f the relationship between G o d and h u m a n s implied earlier in the section o n prayer.
Through
confession, m e m b e r s o f the C o m m u n i t y constitute a pure assembly, sealed o f f from outside pollutants (other so-called Israelites), and G o d in turn grants t h e m a blessed existence.
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JAMES RILEY STRANGE •
1 Q S lays out the rite o f confession, blessing, and curse as an act with eschatological c o n s e q u e n c e s .
T h o s e w h o confess their sins and j o i n the yhd
y
having received forgiveness from G o d , will b e granted eternal (CD^li?) knowl edge and peace ( 1 . 3 - 4 ) , while all w h o defy the leadership o f the C o m m u n i t y are denied forgiveness (11.8; cf. I I I . 4 - 5 ) , and so e n d u r e everlasting fire and de struction (1.8; 11.15), and are consigned to the lot o f "the cursed ones for ever" (II. 1 7 ) .
5 0
T h e characterization o f the current age as "the age o f Belial's domin
i o n " evokes the dualistic world-view expressed in t h e "two spirits" discourse o f III.13b-IV.26.
T h e e n d o f the current age is n o t near, b u t may be expected in
s o m e u n k n o w n "last t i m e " (]1iriR fp I V . 1 6 - 1 7 ) , "the time o f the visitation" (mips i m o I V . 1 8 - 1 9 , cf. 2 6 ) .
5 1
Because o f the earlier work o n these two texts, we can forego a compari son o f the Community Rule a n d J a m e s at the level o f details and move quickly to a discussion o f shared categories. W h e r e a s 1 Q S primarily discusses prayer as the practice o f the Instructor, and implies in subtle references that the c o m m u n i t y gathers for prayer as well, confession is clearly a corporate act, in t o n e d over the body o f initiates and o n their b e h a l f by the Levites o f the C o m m u n i t y , and accepted by the initiates in a n t i p h o n a l response.
Individual
trespasses play n o part in this confession; rather, the Levites cast the initiates as penitent Israel, turning b a c k to G o d and to G o d ' s T o r a h through their submission t o the yhd's way o f life and its hierarchical authority. T h e sins that are confessed do n o t have to do with interaction between m e m b e r s , b u t with their former lives as outsiders, as m e m b e r s o f o t h e r groups laying (false) claims to their continuity with biblical Israel. 1 Q S deploys n o m o r a l discourse here, b u t characterizes the practice as Israel's fulfillment o f its c o v e n a n t obligation as G o d ' s people. Confession in 1 Q S constitutes the reverse o f t h e pattern we saw in James. In this passage, initiates hear their past sins enumerated.
Levites play the
priestly role o f intermediaries with the divine while also taking o n aspects o f the prophets, proclaiming aloud the wrongs that the people have c o m m i t t e d a n d hearing their concession, thus underlining t h e status authority o f the Le vites in c o m p a r i s o n to the relative powerlessness o f the initiates. T h e discus sion in C h a p t e r
2 showed that it is difficult to tell i f J a m e s prescribes
confession o f sins within the assembled congregation, or i f h e means for indi viduals to confess to o n e a n o t h e r in private, b u t it is clear that m e m b e r s direct this practice toward o n e another, and presumably toward m e m b e r s w h o m they have wronged.
In this way, through confession m e m b e r s serve as divine in
termediaries for o n e another, and they reinforce the relatively unstratified c o m m u n i t y organization in J a m e s .
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1 Q S also characterizes confession as a rite that creates the C o m m u n i t y . In the c o n t e x t o f the opening section o f the scroll, the rite invokes the myth o f the exodus, and so likens the creation o f the yhd to the formation o f Israel at the foot o f S i n a i . James, o n the o t h e r hand, associates mutual confession with c o m m u n i t y m a i n t e n a n c e and the strengthening o f its boundaries, rather than with its birth.
C o n f e s s i o n in 1 Q S prepares the initiate to take up the C o m
munity's distinctive ways.
F o r James, as an ongoing practice o f the c o m m u
nity, mutual confession itself is part o f the c o m m u n i t y ' s distinctive
and
ongoing way o f life. Finally, in 1 Q S confession o f sins occurs in isolation from o t h e r practices. C o r r e c t i o n appears a few c o l u m n s later, and in a separate context, and prayer falls at the e n d o f the text and within its own framework o f the responsibilities o f the Instructor. F o r his part, J a m e s places his discussion o f four distinct yet interrelated religious practices within a single passage, presenting all as intrac o m m u n i t y deeds o f mercy, focusing all o n the c o n t i n u i n g care a n d upkeep o f the assembly o f believers.
Correction: Reproof, Isolation, and Exile W i t h its ethos o f strict segregation from outsiders, 1 Q S sets forth rules govern ing the admission to, retention within, and expulsion from the religious c o m m u n i t y . Focused as it is o n the issue o f purity before G o d , t h e Community Rule presents a strict protocol o f licit behaviors and attitudes within the daily life o f the yhd (although it nowhere lays o u t this code o f behavior in detail), and an e x a m i n a t i o n process is designed to correct the behavior of, or weed out, those w h o d o n o t keep up their life-long c o m m i t m e n t to this way o f life. N o t surprisingly, e x a m i n a t i o n and correction play a central role in c o m m u n i t y and m a i n t e n a n c e . T h e a d m o n i t i o n , " O n e should reproach o n e a n o t h e r in truth, in meek ness and in lovingkindness for o n e ' s fellow-man" ( V . 2 4 b ) follows immediately after general instructions a b o u t the testing o f new m e m b e r s to t h e C o m m u nity (in the text to j o i n is called "to return [nwb] within the C o m m u n i t y to [Aaron's] c o v e n a n t " V . 2 2 ) , and the c o n t i n u e d testing, "year after year," o f all m e m b e r s in order to advance t h e m in rank. T h e s e b r i e f instructions o n cor rection appear to assume a c o n v e n i n g o f an assembly ( o f the " M a n y " m n n ) , in which c o n t e x t o n e may "reprove" ( r r a i n ^ ) a "fellow" ( n m ) .
52
NO
formal procedure governs how m e m b e r s engage in this form o f mutual correc tion, b u t the task does require morally upright speech. W h e n correcting a fel low, o n e must tell the truth (nQK) with an attitude o f humility (m3U) and
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•JAMES RILEY S T R A N G E *
"lovingkindness" (ion runa). T h e o n e w h o feels "anger" m e m b e r , o r who " m u t t e r s "
53
toward a fellow
(mi^n) against him, incurs sin (pitf). N o r is cor-
rection within the assembly o f the M a n y a matter to b e taken lightly, o r an oc casion for unsubstantiated accusations.
I f o n e "raises a matter"
against a fellow in this formal setting, o n e must present witnesses. A few verses later, in 1 Q S V I . 2 4 - V I I . 1 8 b , we learn what behaviors in the daily life o f the C o m m u n i t y earn formal sentencing and p u n i s h m e n t "in an ex ami n at i o n o f the C o m m u n i t y . "
T h e n u m b e r o f rules governing correct
speech in the assembly is remarkable.
T h e passage lays o u t sanctions for n o
fewer than 16 illicit forms o f speech toward a fellow, with punishments includ ing some form o f exclusion from c o m m u n i t y practices (partaking o f the "pure food" o f the assembly is specified). S e n t e n c e s range from ten days (interrupt ing a fellow, the final infraction m e n t i o n e d ) to a full year (lying hpCT] about o n e ' s possessions, retorting
speaking brusquely [ C S N "lltfpH], speaking
angrily [norn] against a priest, insulting [nnir] with
intermediate
punishments
o f three
54
o r defaming [*73l] a fellow),
months
(speaking
"haughtily"
55
[01")0n], deceiving [moi TOIT] a fellow, uttering futile words [131 i r r m " Q T 56
ta]] )
to six m o n t h s (lying [Dm*],
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unintentionally [naaen] speaking angrily
against a priest, c o m p l a i n i n g [ll'r] against a fellow). T h r e e forms o f forbidden speech—enunciating ("131 TDT") G o d ' s n a m e a l o u d ,
58
defaming the Many, and
complaining "against the foundation o f the Community"—incur e x c o m m u n i c a t i o n from the C o m m u n i t y .
permanent
Five o f these speech infractions con
stitute s o m e form o f lying (six, i f we follow Martinez and T i g c h e l a a r ) ;
59
all save
o n e involve speech directed toward a fellow m e m b e r . In the passage immediately following ( 1 Q S V I I . 1 8 b - 2 5 ) , the C o m m u n i t y may welcome b a c k the o n e w h o has deliberately a b a n d o n e d its ways b u t then repents. S u c h a person gains re-admittance after undergoing a two year proba tionary period m u c h like the process o f admitting new proselytes:
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he is al
lowed to live in the C o m m u n i t y and participate in its daily activities, except that "he shall n o t approach the pure food o f the M a n y " during the first year, and during the s e c o n d is excluded from "the drink o f the M a n y "
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a n d must
sit in the rear o f the assembly. A t the c o m p l e t i o n o f the two years, m e m b e r s o f the M a n y examine him, and upon readmitting him, enroll h i m at the rank he previously held. T h e C o m m u n i t y , however, does n o t tolerate o n e w h o ab andons the yhd after ten years o f full m e m b e r s h i p ; he w h o does so suffers p e r m a n e n t expulsion, as does anyone w h o c o n t i n u e s to fraternize with h i m . Mutual correction a m o n g m e m b e r s o f the yhd, therefore, is limited to a formal convocation, a n d strict rules o f speech govern discourse in the assem bly. In every case, sanction involves a level o f exclusion from the yhd. In most instances, reinstatement to o n e ' s former status is possible; in a few, expulsion
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is c o m p l e t e and final. In this way, the Community Rule b o t h regulates behavior and a c c o m m o d a t e s most lapses in c o m p l i a n c e , while also acknowledging that some actions irrevocably contravene the rigorous process o f testing and admis sion that has required the participation and c o n s e n t o f the entire assembly. S u c h actions the C o m m u n i t y regards as an unforgivable offense, since they 1
"betray the C o m m u n i t y " ("Tim nan ? V I I . 2 3 ) . C o r r e c t i o n , as envisioned in the Community Rule, expresses the ethos that makes the yhd separate from all others w h o lay claim to the T o r a h revealed to Moses at S i n a i . T h e call for reproving a fellow "in truth, in meekness and in compassionate love" repeats nearly verbatim an earlier characterization o f the C o m m u n i t y in 11.24 (see I V . 3 ) .
Also, since the text depicts the C o m m u n i t y
m e m b e r s as "all those w h o submit freely to his truth" ( L I 1 - 1 2 ) , and as "sons o f truth" ( I V . 5 ) ,
62
it follows that leaving the c o m m u n i t y is characterized as "to
betray the truth" (no»3 1133% a n d that truth-telling is p a r a m o u n t in the speech o f the assembly.
Lying in all its forms excludes a person from s o m e
c o m m u n a l practices, temporarily moving him toward the permeable boundary o f m e m b e r s h i p , whereas telling the truth through r e p r o o f a n d
punishment
moves h i m securely back within the fold. C o r r e c t i o n in 1 Q S is primarily a public, c o m m u n i t a r i a n act.
T h e text
speaks o f "testing" and " r e p r o o f only within a c o n v o c a t i o n o f the Many, and in that c o n t e x t , temporary p u n i s h m e n t and complete b a n i s h m e n t from the yhd are aimed at preserving its way o f life, determining a person's rank in its rigid hierarchy, and establishing firm boundaries that separate its m e m b e r s from outsiders. C o r r e c t i o n is clearly a religious act. N o t only does correction d o n e in an ger incur a sin, b u t reproof, p u n i s h m e n t , and e x c o m m u n i c a t i o n are all means o f maintaining the segregation o f the yhd, w h i c h 1 Q S presents as a fulfillment o f scriptural c o m m a n d s for Israel to remain pure ( V . 1 5 - 1 7 explicitly invokes Exod 2 3 : 7 and Isa 2 : 2 2 ) .
Indeed, every p u n i s h m e n t that is n o t outright ex
c o m m u n i c a t i o n limits a person's frill participation in the religious life o f the Community. T h e discourse o f correction in 1 Q S is also thoroughly moral in character. T h e language o f virtue ("truth," "humility," "compassion") and especially o f vice ("anger," "muttering,"
"lying," "retorting," "insulting,"
"speaking haughtily," " d e f a m i n g " )
63
"complaining,"
d o m i n a t e s the conversation.
T h e discussion o f correction is isolated from o t h e r religious practices, which are m e n t i o n e d only in passing in this section. N o t e that in a text that requires confession o f sins a n d repentance for admission into an exclusive yhd, the sections considered above talk a b o u t neither practice as part o f the process o f correction. T h a t the p u n i s h m e n t s entail varying degrees o f isolation from
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•JAMES RILEY STRANGE
the C o m m u n i t y a n d re-admittance to it makes the absence o f some form o f expiation all the m o r e striking. T h e Community Rule's eschatology finds muted expression in the threat o f eternal expulsion. B y implication, those expelled j o i n the ranks o f those w h o declined to unite with the yhd at all, and so they suffer the same p u n i s h m e n t at the hands o f the Divine: misery in the present existence and eternal tor m e n t in the next. T h i s section does n o t require a lengthy labor o f comparison and contrast with James, since m u c h o f the work o f the first a n d third sections o f this chap ter applies here as well: b o t h texts explicitly address a c o m m u n i t y that segre gates itself to s o m e degree and takes up a distinctive way o f life, a n d b o t h envision mutual correction o f c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s as a way to maintain that segregation and distinction.
B o t h even use the m e t a p h o r "to stray from the
path" to describe a b a n d o n i n g their ways o f life. U n l i k e 1 Q S , however, James makes only indirect references to the initiatory process for j o i n i n g "the Twelve T r i b e s , " and he makes n o provision for e x c o m m u n i c a t i n g erring m e m b e r s , in stead urging that all (by implication, including those who stray inadvertently and those w h o d o so deliberately) be returned to the fold.
In contrast to
J a m e s , 1 Q S sets forth a hierarchical matrix within which new initiates b o t h find their r a n k and are p r o m o t e d o r d e m o t e d year by year as the assembly eva luates their progress in holiness. B o t h texts directly link m e m b e r s h i p within the c o m m u n i t y to salvation, while painting straying from the c o m m u n i t y ' s ways as sin.
B o t h likewise set
forth the religious practice o f correction using m o r a l discourse.
C o n t r a r y to
1 Q S , however, J a m e s ties correction to the practices o f confession o f sins and intercessory prayer, envisioning an ideal in w h i c h correction assures restora tion and salvation, just as prayers for healing a n d for the rain do.
Unlike
J a m e s , 1 Q S establishes a forensic protocol for correction, setting it within a formally-convened assembly, requiring witnesses w h e n allegations o f wrongdo ing are made, d e m a n d i n g decorum, and specifying gradations o f sanctions for those found guilty o f various offenses.
64
M o s t notably, b o t h 1 Q S and J a m e s link correction to appropriate speech within the assembly, encouraging dialogue that builds up a fellow rather than creating animosity, and b o t h decry those w h o follow their own desires and a m b i t i o n s . Nevertheless, J a m e s ' s instruction against lying ( 3 : 1 4 ) and prohibi tion o f oaths ( 5 : 1 2 ) do n o t m a t c h in scale the emphasis o n truth-telling and the c o n d e m n a t i o n o f various forms o f lying in 1 Q S ; he focuses instead o n m a t c h i n g how o n e lives to what o n e claims to believe. O n c e again, the similarities between the practices o f 1 Q S and J a m e s are strong, as are some aspects o f their visions o f c o m m u n i t y .
Likewise, t h e simi-
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larities bring o u t stark differences between the two, highlighting in particular the isolationist and hierarchical nature o f l Q S ' s yhd in contrast to J a m e s ' s rela tively unstratified yet sharply defined c o m m u n i t i e s .
T h o s e w h o enter the
ranks o f the C o m m u n i t y that 1 Q S envisions self-consciously identify them selves over against a well-defined "other": morally, they are the r a n k opposite o f others w h o lay rival claims to the T o r a h revealed at S i n a i .
Indeed, the
Community Rule makes n o provision at all for any w h o wish to convert from pagan religions; rather, the "other" is viewed as a false Israel. B y contrast, we can make only general inferences a b o u t the identity o f those outside James's communities.
It is clear that J a m e s portrays t h e m as morally inferior to his
readers, b u t in the social and e c o n o m i c picture that J a m e s paints, congrega tions remain immersed in urban life while taking up a m o r a l stance against it. U n l i k e Paul, J a m e s does n o t draw distinctions between those w h o are "in C h r ist" and those w h o are "under the law," focusing instead o n the distinctions between "wealthy" outsiders and " p o o r " insiders.
W e must infer that those
w h o attack J a m e s ' s c o m m u n i t i e s from the outside are pagans, whereas J a m e s conceives o f his assemblies as comprising Israel.
65
Conclusion: Morality and Religion in James and Select Judaic Texts T h e selection o f J u d a i c texts in C h a p t e r s 5 and 6 has provided m a n y different types o f writings with which to c o m p a r e with J a m e s : three that c o n t a i n sub stantial sections o f paraenesis (Sirach, a work typically classified as a Jewish W i s d o m text; the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, w h i c h falls loosely within that same genre b u t also draws heavily from G r e c o - R o m a n paraenetic litera ture; and T o b i t , w h i c h falls into the overall genre o f the r o m a n c e ) , a c o m m u nity instruction m a n u a l (the Community
Rule),
about the everyday life o f Israel (the M i s h n a h ) .
and a systematic statement B e y o n d supplying a b r o a d
sampling o f the types o f literature that J u d a i c groups produced in G r e c o Roman period,
66
each sets forth an understanding o f a religious practice or
practices within a distinctive vision for Israel's social order and its way o f life. Each, therefore, provides a particular o b l i q u e light to shine upon J a m e s , u n d e r which his own distinctive vision stands out. As in C h a p t e r 4 , because each section e n d e d with a detailed c o m p a r i s o n , here a summary suffices. [1] In J a m e s 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 , religious practices respond to moral crises in the community.
In particular, the problem o f sin in J a m e s threatens the very
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• JAMES RILEY
STRANGE*
structure o f the c o m m u n i t y because J a m e s presents sin as a wrong d o n e to a fellow assembly m e m b e r . T h e presentation o f religious practices as m o r a l deeds was particularly keen in 1 Q S , Sirach, T o b i t , a n d Testament of Benjamin, all o f which conceived o f b o t h sin and its expiation in moral terms, although 1 Q S notably did n o t deploy m o r a l discourse to talk about confession o f sins. S i r a c h talked about healing through a t o n e m e n t using discourse tinged with moral c o n c e r n s , a n d T o b i t linked restoration o f sight and d e m o n i c expulsion to moral living in ex ile. T. Benj. saturated the discussion o f "the good m a n " and the effect o f his good behavior o n "the wicked m a n " with the language o f virtue and vice, even conceiving o f piety in moral terms. A l o n e o f the texts read in this chapter, 1 Q S conceived o f sin as a threat to the C o m m u n i t y a n d presented correction through sanction or p e r m a n e n t ex pulsion as a means o f strengthening C o m m u n i t y structures. [2] In J a m e s 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 religious practices are c o m m u n i t a r i a n acts, which means that group m e m b e r s direct these acts toward o n e a n o t h e r a n d for the purpose o f preserving and building up the c o m m u n i t y . As the G r e c o - R o m a n moralists conceived o f morality for the good o f t h e state, every Judaic text read in this study revealed a corporate c o n c e r n for Israel as a distinctive entity, and all b u t o n e o f t h e m presented that entity as a minority population in exile, within w h i c h religious practices preserved its distinctiveness and assured its right c o n n e c t i o n to G o d , and therefore its survival. Most, like James, assumed a certain level o f interaction between Israelites a n d non-Israelites, and in Si rach and T o b i t Israelites clearly m a i n t a i n e d a balance between integrating into G e n t i l e society and remaining distinct within it. 1 Q S alone addressed itself to a distinctive c o m m u n i t y that isolated itself either by withdrawing from all out siders, o r by congregating within dedicated "ghettos" or "quarters" in various cities.
67
S u c h tight definition o f the C o m m u n i t y resembles James's insistence
that congregations remain unpolluted by "the world," b u t contrasts with the level o f integration o f James's congregations in the cities o f the R o m a n Em pire. [3] J a m e s presents these practices as having eschatological o u t c o m e s in ad dition to their effects in the here and now. Religious practices in J a m e s right the wrongs that c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s c o m m i t against o n e another, and they mirror the care that G o d shows towards those w h o call Jesus C h r i s t "Lord." T h i s divine care brings n o p e r m a n e n t change to the community's social and e c o n o m i c status until the eschaton. In sharp contrast to the G r e c o - R o m a n sources o f the previous chapter, some sort o f eschatology shapes the worldviews o f 1 Q S , T o b i t , and T. B e n j .
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O f these, T o b i t and T. Benj. differ from J a m e s by predicting the restoration o f
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T H E D E E D S O F T H E C O M M U N I T Y IN l Q S •
the people Israel to o n e nation, gathered again in the land o f Israel, and wor shiping at the glorious, rebuilt T e m p l e together with the N a t i o n s , thus fully realizing the prophetic visions o f N a h u m and Isaiah ( T o b i t 1 4 . 4 - 5 ) .
6 9
A l o n e a m o n g the sources, the Q u m r a n literature and T. Benj. share with J a m e s the expectation o f G o d ' s emissary/ies accompanying G o d ' s ultimate sal vation.
In J a m e s it is the Lord h i m s e l f w h o will return.
References to the
priestly and kingly Messiahs are m u t e d in 1 Q S (see 1 Q S I X . 11), b u t can be read in conversation (if n o t synchronically) with the m o r e detailed discussions o f these figures in o t h e r Q u m r a n t e x t s .
70
In 1 Q S , as in J a m e s , salvation is re
served for insiders, while outsiders receive c o n d e m n a t i o n .
Distinctive to 1 Q S
is the idea that those w h o have left the yhd suffer the same fate as those w h o never j o i n e d , whereas J a m e s envisions the return o f the straying.
T h e two
texts differ as well in their understanding o f the outsider: 1 Q S establishes the yhd over against o t h e r claimants to the n a m e Israel and to G o d ' s instruction handed down at S i n a i , whereas J a m e s apparently imagines c o m m u n i t i e s o f the faithful s h u n n i n g pollution by, and withstanding the abuse of, G e n t i l e s . [4] In J a m e s , faith—presented as prolonged and single-minded devotion to God—is present explicitly in the practices o f prayer and healing, a n d implicitly in the restorative aspects o f confession and correction. T h i s category provides the m o s t significant point o f c o m p a r i s o n between J a m e s and the J u d a i c texts studied in this chapter, for whereas n o n e besides J a m e s regularly uses the term "faith" in n o m i n a l or verbal forms, all present unflagging devotion to G o d as a primary c o m p o n e n t o f Israelite identity. T h e tractates o f the M i s h n a h take up the issue o f every Israelite h o u s e h o l d maintaining priestly purity before G o d in all aspects o f their workaday lives. T h e Community Rule d e m a n d s rigorous ad h e r e n c e to the way o f life o f G o d ' s true people, the yhd.
Sirach, T o b i t , and T.
Benj. address the problems o f maintaining devotion to G o d in the alien envi r o n m e n t o f the Diaspora. [5] In J a m e s , through religious practices, c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s take up G o d ' s example o f prolonged and single-minded care for the c o m m u n i t y , and G o d ' s j u d g m e n t o f it. T h i s category provides a significant p o i n t o f contrast between J a m e s and the texts read in this chapter. A l t h o u g h several o f the texts e x a m i n e d above also use the discourse o f virtue and vice, and s o m e (particu larly Sirach) make use o f rhetorical devices that would b e familiar to any edu cated person, n o n e similarly conceives o f moral behavior in the c o m m u n i t y . W h e r e these texts deploy moral discourse, it is to characterize the keeping o f T o r a h in terms that draw o n values a n d modes o f expression shared with G r e c o - R o m a n society. In particular, the importance o f the category o f intercessory prayer in James stands o u t in sharp contrast to the absence o f the same in 1 Q S and m.
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•JAMES RILEY STRANGE •
Berakhot.
"Asking" in these prayers is expressed as b e n e d i c t i o n rather than as
petition o r intercession.
W h i l e is it possible, and even likely, that certain
prayers o f these two texts are i n t o n e d to request benefit for one's fellows o r for the c o m m u n i t y as a whole, the texts nearly exclusively characterize prayer as blessing G o d for gracious acts o f the past and c o n t i n u e d acts o f lovingkindness.
T h e result is that G o d ' s benefits are presented as already present, and
the c o m m u n i t y as fulfilled in its needs rather than lacking, whereas J a m e s highlights the n e e d for completeness (Jas 1:5) and for the care that its members show o n e a n o t h e r through intercession o f the Divine. Confession in 1 Q S and doing good deeds in T o b i t provide exceptions to this pattern. W e n o t e d that the Levites hear Israel's (i.e. initiates') confession, thus fulfilling a priestly role as divine intermediaries for the yhd. In the act o f correction as well, m e m b e r s e x a m i n e o n e a n o t h e r for either sanction or adv a n c e m e n t in rank, and acceptance into the C o m m u n i t y covenant is c o n c o m i tant with G o d ' s salvation, while expulsion from it assures ultimate destruction. In the same way, although J a m e s makes n o provision for h u m a n sanction or e x c o m m u n i c a t i o n , b o t h healing (which forgives sins) and turning b a c k an err ing b r o t h e r (a "sinner") bring about G o d ' s salvation, while u n c h e c k e d sin leads to death. T o b i t ' s excellence in righteousness highlighted acts performed for fellow Israelites living in exile, in particular giving the dead proper burial and paying fair wages to workers. T o b i t ' s rise from the ashes o f his life then b e c o m e s an analogy for all o f Israel, and an object lesson in faithfully keeping T o r a h to ensure G o d ' s restoration as promised in the prophets.
James too
c o n n e c t s G o d ' s salvation to the religious a c t s / m o r a l deeds o f the c o m m u n i t y , b u t he has a distinctive vision o f the social entity, and o f what salvation en tails, as we will discuss presently. In addition to the categories derived from J a m e s , the e x a m i n a t i o n o f these particular Judaic texts has generated unique categories, and these highlight particular aspects o f J a m e s ' s moral vision as well.
M o s t notably, regarding
prayer, it is apparent that J a m e s o n o n e hand, and the authors o f 1 Q S and the M i s h n a h o n the other, are speaking a b o u t different things to different people. For b o t h 1 Q S and m. Berakhot, the time for prayer, the words spoken aloud in prayers, and the posture o f the body are dictated by regular and predictable circumstances.
1 Q S characterizes prayer as a structured discipline, to be of
fered o n certain special days o f the year and at certain times o f t h e day and night, b u t also to frame t h e many different daily activities in life in the yhd. M. Berakhot explicitly speaks o f reciting the Shema and Amidah at specified times, and blessings over various foods and in a range o f circumstances as the fulfill' m e n t o f a religious obligation, working o u t when an Israelite male can be sure that he has m e t that obligation, and when he has failed to do so. T h e c h i e f
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181
criterion for fulfilling the obligation is the intention o f the Israelite: h u m a n intentionality has the power to transform profane space and time into the sa cred, and to re-form scattered Israelites, engaged in the organic chaos o f daily life, into the single, holy Israel, anywhere and everywhere fixed o n G o d . S u c h concepts are utterly foreign in J a m e s , where the author speaks o f n o schedule for prayer, n o liturgy, and most importantly n o power o f intentionality, b u t prescribes prayer only in response to various crises: lack o f wisdom, the pres e n c e o f sickness, and by implication, o f sin. Also absent in J a m e s is any n o t i o n o f the restored Israel such as we find in Tobit
and T. Benj., o r in the case o f the M i s h n a h , the U t o p i a o f Israel never
dispersed. J a m e s does n o t betray that he imagines the "twelve tribes o f the Di aspora" constituted as a unified people inhabiting the Land, drawing the na tions to themselves and to G o d .
Rather, h e uses the image o f Diaspora to
speak o f many small congregations scattered throughout the cities o f the Em pire until the c o m i n g o f the Judge. A c o n c e r n for the accrual o f h o n o r and the avoidance o f s h a m e such as we find in Sirach and T o b i t finds little expression in J a m e s . Y e t despite showing slight interest in the e c o n o m i c s o f status, J a m e s h i m s e l f deftly wields the idea o f s h a m e in his moral exhortation. M o s t striking is the absence o f actual family or h o u s e h o l d in the Epistle o f J a m e s . In contrast to Sirach, T o b i t , and T. Benj., w h i c h display great c o n c e r n for the preservation o f the Israelite family in exile through highlighting the practice o f endogamy, faithful handing down o f a distinctive way o f life, and proper relations between parents and children, J a m e s simply has n o t h i n g to say o n the subject o f husbands and wives, parents and children, o r even mas ters and slaves. In J a m e s , G o d alone is called " F a t h e r , "
71
G o d and Jesus C h r i s t
alone receive the h o n o r o f "Lord," and J a m e s is a "slave." By implication, fel low believers—James's "beloved brothers"—are co-slaves with J a m e s . A l t h o u g h it is n o t transparent in the sections o f Berakhot and Ta'anit that we read, family also forms a primary category in the M i s h n a h , in w h i c h the m a i n t e n a n c e o f religious purity that is reserved for the priesthood in biblical texts applies to all Israelite households in their workaday world, and o n the S a b b a t h in particu lar. In J a m e s , remaining unstained by the world is a moral issue, and the Isra elite h o u s e h o l d receives n o instruction. In T o b i t (and less so in T. Benj.), theodicy is a central category, for justify ing T o b i t ' s blindness and Sarah's d e m o n i c t o r m e n t serves to explain Israel's travail: G o d ' s true people living everywhere as a minority and ruled by outsid ers, with neither h o m e l a n d n o r holy city with its T e m p l e .
T h e tale assures
readers that afflictions are temporary for the upright, whereas restoration is part o f G o d ' s plan and permanent.
J a m e s makes a statement a b o u t sin's ori-
182
• JAMES RILEY
STRANGE
gin and the persistence o f "trials" as the basis for his exhortations to keep faithful a n d to m a i n t a i n t h e integrity o f the C h r i s t i a n c o m m u n i t y .
Waiting
o u t present suffering means surviving to see G o d ' s justice finally prevail with the arrival o f the Judge. W h a t is most remarkable in a c o m p a r i s o n between J a m e s a n d these par ticular examples o f J u d a i c instruction is the use o f only o b l i q u e references to Israelite history in the epistle's eschatology. T h e text focuses o n the circum stances a n d fate o f c o m m u n i t i e s o f believers. B y contrast, with the exception o f Sirach, the J u d a i c texts that characterize Israel as living in the p r e d i c a m e n t o f a disassembled people scattered t h r o u g h o u t t h e Diaspora draw o n the twin myths o f S i n a i (sometimes obliquely by reference to G o d ' s law) a n d David's dynasty to put forth an expectation o f Israel's glorious restoration to L a n d and T e m p l e . T h i n g s are destined to return to the way they o n c e were, a n d m o r e importantly, to the way G o d wants t h e m to b e , with Israel's propensity for sinning erased a n d sin's disastrous c o n s e q u e n c e s set right.
Even S i r a c h looks
b a c k to Israel's glorious past (for Sirach, the past that was made great by great m e n o f wisdom), a n d for their part the M i s h n a h ' s Sages imagine Israel as a ful ly functioning society, with an e c o n o m i c system, a single calendar for deter mining
festivals
and
sacrifices,
a working
Temple
cult with
rules
for
maintaining purity for b o t h the priesthood and non-priestly families, a code o f civil laws, a n d a plan for Israelite governance that did n o t exist at the time o f the work's c o m p l e t i o n .
72
In a text that presents an understanding o f w h o constitutes Israel, a way o f life for that holy people, a n d an understanding o f their social order such as J a m e s does, the absence o f a restored Israel in J a m e s ' s eschatology is conspicu ous. J a m e s ' s eschatology c o n c e r n s n o t restoration to a former idyllic state, b u t the arrival o f what has n o t existed before: the perfection o f the c o m m u n i t y in wisdom, the overturning o f its fortunes, a n d its reception o f "the crown o f life." A n d all o f these benefits are to c o m e to localized c o m m u n i t i e s in the cit ies o f the E m p i r e . T h e Diaspora is n o t u n d o n e ; t h e scattered people are n o t reconstituted, d o n o t repopulate the Land, and d o n o t re-establish the T e m p l e cult, n o r d o they o n c e again enjoy self-rule u n d e r a reinstated high priest and king.
In James, "the L o r d " will rule justly a n d mercifully, b u t it is n o t at all
clear what type o f society h e will govern, n o r what role G o d ' s people will play in it. W h a t distinguishes J a m e s from o t h e r Judaic systems is n o t merely his ven eration o f Jesus C h r i s t as L o r d a n d his setting forth o f Jesus' teachings as c o m m u n i t y instruction, b u t his vision o f a way o f life for G o d ' s people that has c o m e to light in every section o f this study. J a m e s remains focused o n the problem o f daily living in the here-and-now, b u t his aim is the survival o f
• T H E D E E D S O F T H E C O M M U N I T Y IN
lQS
183
c o m m u n i t i e s , which, in the face o f various trials from within a n d without, are in danger o f disintegrating. T h e Judge is at the gates. C o n s e q u e n t l y , their way o f life is short-term, designed b o t h to preserve the c o m m u n i t i e s intact, and to assure their favorable j u d g m e n t .
73
• J A M E S RILEY S T R A N G E *
184
Notes 1.
In the discussion of The Community Rule, I refer only to the manuscript of 1QS.
2.
The Hebrew text of 1QS is that of Florentino Garcia Martinez and Eibert J. C. Tigchelaar, eds., The Dead Sea Scrolls Study Edition, vol. 1 (Leiden, Boston, and Koln: Brill, 1997), 9 3 - 9 9 . The translation is adapted from the same volume.
3.
The term occurs some four times in 1QS. Three of these occurrences Martinez and Tigchelaar translate as "Instructor" (1.1; III. 13; DC. 12); for the passage under review here (IX.21) they use the term "Inspector." Nowhere do they explain the shift in English terms. The Damascus Document ( C D - A ) repeatedly refers to an Inspector (ipse). I use "Instructor" in this chapter.
4.
1QS IX.26a.
5.
lQSXI.15b-16a.
6.
Cf. Talmon ("Prayer in Israel," 2 1 2 0 , who divides this concluding passage, which he calls "a separate literary unit," into three subunits: a section beginning in IX.26, another comprising X . 8 - X I . 15, and a final section beginning at XI. 16.
7.
Cf.n-iaX.15, 17; XI. 13.
8.
The necessity for such an attitude has already been established at IX.24.
9.
The text specifies sunrise, set times during daylight, sunset, dark, set times during the night, and morning twilight.
Talmon interprets the language of X . l a - 3 a ("at the com
mencement of the dominion of light, during its rotation and at its retirement to its ap pointed abode. At the commencement of the vigils of darkness...and during its rotation, when it retires before the light. W h e n the lights shine out of the holy vault, when they retire to the abode of glory") as dividing both daylight and night into three watches, marked by prayers at the beginning and end of each, as well as the midpoint (noon and midnight). Talmon, "Prayer in Israel," 2 1 5 . Cf. the liturgical prayers of l Q 3 4 / 3 4
b i s
II. 1,
4 Q 4 0 8 , and 4 Q 5 0 3 . 10.
For a concern with the calendar, see the delineation of the priestly courses in 4 Q 3 2 0 , 4 Q 3 2 1 , and 4 Q 3 2 5 ; 4 Q 3 2 7 ; 4 Q 3 2 8 . See also the calendrical system laid out in 4 Q 3 1 9 , and the astrological and astronomical texts of 4 Q 1 8 6 , 4 Q 3 1 7 , 4 Q 3 1 8 , 4 Q 5 3 4 , and 4Q561.
11.
Cf. 4 Q 5 0 4 - 6 and 4 Q 5 0 7 - 9 .
12.
Cf. the language of the Shema: "Recite them to your children and talk about them when you are at home and when you are away, when you lie down and when you rise" (Deut 6:7).
13.
The language of 1QS simply does not acknowledge interaction between men and wom en, and addresses members of the community in exclusively male terms (but see XI. 16, 21).
14.
Cf. V.25b-VI.2a; VI.24b-VII. 10a.
15.
Cf. X I . 7 - 8 .
16.
Exod 13:3-10; 2 3 : 1 4 - 1 9 ; Lev 16, 23; Num 2 8 - 2 9 .
• T H E D E E D S O F T H E C O M M U N I T Y IN
17.
185
lQS«
Talmon, "Prayer in Israel," 2 0 2 - 2 0 9 . Cf. Joseph M. Baumgarten, "The Essenes and the Temple: A Reappraisal," in Studies in Qumran Law, SJLA 24 (Leiden: E. J . Brill, 1977), 5 7 - 7 4 ; Daniel K. Falk, "Qumran Prayer Texts and the Temple," in Sapiential,
Poetical,
and Liturgical Texts from Qumran: Proceedings of the Third Meeting of the International
Organi
zation for Qumran Studies, Oslo 1998, ed. Daniel K. Falk, Florentino Garcia Martinez, and Eileen M. Schuller, STD] 35 (Leiden, Boston, and Koln: E. J . Brill, 2000); Esther G. Chazon and Moshe J. Bernstein, "An Introduction to Prayer at Qumran," in Prayer from Alexander
to Constantine: A Critical Anthology, ed. Mark Kiley et al (London and New
York: Routledge, 1997), 9. The idea that prayer and attitudes of the heart suffice for sac rifice is present already in some scripture passages: cf. Ps 5 0 : 1 2 - 1 5 , 23; 5 1 : 1 5 - 1 7 ; Prov 15:8; Hos 14:2; Sir 3 5 : 1 - 5 ; Tob 4 : 1 1 .
See also 1QS I X . 3 - 5 a : "When these [of the
'Community of holiness,' unp irr) exist in Israel in accordance with these rules...in order to atone for the guilt of iniquity and for the unfaithfulness of sin, and for approval for the earth, without the flesh of burnt offerings and without the fats of sacrifice—the offer ing of the lips in compliance with the decree will be like the pleasant aroma of justice and the perfectness of behavior will be acceptable like a freewill offering...." W e must al so note, on the other hand, the repeated references to special "feasts" (riir.C; 1.15) and "pure food" (mno V.13; VI. 16, 25; VII.3, 16, 20; VIII. 17, 24) in the Rule, which suggests rituals associated with sacrifice, whether in actual practice or also figuratively (cf. C D - A IX. 14; X I . 1 7 b - 2 1 a ; XIV.20; l Q 2 8 b III. 1). Translations of m r a (Martinez' and Tigchelaar: "pure food"; Vermes: "pure Meal") leave some ambiguity about its meaning. 18. 19.
CT.SE [ncnrr. ...J. Roland de Vaux, Archaeology and the Dead Sea Scrolb: The Schweich Lectures of the British Academy,
1959 (London: Oxford University Press, 1973), 1 2 - 1 4 ; PI. Xlb; Jean-Baptiste
Humbert and Alain Chambon, Fouilles de Khirbet Qumran et de Ain Feschkha I: Album de photographies Repertoire du fonds photographique
Synthese des notes de chantier du Pere Roland de
Vaux OP, NTOA.SA 1, Fouilles de Khirbet Qumran (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1994), 1 2 8 - 1 3 0 , Pis. 2 6 2 - 6 8 ; Roland de Vaux, Die Ausgrabungen von Qumran und en Feschcha IA: die Grabungstagebucher,
NTOA.SA 1A, ed. Ferdinand Rohrhirsch and Bet-
tina Hofmeir (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1996), 7 6 - 7 7 . Cf. C D - A X I . 1 7 b 21a. 20.
For a recent, thorough study that argues this case, specifically taking on alternative hy potheses, see Jodi Magness, The Archaeology of Qumran and the Dead Sea Scrolls, Studies in the Dead Sea Scrolls and Related Literature (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 2002). a
21.
See also the citation of Prov 15:8 in CD-A X I . 2 0 - 2 1 ; cf. 1 1 Q 5 / 1 lQPs (= Syriac Ps II) XVIlI.9b-12a: "The person who gives glory to the Most High is accepted like one who brings an offering [nn:c], like one who offers [ r i p e ] rams and calves, like one who makes the altar greasy with many holocausts, like the sweet fragrance from the hand of just ones."
22.
The Qumran community lived out this ideal by withdrawing to a desert plateau near the Dead Sea. Other Essene communities may well have lived in other villages or special neighborhoods (so-called "Essene quarters") in cities. Josephus, B.J. 2 . 1 2 4 - 1 2 5 ; Philo, Prob. 76; 8 5 .
23.
The individual nature of the prayer is evident in the opening language, "And these are the regulations for the behavior of the Instructor" (IX.21).
186
• JAMES RILEY STRANGE •
24.
"Vow" is the term that I have selected to call this section of 1QS. It is neither addressed to God nor, as is quite often the case in the Greco-Roman world, accompanied by a vo tive offering or promise of one, but it reads like a solemn oath uttered in the hearing of the Community and in the presence of the Deity.
25.
Cf. especially the Hodayot hymns of l Q H .
a
Eileen M. Schuller, "Prayer, Hymnic, and
Liturgical Texts from Qumran," in The Community of the Renewed Covenant: The Notre Dame Symposium on the Dead Sea Scrolb, ed. Eugene Ulrich and James VanderKam, Chris tianity and Judaism in Antiquity Series 10 (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame, 1994), 155; cf. Talmon, "Prayer in Israel," 2 1 3 . 26.
Cf. 4 Q 2 8 0 , 2 8 6 - 9 0 (4QBerakhot).
In l Q 2 8 b (IQRule of Benedictions),
it is the Instructor
who blesses the Community as a whole, the priests ("sons of Zadok), and "the prince of the congregation," presumably before an assembly.
According to Chazon, "Prayer at
Qumran," 9, the Dead Sea Scrolls contain over 2 0 0 non-biblical prayer texts of various types. 27.
XI.2b-9a.
28.
The language is strongly suggestive of resurrection from the dead on the day of judg ment: "and raise up [opm] the son of your handmaid to stand everlastingly in your pres ence...."
29.
Petitions are more prevalent in prayers from other Dead Sea Scrolls texts. Blessings in voked over individuals or groups may be interpreted as intercessions; see l Q 2 8 b (= lQSb). Other texts contain more explicit petitions; see Word of the Luminaries ( 4 Q 5 0 4 506); Festival Prayers ( l Q 3 4 - 3 4
b i s
, 4 Q 5 0 7 - 5 0 9 ) ; War Scroll (1QM, 4QM
a > b> e
) ; War Rule
(4Q285); HQBerakhot. 30.
The blessings and curses in 1QS II. 1 - 1 0 may be taken as general forms of intercession lacking any references to specific circumstances.
31.
If this is the case, then 1QS VIII.8b-9a-referring to the Community ("[It will be] the most holy dwelling for Aaron...in order to offer a pleasant /aroma/....")—may indicate the Community at prayer. Cf. l Q 2 8 b III. 1.
32.
1QS formulates the community as ^fc "inn "\m ("those whom God has selected" XI.7), UT\D ("their assembly" XI.8), irr ("the Community" XI.8), and cn» "vna ("the chosen ones of humankind" XI. 17); James, as ouvaycoyr) (2:2, although this term could refer to the place of gathering) and
33.
EKKAEOICX
(5:14).
Conducting a limited reading as we are, it is difficult to draw firm conclusions about who makes up "the men of the pit" (nne? -TOR DC.22 ; X . 2 0 ) , whom the Instructor is to shun and to hate. The epithets of XI.9—"assembly of unfaithful flesh" (b ,v -ien T.D) "as sembly of worms" (nm Tie?), and "those who walk in darkness" ("fcnn -D^in)—in context re fer to all of humanity, which the text decries generally as "evil" (nircn cn«). Earlier in the document, however, the contrast between the "sons of light" and "sons of darkness" (1.9-10), and between "sons of justice" and "sons of deceit" (111.20-21) but especially the requirement that the "men of the Community" must segregate themselves from the "congregation of the men of injustice" and submit to the authority of the "sons of Za dok" ( V . l - 2 ) , implies that 1QS envisions a separate priesthood and congregation, re garding all other claims to the same as false, thus excluding the Jerusalem priesthood and its apparanis, namely the Temple. Cf. C D , lQpHab. %
• T H E D E E D S O F T H E C O M M U N I T Y IN
34.
lQS
187
M. Peak; Lev 19:9-10; m. Terumot; Exod 2 9 : 2 7 - 2 8 ; Lev 7:14, 32; Num 1 8 : 2 6 - 2 9 ; cf. Lev 2 5 : 1 - 5 5 . The first division of the Mishnah addresses the topic of agriculture, and so of the economy. For example, the entire discussion of peak (the designation of produce for the poor) is governed by the categories of those who own property, and hence who des ignate peak, and those who do not and so whose ability to feed themselves and their families depends on the Israelite's designation of it. Likewise, the discussion of terumot ("heave offering": tithe for the feeding of priestly families), is predicated on the separa tion of heave offering from the produce of the land-owning Israelite's field; the process is therefore controlled by the intention of the owner to designate a portion of his own earnings as a gift to the priesthood. In neither case does the Israelite male turn over the sum of his possessions to be held in common by a group; rather, he surrenders a portion of what belongs to him for the care of those who otherwise have no means of support.
35.
n-.c-ic; it is not clear that this word carries the subtle connotations of "sophistries" (mean ing plausible but misleading arguments). It is better read as a synonym (and thus a re dundancy) forcriD ("deception"; Martinez and Tigchelaar translate it as a plural) and riTD ("lies").
36.
These vows of the Instructor echo regulations regarding correct speech in a convening of the Many in V I . 2 4 - V I L 1 8 b .
37.
C'ir.pc, literally "detestable things," usually reserved for unclean animals.
38.
Talmon, "Prayer in Israel," 2 0 1 - 2 0 2 .
39.
1QSI.1-I3a; V.l-3a.
40.
Cf. 1QS V. 1 0 - 1 1 ; 13b-20a; VI. 1 3 - 1 4 .
41.
Pliny, Nat. 5.17.4 [731; cf. Philo, Prob. 7 6 .
42.
An assembly of all ranks together is called "the Many" (csnr:); cf. 1QS V I . 8 - 9 .
43.
Cf. esp. 1QS V I . 8 b - 9 a also V.9; VI.4, 8 b - 1 3 a .
44.
1QS V. 1 3 b - 2 4 a . VI. 1 3 b - 2 3 . See the discussion below.
45.
The admonition for the happy person to sing hymns in 5:13 is individualistic (as is the
;
;
preceding instruction for the suffering person to pray), although it reveals that James knows of hymns. This in turn suggests that he assumes that his readers engage in this sort of communal practice. He has nothing further to say on the subject, however. 46.
T o claim that the author of 1QS (or that the Essenes) had no notion of intercessory prayer, or oaths, or petition is an argument from silence.
The same must be said for
James's silence on the subject of liturgical prayer. a
47.
But cf. l Q H X X . 2 4 - X X V . 9 , which may reflect some kind of personal confession by the
48.
The text does not specify what sins the Levites mention.
Instructor.
49.
Cf. Jud 10:10, 15; 1 Sam 7:6; 12:10.
50.
Cf. III.26-IV. 1; IV.6-7, 1 2 - 14a.
51.
See promises of "plentiful peace in a long life" to the sons of light in I V . 6 - 7 and of "bit ter weeping" during "all the ages of their generations...until their destruction" to the sons of darkness in IV. 1 2 - 1 4 a . John Collins' discussion of eschatology in the Dead Sea Scrolls focuses on the phrase, "the last days" ( c c n mn&), and so deals with 1QS only pe ripherally. John J. Collins, "The Expectation of the End in the Dead Sea Scrolls," in Eschatobgy, Messianism, and the Dead Sea Scrolls, ed. Craig A. Evans and Peter W . Flint
188
•JAMES RILEY STRANGE •
(Grand Rapids, Mich, and Cambridge, U. K.: William B. Eerdmans, 1997), 7 4 - 9 0 . The expectation in 1QS of a day of judgment at some unspecified time contrasts with the ex pectations in the Pesher on Habakkuk
(lQpHab) 7 : 6 - 1 3 and CD-A X I I I . 2 3 - X I V . l a that
this day would occur on a specific date; ibid., 8 2 - 8 5 . 52.
Cf.CD-AVII.2.
53.
Cf. Jas 5:9.
54.
From ]ny "to have an offensive smell," hence, "to offend, insult."
55.
Martinez and Tigchelaar translate this word as "with deception." Their rendering creates a pair of redundant prohibitions with "making deceit," which follows. Hence, my sug gestion of "haughtily," reading Diioa as "proudly" (fr. e n ) ; B D B 929a. nemo indicates "fraudulent"; Jastrow, 8 3 9 .
56.
1QSX.22
57.
Readme.
58.
The sanction takes into account blaspheming (bbp), using an expletive, or unintention ally calling the name in a blessing or while reading from a text, which is done aloud in the ancient world. See the discussion above in m. Berakhot about differentiating between reading the verses of the Shema vs. reciting them in prayer.
59.
See note 5 4 .
60.
Cf. VI 1 3 b - 2 3 .
61.
Presumably this language refers to ritual meals of some type, or it may be that every meal has religious significance, and one eats alone or with other catechumens during the pro bationary period.
The ancient copyist corrected the manuscript at this point.
See
Martinez and Tigchelaar, Study Edition, 8 6 . 62.
This appellation falls within a discussion of the Community Rule's "two ways" ("two spir its") discourse in III.13-IV.26. See esp. III. 17b-19a; cf. 1QM 1.16.
63.
W e examined only banned forms of speech, but the section also talks about feeling ani mosity toward a fellow, retaliation, lack of modesty (in the form of exposing oneself to a fellow deliberately or inadvertently) and crude acts (spitting): 1QS VII.8b- 14a.
64.
W h e n James uses forensic language, it is usually negative: one should not "judge a neighbor" because this is God's place ( J 4 : 1 1 - 1 2 ) ; it is wealthy outsiders who drag members of James's communities into court (Jas 2:6). a s
65.
Granted, the "rich" and "poor" language and James probably operates on a figurative level as well, and so may not merely describe people of different economic status. See Johnson, "The Social World of James: Literary Analysis and Historical Reconstruction," in The Social World of the First Christians: Essays in Honor of Wayne A. Meeks, ed. L. M. White and O. L. Yarbrough (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1995), 1 7 8 - 1 9 7 ; repr., Brother of Jesus, Friend of God, 1 0 1 - 2 2 . Penner uses the ambiguity of the language to argue that James's outsiders are "Jews who are opposed to the incipient Christian movement"; Pen ner, James and Eschatology, 2 7 2 . He then adduces the anti-Jewish sentiment evident in Q, the tensions in Paul's letters, and Matthew as corroborating evidence for his claim; ibid., 2 7 3 - 7 6 . In those texts, however, the polemic against religious rivals is transparent, and along with 1QS they provide examples of how a group that lays claim to Torah rejects other such claims. In contrast to them, James's characterization of outsiders does not engage religious rivals, but focuses on social and economic oppression.
66.
Notably absent is a true apocalypse.
T H E D E E D S O F T H E C O M M U N I T Y IN
67. 68.
lQS
189
This conclusion is based on the isolationist language in 1QS correlated with descriptions of Essene communities in Pliny and Josephus and the archaeology of Kirbet Qumran. Eschatology is notably absent in Sirach, which follows the precedent of many Israelite texts by regarding the end of earthly life as the end of meaningful existence, and escha tology is peripheral in the Mishnah. While we can find eschatological expectations (the coming of Messiah, the resurrection of the dead, the world to come) expressed here and there in the Mishnah, the Mishnah's teleology is focused on Israel's sanctification in the here-and-now rather than on its future salvation. Jacob Neusner, Messiah in Context: Is rael's History and Destiny in Formative Judaism,
The Foundations of Judaism: Method,
Teleology, Doctrine Part Two: Teleology (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1984), 1 9 - 2 0 , 3 0 . 69.
Cf. I Enoch 9 1 : 1 1 - 1 4 .
70.
For examples, see 4 Q 1 7 5 ; 4 Q 2 4 6 ; 4 Q 5 2 1 ; CD-A XII.23-XII.1; XIV.19; C M XIX. 1 0 11; 4 Q 1 7 4 (4QFlor).
For a synchronic reading of Qumranic eschatological texts, see
Collins, "Expectation of the End"; for a critique of Collins and an alternative, diachronic reading, see Philip R. Davies, "Eschatology at Qumran," JBL 104 (1985): 3 9 - 5 5 ; reprint, Sects and Scrolls: Essays on Qumran and Related Topics (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1996), 6 1 - 7 8 . 71.
Abraham is "father" as a metaphor for the heroic ancestor and progenitor, but "God gave birth" to James's congregations and sustains them through his mercy.
72. 73.
Neusner, Messiah in Context, 18. See Timothy B. Cargal, Restoring the Diaspora: Discursive Structure and Purpose in the Epistle of James, SBLDS 144 (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1993), 4 9 - 5 0 . Cargal argues that James's use of "Diaspora" is multilayered, both referring to his readers' "status as 'exiles' in an evil and hostile world," and "because they have become a 'Diaspora' by 'wandering from the truth'"; ibid., 50.
C O N C L U S I O N
The Moral World of James
W
hen making his way in the Hellenistic Mediterranean world, J a m e s takes s o m e paths walked by many others. W e expect as m u c h from
a religion in the early decades o f its existence.
Y e t J a m e s never
fades into his background, for in the e n d he treads a distinctive moral a n d re ligious course. In his exhortation, J a m e s deploys many tools o f G r e c o - R o m a n philosophers and moralists, while h e also sees the c o m m u n i t i e s he addresses as the c o n t i n u a t i o n o f biblical Israel.
However, in contrast to Utopian visions,
J a m e s proposes n o changes to whole societal structures, n o revision o f laws or adjustments in the m e c h a n i s m s o f government.
Indeed, he betrays n o vision
at all for large-scale societies, n o o p t i m i s m a b o u t the polis or the R o m a n Em pire.
In addition, although he carries forward n o t i o n s o f T o r a h observance
and purity, h o p e for the restoration o f all Israel does n o t register in his prose. Rather, he focuses his c o n c e r n s o n the life and death o f particular religious communities.
It is within knots o f humanity that revolution is to occur: val
ues, modes o f thought a b o u t the divine, and their implications for how people live are to be transformed within tightly defined groups.
In t h e present age,
c o m m u n i t y m e m b e r s wait for G o d to bring ultimate justice and purification o f all h u m a n endeavors soon, at "the c o m i n g o f the Lord."
In the m e a n t i m e ,
m e m b e r s must endure the abuses leveled by society and reject its way o f life as a polluting influence. T h e y must survive. T h i s is a m o r a l vision for a minority that primarily (although n o t necessar ily exclusively) occupies the lower rungs o f society, b u t it also avoids the ways o f popular G r e c o - R o m a n religion we e n c o u n t e r e d at Epidauros, in Asia Mi nor, magical spells, or the writings o f Aelius Aristides. Tipr), n o trace o f X ^ P ' S ,
n
o
W e find n o h i n t o f
domesticating o f powerful divine beings to o n e ' s
advantage, n o mystical u n i o n with the deity. Rather, J a m e s deploys metaphors o f receiving death from sin and life from G o d . James's exhortation draws au thority from G o d , the c o m m u n i t y ' s Father w h o gives birth, and urgency from the l o o m i n g end: the c o m m u n i t y must live o n in order to receive its reward from the c o m i n g judge. Survival is a c o n c e r n because the demise o f the group means that it has a b a n d o n e d the generous giver o f all good and perfect gifts, and has b e c o m e ensnared in the trap laid by its own alluring sin. T h e death o f
192
•JAMES RILEY STRANGE •
the c o m m u n i t y signals the death o f its faith, the failure to endure to the end, a n d seduction by its own desires.
D e a t h also shows that t h e group has been
receiving instruction from the envious, d e m o n i c wisdom o f the world rather than from the wisdom that G o d gives generously to all w h o ask for it. C o n s e quently, J a m e s draws an unambiguous line between the friends o f G o d and the friends o f the world, and he erects boundaries a r o u n d small c o m m u n i t i e s to keep o u t the vast "world" until the e n d that G o d is bringing. A m o n g the texts read for this study, such stark, moral a n d eschatological dualism finds its closest m a t c h in the c o m m u n i t y vision o f 1 Q S , w h i c h also draws sharp distinctions between outsiders and insiders, and in w h i c h confes sion and correction are key practices for the formation and preservation o f the yhd, w h i c h also awaits the e n d , expressed in its own terms.
S o the epistle o f
J a m e s emerges, m u c h as 1 Q S does, as a d o c u m e n t produced within a minority group that is attempting to define a distinctive way o f life tied to the past o f a n c i e n t Israel, b u t also looking forward to the eschaton. T h e current existence is an interim state. Nevertheless, it is clear that J a m e s ' s "Twelve T r i b e s o f the Diaspora" are n o t the regimented ranks o f Israelites envisioned in the Commu nity Rule, for 1 Q S solidifies and canonizes status distinctions, based o n its own system, rather than equalizing m e m b e r s . Likewise, J a m e s ' s c o m m u n i t i e s must develop tactics for maintaining their distinctive way o f life while living in for eign and hostile surroundings.
Surprisingly, unlike 1 Q S , J a m e s m e n t i o n s nei
ther a warrant for, n o r a m e a n s of, e x c o m m u n i c a t i o n .
S i n n e r s are to b e
corrected b u t n o t expelled. F r o m the beginning, this study has bracketed questions about t h e date and authorship o f the Epistle o f James, and even n o w it is inappropriate to say m o r e than a few sentences a n d to draw o u t a handful o f implications. T h e is sues m e n t i o n e d above bear o n any discussion o f t h e date o f the letter's com position. W e ask, in what setting o f Christianity's early decades does James's m o r a l vision fit best?
C o n s i d e r the strong links between righteousness and
T o r a h observance in J a m e s a n d the corresponding failure to separate from T o rah cleanly in the ways that Paul and all four gospel writers attempt to do. N o t e the striking similarities with some aspects o f the vision o f 1 Q S , tempered by the relative egalitarianism o f the congregational structure.
N o t i c e the ad
dress to small groups that probably are made up largely o f lower-class people, a n d references to those people enduring trials in the courts a n d tribulations in the workplace at the hands o f wealthy outsiders.
T h e reworking o f unattrib-
uted sayings o f Jesus and recapitulations o f Jesus' healing ministry—none o f w h i c h can b e shown to draw directly from the G o s p e l s themselves—and the u n d i m m e d expectation o f Jesus' immediate return without a h i n t o f having to a c c o u n t for its delay are b o t h significant factors, a n d they correspond with
• T H E MORAL W O R L D O F JAMES •
193
James's anxiousness about the loss o f c o m m u n i t i e s and even o f individual m e m b e r s from t h e m . N o t e also the absence o f instructions for families, which finds a m a t c h in James's view o f the c o m m u n i t y as a kinship group. W h e n considered in sum, these observations suggest a setting within the first decades o f Christianity's emergence, during which t h e religion spread rel atively quickly in the form o f small congregations in cities o f the R o m a n Em pire and a few outside o f it: a time in which Jesus' sayings and deeds are n o t yet widely available, i f at all, in written form and righteousness is still strongly associated with keeping T o r a h . T h e y imply that followers o f Jesus are numer ous e n o u g h to b e noticed and to face s o m e form o f persecution that is n o t yet systematic, b u t still few e n o u g h that the author views the loss o f a congrega tion as a catastrophy and and insists that every wandering m e m b e r be re turned.
In light o f this evidence, a date near the reigns o f Claudius ( 4 1 - 5 4 )
1
2
o r N e r o ( 5 4 - 6 8 ) seems reasonable. T h e question o f authorship is complicated by the quality o f the G r e e k , which many regard as too elevated to c o m e from the pen o f a Galilean, Jewish 3
artisan (assuming that we are to understand "James a slave o f G o d and the Lord Jesus C h r i s t " to indicate the b r o t h e r o f Jesus, as I t h i n k we should). In deed, o u r investigation has confirmed that the author's facility in G r e e k rhe torical flourishes and the genres employed by G r e c o - R o m a n moralits rivals the talent o f Jesus b e n Sirach's Alexandrian grandson.
O n the o t h e r hand, for
decades now, excavations in the Galilee have b e e n blurring clear distinctions between what is "Hellenistic" and what is "Jewish," and between w h o is liter ate and w h o is n o t .
4
Moreover, to m a k e a clear distinction between authentic
and pseudonymous writings based o n the complexity and quality o f language may indicate an understanding o f a n c i e n t authorship that is t o o simplistic, es pecially given what we k n o w about the use o f amanuenses for letter composi tion, and given a broader n o t i o n o f "authorization" that might include many people in the production o f a piece o f a n c i e n t Christian moral e x h o r t a t i o n . W h o and how many, for example, t o o k part in the c o m p o s i t i o n o f the undis puted Pauline epistles to the C o r i n t h i a n s , the Philippians, and the Thessalonians, all o f w h o m n a m e others in addition to Paul in their salutations? W h a t role did Tertius play in the c o m p o s i t i o n o f R o m a n s ? W e are beginning to pile conjecture upon conjecture and should go n o further, except to say that good Koine in J a m e s is n o t fatal to a view that the letter is early and authored, o r au thorized, in s o m e way by J a m e s the b r o t h e r o f the L o r d .
5
Even so, questions about the letter's date and authorship remain ancillary to the aims o f this study, w h i c h are to view the Epistle o f J a m e s alongside oth er examples o f religious and moral instruction o f the G r e c o - R o m a n world.
In
light o f the writings examined here, J a m e s ' s letter emerges as a piece o f urgent moral instruction, keenly focused o n the preservation, for a short while, o f in-
194
JAMES RILEY
STRANGE*
dividual groups o f Greek-speaking worshipers o f the risen Lord.
W h a t the
Lord will inaugurate when h e c o m e s , J a m e s does n o t say. W h a t c o u n t s n o w is persevering to the e n d , withstanding the wickedness o f the world outside, and, like G o d , c o m m i t t i n g deeds within the c o m m u n i t y that preserve its God-given life.
• T H E MORAL W O R L D OF JAMES
195
Notes 1.
Apparently unable to differentiate Jews from Christians, Claudius expelled Jews from
2.
Nero's infamous persecution of Christians in Rome occurred in 6 4 C E : Suetonius, Life
Rome in around 4 9 C E : Suetonius, Life of Claudius 25 A; Acts 18:2. of Nero 16.2; Tacitus, Annals 1 5 . 4 4 . 2 - 8 .
If the letter is a response, whether directly or
indirectly, to persecutions under Nero, any link to James the brother of the Lord can on ly be posthumous, perhaps through a follower of James, since based on Josephus' ac count in Ant. 20.9 James's death is typically dated to 62 C E . 3.
The term "peasant" does not accurately describe farmers and artisans of first century Judea. See J . Andrew Overman, "Jesus of Galilee and the Historical Peasant," in Archae ology and the Galilee: Texts and Contexts in the Graeco-Roman
and Byzantine Periods, Edited by
Douglas R. Edwards and C. Thomas McCollough (Atlanta, Ga.: Scholars Press, 1997), 67-73; Sharon Lea Mattila, "Jesus and the 'Middle Peasants'? Problematizing a SocialScientfic Concept," CBQ 72, No. 2 (April 2010): 291-313. 4.
Challenges to the old hypothesess can be traced to Martin Hengel, Judaism and Hellenism: Studies in their Encounter in Palestine during the Early Hellenistic Period, trans. John Bowden (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1974). See also Martin Hengel, "Hellenism and Judaism Revisited" in John J. Collins ck Gregory E. Sterling, Editors, Hellenism in the land of Israel (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 2 0 0 1 ) , 6-37.
5.
For a thorough treatment of the issue of authorship and an argument for authenticity, see Johnson, Letter of James, 8 9 - 1 2 3 . For an argument for a late date of composition and inauthenticity based in part on the implications of his study of Stoic influences on James's thought, and responding to Johnson's views, see Matt A. Jackson-McCabe, Logos and Law in the Letter of James The Law of Nature, the Law of Moses, and the Law of Freedom, NovTSupp, vol. C (Leiden: Brill, 2001), 2 4 3 - 5 3 .
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Cambridge, U.K.: Eerdmans, 2 0 0 4 . . "James's Significance for Early Christian History." In Brother of Jesus, Friend of God: Studies in the Epistle of James, 1-23. Grand Rapids and Cambridge, U.K.: Eerdmans, 2 0 0 4 . .
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AUTHORS
im Neuen Tetament.
Minister:
Aschendorf,
Wachob, Wesley Hiram. "The Languages of 'Household' and 'Kingdom' in the Letter of James: A Socio-rhetorical Study." In Reading James with New Eyes: Methodological Reassessments of the Letter of James, ed. Robert L. Webb and John S. Kloppenborg, 1 5 1 - 1 6 8 . LNT 342. London and New York: T & T Clark, 2007. . The Voice of Jesus in the Social Rhetoric of James. Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 2 0 0 0 . Wall, Robert W . Community
of the Wise: The Letter of James. Valley Forge, Penn.: Trinity Press
International, 1997. . "James as Apocalyptic Paraenesis." ResQ 32 no. 1 (1990): 1 1 - 2 2 . Watson, Duane F. "James 2 in Light of Greco-Roman Schemes of Argumentation." NTS 3 9 (1993): 9 4 - 1 2 1 . .
"The Rhetoric of James 3 : 1 - 1 2 and a Classical Pattern of Argumentation." NovT
35
(1993): 4 8 - 6 4 . Webb, Robert L. and John S. Kloppenborg, eds. Reading James with New Eyes: Methodological Re assessments of the Letter of James. LNT 3 4 2 . New York, and London: T & T Clark Interna tional, 2 0 0 7 . Wells, C. Richard. "The Theology of Prayer in James." CTR 1 no. 1 (1986): 8 5 - 1 1 2 . Wells, Louise. The Greek Language of Healing from Homer to the New Testament Times. BZNW 8 3 . Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter, 1998. Wilkinson, John. The Bible and Healing: A Medical and Theological
Commentary.
Edinburgh: The
Hansel Press; Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1998. Wright, Frederick J. "Healing: An interpretation of James 5 : 1 3 - 2 0 . " Journal of the Christian Med ical Fellowship 37 no. 1 (1991): 2 0 - 2 1 . Zahavy, Zvee. Mishnaic Law of Blessings and Prayers: Tractate Berakhot. BJS 8 8 . Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1987. . Studies in Jewish Prayer. SJ. Lanham, Md., New York, and London: University Press of America, 1990. Zegler, John J. "Who Can Anoint the Sick?" Worship 61 no. 1 (Jan. 1987): 2 5 - 4 4 . Zias, Joseph E. "The Cemeteries of Qumran and Celibacy: Confusion Laid to Rest?" DSD 7 no. 2 Only, 2000): 2 2 0 - 2 5 3 . . "Qumran Archaeology: Skeletons with Multiple Personality Disorders and other Grave Errors." RevQ 21 no. 1 (2003): 8 3 - 9 8 . . "Tombes bedouines: histoire d'une erreur." MdB 151 ( J
u n e
> 2003): 4 8 - 4 9 .
Zimmerman, Frank. The Book of Tobit. JAL. New York: Harper Brothers, 1958..
Index of Ancient Texts
• Greco-Roman Texts • Aelian Nat. an. 9.33
117
11.17
121
Aelius Aristides Disc. 23.16-17 47.1 48.74-78 4 8 . 3 0 - 3 5 , 80; 51.36 Anaxagorus 12 Andocides De myst. 73.2
104 121 101 121 43
82
Apuleius Met. 8.27-28
80
11.2
77
Aristotle Eth. nic. 1.2 1.4 8 . 1 , 3 , 7tY, 13, 14; 9. Iff 10.7,9 Polit. 1.1,3.4,3.6 7.4-12
82 81 83 82
[Aristotle] Virt. vit. 1250B, 1251A BWK 1
122, 123
3
109
4,5
122,123
6,7
122
10
122,123
11,12
122
15, 19
123
18, 20, 35
122
37
122,123
38
122
43
1 1 1 - 1 1 2 , 122, 123
51,52,57,58,59
122
60
123
61,62,63
122
65
123
67
122
68
109-110,122
76
122, 123
97, 109
122
112
110-111
116
122
Cato Agr. 139, 141
77
Catullus 34, 63.92-93, 64.1-04
82 16
77,79
Celsus De med. 4 . 2 6 . 4 - 5
77
46
214
• JAMES RILEY STRANGE
Chariton
•
14,28
77
Chaer. 3.8.7.2-3.8.9.6
77
Galen Med.
Cicero
Temp.
2.10 (DC)
46
Cli*. 5 5 . 1 5 2 Div. 1.129 Fam. 12.15.3 Phil. 13.1.2
81 77 81 81
CIL 12.4333
77
Herodotus Hist. 1.31
77
Corpus Hermeticum
77
2.177
81
Democritus 252
81, 82
Hesiod
Heraclitus Frg. 5
77
Op. Demosthenes 18.141
212 77
81
3 2 0 - 3 4 0 , 4 6 5 - 4 7 9 77 Theog.
Diogenes Laertius Vit. Pytk
77
535-557 902
77 81
Vit. 1.53
82
Hippocrates
6.58; 6 . 9 6 - 9 8
84
Vict. {Regimen)
9.37
82
II, 6 5 (DC)
7.110-113
80
46
Homer Euripides Bacch. 4 1 9
81
81
Horace
Epictetus Diatr. 1.1-8 2.1.31; 2.9.21 3.10 3.10.15; 3.22 3.22.9 3.22.18, 77, 9 4 , 9 5 ,
84 82 117 84 82
96, 100, 103, 105 3.22.23-25 3.22.26-30,38 3.22.42-44 3.22.45,68,83-85
85 72 84 72 84
Epicurus Rat. sent. 1
Od. 3.52, 9 . 1 7 5
Odes 3.6 Iamblichus Life of Pythagoras /G4 .l.121-22 no. 3 no.4 no. 5, 6, 7 no. 9 no. 10, 12, 15 no. 21 no. 23, 25, 27, 30,36 /G4 Syll. 3.1170 2
2
80
77
77 117 117,121 96-97 117 97-98,117 117 98 117 121
• INDEX OF A N C I E N T T E X T S • Isaeus 8 . 1 5 - 1 6
77
215
PGM I. 4 2 - 5 4 , 8 8 - 9 0 ,
Isocrates
95-132, 247-49,
Aerop. 7 . 2 9 - 3 0
77,81
Or. 15.246
77
262-347 11.51-54
117 81
II. 6 4 - 1 8 3 , Juvenal Sat. 6 . 5 3 5 - 5 4 1
145,171 121
117
III. 50ff., 95-160ff., 187-262,
Livy
494-611
Ab urb.
III. 5 3 8
4.43.11
81
5.18.22
77
29.27.2-4
77
Lucretius De re. nat. 6 . 6 8 - 7 8
80
Lysias 18.17
82
117 81
IV. 1 5 4 - 2 8 5 ; VII. 2 1 8 - 2 1 VII. 2 6 0 - 7 1
117 89
LXXXIII. 1 - 2 0
91,117
CXXIV. 6-43
93
Pindar Odes 10{11}.46
43,77
Pyth. 3.38-53
117
Maximus of Tyre Diss.
Plato
5
77
78
78
Euthyphr. 1 4 C E Leg.
5.3
79 78
46
1.631B-D 3.679C, 744D 3.696D-E; 4.709E-710B 4.710B, D 4.713B,C,D-E 4.716B-717A 4.716B-718C 4.717A 4.717A-B 4.717E 4.718A-B;
79 53 78 52 52,54 78 54 79
Menander Georg. 6 0
Menander of Laodicea Rhet.
51,77
Orphei Hymni 1-86
77
32.16,43.2
81
Ovid Ars 2 . 3 2 5 - 3 3 0 Epist. 5 1 - 5 8 Fast. 6 . 3 0 5 - 3 2 7 Metam. 1 1 . 1 2 9 - 1 4 3
80 121 121 121
Pausanias Descr. 1.8.3 2.26.1-2.27.1-6 5.15.3-12
81 117 77
4.737C-D; 4.742A-B; 4.743C-D; 4.745A; 4.745C-E; 4.753B; 4.764A; 4.814C 5.726A-B 5.739C-E 7.801A
54 84 79 78
216
• J A M E S RILEY
7.801D 10.885D 10.887D-E 10.888C 10.903B-905A 10.905D-907B 10.907Dff 10.909E-910A 10.909E-910D Resp.
78,79 78 77,78 78 79 78 79 80 79
2.379A-308C
STRANGE*
68A 68A-B 68F 68F-69F 69A; 7 0 A - B 70B-D, E
83 84 83,84 68 84 83
7 0 F ; 7 1 F ; 72B; 73A-B, D ;
74B
84
74C
83
80
74C-D, D-E
84
2.347E-367E
77
Amic. mult.
2.406C
78
93F; 94Aff; 95C, G D
Pliny the Elder
Aem. 2 9
Nat.
83 80
Def. orac.
5.17.4173]
187
417E 423D
80
23.39-50
46
Fac. 9 4 4 D
80
28.3-13
77
Is. Os.
;
360E-361Q Pliny the Younger
351C
Epist
80
Mor.
8.5.1-2
82
84B
82
10.96.7
16
93A-97B
83
Plutarch Adul
amic.
164E-171F
79
167F
81
1033B
82
Quaest. gr. 3 6
77
50A, D - E ;
Stoic. Abs. 1
82
5IB, B-C, E-F;
Suav. viv. 1 1 0 2 E - F 8 0
52B-D;
Superst.
4 9 C - D , E;
54C, F
Book 2
;
55C, E-F; 55D 56A 56F; 58A, C, C - D , E-F 59F 60B-D 61D 62A, B, E - F 66E 67B 67D 67E, F 67E-F
59
Book 4
16,60,61
83
164F
80,81
83,84
165B, C, D, E - F
80
166A-B, E
81
168D
84, 121
83 84 83 84 83 66 67, 157 83 84 68
169F-170A
80
170A, E
81
171B
80,81
171F
81
Virt. prof. 14
82
Porphyry Abst. 2
16
P. Oxy. 1070
77
• INDEX OF ANCIENT TEXTS • Pseudolsocrates Demon. 11
77, 79
Sappho Frg. 1
77
Seneca
82
•HebrewBible • Genesis
Epist. 10.5,41.1
77
20.1; 9 4 . 4 6
82
Stobaeus Eel. 3.9.23
77,81
Suetonius Claud. 25.4 Nero 16.2
195 195
Ann. 1 5 . 4 4 . 2 - 8
195
Theophrastus plant.
6.1.15
78
7.3.3; 9.8.8
77
Frg. 8.1
77
Thucydides Hist. 8.94.1.1 Tibullus 1.11-12 Xenophanes Frg. 1, 2 3 - 2 6
1:1-2:4
82
80
77
Xenophon Anab. Lac. 8 Oec. 5 . 1 9 - 2 0 ; 11.8 Mem.
16 77 77
1.2.1-4 1.3.1-4,2
77 78
Xenophon of Ephesus Eph. 4 . 3 . 3 - 4 ; 5.4.6, 10 77
22
1:11-12
136
1:26
22
28:18
47
28:30
43
29:35
47
31:13
43
49
146
Exodus 13:3-10
Tacitus
Caus.
Zeno Stoic. 1.61; 3 . 1 6 0
217
184
15:26-25
136
23:7
157, 175
23:14-19
184
28:41; 29:7 29:27-28
47 186
29:36; 3 0 : 2 2 - 2 3
47
30:32
46
34:6
85
40:9-15
47
Leviticus 2
157
2:1-4,14-16
47
2:2
136
4-7 4:18; 4:29
157 35
5:5 5:15-19 5:18 7:14,32 7:37 8:10-12 16 16:14 16:21 19:9-10 23 32 19
47, 161 157 84 186 84 47 171, 184 157 47, 161 187 184 47 157
218
•JAMES RILEY STRANGE •
25:1-55
186
1 Kings
26:10
161
1:34, 39;
26:40
47
27:2,8
43
Numbers
8:31,33,35
47
17:1
4
17:17-24
35
18:1
4
161
18:36
85
5:8
157
18:36-37
44
6
43
18:37
48
6:12
157
22:16
47
15:37-41
153
18:9
157
2 Kings
18:26-29
186
2:24; 9:6
47
28-29
184
30
43
15:29; 17:5, 6
159
Ruth 3:3
46
5:5-7
Deuteronomy 6:4-9
153
6:7
184
1 Chronicles 16:4 28-29
11:13,13-21
153
12:11,17
43
47 161
18:19,22
47
2 Chronicles
28:1-68
160
9:6; 18:15
28:40,58-63
46
28:15
46
33
146
33:18
47
Ezra 9 - 1 0
157
Nehemiah 1:6
47
Joshua 7:1; 22:16, 2 0 , 3 1
157
Judges
47
Job
9:8-15
47
1:21; 2:10
154
10:10, 15
187
4:8
47
18:5
157
1 Samuel
5:18
160
8:1-22
46 45
7:6
187
10:1
9:16; 10:1
47
11:6
46
12:10
187
17:2
45
15:1; 16:3, 1 2 - 1 3
47
22:1-30
46
2 Samuel 2:4
28
159
40:14
47
47
11:7
157
Psalms
12:20
46
4
12:1-15
84
17:50
18,47
14:2
46
18:49
47
22:50
47
23:5
34
44
• INDEX OF ANCIENT T E X T S •
219
32:5
47, 161
7:25
85
44:8
47
11:21
47
45:8
34
12:3; 14:22; 25:4
85
5 0 : 1 2 - 1 5 , 23; 51:15-17
26:9, 16, 2 0
47
185
29:1-32
85
44:16,25
47
75:3 (LXX)
157
9 0 : 1 - 2 (LXX)
91
92:10
47
Lamentations
104:15
46
3:26
85
119:29 (LXX)
157
4:15 (LXX)
157
133:2
47 Ezekiel
Proverbs
1:26-28
121
1-9
159
5:1
47
3:27-35
46
14:6
85
10:12
18,48
16:9; 1 8 : 1 - 2 9
46
11:19; 1 3 : 2 1 - 2 3
46
18:30
45
23:40-45;
15:1
149
15:8
185
15:18
149
19:15-17
46
33:30-33 34:29
85 157
21:4
149
Daniel
22:8
47
5:22; 6:20
85
23.19-21
46
10:3
46
Isaiah 1:6
10:13,21
117
12:1-2
158
34
2:22
175
Hosea
4:10
45
l:2ff
5:9,11-12,22
85
1:6 (LXX);
6:3 (LXX)
91
6:10 (LXX)
48
8:17; 10:1-4, 58; 20:3
85
40:6-8
22
6:3 (LXX)
85 85
10:12
47
12:6; 13:3; 1 4 : 1 - 3
85
14:2
185
4 0 : 6 - 7 , 31; 4 4 : 2 6
85
49:6
45
Joel
51:5,8
85
53:4-5
45
1:5, 8, 11, 13; 2:12-14,13
85 45
57:3
85
3:5
57:3-13
42
Amos
61:1
34
2:6-7a, 7 b - 8 ; 3:7; 4:1; 5 : 1 1 - 1 2
Jeremiah 2:5
84
5:24 (LXX)
85
85
8:10
143
Jonah 4:2
85
220
• J A M E S RILEY STRANGE
Micah
•
13:10b(BA)
160
13:10-17
144
1:8; 2:2
85
2:8
8 5 , 157
14:3
143
3:1-3
85
14:4-5
179
6:15
46
14:5
144, 145, 161
7:3,7
85
14:7
161
14:12
143
Judith 9 : 1 - 1 4
153
Zephaniah 3:8, 13
85
Zechariah
Additions to Esther
l:3-6;2:6; 7:10; 8:16-17
12:3
47
85
13:3
47
Wisdom 4:16
Malachi 3:5
85
3:23,24
44
45
6:12-10:21
159
15:9
45
Sirach
•Apocrypha • Tobit 2:6
143
2:10
160
3:1-6,11-15
153
3:2
142
3:2-5
144
3:3, 6, 13, 15
160
3:17
142, 143, 160
4:21 (BA)
157
4:11
185
6:5, 7, 8, 9
160
6:18
143, 161
7:6
160, 161
8:5-8, 1 5 - 1 7
153
6 : 1 6 - 1 7 , 18; 7:11, 15; 8:4
161
11:11,12
160
11:13-15
143
11:14-15
153
11:15
160,161
13:1-17
153
13:2
160, 161
13:5
144, 145, 160, 161
13:6
144
13:9
160, 161
Prologue
140
1:1-10
139
1:12-13
46
2:1,9c
158
3:1-16
140
3:17
158
3:26-27
46
4:10
158
4:46
47
5:3-6:4
157
5:7,11,13
158
6:5-17
139, 159
6:7-13
83
6:18-19
140
7:2
157
7:17b
158
7:31
157
9:10
83
9:10-11
157
9:12
158
9:13; 10:7, 10-18
157
11:14-20
46
11:21-22,26
157
11:26-27,27-28
158
12:6
157
14:1, 12
158
14:12-19
157
14:16; 1 5 : 1 1 - 2 0
158
• INDEX OF ANCIENT TEXTS •
221
16:11-12
157
39:9-11
139,158
16:22c
158
40:12-30
157
17:1-1,25
157
41:1-4
158
17:25-32
157, 158
4 1 : 1 - 1 3 , 18
157
1 7 : 2 7 - 2 8 ; 18:13
158
41:12-13
158
18:21
157, 158
41:14-42:8
159
1 8 : 2 3 - 2 4 , 27; 19:3,4
42:9-14
140
157
48:3
158 141
19:19
158
44-49
21:1-5
157
44:1-15
139
21:10
158
48:5
47
22:27-23:6
141
48:10
44,48
23:11,12
157
48:11b
158
24:1-12
139
49:4
157
25:13-26:18
140
50:1-21
141
2 6 : 1 1 , 2 9 , 38; 27:22, 29; 28:1-7
157
2 8 : 2 2 - 2 3 ; 29:10
158
30:1-13
140
30:4
158
30:14-20
137
31:12-32:13
139, 159
31:16
158
33:20-33,25-33
140
35:1-5
185
35:12-13, 14-15, 14-17 35:14-26; 36:1-22
158
50:27
135
51:1-30
141
Banich 3 : 9 - 3 7
159
Letter of Jeremiah
85
Prayer of Azariah
153
1 Maccabees 2:19
157
15:27
43
2 Maccabees 7:37
47
1 Esdras 4 : 5 9 - 6 0
47
157
37:1-6
139,159
37:27-31
159
38:1
158
38:1-15
135-141
38:2,
156
2 Esdras
38:3,6
158
9:6, 7, 13, 15; 10:10, 19
38:7
156
38:8
157
38:9
156
38:10,11
156,157
38:10
156
38:11
156,158
38:12
158
38:14
156, 157
38:15
156,158
38:16, 17, 1 8 - 2 0
157
38:24-34
141
38:24-39:11
139
38:34b-39:ll
141
157
• New Testament • Matthew 1:21
45
3:6
48
5:34-37
43
6:5-6,7-8
16
6:5-8
81
6:12,14-15
158
6:17
46
222
•JAMES RILEY
STRANGE
7:7-11
43
9
158
7:10-11
44
9:11-12
44
7:23
47
9:18; 1 0 : 2 6 , 4 9 , 5 2 4 5
8:8, 13, 15
45
11:23
9:2
4 6 , 158
11:25
47,158
9:2-8,6-7
45
13:13,20
45
9:6-16
158
16:1
46
45
16:16
45
43
9 : 2 1 - 2 3 , 25, 27; 10:8,22 10:32
47 Luke
12:31-32
158
12:39
42
1:9-13
43
13:15
45,48
1:16-17
48
14:7
47
1:17
44,48
14:36; 15:28
45
1:47,69,71,77
44 45
16:3
43
2:11
16:25
45
4:18
34
17:6
43
4:25-26,40
45
18:11
45
5:17, 1 7 - 2 6 , 2 4 - 2 5 4 5
18:32,35
158
5:20
46
19:25
45
158
21:21,22
43
5:20-21,23-24 6:9, 1 8 - 1 9 ;
21:28
46
7:7, 10, 14
45
23
16
7:38
24:13; 25:36, 39
45
7:46
46 46,47
26:14-15; 27:9, 25
16
7:47-49
4 5 , 158
28:19
47
7:50
45
8:12, 3 6 , 4 7 , 4 8 , 50,54-55
Mark 1:5
48
1:31
45
45
9:2, 1 1 , 2 4 , 4 0 , 42,56
45
158
10:21
47
2:1-12,11-12
45
10:34
34
2:5
46
11:4
158
3:3,4
45
12:8
47 45
2
3:28
158
14:4
4:12
48
4:35
45
17:4 48 17:15, 19;18:26, 42; 19:9, 10 45
5
158
5:21-48
153
5:23, 28, 3 4 , 4 1 - 4 2 4 5 6 : 9 - 1 0 a , 11
22:32
48
22:51; 24:22
45
91
6:13
34
6:56
45
7
158
7:21-22
16
7:29
45
John 1:20
47
3:17; 4:22, 39, 42, 47, 46; 5:3, 8, 13, 34; 6:2 9:2
45 46
INDEX OF A N C I E N T T E X T S *
223
9:22
47
19:12
10:9; 1 1 : 1 - 6
45
19:18
47
11:2; 12:3
46
20:35
45
12:40,47
45
21:23
43
12:42
47
26:18,20
48
16:24
43
28:8, 27
45, 48
20:23
158
45
Romans Acts
1:29-31; 2 : 1 7 - 2 9
16
45
4:19
45
2:23,36
16
4:20
43
2:38; 3:6, 16
47
4:24-25
45
6 : 1 2 - 1 4 , 19;
2:1,40
3:7
45
3:19
48
4:9, 12
45
7:5,23 8:3
42 45
4:10, 19
16
10:9
45,47
4:12
45
10:10
47
4:18
47
12:4-5
42
5:28,39
16
12:16
82
5:31
45
14:1-2
45
5:40
47
14:11
47
6:1-6
19
15:5
82
7:17
47
16:5
121
7:51-53
16
9:27
47
1 Corinthians
9:34,37
45
1:10
82
9:35
48
1:13
47
10:20
43
4:7
43
10:38
45
5:4
47
10:48
47
6:5
43
11:2,12
43
6:9-11
16-17
11:14
45
6:11
47
11:21
48
6:15
42
12:1-3
16
6:14; 8 : 1 1 - 1 2
45
13:11
117
11:17-32
16
13:23, 26, 47
45
11:29,31
43
13:46
16
11:29-30
45
14:9
45
11:30
46
14:15
48
12:12-27
42
15:1,11
45
14:29
43
15:9
43
15:33
47
15:19
48
16:19
121
16:17
45,47
16:30-31
45
2 Corinthians
16:31
46
3:16
18:18
43
4:14; 1 1 : 2 1 , 2 9 ;
19:5
47
12:10; 1 3 : 3 - 4 , 9
48 45
224
•JAMES RILEY
Galatians
STRANGE*
13:15
3:10,23-25
16
3:27
42
James
4:21-5:1; 5:19-21
16
1:1
6:7
37
Ephesians
47
5
1:2
158, 168
1:2-4
5, 24, 28, 169
1:4
139
1:5
4, 1 7 , 4 0 , 114, 180
4:3, 13
82
1:5-6
17,29,43
4:17-19,21-32
16
1:6
18, 4 3 , 9 9
4:22-24
42
1:6-8
28
5:3-13
16
1:7
75
1:9
17
2:2
82
1:9-11
22,85
2:11
47
1:10-11
18
2:26-27
45
1:12
2 2 - 2 4 , 2 8 , 7 0 , 169
3:1-9
16
1:12-18
40
1:13
158
1:14-15
24-25
Philippians
Colossians 3:1-17
16
1:15
34,40
3:9-10
42
1:16
167
3:14
82
1:17
2 2 , 2 4 , 114, 168
3:17
47
1:18
5,17,22
4:15
121
1:19
75,158
1:19-21
168
1 Thessalonians 1:9 4 8
1:21
16, 1 7 , 2 2 , 2 5 , 4 7 , 4 8 168
1 Timothy
1:22
75, 167
1:9-10
16
1:22-25,26-27
25
4:20
45
1:23
85
6:4
16
1:25
58
6:12
47
1:26
75, 167
2 Timothy 3 : 2 - 5
16
1:27
Titus 1:16; 3 : 3 - 5 Philemon 2
16 121
Hebrews
1 7 , 2 5 , 2 7 , 4 5 , 158, 168, 169
2:1
168
2:1-4
158
2:1-7
140
2:1-12
85
2:1-13
5
2:2
169
2:2-3
17,45
47 42
2:2-5
168
2:4
5,43
4:14-5:10
16
2:6
5, 140, 168, 169, 188
6:4-8
42
2:6-7
24
1:9 3:12
7 : 2 6 - 2 8 ; 8 : 1 - 1 0 : 1 8 16
2:8
18
12:3, 13
2:9
22
45
• INDEX OF ANCIENT T E X T S •
225
2:10
25
4:8-10,9
2:11
18,25
4:10
24,40,132
2:12
5,58
4:11
17
2:13
168
4:11-12
5,188
2:14
24-25,33,28
4:12
2 5 , 3 3 , 3 8 , 5 8 , 168
2:15
140
4:13
42
2:15-16
17,22
4:13-16
168
2:16
82
4:13-17
85 24
85
2:17
24
4:13-5:6
2:18
75
4:14
18,85
2:20
167
4:15
42,114
2:23
18,40
4:16
25
2:26
18
4:17
24,42
3:1
17,45,169
5:1
5,24,42
3:5
17,45
5:1-5
70
3:1-12
1 8 , 2 2 , 2 5 , 154
5:1-6
5,22-24,37-38,85,
3:2
158
3:5,6
25
5:2
18,85
3:5-6
18
5:3
18, 158
3:6
158
5:4, 5
18, 8 5
3:8
26
5:4-6
168
3:8-12
168
5:6
24
3:9
25, 158
5:7
18, 24, 8 5
3:9-12
81
5:7-11
5,85,169
3:11,12
18
5:9
23, 36, 188
3:13
1 7 , 4 5 , 158, 168
5:10
35,47,85
3:13-18
75, 168
5:11
5,40,85
3:13-4:3
132
5:12
17,169,176
3:14
176
5:13
168
3:15
16
5:13-18
27-31
3:17
40
5:13-20
3,6, 18,27-41,49,
3:17-18
5
3:18
82
5:14
4:1,5
17,25
5:14-16
5,29,31-36
4:1-2
22,25
5:15
28,99,158
168
113-116, 177-183 43,46
4:1-3
34,38
5:16
18,36-37,48
4:1-6
85
5:17
158
4:2
25, 29, 43
5:17-18
4,20,29,35,85
4:2b-3
114
5:19-20
1 8 , 3 3 , 3 7 - 4 0 , 169
4:3
6, 7, 24, 4 3
5:20
38,40
4:4
18, 22, 26, 4 0 , 52, 8 5 , 158
1 Peter
4:5
18, 75
1:23; 2:1
16
4:6
18
2:24
45 48
4:7
18, 24, 132
2:25
4:7-10
17,22,40
3:3
16
4:8
38
4:8
18
226
JAMES RILEY STRANGE •
1 John 1:9
47, 158
2:12
158
2:23
47
3:22
43
4 : 2 - 3 , 15
47
2 John 7
47
Jude9
43,91,117
Life of Adam and Eve 36.2,40.1-41.2 46 3 Maccabees 2:1-20; 6:1-5
153
4 Maccabees 3:8; 7:13
45
Prayer Manasseh
153
Psalms of Solomon 9:6
47
Revelation 3:5
47
3:18
46
12:7
91,117
Pseudo Philo Bib. Ant
• Early Christian Texts • Didache 5: Iff
16
Epistle of Barnabas 20: Iff
16
153
Testament of Adam 1.7
46
Testament of Solomon 18.34
46
Testaments of the Twelve T
Patriarchs
Reu.
1.6, 7, 9; 3 . 1 0 - 4 . 2 ;
Justin lApol
51:3-6
61.1-3,
14-17
16
Paulus Descr. 139
81
4.4, 7 - 8 ; 5 . 1 - 3 ; 6.1
162
6.4
161
6.6
162
6.8,11
161
T. Sim. 2.6-7; 4.4-6;
• Old Testament Pseudepigrapha • 1 Enoch 9 1 : 1 1 - 1 4 2 Enoch 2 2 . 8 - 9 Joseph and
189 47
Aseneth
12-13
153
Jubilees 1 0 : 3 - 6
153
5.2,3 7.1
162 161
T. Levi 4.1 9.9; 14.6 16.2 17.11 18.1-12
161 162 161 162 161, 162
T. Jud. 1.6 1 1 . 1 - 5 ; 12.1-9;
161
•
13.5-8 17.1
162 161
17.1-3; 18.2-6
162
18.3; 19.103
161
20
150
22.1; 23.3
162
24.1-6
161
T. Iss. 4.4, 6; 5.2
162
5.7-8
161
7.2
162
7.5
161
13.1
162
T. Zeb. 2.4; 5 . 1 - 3 ; 7 . 1 - 4 ; 8.6
161
T. Dan 5.4
162
5.10
161
T. Naph. 3.5
151
5 . 1 - 5 ; 6.7; 8.2
161
T.Gad 3 . 1 - 5 . 1 1 ; 7.7
162
8.1
161
T.Ash.
150
T. Jos. 4 . 1 - 5 ; 6.7; 9 . 2 - 3 ; 10.2-3 17.2-8 19.11
161 162 161
T. Benj. 3.1-8 3.3, 4; 4 4.1-5 4.2 5 5.1-5 6.1
149 150 147-149 161 150 148 150
INDEX OF A N C I E N T T E X T S
6.5-7 7.5; 8.1 8.2; 9.1 9.2
227
151 148 162 149
• Dead Sea Scrolls • CD-A VII.2 XI.17b-21a
188 ;
XI.20-21
185
XII.23-XIII.la
188, 189
XIV. 19
189
CD-BXIX.10-11
189
1QS 1.1 I.l-13a 1.3-4 I.5b-10 1.8 1.9-10 1.11-12 1.15 1.16,1.21-11.1 II. 1-10 II.7-10 II.8 11.10 11.15,17 11.18
184 187 172 171 172 186 175 185 171 186 16 172 166 172 166
II. 19b-23 11.24 III.4-5
170 175 172
III. 13 III.13b-IV.26 III. 17b-19a 111.20-21 III.26-4.1 IV.3,5 IV.6-7 IV.9-14 IV.12-14a IV.16-17, 1 8 - 1 9 V.l-2
184 172, 188 188 186 187 175 187 16 187 172 186
228
• JAMES RILEY STRANGE •
V . l - 3 a , 9 , 10-11
187
XI.l-2a
168
V.13
185
XI.2l>6a, 3
165
XI.7,8
186
V. 13b-20a, 13b-24a
187
XI.7-8
184
175
XI.9
165, 186
V.22,24b
173
XI. 12
165
V.25b-VI.2a
184
XI.9b-15a
164-165
V.15-17
VI.4, 8 - 9 , 8 b - 1 3 a ,
XI. 13
184
187
XI. 14, XI. 1 5 - 2 2
165
VI.16
185
XI. 16
184
VI.13b-23
187
XI. 1 6 b - 1 7 a
166
VI.24-VII.18b
174, 187
XI. 17
186
VI.25
185
XI.17b-21a
185
VI.24b-VII.10a
184
XI. 18
168
VII.3
185
XIV.20
185
13-14
VII.8b-14, VlI.13b-23 VII. 16
188 185
VII.18b-25
174
VII.20
185
VII.23
175
VIII.8b-9a
186
VIII. 17, 24, DC.3-5a
185
IX.11
179
IX. 12
184
IX. 14
185
IX. 16
184
IX.21
184, 185
IX.22
186
IX.24
184
IX.26
168, 172, 184
IX.26a-XI.22
163-170
IX.26b-X.la
165
IX.26-X.6
164
X.la-3a
184
X.6, 7 - 8 , 8
165
X.8-11.15
184
X. 1 3 b - 1 6 a
164, 169
X.14
165, 166
X.15
184
X. 15b-16a
168,184
X.17b-XI.2a
164
X.17
184
X.19
16
X.20
186
X.22
1 6 7 - 1 6 8 , 188
X . 2 3 , 24, 2 4 - 2 6 ,
lQH
a
186
XX.24-XXV.9
187
1QM
186
1.16
188
lQpHab
186
7:6-13
188
lQSb
153
lQ28b
186
lQ28bIII.l
185, 186
lQ34/34
b i s
186
III
184
4QapocrJosh
a
153
a A e
186
4QpapPrQuot
153
4QpapRitPurB
153
4QM
4QprFetes
a
153
4QprNabar
153
4QritPurA
153
•
4QShir
a
153
4QShirShabb
a
4 Q 1 7 4 , 175
2:1
127-128
2:2,4:1
153
153
4:3
153, 154
189
4:4 4:5,5:1
128-130 128
5:2 5:5 5:12,13
130, 133 129, 131 130
4Q186
184
4Q246
188
4Q280, 285, 286-290
186
4Q317,318,319, 320, 3 2 1 , 3 2 5 , 327,328
161
4Q408,503
184
4Q504-506
184, 186
4Q507-509
184, 186
4Q521
188
4Q534,561,
184
a
llQBerakhot HQ5/llQPs
6:1-8:8,9:2
154
9:3
129, 154
9:4,5
154
m. Peak
186
m.Terumot
19, 186
m. Yoma
161
184
4Q393
HQapPs
229
INDEX OF A N C I E N T T E X T S
153
m. Ta'anit
186
1:2-5
a
XVIII.9b-12a
185
• Philo and Josephus • Philo Post. 31 Prob.
45
76 85 Somn. 2.58
185, 187 185 46
Josephus A J . 2.290 A J . 4.212 A J . 17.172 BJ. 1.657,2.123 BJ. 2.124-125
45 153 46 46 185
• Rabbinic Literature • m. Berakhot 1:1
126-127
1:4
130
132
1:3-7,2:1
133
2:2-3
153
2:2-4
154
3:8
1 3 2 - 1 3 3 , 154
m. Sank. 6:4
161
10
154
m.Abotl:l
153
t. Sank. 1:2
157
y. Ber. 10
157
y.Sanh.
1:18b
157
b. Ketub. 10:6
157
Sifre Num. 9 5
157
General Index
•A« a u a p T i ' a . See
sin
abaton, 98-99, 101 Abraham, 5, 16, 8 1 , 91-92, 145, 147, 151, 189 Albeck, Chanoch, 153, 195 AIM, Martin C , 4 6 , 4 8 , 197 Alderink, Larry J., 78, 197 alliteration, 5, 135, 156 Ambrosia of Athens, 9 6 Amidah, 126, 128-130, 132, 154, 180 Amos, 8 5 , 143 amplification, 135 amulet, 89-93, 9 8 Anatolian Great Mother, 121 Antiochus IV, 155 Antoninus Pius, 9 5 , 120 apocalypticism, 23-24, 37, 57, 70 Apollo, 58, 108 Apostrophe, 156 Aramaic, 20, 9 0 Arata, 98-99, 102 Aristides, Aelius, viii, 49-50, 89, 100-107, 113-117, 121, 191 Aristotle, 2, 16, 64-65, 77, 79, 81-83, 200, 207 Arnold, Russell C. D., 42, 197, 204 Asia Minor, viii, xiii, 87, 9 5 , 100, 107, 111, 113 Asirvatham, 19, 197 Asklepiacus, 101 asklepion, 89, 9 5 , 97-98, 100-101, 104 Asklepios, viii, 87-88, 95-96, 98-103, 105107, 113, 115-116, 119-120 Asmodeus, 141-143 assonance, 135, 156
Assyria, 141, 159 Athens, 78, 8 1 , 100, 119-120, 195, 202 atonement, 3 5 , 39, 67, 108, 136, 138, 157, 166-167, 171, 178 Avery-Peck, Alan J., 153
Babbitt, Frank Cole, 79-80, 83-84 Baker, William R., 42, 197, 202 Bakke, Odd Magne, 82, 197 baptism, 16, 17, 21-22, 2 5 , 47, 58, 170 Baruch, 93 Bauckham, Richard, 4 5 , 123, 155, 159, 197, 203 Baumgarten, Joseph M., 185, 198 Beentjes, Pancratius C , 155-156, 195 Behr, C . A . , 121, 195 beit midrash, 130 Belial/Beliar, 150, 172 belief, 8, 44, 59, 88, 96-99, 105, 116 Bernstein, Moshe J., 185, 198 Betz, Hanz Dieter, 79, 9 4 , 117-119, 195196, 198, 207 Bithynia, 2 bless, 25, 150, 163-166, 168, 170 blindness, 59, 96-97, 142-143 Bobonich, Christopher, 79, 198 Bremer, J. M., 78, 197-198 Brenk, Frederick, 79, 198 Brosund, William F., 4 4 , 4 6 brotherly love, 162 Brown, Michael J., xiii, 19, 77-79, 118, 198 Bury, R. G., 77, 79
232
•JAMES RILEY
•o Cairo Geniza, 155-156 Cargal, Timothy, 189, 198 catchword, 24 category (for systemic comparison), 9, 1114, 2 9 , 4 1 , 5 6 , 62, 64, 75-76, 79, 111, 113, 115, 130-132, 146, 150, 167, 169, 179, 181 Chambon, Alain, 185, 201 charis, 9, 19, 53, 6 8 , 78, 9 2 , 113, 191 Chazon, Esther G., 185-186, 198 Chilton, Bruce., 16, 197-198, 200, 202, 205 church, 4, 5, 2 8 - 2 9 , 3 1 , 3 5 , 3 7 , 114 Claudius, 193-194 Collins, John J., 155, 159, 187, 189, 194, 198, 201 communitarian practice, 21, 29, 35, 39, 42, 56, 58, 66, 7 0 7 1 , 106, 113, 175, 178 concord, 61-62, 66, 82 confession (of sins), 3-6, 8-9, 13, 21, 32, 36-37, 39, 4 1 , 47, 4 9 , 50, 56, 67, 70, 75, 87, 100, 107-114, 116, 121-123, 125, 145-146, 158, 163, 1 7 0 1 7 3 , 175, 176, 178-187, 192, 196 correction, 3, 5-9, 13, 21, 33, 37-41, 49, 50, 63-64, 66-67, 69-72, 75, 9 5 , 111116, 121, 125, 145, 147-148, 150, 163, 173-176, 178-180, 192 Cousland, J. R. C , 160, 199 Crete, 52, 54, 78 curse, 25, 150, 156, 172 Cynic (philosopher), viii, 64, 71-75, 84, 113-116, 121
Dahood, Mitchell, 4 4 , 199 daimon, 9, 119 Daniel, 46, 141, 142, 158, 159 Davies, Peter H., 189, 199 Day of Atonement, 171 de Jonge, M., 161, 162, 195, 201 de Vaux, Roland, 165, 185, 199, 201
STRANGE*
Dea Syria, 121 Dead Sea Scrolls, 2, 125, 152, 163, 166, 184-187, 196, 198-200, 2 0 4 , 207 death (in James), 4, 22-27, 34, 36-37, 40, 4 8 , 67-69, 110, 119, 137-138, 142-143, 145-146, 155, 162, 165, 180, 191, 194 Delphi, 5 8 demon, 46, 89, 141-143, 160 deprecatio, 138, 156 Diaspora, 22, 71-72, 74, 85, 115, 126, 129, 135-136, 139, 141, 144-145, 147, 149, 155, 159-160, 168, 179, 181- 182, 189, 192, 198, 203 diatribe, 5, 11, 74 Dibelius, Martin, 17-18,44-46, 199 Di Leila, Alexander, 155, 158 Dindorff,W., 121, 195 Dionysius, 66-68, 8 3 dream, 96, 102-103, 108 dropsy, 9 8
• E* EKKAnpia. See church Edelstein, E. J. and L. Edelstein, 119-120, 195 Edgar, David Hutchinson, 4 2 , 2 0 0 Egypt, 20, 89-90, 94, 100, 118, 135, 147, 149, 155, 160 Eighteen Benedictions. See Amidah Eilberg-Schwartz, Howard., 154, 2 0 0 elders (in churches), 4-5, 28-30, 32, 34-36, 3 8 , 56, 69, 99-100, 170 Eliade, Mircea., 19, 2 0 0 Elijah, 4-5, 28, 30, 35, 38, 39, 4 4 , 47-48, 9 9 , 133, 151 endogamy, 144, 146, 181 enthymeme, 156 Epictetus, viii, 4 9 , 64, 71-75, 82, 84, 8 5 , 113-117, 195 Epidauros (inscriptions), 89, 95-96, 98102, 105, 108, 112-113, 115-116, 119, 120, 191 epistrophe, 136 epitasis, 156 eschatology, 12, 36, 39, 57, 138, 141, 145, 149, 151, 176, 178, 182, 187, 189
233
INDEX
Essenes, 2, 47, 169, 185, 187, 198 Esther, 141, 159 ethics, 2, 6, 59, 82 Evans, Craig A., 16, 187, 199, 200, 202 evil spirit. See demon
•F* faith, 1, 9, 24, 28-34, 38, 4 4 , 47, 52, 74, 97, 99, 105, 108, 114, 140, 147, 179, 191 Falk, Daniel K.,185, 2 0 0 fasting, 8, 16, 132, 133 fever, 8 9 , 9 1 - 9 2 , 101, 117, 118 Fitzgerald, John T., 16, 82, 2 0 0 flattery, 65-66, 113 Foerster, W., 81-82 folktale, 159 Frankfurter, David, 118, 2 0 0 frankness, 66, 68-69, 84 friendship, 9, 26, 3 1 , 63-67, 69-70, 82-83, 87, 113, 121, 136, 139-140, 150, 158, 159
Gill, Christopher, 77, 201 Glazier-McDonald, Beth, 117-118 governing principle, in Stoicism 71, 74-75 Grateful Dead (folk motif), 159 Gray, Patrick, 58, 79-80, 201
Hadrian, 2 Hagar, 5 Harnhart, Robert, 159 Hartin, Patrick J., 17, 43-44, 46, 201 Hayden, Daniel R., 46, 201 healing, 1, 3-6, 8 - 9 , 13, 21, 27-29, 31-38, 40-41, 4 5 , 47, 49-50, 56-57, 6 3 , 69-70, 87-89, 94-106, 111, 114-115, 117, 125,
129, 134-143, 145-146, 154, 156, 158, 160-161, 176, 178-180, 192 Hengel, Martin, 194 Hollander, H. W., 161-162, 201 Holy of Holies, 128, 134 homoioteleuton, 5, 136 Honi the Circle Drawer, 132-134, 154, 155 Howard, J. Keir, 46, 105, 195, 200, 201, 203 Humbert, Jean-Baptiste, 185, 201
•I* incubation (at shrines of Asklepios), 32, 96-102, 120 initiation, 3, 22, 57, 105, 169, 170 Instructor (of the 1QS Community), 163164, 166-168, 172-173, 184-187 intention (human will), 66, 78, 126-129, 131, 160, 181, 187 Irenaeus, 161 Isaac, 91-92 Isis, 80, 121 Islam, 11-12, 19-20, 2 0 5
•J* Jackson-McCabe, Matt A., 194, 201 Jacob, 4 4 , 9 1 - 9 2 , 146-147 Jerusalem, 132-135, 144, 146-147, 149, 151, 153-155, 167, 186, 195-196, 198, 2 0 1 , 203-204, 2 0 8 Jesus, 1-3, 5, 16-18, 31-35, 4 1 , 45-48, 8 1 , 115, 135, 139, 149, 151, 155, 162, 178, 181-182, 188, 192-194, 197-206, 208 Job, 5, 4 5 4 7 , 142-143, 151, 154, 159-160 Johnson, Luke Timothy, xi, 10, 16-18, 20, 43-47, 81-82, 84, 161-162, 188, 194, 202 Joseph, xi, 142, 149, 151, 159, 161 Judith, 159
234
• JAMES RILEY STRANGE
•K> Karris, Robert J., 4 3 , 46, 158, 2 0 2 Kawaidas, P., 120, 202 Kee, Howard Clark, 105, 119-120, 121, 161-162, 195, 203 Kidron Valley, 154 Kierkegaard, Soren, 7, 19, 203 Kiley, Mark, 77-78, 185, 197-198, 203 Kislev, 132 Klauk, Hans Joseph, 19, 117, 122 Kline, Mosheh,153, 195 Kloppengborg, John S., 17 Kos (island), 119 Kotansky, Roy, 118-119, 196 Kyriakidis, Evangelion, 4 2
•L* law, 2, 26, 3 1 , 38, 4 1 , 4 8 , 55, 57, 7 0 7 2 , 79, 116, 137-139, 158-159, 177, 182 Laws, Sophie, 16-17, 4 4 , 4 6 , 203 Levine, Amy-Jill, 159-160, 202-204 Levine, Lee L, 204 Levites, 166, 169 life (in James), 22, 24 Lockett, Darian, 42, 2 0 4 logos protreptikos, 71 LXX. See Septuagint
• M* Maccabean Revolt, 155 magic, 9, 80, 88-90, 92, 114, 118-119 Magness, Jodi, 154, 185, 204, 2 0 8 Malherbe, Abraham J., 16, 20, 8 1 , 202, 204 Maltomini, Franco, 119, 196 Marheshvan, 132 Martin, Ralph P., 17-18, 43-45, 78, 118, 122, 197-199, 2 0 1 , 203-204, 207 Masada, 155, 196 Mattila, Sharon Lea, 194, 204 Mayor, Joseph B., 17-18, 43-46, 2 0 4
McCollough, C . T h o m a s , 117-118, 194, 204, 206 McDonald, Ian H., 18, 204-205 medicine, 9, 69, 8 8 , 95-96, 9 8 , 143, 160 Meeks, Wayne A., 7, 16, 18-19, 42, 188, 202, 205 Meis Tiamu, 109 Men, 108-109, 122 men of the pit, 164, 167-168, 186 Messiah, 5 , 3 1 , 189, 205 UETavoia. See repentance metaphor, 5, 22, 27, 135, 144, 176, 189 Meter, 108 metonymy, 25 Michael, archangel, 91 Mishnah, 2, 125-127, 129-135, 153-155, 177, 179-182, 186, 189, 195-196, 200, 205 Mitchell, Margaret M., 44, 82, 199, 205 Monster in the Bridal Chamber (folk motiO, 159 Moore, Carrey A., 159-160, 2 0 5 moral discourse, 2, 6-8, 30, 50-51, 60, 66, 70, 89, 107, 131, 150, 172, 176, 178179 Moralee, Jason, 19, 4 5 , 205 morals, 1-3, 6, 10, 16 Moses, 20, 145-146, 175, 194, 201 Mother Anaeitis, 109 Mount of Olives, 154 Mullins, T. Y., 17, 205 Mutfner, Frans, 17-18, 43-46, 2 0 5 mystical experience, 101, 103, 106 myth, 2, 54, 120, 144-145, 160, 173
•N* Naphtali, 159-160 Nero, 193, 194 Neusner, Jacob, 11-13, 16, 19-20, 153, 154-155, 189, 196-198, 200, 205 Nisan, 132 Noah, 142, 154, 159 Nock, Arthur Darby 117, 2 0 6 NRSV, 26, 4 4 , 4 7 , 158
•
•o oath, 2 7 , 3 1 , 9 0 , 169, 176 oil, 4, 28, 30, 34-35, 4 6 4 7 , 88-99 Oldfather, W . A., 84-85, 195 Omnipresent, 128, 132-134 Origen, 161 Overman, Andrew J., 160, 194, 203, 2 0 6
• P. Pache, Corinne Ondine, 19, 197 panegyric, 54, 103, 140 parallelism, 135 parousia, 106, 115
235
INDEX
prayer, 3-5, 8-9, 12-13, 16-19, 27,-36, 39, 4 1 , 4 3 4 4 , 47, 50, 5 1 , 5 3 , 58-63, 70, 75, 7 7 - 7 9 , 9 2 , 94, 99, 111, 113-114, 118, 121, 125-138, 141-142, 145-146, 153154, 156, 163-173, 176, 179-180, 185188 Preisendanz, Karl, xiv, 117, 196 priests, 7, 30, 105, 131, 166, 169, 171, 186 prophets, 2, 5, 35, 4 3 , 74, 141, 151, 153, 172, 180 Ptolemy, VI, 155 VIII, 155 Pulleyn, Simon, 19, 53, 77-78, 2 0 6 purity, 1, 11, 74, 173, 179, 181-182, 191
Paul, 2, 16, 18, 20-21, 25, 33, 3 5 , 37, 424 3 , 47, 80, 82, 117, 177, 188, 192-193, 204-207 peace, 54, 61-62, 79-80, 82, 106, 157, 172, 187 Penner,Todd, 17, 188, 2 0 6 Pergamon, 100-101, 103, 119, 121 Pettazzoni, Raffaele, 121, 2 0 6 Petzl, Georg, 109, 122-123, 196 Philadelphos (aquaintance of Aristides), 102 phylactery, 9 0 physician, 70, 80, 117, 136-138, 156, 158, 160 pigs, 99, 109-110, 112 Plato, viii, 2, 4 1 , 50-58, 63, 66-68, 75, 7780, 83-84, 8 8 , 113-115, 121, 196, 198, 2 0 1 , 205, 207 Pliny the Eider, 77, 169 Pliny the Younger, 2, 82 TTAOUTOS,
81
Plutarch, viii, 2, 8, 16, 49-50, 58-71, 77, 79-84, 87-88, 9 6 , 113-116, 121, 157, 196, 198, 207-208 polis, 2, 9, 13, 58, 63-64, 80, 113, 191 politics, 2, 73, 8 2 polysyndeton, 103, 135 Pontus, 2 Popkes, Wiard, 17-18, 4 3 4 5 , 2 0 6 Portier-Young, Anatheia, 160, 2 0 6
Qumran, xiv, 4 2 , 154, 160, 165, 169, 179, 185-186, 189, 197-200, 204, 207-209 Qur'an, 2
• R* Rabban Gamaliel, 126 rain, 4, 28, 30, 38, 47, 130, 132-133, 155, 176 Raphael, 142-144, 159 R. Eliezer, 128 religion, xi, 2, 8-14, 2 1 , 25, 27, 4 1 , 50-51, 53, 58, 60, 63, 78, 87-89, 94, 100-111, 113-114, 191, 192 religious discourse, 6-7 religious practice, 4, 7-9, 12, 17, 3 1 , 3 5 , 49, 70, 88-89, 107, 113, 171, 176-177 repentance, 4 0 , 63, 67-69, 137, 144, 149, 150 R. Haninahb. Dosa, 129-130, 154 rhetorical devices, 5, 29, 135, 179 R. Judah, xiv, 127-128 R. Meir, 127-128, 153 R. Nehunia b. Haqanah, 130 Robbins, Vernon K., 4 2 , 2 0 6 Rome, 80, 100, 119, 194, 196
236
JAMES RILEY
Ropes, James Hardy, 17-18, 44-46, 2 0 6 Rostad, Aslak, 122-123, 2 0 6 R. Simeon b. Shatah, 132-134 Ruth, 46, 159
•s* sacrifice, 8, 53, 58, 78, 165, 185 Sages, 2, 125-126, 128-129, 132-133, 155, 182 Samaria, 159 Sanders, E. P., 16, 2 0 6 Sarah, character in Tobit, xii, 141-146, 160-161, 181 Sarapis, 100 Sargon II, 159 savior, 73, 105 Scarborough, John, 117, 196, 207 Schaffer, Peter, 118, 122, 198, 203, 207 Schnabel, Eckhard J., 122, 207 Schroeder, Frederic M., 82-83, 207 Schuller, Eileen M., 185-186, 200, 207 Sennacherib, 159 Sepphoris, 117, 153, 2 0 4 Septuagint, 18, 32-33, 43-44-46, 4 8 , 66, 82, 84-85, 136, 156 Shalmaneser V, 159 Shauf, Scott, 80, 117, 207 Shema, 126-128, 130, 153, 180, 184, 188 sickness, 3-4, 32-33, 3 5 , 46, 69, 70, 9 5 , 98, 101, 103, 105, 134, 136-138, 140, 143144, 157, 181 Simon son of Onias, high priest, 155 sin/sins, 3-4, 14, 2 1 , 23-27, 31-33, 35-41, 4 8 , 63, 67, 69-70, 74, 8 1 , 84 108-112, 116, 126-127, 134, 136-138, 141-142, 145, 149-150, 162, 171, 174-178, 1 8 0 182, 185, 191 Sinaiticus, 118, 161 Skehan, Patrick W., 155-156, 158, 207 Smith, Jonathan Z., 10, 20, 207 Smith, Morton, 77, 207 Smyrna, 100, 119 Sodom, 151 Solomon, 91-92, 160 Sonn,Tamara, 11-13, 19-20, 2 0 5 Sons of Zadok, 168
STRANGE*
Sparta, 120 speech, 5, 18, 23, 25-26, 31, 37, 40, 60, 62, 6 5 , 68-71, 84, 102, 158, 164, 167170, 173-176, 187-188 spell (magical), 11, 59, 89-94, 104, 118-119 Spencer, Richard A., 159, 207 Succot, 132 suicide, 143 superstition, 58-60, 80 syllogism, 135 synagogue, 5, 48, 169 synecdoche, 25
table manners, 136, 139, 140 Talmon, Shemaryahu, 154, 184-187, 2 0 8 teachers (in James's churches), 5, 36, 56, 104, 140, 169 temperance, 55 Temple, 130-132, 134, 140-141, 144, 149, 179-181, 182, 185-186, 198, 200 theophoric names, 159 Thomas, 4 5 , 117, 160, 194, 198, 203-204, 206, 208 Tiglath-Pileser III, 159 Tiur), 191 Tobias, 143-144, 161 Tobit, viii, 134, 141-146, 148-149, 159161, 177-181, 195, 199, 2 0 3 , 205, 207, 209 Tomlinson, R. A., 119, 2 0 8 Torah, 1, 12, 20, 25, 4 1 , 125-127, 130, 133-136, 140, 144-145, 153, 170, 172, 175, 177, 179-180, 188, 191-193, 195 Torrey, C. C., 156, 208 tricolon, 136 Trikka, 119 Tsippori. See Sepphoris two spirits, 150, 172, 188
•v Van der Leeuw, G., 19, 208 van Stratten, F. T., 19, 78, 2 0 8
•
vav (conjunction and consecutive), 135 Verseput, Donald ] . , 82-83, 2 0 8 Versnel, H. S., 19, 77-79, 121-122, 197, 198, 205-206, 2 0 8 vice, 2, 16, 37, 39-40, 5 1 , 5 5 , 57, 68-69, 113-134, 149-150, 171, 175, 178-79 virtue, 2, 16, 4 1 , 5 1 , 54-57, 62-69, 75, 79, 82, 84, 89, 104, 114-115, 134, 147-150, 171, 175, 178-179 voces magicae, 8 8 , 90-94, 9 8 von Vogtle, Anton, 16, 2 0 8 Vulgate, 4 4 , 156
INDEX
237 works, 9, 24, 30-31, 38, 4 0 4 1 , 49-50, 58, 63, 79, 112, 121, 125-126, 131, 138, 140, 144-146, 149-150, 157, 168-169 wormwood, 102 Wright, Frederick J., 4 6 , 2 0 9
XQpis, see charis
• y
•w Wachob, Wesley Hiram, 18, 4 8 , 202, 2 0 8 Wall, Robert W., 42, 209 Watchers, 150 Watrous, John, 19, 197 Wells, C. Richard, 2 0 9 Wells, Louise, 4 5 , 119-120, 202, 2 0 9 Wilkinson, 45-46, 209 will, human. See intention witch, 6 0
Yadin, Yigael, 155, 196 Yavneh, 130 yhd,
164, 166-167, 169-177, 180
Zahavy, Zvee, 130, 153-154, 209 Zeus, 72, 74, 78, 108 Ziegler, Joseph, 155-156, 158, 196 Zimmerman, Frank., 159, 209
Studies in Biblical Literature
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In The Moral World of James, James Riley Strange compares the moral system in the Epistle of James with other Greco-Roman and Judaic texts. The author of the epistle prescribed moral practices in a world in which other people, both pagan and Jewish, had long been expressing similar concerns, and more would continue to take up the task centuries after Christianity was well established in the Roman Empire. In this fresh and thick analysis, Strange's systemic comparison of texts (among them works of Plato, Plutarch, Epictetus, and Aelius Aristides, as well as Greek Magical Papyri, tractates of the Mishnah, and the Community Rule of the Dead Sea Scrolls) reveals how James's vision of a distinctive way of community life was both part of and distinct from the moral and religious systems among which it emerged.
"A comprehensive and balanced account of the community and morality of James the Just, based on meticulous scholarship and profound understanding, a major contribution to the understanding of the interplay between belief and behavior in the community of Jesus and his family." Jacob Neusner, Editor of The Brother of Jesus: James the Just and his Mission "Dr. Strange pays the Letter of James the compliment of taking it seriously as an important voice within the religious and moral discourse of antiquity. His study is a model of comparative rigor, distinguished at once by a largeness of vision and a patient attentiveness to specific texts. The result is a fresh and compelling vision of the moral world that James constructs." Luke Timothy Johnson, Robert W. Woodruff Professor of New Testament and Christian Origins, Emory University received his PhD. from Emory University and is an Assistant Professor of Religion at Samford University in Birmingham, Alabama. He is a member of the American Schools of Oriental Research, the Society of Biblical Literature, and Phi Kappa Phi honor society. He has served as Field Supervisor and Co-Director of the University of South Florida Excavations at Sepphoris, Israel, and is the author of The Emergence of the Christian Basilica in the Fourth Century (2000). JAMES RILEY STRANGE
ISBN 978-1-4331-0881-5