The Impact of Scripture in Early Christianity (Supplements to Vigiliae Christianae)

T H E IMPACT OF SCRIPTURE IN EARLY C H R I S T I A N I T Y

SUPPLEMENTS TO

VIGILIAE CHRISTIANAE Formerly Philosophia Patrum T E X T S

A N D

S T U D I E S A N D

O F

E A R L Y

C H R I S T I A N

LIFE

L A N G U A G E

EDITORS J. D E N

BOEFT —

R. V A N

D E N

BROEK

D.T. R U N I A — J.C.M. V A N

V O L U M E XLIV

—

W.L.

W I N D E N

PETERSEN

THE IMPACT OF SCRIPTURE IN EARLY CHRISTIANITY EDITED BY

J. D E N

B O E F T

AND M.L.

V A N

P O L L - V A N

D E

L I S D O N K

' / 6 8 ‫' י‬

BRILL LEIDEN · B O S T O N · K Ö L N 1999

The editors gratefully acknowledge the financial support provided by the Dutch Foundation for Early Christian Studies. This book is printed on acid-free paper. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data The impact of scripture in early Christianity / edited by Jan den Boeft and M.L. van Poll. p. cm. — (Supplements to Vigiliae Christianae ; v. 44) Includes index. ISBN 9004111433 (cloth : alk. paper) 1. Bible—Influence. 2. Church history—Primitive and early church, ca. 30-600. I. Boeft, J. den II. Poll, M. L. van. III. Series. BS538.7.I56 1999 220'.09'015—dc21 98-51547 CIP Die Deutsche Bibliothek - CIP-Einheitsaufiaahme The impact of scripture in early Christianity / ed. by Jan den Boeft and M.L. van Poll. - Leiden ; Boston ; Köln : Brill, 1999 (Supplements to Vigiliae Christianae ; Vol. 44) ISBN 90-04-11143-3 [Vigiliae Christianae / Supplements] Supplements to Vigiliae Christianae : formerly Philosophia Patrum ; texts and studies of early Christian life and language. - Leiden ; Boston ; Köln : Brill. Früher Schriftenreihe ISSN 0920-623X Vol. 44. The impact of scripture in early Christianity. - 1999

ISSN 0920-623X ISBN 90 04 11143 3 © Copyright 1999 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permissionfromthe publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Brill provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910 Danvers MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. PRINTED IN THE NETHERLANDS

TABLE O F C O N T E N T S

List of abbreviations

vii

Introduction

ix

A . HILHORST

1

Biblical Scholarship in the Early C h u r c h B . DEHANDSCHUTTER

20

Example a n d Discipleship S o m e C o m m e n t s on the Biblical Background of the Early Christian Theology of M a r t y r d o m G . BARTELINK

27

Die Rolle der Bibel in den asketischen Kreisen des vierten u n d fünften Jahrhunderts A.A.R.

BASTIAENSEN

39

Die Bibel in den Gebetsformeln der Lateinischen Kirche M . PARMENTIER

58

T h e Gifts of the Spirit in Early Christianity A . PROVOOST

79

Le caractère et l'évolution des images bibliques dans l'art chrétien primitif I . SPATHARAKIS

102

Early Christian Illustrated Gospel Books f r o m the East P.C.J. V a n D A E L

122

Biblical Cycles on C h u r c h Walls: Pro Lectione Pictura W . EVENEPOEL

133

Paulinus Nolanus, C a r m e n 26 T h e T h r e a t of W a r , St. Felix, a n d O l d T e s t a m e n t Examples of the Power of G o d a n d of his Saints G . PARTOENS

' D e u s agricolam confirmât'. L'élaboration de la parabole d u semeur dans les limes contre Symmaque de Prudence

161

VI

TABLE OF CONTENTS

A . DAVIDS

187

Cyril of Alexandria's First Episcopal Years P. V A N DEUN

Ε ύ χ ή distingué de προσευχή: U n essai de terminologique chez les pères Grecs et les Byzantins

202

précision écrivains

H . WELZEN

223

R e a d e r Response I . SLUITER

245

C o m m u n i c a t i o n , Eloquence a n d E n t e r t a i n m e n t in Augustine's De Doctnna Christiana Index of Biblical Passages Index of Christian authors Index of non-Christian authors

269 274 277

LIST O F ACO

ABBREVIATIONS

Acta Conciliorum Oecumenicorum, ed. E. Schwartz, Berlin, 19141940; J. Straub, 1971 ANF The Ante-Nicene Fathers ANRW Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt. Geschichte und Kultur Roms im Spiegel der neueren Forschung, hrsg. von H. Temporini und W. Haase, Berlin-New York, 1972 sqq. BAGB Bulletin de Γ association Guillaume Budé BCT Bulletin voor Charismatische Theologie BETL Bibliotheca Ephemeridum Theologicarum Lovaniensium BZNW Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft CCSG Corpus Christianorum, Series Graeca, Turnhout-Leuven, 1977 sqq. CCSL Corpus Christianorum, Series Latina, Tumholti, 1953 sqq. CPG Clavis patrum Graecorum (I-IV), cura et studio M. Geerard, Turnhout, 1974-1983 CPL Clavis patrum Latinorum, hrsg. von E. Dekkers, A. Gaar, Steenbrugge, 19612 CSEL Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasticorum Latinorum, Wien, 1866 sqq. CSLP Corpus scriptorum Latinorum Paravianum CUF Collection des universités de France Diekamp F. Diekamp, Doctrina patrum de incamatione Verbi. Ein griechisches Florilegium aus der Wende des siebenten und achten Jahrhunderts, Münster, 1907 ETL Ephemerides Theologicae Lovanienses, Louvain, 1924 sqq. FMS Frümittelalterliche Studien FZPT Freiburger Zeitschrift für Philosophie und Theologie GCS Die griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller der erste drei Jahrhunderte, Leipzig, 1897 sqq. JbAC Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum, Münster, 1958 sqq. JTS The Journal of Theological Studies LCI Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie MBT Münsterische Beiträge zur Theologie MGH Monumenta Germaniae Historica MGH AA Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Auetores Antiquissimi, 1877-1919· MGH Epp. Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Epistulae, 1887 sqq. NPNF The Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers NT Novum Testamentum. An international Quarterly for New Testament and Related Studies, Leiden, 1956 sqq. PG Patrologia Graeca, J.P. Migne, Paris, 1857-1866 PIR 1 / PIR‫ ־‬Prosopographia imperii Romani saec. I. II. III., Berlin, 1897-1898; 19332 sqq. PL Patrologia Latina, J.P. Migne, Paris, 1844-1864 PTS Patristische Texte und Studien, Berlin, 1964 sqq. RAC Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum, hrsg. von Th. Klauser, Stuttgart, 1950 sqq. RbK Reallexikon zur byzantinischen Kunst RE Paulys Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft. Neue Bearbeitung, besorgt von G. Wissowa, fortgeführt von W. Kroll und K. Mittelhaus, hrsg. von K. Ziegler, Stuttgart, München, 1893-1978

REAug RecAug ROC RSA SC TU

WUNT

Revue des études augusdniennes, Paris, 1955 sqq. Recherches augusdniennes Revue de Γ Orient chrétien, Paris, 1896 sqq. Rivista storica dell'Antichità Sources chrétiennes, ed. H. de Lubac, J. Daniélou, Paris 1941 sqq. Texte und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der aJtchristlichen Literatur. Archiv für die griechisch-christlichen Schriftsteller der erste drei Jahrhunderte, Leipzig-Berlin, 1882 sqq. Wissenschafdiche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament

INTRODUCTION

Homo timens deum voluntatem eins in scripturis sanctis diligenter inqumt, 'a person w h o fears G o d earnestly seeks His will in Scripture' (Augustine, De doctnna Christiana III 1.1). It is hardly possible to think of a phrase wording the difference between early Christianity a n d G r a e c o - R o m a n polytheism m o r e succinctly. Greeks a n d R o m a n s were certainly eager to know the will of their gods, but they h a d to rely on signs a n d oracles which they held to be indispensable in the process of making correct decisions. It is true that in the course of time written texts began to exercise their influence: H o m e r , the books of O r p h i s m , Virgil, a n d the H e r m e t i c corpus spring to mind. However, in spite of their well-nigh sacred character such authoritative texts did not go beyond providing knowledge a n d insight into the structure of the cosmos a n d the h u m a n soul. Revealing divine will was a n o t h e r matter, a n d for all the undeniable similarities between the Bible a n d sacred pagan texts this basic difference cannot be overlooked. T h e a u t h o r of the Bible was G o d Himself, w h o m a d e use of h u m a n writers. In their various styles they served the same truth, a n n o u n c i n g G o d ' s will to everyone ready to take the necessary pains in order to grasp it. As is well known, in actual practice the authority of Scripture, to which all Christians implicitly or explicitly subscribed, neither resulted in their completely taking leave of pagan ideas n o r in shaping uniform rules of conduct. However, this detracts nothing f r o m the general conviction to which Augustine bears testim o n y in the quoted text. 111 M a r c h 1996 the D u t c h F o u n d a t i o n for Early Christian Studies celebrated its thirty-fifth anniversary with a conference on the forms in which the Bible put its stamp on the various aspects of Christian life in (late) Antiquity. Most of the contributions of Belgian a n d D u t c h scholars taking part in the conference have been gathered in this volume. It is not surprising that f r o m the beginning the biblical text was handled with m u c h respect a n d soon b e c a m e the object of scholarly attention. 111 his introductory contribution A. Hilhorst provides a survey of early Christian philological work on the text, of which O r i g e n ' s Hexapla is the most remarkable specimen as far as the original text is concerned. This great achievement was later overshad-

owed by J e r o m e ' s f a m o u s efforts as a translator. H e succeeded in p r o d u c i n g an authoritative Latin version of the holy texts. Indeed J e r o m e b e c a m e the Western biblical scholar p a r excellence a n d he also proved able to r e n d e r account of his principles in his 57th Letter. Translating a n d explaining Scripture was a d a u n t i n g task. Holiness was not merely a general quality assigned to it by the religious awe of its readers, but a p p e a r e d in its very words, which were regarded as deriving f r o m the W o r d itself. Small w o n d e r that precision in textual matters b e c a m e the hallmark of all kinds of ecclesiastical discussions. Scripture's authority m a d e itself felt in the various domains of early Christian life. B. D e h a n d s c h u t t e r shows that biblical inspiration is manifest in the d o c u m e n t s of m a r t y r d o m a n d that the reflections on this p h e n o m e n o n gradually developed into an explicit martyrological theology, in which the actualization of biblical texts about imitation a n d discipleship was p r o m i n e n t . Scripture h a d laid the foundation for m a r t y r d o m . Later, in the fourth century, the m o n k succeeded the martyr. T h e ascetes also strove to to put the words of Scripture into practice a n d the Gospels provided the basic texts for the various forms of monastic life. Indeed, G.J.M. Bartelink marshals ample evidence of the view that Scripture as such sufficed as a guidebook, with biblical heroes functioning as inspiring guides. Specifically, the Psalms were used as the source for meditations. K n o w i n g the Psalms by heart was essential for all monks. T h e Eucharist was at the centre of early Christian liturgy. T h e prayers within the different phases of its celebration were full of scriptural reminiscences, as A.A.R. Bastiaensen shows. Biblical texts can be present in their literal shape, but in m a n y cases a stylistic elaboration has taken place. T h i s does not preclude the biblical text being at the core of all liturgical prayers, as is evident f r o m their vocabulary. A m o r e difficult part of early Christian life consists in the 'gifts of the Spirit', as these are defined or described in the N e w T e s t a m e n t . M.F. Parmentier examines the continuity of certain clusters—or 'pairs', as he styles them, of biblical texts—in the tradition of these gifts. This tradition has its drawbacks. T h e gift of languages ('xenoglossy') tends to be confused with 'glossolalia', an entirely different p h e n o m e n o n , viz. spirit language, which is difficult or even impossible to understand for an outsider. T h e r e can therefore be n o d o u b t that f r o m the beginning Scripture was the decisive force in shaping both life a n d doctrine. It inspired all sorts of new texts, exegetical, paraenetical, practical etc.,

a n d b e c a m e a guide for faith a n d piety. However, the written word f o u n d its c o u n t e r p a r t in the image: after all, ut pictura poesis was a conviction firmly held by m a n y in antiquity. H e r e one should beware of a n y rectilinear iconographie interpretations of early Christian artistic products, as if the various O l d a n d N e w T e s t a m e n t scenes are simply the illustrations of central truths of Christian faith, specifically Christus salus mundi. A. Provoost considers it indispensable to study closely the development of scenes a n d motifs, for this will clarify the fact that in m a n y cases not so m u c h are biblical scenes depicted with a p a r a d i g m a t i c intention as biblical themes are hinted at in a symbolical m a n n e r . Even current p a g a n symbols could be used to this end, of course in a modified way. In the later stages of this development, the official doctrines of the C h u r c h gradually began to d o m i n a t e iconography. T h e early illustrated Gospel books are an interesting example. T h e y testify to the preferences of sixth centuryChristians w h o were in a position to have such books m a d e . But, as I. Spatharakis shows, they are also precious witnesses of both the earlier style of illustrating the text on p a p y r u s scrolls a n d the now often lost m o n u m e n t a l paintings in churches, which were evidently imitated in a n u m b e r of cases by the painters of miniatures. G e n e rally speaking, the biblical text provided the inspiration, either directly or indirectly, by way of the C h u r c h liturgy. T h e authority of Scripture's words poses a p r o b l e m with regard to those w h o could not read. O f course, they could listen to others reading a passage to t h e m , e.g. the lector during C h u r c h services, but, as Pope Gregory the G r e a t stressed, pictures could have a useful function as a substitute for texts: pro lectione pictura est. T h i s phrase is interesting in that the text remains the standard. P.C.J, van Dael studies the various ways in which ecclesiastical authorities rendered account of the usefulness of wall paintings: they refer to w h a t is already known a n d thus r e n d e r excellent service to the m e m o i y . Scripture thus provided a m p l e material for all kinds of artistic representations, but it functioned to n o less an extent as a source for poets a n d scholars. T h e fourth century poet Paulinus of Nola u n d e r took to p r o m o t e the cult of the local saint Felix in his poetry, which demonstrates his great familiarity with the Bible. Carmen 26 is a rem a r k a b l e example of this. H e r e Paulinus expresses his faith in Felix' protection against the m e n a c i n g a p p r o a c h of Alaric in 402. T h e times are trying, yet G o d ' s mighty deeds reported in the O l d Testam e n t are a g u a r a n t e e of His support in the present a n d Felix will

prove to be equal to the great saints of the past. His dies natalis can be celebrated in the usual way. By a wealth of references to the Bible the poet links Felix' feats to the mighty actions of the past, as Evenepoel shows. Vetusta saecla vidimus, A m b r o s e would have said. A clear e x a m pie of reworking a scriptural passage is presented by G . Partoens. H e deals with Prudentius, Contra Symmachum II 1020-1063, a passage which contains a most interesting poetical elaboration of the parable of the sower in Matthew 13. Prudentius introduces the classical concept of animi cultura, a m e t a p h o r derived f r o m agriculture, in his reading of the parable. H e christianized this concept by stressing m a n ' s n e e d of divine help a n d he also developed the idea that agricultural work has a spiritual sense. In fact, the contours of a new style of life b e c o m e clear in Prudentius' rich poetical transformation of the biblical text. In the h a n d s of the clergy the Bible could b e c o m e a formidable w e a p o n against heretical a n d o t h e r undesirable groups. Cyril of Alexa n d r i a is a case in point. A. Davids focuses o n the the beginnings of his episcopate in Alexandria a n d his first a n n u a l Festal Letters, in which the L a w a n d the Prophets are a m p l y used to attack the Jews. Rejecting Christ, they failed to appreciate the final renewal in the history of m a n k i n d . At present such a way of using the Bible makes a s o m e w h a t u n c o m f o r t a b l e impression, b u t in those times Cyril was by n o m e a n s an exception. Fortunately there are n u m e r o u s examples of a quite different handling of biblical material. P. van D e u n elucidates how Greek Fathers in general a n d M a x i m u s Confessor in particular developed a Christian terminology for prayer, with specific attention to ε ύ χ ή a n d π ρ ο σ ε υ χ ή a n d the cognate verbs, which b o t h occur very often in the L X X a n d the N e w T e s t a m e n t . T h e latter t e r m b e c a m e the usual o n e for supplication; it denotes 'asking G o d ' s blessings'. T h e last two papers deal with 'hermeneutical' problems. After a succinct survey of m o d e m reader-oriented exegetical strategies a n d their advantages, H . Welzen studies in some detail the p a r t allotted to O l d T e s t a m e n t texts in Hebrews. T h e a u t h o r of this homily (with an a c c o m p a n y i n g letter) wants his readers to u n d e r s t a n d in a special way the texts he quotes or alludes to. T h i s implies certain transformations of these texts a n d ultimately a typological relationship between Psalm 94 a n d Hebrews ch. 7 clearly emerges. T h e most impressive treatise on the correct h a n d l i n g of Scripture is Augustine's De doctnna Christiana. I. Sluiter shows h o w this treatise belongs to a long tradition of thinking a b o u t language a n d texts, with prime attention

to the process of speech c o m m u n i c a t i o n , which makes it possible to transmit o u r thoughts to a n o t h e r mind. Augustine lays down the exegetical principles in the first three books a n d then turns to the need for effective c o m m u n i c a t i o n in book 4, in which he sketches the contours of Christian eloquence. J u s t like correct exegesis, this depends on divine enlightenment, a n d Augustine therefore advocates a new interpretation of the word orator, viz. ' m a n of prayer'. N o t m a n y early Christian scholars or thinkers would have been able to contrive the elegant a n d solid consistency of Augustine's thought. Yet both in their practical use of the Bible a n d in their reflections on its correct use they continually testify to a basic conviction that 'it is absolutely essential to hold on to the words of Scripture', verba scripturarum tenere maxime necessarium est. T h i s phrase of Augustine in De doctûna Christiana IV 5.8 concerns the wise ecclesiastical speaker, but the rule can be safely applied to all early Christian handling of the Bible. J . den Boeft M.L. van Poll-van de Lisdonk

December, 1998

B I B L I C A L S C H O L A R S H I P IN T H E E A R L Y C H U R C H A. Hilhorst

F r o m the outset, Christians have read Scripture for its spiritual content a n d not normally studied it as if it were just a n object of academie interest. Nevertheless, it is a text, a n d , in order for it to produce a beneficial effect, it has to be looked after just like any other text, especially if it is read in e n v i r o n m e n t s different f r o m the o n e in which it c a m e into being. So, not surprisingly, philological care of the biblical text set in at an early date. It is the purpose of this p a p e r to evoke some of the achievements the patristic period can boast of in this field. Before doing so, however, some remarks on the spread a n d availability of the biblical text a m o n g the early Christians should be made.

Spread of tfie Bible Jesus proclaimed his gospel by word of m o u t h a n d so did his immediate followers. But, in the fifties at the latest, Paul m a d e use of written messages a n d the communities of believers were not long in keeping a n d exchanging his letters. W e catch a glimpse of that in the N e w T e s t a m e n t . In the Letter to the Colossians (4.16), we read: And when this letter is read before you, have it read also in the church of the Laodiceans, and you yourselves read the one from Laodicea.'

As time went on, the communities must have possessed m a n y m o r e biblical texts, not only of the N e w but also of the O l d T e s t a m e n t . Even individuals collected manuscripts, a n d J e r o m e narrates an action of biblical p r o p a g a n d a which reminds us of that of the socalled Gideons of o u r own times. As he states in Aduersus Rufinum 1.9 ( C S E L 79.9.15-19), the presbyter Pamphilus in Caesarea, w h o died a m a r t y r in 309, was 1

Renderings of New Testament passages are taken from the New American Bible. Septuagint renderings are from the old translation by L.L. Brenton; verse numbering, however, follows Rahlfs. The Psalms are referred to by dieir Septuagint numbering.

ever ready to distribute copies of Sacred Scriptures not only for reading, but even for private keeping. N o t only to men, but even to the w o m e n w h o m he found to be interested in reading them. Thus he prepared many copies, so that he might present them as gifts, when the occasion arose, to those w h o wanted them, (trans. J.N. Hritzu)

T h i s is not to say that this referred to complete bibles. First of all, the c a n o n , in any case the N e w T e s t a m e n t c a n o n , was still in the making. Although the four gospels a n d the letters of St Paul h a d a regular place in it a b o u t A.D. 200, the Christian c a n o n was closed only in the fourth century. Moreover, there is an economic factor. Even if writing material, papyrus a n d also p a r c h m e n t , was not too expensive, 2 copying the whole O l d a n d N e w T e s t a m e n t s must have cost a fortune. T h e big biblical codices comprising the complete text of the Scriptures are a creation of the fourth century, after the persecutions h a d c o m e to an end. It must have been a privilege to have the text of the Bible in one's library. 3 Yet that was by n o m e a n s the sole access to G o d ' s word. T h e ancients, just like so m a n y o t h e r people outside the m o d e r n world, h a d a m e m o r y training we can only d r e a m of. 4 W e tend to shiver at the t h o u g h t of having to learn masses of texts by heart, a n d everything helps us to m a k e such an effort superfluous. C o n f i n i n g myself to biblical matter, complete bibles in a m a n a g e a b l e size can be bought for a song, a n d the computerized Bible text is available both in the original languages a n d in all sorts of translations. Access is f u r t h e r facilitated t h r o u g h the existence of concordances, synopses, dictionaries, m a n u a l s a n d encyclopaedias. All these aids spare us the necessity of m e m o r i z i n g the texts for ourselves. W e h o n o u r insight m u c h m o r e t h a n factual knowledge a n d we look u p w h a t we need. 2 The evidence of the prices of papyrus and especially parchment is scant, however. Cf. L. Koep, "Buch I", Reallexikon fur Antike und Christentum, II, 1954, cols. 664688, esp. cols. 672 and 678; C.H. Roberts, "The Codex", Proceedings of the British Academy 40, 1954, pp. 169-204, esp. p. 179; T.C. Skeat, "Was Papyrus Regarded as «cheap» or «expensive» in the Ancient World?", Aegyptus 75, 1995, pp. 75-93. 3 For information on Christian private libraries cf. H.Y. Gamble, Books and Readers

in the Early Church: A History of Early Christian Texts (New Haven and London, 1995),

pp. 174-176, 231-237. 4 Information on learning by heart is provided by Th. KJauser, "Auswendiglernen", Reallexikon fur Antike und Christentum, I, 1950, cols. 1030-1039; H.-I. Marrou, Histoire de l'éducation dans l'antiquité (Paris, 19656), pp. 251-252; F.A. Yates, The Art of Memory (Chicago and London, 1966), p. 16; H. Lausberg, Handbuch der literarischen Rhetorik, (Munich, 19722), I, pp. 525-527; II, p. 973; W.V. Harris, Ancient Literacy (Cambridge, Massachusetts and London, 1989), pp. 30-33, 91, 301.

W e distrust o u r memories a n d tend to suppose that quoting f r o m m e m o r y is b o u n d to lead to gross errors. O f course this d a n g e r is real. O n the other h a n d , a trained m e m o r y is able to store huge masses of text. In Antiquity, rhapsodes knew H o m e r by heart. Similar reports have been preserved of Jewish scholars. As Saul Lieberman writes, 'there is n o evidence that the R a b b i s prepared special lexica of the Bible; they h a d n o need of them. T h e entire rabbinic literature bears testimony to the fact that the Rabbis knew the Bible by heart. J e r o m e testifies that the Palestinian J e w s of the fourth century were able to recite the Pentateuch a n d the Prophets by heart.' 5 A m o n g the Christians, Didymus the Blind, J e r o m e ' s teacher, lost the light of his eyes at the age of five, which did not prevent him f r o m writing an impressive n u m b e r of biblical commentaries. 6 Even in m o d e r n times, such m n e m o n i c achievements have not died out. T h e Jewish scholar J u d a h L. Palache, who was appointed as a Professor of O l d Testam e n t studies at the University of A m s t e r d a m in 1924, did not need to take a copy of the Biblia H e b r a i c a with him when lecturing, since he knew the entire O l d T e s t a m e n t by heart. 7 T o return to the early Christians, not only the well-educated a m o n g them, but also the illiterate majority was able to gain a close acquaintance with the biblical texts, with which they were m a d e familiar in in catechesis a n d , still m o r e so, in worship, where it was usual to read Scripture in long segments. 8

‫נ‬ S. Lieberman, Hellenism in Jewish Palestine: Studies in the Literaiy Transmission, Beliefs and Manners of Palestine in the I Century B. C.E.—IV Century C.E. (Texts and Studies of the

Jewish Theological Seminary of America 18; New York, 5722—1962), p. 52 (with references). Cf. also B. Gerhardsson, Memory and Manuscript: Oral Tradition and Written Transmission in Rabbinic Judaism and Early Christianity (Acta Seminarii Neotestamenrici

Upsaliensis 22; Lund and Copenhagen, 1961), pp. 62-65, 95-96, 122-126. 6

See G.W. Marchai, Didymus de Blinde en zijn interpretatie van het boek Job, Diss.

Utrecht (Sneek, 1977), pp. 45-46. 7 M.A. Beek, "Levensbericht over de auteur", in J.L. Palache, Inleiding in de Talmoed (Volksuniversiteitsbibliotheek 2,51; Haarlem, 19542), pp. vii-xii, esp. p. χ; B. Dicou, "Het propaedeutisch onderwijs in het bijbels Hebreeuws aan de Gemeentelijke Universiteit van Amsterdam. Van de oprichring van de Universiteit tot de Tweede Wereldoorlog (1877-1940)", in K.A. Deurloo and F.J. Hoogewoud (eds.), Beginnen bij de letter Beth: Opstellen over het Bijbels Hebreeuws en de Hebreeuwse Bijbel voor Dr Aleida G. van Daalen, leesmoeder in Amsterdam (Kampen, 1985), pp. 17-26, esp. pp. 21, 22. 8

Cf. Gamble (n. 3) pp. 8, 141, 205, 333 n. 104.

Work on the text T h e patristic age witnessed a variety of efforts to keep the Bible text in its purity, to unravel its obscurities a n d to make it accessible to new groups. T h e topic deserves a book of its own. H e r e we can only present a n u m b e r of activities.

1. Textual criticism: the H e x a p l a Greek-speaking Christians read the Jewish Bible in its Greek translation, c o m m o n l y called the Septuagint, a n d their brethren in the West, at least in the first centuries, used a Latin translation of the Septuagint, a translation of a translation. T h i s was not felt to be a problem. T h e Septuagint was widely believed to be an inspired book, 9 a n d it was also used by the Jews, especially those living in the Diaspora. Nevertheless, difficulties might arise. T h e fact is, in discussions with Jewish scholars, the Christians would remonstrate over passages taken f r o m the Old T e s t a m e n t . This, however, was a tricky business. Since they h a d n o c o m m a n d of H e b r e w a n d consequently quoted f r o m the Septuagint, they might be accused of distorting the Bible a n d using fake passages. 10 Indeed, Septuagint renderings might be incorrect, but, in addition, the H e b r e w Bible text of the first Christian centuries differred seriously in certain places f r o m the H e brew text which h a d been the Vorlage used by the Septuagint translators. 1 ' 9

Cf. M. Harl, G. Dorival and O. Munnich, Bible grecque des Septante du judaïsme

hellénistique au christianisme ancien (Initiations au christianisme ancien; [Paris], 1988),

pp. 41, 46-47, 289, 294-295, and in particular C. Perrot, "L'inspiration des Septante et le pouvoir scripturaire", in G. Dorival and O. Munnich (eds.), Κατά τους ο'. Selon les Septante: Trente études sur la Bible grecque des Septante en hommage à Marguerite Harl (Paris,

1995), pp. 169-183, who also lists the earlier literature. 10

Cf. M. Simon, Verus Israel: Étude sur Us relations entre chrétiens et Juifs dans l'Empire

romain (135-425) (Paris, 19642), pp. 184-185; N.R.M. de Lange, Origen and the Jews: Studies in Jewish-Christian Relations in Third-Century Palestine (University of Cambridge

Oriental Publications 25; Cambridge etc., 1976), pass.; P. Nautin, Origène: Sa vie et son mane (Christianisme antique 1; Paris, 1977), p. 346; E. Würthwein, Der Text des Alten Testaments: Eine Einführung in die Biblia Hebraica (Stuttgart, 1988 5 ), p. 63; Harl—Dori-

val—Munnich (n. 9) pp. 122-125, 164-165, 290; H. Schreckenberg, Die christlichen Adversus-Judaeos-Texte und ihr literarisches und historisches Umfeld (1.-11.Jh..) (Europäische

Hochschulschriften 23.172; Frankfurt on the Main etc., 19953), p. 330. 11

See Ε. Τ ο ν , Textual Criticism of the Hebrew Bible (Minneapolis and A s s e n / M a a s tricht, 1992), p. 142; G. Veltri, Eine Tora fur den König Talmai: Untersuchungen zum Übersetzungsverständnis in der jüdisch-hellenistischen und rabbinischen Literatur (Texte und Stu-

dien zum Antiken Judentum 41; Tübingen, 1994), pp. 22-112.

T h i s p r o b l e m was tackled in a radical way by the great thirdcentury theologian Origen. Feeling the need of a direct comparison between the H e b r e w text a n d the Septuagint, he devised a tool that presented b o t h texts in a synoptic a r r a n g e m e n t ; for reasons that will presently b e c o m e clear, this work went down in history as the Hexapla, the Sixfold. H o w did he proceed? 1 2 H e divided his parchm e n t into six columns a n d filled t h e m in f r o m the left to the right as follows: in the first column he wrote the H e b r e w text current in his day, 1 3 in the second one the same text in Greek transliteration, in the third o n e a most literal Greek translation f r o m H e b r e w , m a d e c. A.D. 130 by Aquila, in the fourth o n e a still m o r e recent translation, in better Greek, by S y m m a c h u s . Aquila a n d S y m m a c h u s were Greekspeaking Jews. 1 4 T h e s e four columns collectively provided all the inf o r m a t i o n o n e needed: the H e b r e w text in H e b r e w a n d Greek characters a n d Greek translations, both literal a n d free, in o r d e r to reflect the f o r m as well as the tenor of the original. T h e r e were, however, still a fifth a n d a sixth c o l u m n . O f these, the fifth was filled by the Septuagint. As I remarked already, the Septuagint sometimes diverged f r o m the H e b r e w text of O r i g e n ' s time. T h i s was carefully m a r k e d . If a piece of text was absent f r o m the Septuagint, he filled the gap, putting an asterisk before it. T h e opposite case, a piece of 12

For the following, details may be found in Nautin (n. 10) 303-361; N. Fernández Marcos, Introducciôn a las versiones griegas de la Biblia (Textos y Estudios «Cardenal Cisneros» 23; Madrid, 1979), pp. 191-2Í1; Harl—Dorival—Munnich (n. 9) pp. 162168. There is an interesting survey on "Tabular presentation in antiquity and in nineteenth-century classical philology" in J. Mansfeld and D.T. Runia, Aëtiana: The Method and Intellectual Context of a Doxographer, I, The Sources (Philosophia Antiqua 73;

Leiden, New York and Cologne, 1997), pp. 111-120 (p. I l l on the Hexapla). 13 It is still a matter of dispute whether Origen made himself familiar with Hebrew or whether he relied for that language on Jewish assistants. Whereas G. Sgherri, "A proposito di Origene e la lingua ebraica", Augustinianum 14, 1974, pp. 223-257, argues for a serious knowledge of Hebrew on Origen's part, Nautin (n. 10) pp. 336337, D. Barthélémy, Études d'histoire du texte de l'Ancien Testament (Orbis Biblicus et

Orientalis 21; Fribourg and Göttingen, 1978), pp. 162-163, 210, followed by Harl— Dorival—Munnich (n. 9) p. 290, denies him any familiarity with it. N.R.M. de Lange (η. 10) pp. 21-23, 152-154, Fernández Marcos (η. 12) pp. 191-193 and Β. Neuschäfer, Chigenes als Philologe (Schweizerische Beiträge zur Altertumswissenschaft 18,1-2; Basel, 1987), pp. 95-96, are somewhere in between. 14 The problems related to the texts of Aquila and Symmachus as well as Theodotion presendy to be mentioned cannot be unfolded here. See E. Schürer, The History of the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus Christ (175 B.C.-A.D. 135): A New English Version Revised and Edited by G. Vermes, F. Millar, M. Goodman, III. 1 (Edinburgh, 1986),

pp. 493-504 (Aquila and Theodotion only); Harl—Dorival—Munnich (n. 9) pp. 142157; Τον (η. 11) pp. 145-147.

Septuagint text lacking in the H e b r e w , he m a r k e d with a n obelus. Finally, in the sixth c o l u m n , he placed the translation by T h e o d o t i o n , a Jewish translation f r o m the middle of the first century A.D. Actually, it is not so m u c h a n e w translation as a revision of the Septuagint text according to the H e b r e w . In this way O r i g e n established a magnificent d o c u m e n t a t i o n , which enabled Christian scholars to inform themselves a b o u t the omissions in a n d the additions to the Septuagint, a b o u t the H e b r e w text, in transliteration if desired, a n d a b o u t the exact content of that H e b r e w text b o t h in a literal reproduction a n d in a readable rendering. Given the fact that this work comprised six O l d T e s t a m e n t s written side by side a n d that the writing was d o n e in not too small characters a n d without abbreviations worthy of m e n t i o n , this Hexapla clearly filled m a n y codices; it has been calculated to have consisted of at least 6,500 pages. 1 5 C o n s e q u e n t l y it must have been a very expensive production, which was preserved in the library in C a e s a r e a a n d probably was never •copied in its entirety. 1 6 Partial transcriptions, however, were m a d e , a n d a large p a r t of the Psalms has been recovered. A century a n d a half later J e r o m e could still consult the Hexapla b u t afterwards the ravages of time caused its irretrievable loss. 17 T a k e n altogether, it was a philological achievement of a stature which reminds one of the great polyglot Bible editions of the sixteenth a n d seventeenth centuries.

2. Comparing the gospels: Eusebius‫ י‬synoptic system O n e of the basic tools we use in studying the differences a n d agreements between the gospels is the synopsis, which presents the texts in parallel columns. Christian Antiquity h a d to d o without this tool but did use a n o t h e r one, known as the c a n o n s of Eusebius. Its a u t h o r is the well-known C h u r c h historian a n d biblical scholar Eusebius, bishop of Caesarea, w h o lived f r o m c. 260 to c. 340. His aim was to

15

H.B. Swete—R.R. Ottley, An Introduction to the Old Testament in Greek (Cambridge, 1914 = New York, 1968), p. 74. 16 Swete—Otdey (n. 15) pp. 74, 76. Cf. G. Cavallo, "Scuola, scriptorium, biblioteca a Cesarea" in id. (ed.), Le biblioteche nel mondo antico e medievale (Biblioteca Universale Laterza 250; Rome and Bari, 1988), pp. 65-78, esp. p. 71. 17

Cf. F. Field, Origenis Hexaplorum quae supersunt, I (Oxford, 1875 = Hildesheim,

1964), pp. xcviii-ci ("De fatis Hexaplorum post Origenis obitum"); Cavallo (n. 16) pp. 72-75.

devise a system indicating, for each section of a given gospel, which sections in the o t h e r gospels, if any, corresponded with it. 18 T o begin with, he d e m a r c a t e d a n d n u m b e r e d the sections. T h e r e are 335 sections in M a t t h e w , 236 in M a r k , 342 in Luke, a n d 232 in J o h n . H e wrote the n u m b e r s d o w n in the margins. T h e n he established a chart showing the correspondences between the sections of the different gospels. H e organized his material in ten lists of possible combinations (these are the 'canons of Eusebius'). T h e first c a n o n offers the sections occurring in all of the gospels. C a n o n s 2 to 4 list the sections shared by three gospels: c a n o n 2 M a t t h e w , M a r k a n d Luke, c a n o n 3 M a t t h e w , Luke a n d J o h n , a n d c a n o n 4 M a t t h e w , M a r k a n d J o h n . T h e fifth to ninth canons contain the sections occurring in two out of the f o u r gospels: 5 M a t t h e w — L u k e , 6 M a t t h e w — Mark, 7 Matthew—John, 8 Luke—Mark, and 9 Luke—John. T h e tenth a n d last c a n o n contains the sections occurring in only o n e of the gospels. 19 T h u s each section belongs to o n e a n d only one of the ten canons. T h e n u m b e r of this c a n o n is a p p e n d e d to the section n u m b e r s in the margins of the text. For instance, Luke 11.5-8, has 124 as its section n u m b e r ; it does not correspond to a section in a n y of the other gospels, so it belongs to c a n o n 10. T h i s is indicated: 124.10. Students of the gospels were thus spared the trouble of looking u p the tables to see if there were corresponding sections: section 10 contains the Sondergut. Conversely, Luke 20.1-8 is n u m b e r e d 240, which belongs to c a n o n 2 (Matthew, M a r k , Luke). A glance at the tables reveals that it corresponds to section 217 of M a t t h e w , which is M a t t . 21.23-27 in o u r m o d e m n u m b e r i n g , a n d section 127 of M a r k , which is M a r k 11.27-33. Eusebius' c a n o n s were to have a lasting success; they are a d d e d to countless gospel manuscripts b o t h in Greek, Syriac etc., a n d Latin.' 20 Even n o w they are regarded as being sufficiently useful to print t h e m in the leading N e w T e s t a m e n t edition by Nestle a n d Aland. 18 For the following, cf. Κ. and Β. Aland, The Text of the New Testament: An Introduction to the Critical Editions and to the Theory and Practice of Modem Textual Criticism (Grand

Rapids and Leiden, 1987), pp. 174, 247-248, 250-251; F.L. Cross and E.A. Livingstone (eds.), The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church (Oxford, 19973), p. 574; Mansfeld—Runia (n. 12) pp. 115-116. 19 In the canons of three gospels (2 to 4) and those of two gospels (5 to 9), one combination each is lacking: that of Mark, Luke and John and that of John and Mark, respectively, for the simple reason that these combinations do not occur in the New Testament. 20

B. Bischoff, Latin Palaeography: Antiquity and the Middle Ages (Cambridge, 1990), pp.

188, 209.

3. Biblical

idiom: Hadrian's

Introduction

I n t h e first h a l f o f t h e fifth c e n t u r y , a n i m p o r t a n t r e f e r e n c e w o r k f o r b i b l i c a l l a n g u a g e a n d style s a w t h e light, t h e Ε ι σ α γ ω γ ή ε ι ς τ ά ς θ ε ί α ς γ ρ α φ ά ς b y t h e G r e e k m o n k H a d r i a n . 2 1 It is n o t w h a t w e w o u l d call a n ' I n t r o d u c t i o n to t h e Bible', b u t a well-organised survey of biblical w o r d s a n d t u r n s o f p h r a s e . It c o n t a i n s m a n y s t r i k i n g r e m a r k s

and

testifies t o t h e i n t i m a t e k n o w l e d g e C h r i s t i a n e x e g e t e s h a d o f t h e p e culiarities of biblical l a n g u a g e . T h u s H a d r i a n points o u t t h a t Scripture often has the v e r b in the f u t u r e w h e r e w e should expect a n aorist a n d v i c e v e r s a (§96), w h i c h is o n e o f t h e m o r e r e m a r k a b l e S e m i t i s m s of t h e Septuagint.22 T h e a u t h o r h a s also a subtle feeling for t h e senses a w o r d c a n h a v e . L e t u s t a k e h i s d i s c u s s i o n o f σ ά ρ ξ a s a n e x a m p l e (§ 92): Often the word 'flesh' is used. This may be meant in its physical sense, as in 'They have given the flesh of thy holy ones for the wild beasts of the earth' (Ps. 78.2), or to indicate wickedness, as in 'My Spirit shall certainly not remain a m o n g these men forever, because they are flesh' (Gen. 6.4), or to indicate mortality, as in 'And he remembered that they are flesh; a wind that passes away' (Ps. 77.39), and 'All flesh is grass' (Is. 40.6). Likewise the Apostle says 'Even if we once knew Christ according to the flesh' (2 Cor. 5.16), i.e. in his mortal form, and as in 'In the days when he was in the flesh' (Heb. 5.7) and 'Flesh and blood cannot inherit the kingdom of God' (1 Cor. 15.50) and 'Insofar as I now live in the flesh, I live by faith' (Gal. 2.20), or in the sense of kinship, as with Hosea 'My flesh is of them' (Hos. 9.12) and 'Behold, we are thy bone and thy flesh, yesterday and the third day' (2 Kings [= 2 Sam.] 5.1-2), and 'Ye are my brethren, ye are my bones and my flesh' (2 Kings [= 2 Sam.] 19.12) and, as is said to Amessai, 'Art thou not my bone and my flesh?'

21

See F. Goessling, Adrians Εισαγωγή εις τάς θείας γραφάς aus neu aufgefundenen

Handschriften herausgegeben, übersetzt und erläutert (Berlin, 1887), pp. 1-68; G. Mercati, "Pro Adriano", Revue Biblique Internationale 11, 1914, pp. 246-255 and in id., Opere

Minori III (Studi e Testi 78; Vatican City, 1937), pp. 383-392; C. Schäublin, Untersuchungen zu Methode und Herkunft der antiochenischen Exegese (Theophaneia 23; Cologne

and Bonn, 1974), p. 138 n. 222. 22

F.W. Mozley, The Psalter of the Church: The Septuagint Psalms Compared with the

Hebrew, with Various Notes (Cambridge, 1905), pp. xvi-xvii. This phenomenon also makes itself felt in the Latin Bible translations, cf. F. Kaulen, Sprachliches Handbuch zur biblischen Vulgata: Eine systematische Darstellung ihres lateinischen Sprachcharakters (Freiburg

im Breisgau, 19042 = Hildesheim and New York, 1973), pp. 226-227; A. Blaise, Manuel du latin chrétien (Strasbourg, 1955 = Turnhout, 1986), pp. 128-129, as Jerome more than once points out, cf. G.Q.A. Meershoek, Le latin biblique d'après saint Jérôme: Aspects linguistiques de la rencontre entre la Bible et le monde classique (Latinitas Christia-

norum Primaeva 20; Nijmegen and Utrecht, 1966), p. 24.

(2 Kings [= 2 S a m . ] 19.13) and 'In order to make m y race [litt, 'flesh'] jealous' (Rom. 11.14).

A m o d e r n lexicographer would not need to be a s h a m e d of such a survey. A m o n g the figures of speech, he discusses the hyperbole, illustrâting his exposition with, inter alia, the following texts (§121): 'It is easier for a camel to pass t h r o u g h the eye of a needle' (Matt. 19.24), 'If your right eye causes you to sin, tear it o u t ' (Matt. 5.29), ' N o t the smallest letter or the smallest part of a letter will pass f r o m the law' (Matt. 5.18). T h i s is good evidence for an exegetical practice of trying to u n d e r s t a n d w h a t a text has to say instead of explaining away seemingly strange statements by allegorising or o t h e r means.

4. Translation: the Vulgate In the Greek world, Christians could use the Bible translations m a d e by Jews; w h e n p r e p a r i n g his Hexapla, O r i g e n did not need to translate personally. 111 the Latin West, things were different. T h e r e m a y have been Jewish translations of the Bible into Latin; this is still a m a t t e r of dispute. 2 3 In a n y case, f r o m the second century onwards, Latin Christians have p r o d u c e d translations, b o t h of the O l d T e s t a m e n t , i.e. the Septuagint, a n d of the N e w T e s t a m e n t . T h e s e were partial ones, m a d e in different places a n d times by people u n k n o w n to us. T o g e t h e r they are called the ' O l d Latin Versions'. T h e y h a d different drawbacks: their stylistic level, their obscurities, the text f r o m which they were m a d e , their irritating m u t u a l differences. T o overcome these inconveniences, Pope D a m a s u s commissioned J e r o m e in c. 382 to revise the biblical text. 24 J e r o m e started work in 383 a n d corrected the O l d Latin text of the f o u r Gospels in a c c o r d a n c e with the Greek; he also revised a n u m b e r of O l d T e s t a m e n t books according to the 23

See V. Colorni, "L'uso del greco neUa liturgia del giudaismo ellenistico e la Novella 146 di Giusriniano", Annali di Storia del Dintlo 8, 1964, pp. 19-80, esp. pp. 7578; G. Quispel, "African Christianity before Minucius Felix and Tertullian", in J. den Boeft and A.H.M. Kessels (eds.), Actus: Studies in Honour of H.L. W. Nelson (Utrecht, 1982), pp. 257-335, esp. pp. 260-265; B. Kedar, "The Latin Translations", in M.J. Mulder (ed.), Mikra: Text, Translation, Reading and Interpretation of the Hebrew Bible in

Ancient Judaism and Early Christianity (Compendia Rerum Iudaicarum ad Novum Testamentum 2,1; Assen/Maastricht and Philadelphia, 1988), pp. 299-338, esp. pp. 308-311, 337. 24 For details of Jerome's work, see Kedar (n. 23) pp. 313-338; D. Brown, Vir Trihnguis: A Study in the Biblical Exegesis of Saint Jerome (Kampen, 1992), pp. 87-120; C.

Brown Tkacz, "Labor tarn utilis: The Creation of the Vulgate", Vigiliae Christianae 50, 1996, pp. 42-72.

Septuagint. 2 5 In c. 390 h e c h a n g e d his tack, translating the O l d Test a m e n t directly f r o m the H e b r e w a n d in a m u c h freer style t h a n the O l d Latin h a d done. T h e j o b was finished in 405. It resulted in a text which eventually was called the Vulgate a n d was to remain the official text of the Catholic C h u r c h until April 27, 1979. 26 T h i s translation, the only ancient Bible version which is the work of o n e person, is a n achievement which measures u p to Origen's Hexapla. Unlike Origen, J e r o m e h a d to d o with not one foreign Ianguage, the H e b r e w , but two, Greek a n d H e b r e w . K n o w l e d g e of Greek was not too exceptional a m o n g educated Latin speaking Christians of the fourth a n d fifth centuries, although n o less a brain t h a n Augustine h a d his difficulties with it. H e b r e w , however, was a different matter. According to his own statements, J e r o m e familiarized himself with H e b r e w , helped by a Jewish teacher. 2 7 But can we trust his assertions? J e r o m e was able to consult the Hexapla a n d thus take cognizance of the H e b r e w text, the Septuagint (which did n o t always agree with the Hebrew) a n d three later Jewish versions, those by Aquila, S y m m a c h u s a n d T h e o d o t i o n , which h a d been a d d e d because, together, they gave a n exact impression of the H e b r e w text. If, however, Aquila, S y m m a c h u s a n d T h e o d o t i o n f o r m , so to speak, a replica of the H e b r e w text, w h y shouldn't o n e base the Latin translation u p o n this trio, thus sparing oneself the trouble of rendering f r o m H e b r e w , which, after all, is a n exotic a n d difficult language? Indeed, there are occasional indications of J e r o m e proceeding in this way. 2 8 Nevertheless, we m a y be certain that he did master H e b r e w . T h i s comes to light both f r o m a careful study of his translation a n d f r o m the m a n y philological remarks in his o t h e r writings. Indeed, J e r o m e expresses himself frequently on translation questions in his biblical c o m m e n t a r i e s a n d his letters, a n d we c a n n o t take o u r leave of him before pointing to the fact that he also gave his theoretical views on the art of translating. Particularly his 57th Letter, superscribed Liber de optimo genere interpretanda which is a treatise of ten 25

After Origen's Hexaplaric version. Little of it has been preserved, only Job and the Psalter, but the latter has become the official version of liturgy (the 'Gallican Psalter'). 26 W. Baars, "Exit Vulgata: Nabetrachting bij een Bijbelvertaling", Ned.erla.nds Theologisch Tijdschúfi 35, 1981, pp. 101-110, esp. p. 101. 27

Actually, a monk of Jewish origin; cf. Kedar (n. 23) p. 315.

28

Cf. C. Estin, Les Psautiers de Jérôme à la lumière des traductions juives antérieures (Col-

lectanea Biblica Latina 15; Rome, 1984), pp. 25, 29-30, 37 and my review in Journal for the Study of Judaism 17, 1986, pp. 245-248.

closely printed pages on the subject matter, is a n i m p o r t a n t a n d interesting contribution. In it, J e r o m e includes a discussion of the translation technique in classical literature. His overall aim is to advocate a certain f r e e d o m of rendering. 2 9

5. Exegesis: Origen on Matthew

27.45

It is impossible to do justice to the heart of patristic Bible studies, the explanation of the text, in the compass of a section of an article. T h e r e f o r e , an exposition of patristic doctrine of the multiple sense of Scripture, or a discussion of the Alexandrian a n d A n t i o c h e n e Schools, c a n n o t be undertaken here. Instead, I shall present a sample of exegetical activity by one of the masters in the field, Origen, namely, his treatment of M a t t h e w 27.45. 3 0 T h a t verse, part of the description of Jesus' d e a t h o n the cross, runs as follows: From noon onward, darkness came over the whole land until three in the afternoon. ' Α π ό δε της έκτης ώρας σκότος έγένετο έπι π ά σ α ν την γ ή ν εως ώρας ενάτης.

O r i g e n begins by stating that the enemies of the gospel have claimed that, if this miracle h a d h a p p e n e d , it would have been recorded in chronicles. In reality, they argue, the gospel text suggests a solar eclipse, but a n eclipse c a n n o t have h a p p e n e d the day of Jesus' d e a t h , because there was a full m o o n then a n d at full m o o n the m o o n is, seen f r o m earth, fully sunlit, which would be impossible at a solar eclipse, for then the m o o n is exactly between the sun a n d earth a n d is invisible f r o m the earth. S o m e Christians, O r i g e n remarks, try to reject this sort of criticism by denying that the event in question allows a natural explanation: according to t h e m , it is a miracle. H e 29

There is a text edition with a full commentary by G.J.M. Bartelink, Hieronymus,

Liber de optima genere interpretandi (Epistula 57): Ein Kommentar (Mnemosyne, Supple-

mentum 61; Leiden, 1980). 30 Edition: E. Klostermann, Origenes: Werke, XI.2, Die Matthäuserklärung: II. Teil: Die lateinische Übersetzung der Commentariorum series (Die Griechischen Christlichen Schrift-

steller 38; Leipzig, 1933), pp. 271-278. For a annotated German translation, see H.J. Vogt, Origenes: Der Kommentar zum Evangelium nach Mattäus, III, Die Commentariorum Series

(Bibliothek der griechischen Literatur 38; Stuttgart, 1993), pp. 333-338, 366-367. Earlier, Origen had given a different explanation, see G. Sgherri, "Eclissi di sole alia passione? Una nota sulTimpulsività origeniana e sulla cronologia di due opere", in H. Crouzel and A. Quacquarelli (eds.), Origeniana Secundo: Second colloque international des études origéniennes (Ban, 20-23 septembre 1977) (Quaderni di «Vetera Christianorum»

15; s.l., 1980), pp. 357-362.

himself prefers a different a p p r o a c h , well aware that the critics will not be impressed by the reference to a miracle. According to him, M a t t h e w a n d the parallel passage in M a r k 15.33 d o not speak at all of a solar eclipse, so there is n o need to suppose there was one. T h e same applies to the version with Luke, 23.44-45, which runs: It was n o w about n o o n and darkness c a m e over the whole land until three in the afternoon and the sun was darkened. Και ή ν ήδη ώσει ώ ρ α εκτη και σκότος έγένετο ε φ ' ολην την γ ή ν εως ώ ρ α ς ενάτης και έσκοτίσθη ό ήλιος.

Admittedly, this gospel has a variant: 'because of an eclipse of the sun', τ ο ύ ήλιου έκλιπόντος, instead of ' a n d the sun was darkened', κ α ι έσκοτίσθη ό ήλιος, b u t this variant, O r i g e n feels, m a y either have been introduced by a n innocent Christian w h o m e a n t to m a k e the text clearer or, m o r e probably, the attackers of Christ's C h u r c h have p e r p e t r a t e d it in o r d e r to m a k e fools of the Christians. 3 1 Personally, he takes the view that there was n o eclipse but a n extremely heavy cloud. Moreover, he adds, this darkness was p r o b a b l y restricted to J e r u s a l e m , just like the o t h e r signs occurring then: the tearing of the veil in the T e m p l e , the e a r t h q u a k e , the splitting of the rocks a n d the o p e n i n g of the tombs. T h i s refutes the o t h e r objection at the same time, n a m e l y that the darkness is not m e n t i o n e d by chroniclers, for it was only a local event. T h e darkness, O r i g e n continues, has a symbolic m e a n i n g . It indicates the obscuration of the Jews, w h o laid violent h a n d s on Jesus, the true light. It lasted three hours; the world r e m a i n e d ht, only the Jewish land was darkened. After the three hours, light again c a m e over the Jews. T h i s is w h a t is said in R o m a n s 11.25-26: A hardening has c o m e upon Israel in part, until the full number of the Gentiles c o m e s in, and thus all Israel will be saved, as it is written: T h e deliverer will c o m e out of Zion, he will turn away godlessness from Jacob.

Finally, O r i g e n answers the question why the darkness lasted three hours. T h i s is because the Jews, on account of their sins, are deprived 31

The reading και έσκοτίσθη ό ήλιος has good manuscript evidence; it is also the one of the Textus Receptus and the Vulgate. Nesde and Nesde-Aland prefer the other one, cf. the argument in favour of it as formulated by B.M. Metzger, A Textual Commentary on the Greek ‫״‬Afew Testament (Stuttgart, 19753), p. 182: 'The words και έσκοτίσθη ό ήλιος ("the sun was darkened") appear to be the easier reading, substitu ted by copyists for του ήλιου έκλιπόντος [or έκλείποντος], which may mean either "the sun's light failed" or "the sun was eclipsed".'

of the light of three hours: the light of G o d the Father, the radiation of Christ (cf. H e b . 1.3) a n d the illumination by the Holy Spirit. Several features of this exposition catch the eye. Origen does not content himself with execrating o p p o n e n t s , b u t rather tries to offer a reasoned interpretation. In doing so, he displays erudition, b o t h in the field of Jewish m a t t e r s — t h e observing of Passover at full m o o n — a n d of cosmology—the m u t u a l positions of sun, m o o n , a n d earth. H e shows himself well-versed in textual criticism, a n d he has the right exegetical feeling that the darkness at Jesus' death must have a m e a n ing, otherwise it would have been left u n m e n t i o n e d . As a true Alexandrian, he offers an allegorical explanation: the three hours refer to the Trinity, as well as a typological one: the spiritual darkening of the J e w s will c o m e to an end. Finally, he associates the passage u n d e r discussion with passages in o t h e r biblical books, of which the Letter to the R o m a n s is only the most conspicuous.

6. Relevance of the Mosaic Law: the Epistle of Ptolemy to Flora T h e Bible was also studied in Christian Gnostic circles, a n eloquent example of which is the Epistle of Ptolemy to Flora, transmitted in the work of Epiphanius, Panarion 33.3-8. 32 Gnosticism makes a radical separation between the heavenly world of light a n d this imperfect earthly world. T h e former, the pleroma, is the realm of the perfect s u p r e m e god, the latter is u n d e r the sway of the wicked D e m i u r g e or creator god. F o r Christian Gnostics, the perfect s u p r e m e god is the one Jesus has m a d e known to us (cf. J o h n 1.18), whereas the D e m i u r g e is the god of the O l d T e s t a m e n t . Between this view a n d the ordinary Christian vision in which the G o d of the O l d T e s t a m e n t is the one Jesus has m a d e k n o w n to us, Ptolemy takes u p a middle position. H e distinguishes three figures: the perfect all-good god, the imperfect b u t righteous creator god or D e m i u r g e , a n d the thoroughly wicked Devil. O n this basis, Ptolemy develops a vision of the O l d Testament. T h e L a w of Moses, he argues, is divisible into three m a i n parts, n a m e l y the law of god, the supplements by Moses, a n d the c o m m a n d m e n t s of the elders. T h e L a w of god c a n n o t c o m e f r o m the 32

Separate edition: G. Quispel, Ptolémée, Lettre à Flora: Analyse, ·texte critique, traduc-

tion, commentaire et index grec (SC 24 bis; Paris, 1966). Cf. also Β.A. Pearson, "Use,

Authority and Exegesis of Mikra in Gnostic literature", in Mulder (n. 23) pp. 635652, esp. pp. 644-645.

perfect all-good god, for the law is imperfect a n d the imperfect cannot c o m e f r o m the perfect. So it comes f r o m the creator god. In turn, it m a y be subdivided into three parts, firstly the Decalogue, which contains the p u r e law of god (that is to say, the imperfect b u t righteous god), secondly the p a r t that has to be taken only symbolically, for instance, circumcision as circumcision of the heart, a n d thirdly the p a r t linked with injustice, like the ius talionis, 'eye for eye, tooth for tooth'. T h e second m a i n part, the supplements by Moses, comprises such rules as the right of d r a w i n g u p a writ of dismissal, of which Jesus said that Moses wrote this c o m m a n d m e n t because the J e w s were so u n teachable (cf. M a r k 10.1-12). T h e third m a i n part, the c o m m a n d m e n t of the elders, refers to such traditions as the C o r b a n , which for religious reasons released one f r o m m a i n t a i n i n g one's parents. T h i s was also disputed by Jesus (cf. M a r k 7.8-13). Practically speaking, this evaluation of the O l d T e s t a m e n t legislation was generally accepted a m o n g Christians, not just Christian Gnostics. O n l y the theoretical f o u n d a t i o n is different; n o m a i n s t r e a m Christian would have conceded that the L a w comes f r o m a lower god a n d contains w r o n g elements. 3 3

7. Tricky questions: Pseudo-Caesarius'

Έρωταποκρίσεις

It was inevitable that Christians with a b a c k g r o u n d of Greek thinking should be struck by the contradictions a n d obscurities in the Bible. H o w did they tackle t h e m ? M u c h evidence of this m a y be f o u n d in the continuous c o m m e n t a r i e s on biblical books, but there are also works that concentrate on the separate questions; o n e of these is the f o u r books of ' Ερωταποκρίσεις, questions allegedly p u t to a n d answered by Caesarius, the b r o t h e r of Gregory of Nazianzus. In reality, the work seems to date f r o m the middle of the sixth century b u t it m a y incorporate m u c h older material. 3 4 Again, in o r d e r to give an impression of it, we have to confine ourselves to a specimen. In question 135, the disciple seems to h e a r a discrepancy between state33 Cf. W. Horbury, "Old Testament Interpretation in the Writings of the Church Fathers", in Mulder (n. 23) pp. 727-787, esp. pp. 758-761. 34 Edition: R. Riedinger, Pseudo-Kaisarios, Die Erotapokriseis (Die Griechischen Christlichen Schriftsteller; Berlin, 1989). Cf. id., Pseudo-Kaisarios: Überlieferungsgeschichte und Verfassefrage (Byzantinisches Archiv 12; Munich, 1969); W. Lackner, "Beobachtungen zum Wortschatz des Pseudo-Kaisarios", in W. Hörandner—E. Trapp (eds.),

Lexicographica Byzantina: Beiträge zum Symposion zur byzantinischen Lexikographie (Wien,

4.3.1989) (Byzantina Vindobonensia 20; Vienna, 1991), pp. 207-217.

1./

m e n t s of D a v i d o n t h e o n e h a n d a n d those of his son S o l o m o n o n t h e o t h e r . T h e q u e s t i o n r u n s as follows: David thinks meanly of man and disparages him by saying in the eighth Psalm: Lord, what is man, that thou art mindful of him? (Ps. 8.5), and in the thirty-eighth Psalm: N a y every man is in vain (Ps. 38.12), 35 and in the one-hundred-and-forty-third Psalm: Lord, what is man, that thou art made known to him? or the son of man, that thou takest account of him? M a n is like to vanity (Ps. 143.3-4). But his son, Solomon, magnifies man and exalts him by saying: M a n is valuable and precious (Prov. 20.6). If then he is at variance with his father, how shall the rest of the prophets be in harmony? W h i c h is a n s w e r e d a s f o l l o w s : Nothing of this is able to show that the words of these God-revealing men are at variance, provided they are discussed with zeal for knowledge and contemplated attentively without stupid judgement. For action is an entrance to contemplation. Well then, the one sets your nature before the mind, the other the dignity which we have received from the God of the universe to a greater degree than every other creature, since we are made by divine hands. O p e n the first volume of Moses and you will be instructed concerning both: God took dust of the earth and he formed the man and breathed upon his face the breath of life (Gen. 2.7). In 'he took' and 'he formed 1 , man's dignity may be known, since this is said on account of none of the creatures apart from man only. And in 'dust taken of the earth', we are instructed on the insignificance of our nature, since we are earth and dust, worthless matter that is easy to dissolve. T w o f e a t u r e s o f t h i s f r a g m e n t strike t h e m i n d . First o f all, t h e a p p r o a c h f o l l o w e d is a t o m i s t i c , so t o s p e a k . B o t h t h e q u e s t i o n a n d t h e a n s w e r c o n c e n t r a t e o n isolated passages, regardless of the i m m e d i a t e context. T h u s the

first

c i t a t i o n , P s a l m 8 . 5 , is f o l l o w e d b y

'Thou

m a d e s t h i m a little less t h a n a n g e l s , t h o u h a s t c r o w n e d h i m

with

g l o r y a n d h o n o u r ; a n d t h o u h a s t set h i m o v e r t h e w o r k s o f t h y h a n d s : t h o u h a s t p u t all t h i n g s u n d e r h i s f e e t ' (Ps. 8 . 6 - 7 ) , w h i c h , i n itself, suffices to take the e d g e off t h e objection.36 Similarly, t h e assertion t h a t G o d is s a i d t o h a v e ' t a k e n ' a n d ' f o r m e d ' w h e n c r e a t i n g

man

a l o n e is flatly c o n t r a d i c t e d i n G e n . 2 . 1 9 : ' A n d G o d f o r m e d y e t f a r t h e r o u t o f t h e e a r t h all t h e w i l d b e a s t s o f t h e field, a n d all t h e b i r d s o f t h e s k y . ' F u r t h e r m o r e t h e t e c h n i q u e o f r e f u t i n g is i n t e r e s t i n g ; w e 35

The text follows the reading of MSS. A and S, which omit ταράσσεται. This disregard for context appears already in the New Testament and the Dead Sea Scrolls, cf. the discussion in Gamble (n. 3) pp. 25-27. 36

recognise an artifice used also in later ages. If a n offensive passage c a n n o t be r e n d e r e d harmless by logical reasoning, the master m a y try to dispose of it by setting against it o n e or m o r e passages which d o contain the desired statement. As soon, however, as o n e sees t h r o u g h this, o n e realises that he is diverting attention f r o m the irritating passage r a t h e r t h a n explaining it in a satisfactory way. W h a t a b o u t the seriousness of the questions? O f course this should not be evaluated by using o u r criteria. T h e m o d e r n Bible r e a d e r will hardly b o t h e r a b o u t the question w h e t h e r Scripture declares m a n worthless or precious. O n the o t h e r h a n d , the discussion of biblical problems has n o d o u b t stimulated critical reflection, a n d , in fact, m a n y p r o b lems are b r o u g h t u p in Pseudo-Caesarius that still challenge the acum e n of exegetes.

8. Pagan readers: the Apocriticus of Macarius Magnes As we saw in the section on exegesis, O r i g e n h a d to p a r r y opinions of outsiders o n the darkness d u r i n g Christ's death o n the cross. Such uninvited c o m m e n t s must have been voiced m u c h m o r e often, a n d Christian exegetes h a d to cope with t h e m . T h e r e f o r e it is i m p o r t a n t to have a n idea of the n a t u r e of p a g a n responses to Scripture. N o writings of p a g a n authors on the Bible have c o m e d o w n to us in their original f o r m . U n d e r s t a n d a b l y , t h o u g h unfortunately, Christian A n tiquity hardly felt called to transcribe the writings of its attackers. T h e r e is one little exception: the u n k n o w n a u t h o r of the treatise On the Sublime (Περί, ύψους), w h o lived probably in the first half of the first century A.D. a n d w h o , as a n i n d e p e n d e n t spirit, was p r e p a r e d to include n o n - G r e e k writers such as Cicero in his discussion, has a citation f r o m G e n . 1.3. Nevertheless, the C h u r c h fathers quite frequently refer to p a g a n opinions on scriptural subjects. In his collection Bib lia Gentium, Giancarlo Rinaldi offers n o less t h a n 715 such statements. 3 7 O f course, these f r a g m e n t s m a y have been distorted for apologetic reasons. Yet this d a n g e r is not too serious. Since we can study the C h u r c h fathers' practice of citing because they regularly q u o t e f r o m p a g a n texts preserved to us, we know it was usually d o n e 37 G. Rinaldi, Biblia Gentium: Primo contribute per un indice delle citazioni, dei riferimenti e dette atlusioni alla Bibbia negli autori pagani, greci e latini, di eta imperiale. A First Contribution towards an Index of Biblical Quotations, References and Allusions Made by Greek and Latin Heathen Writers of the Roman Imperial Times (Rome, 1989). Cf. also Gamble (n. 3) pp.

103, 141-142.

w i t h r e a s o n a b l e c a r e ; a n d if a c i t a t i o n is f r e e , t h i s w a s n o t d o n e i n o r d e r to t o n e d o w n hostile sounds. O n t h e c o n t r a r y , the

patristic

a u t h o r s rather seem to e n j o y copying radically anti-Christian

pas-

s a g e s ; t h e p l e a s u r e o f r e f u t i n g t h e s e t r i u m p h a n t l y is all t h e g r e a t e r . I n t h e m e a n t i m e , this yields us a rich harvest of p a g a n s t a t e m e n t s o n biblical subjects. A s a n e x a m p l e , I p r e s e n t a q u o t a t i o n t r a n s m i t t e d in t h e

Apomticus,

a w o r k w r i t t e n c. 4 0 0 b y a n o t h e r w i s e u n k n o w n M a c a r i u s M a g n e s . 3 8 It c o n t a i n s a d i s p u t e o n t h e G o s p e l o f J o h n , 6 . 5 3 , w h i c h r e a d s : A m e n , amen, I say to you, unless you eat the flesh of the Son of M a n and drink his blood, you do not have life within you. T h i s v e r s e h a s n o c o u n t e r p a r t i n t h e s y n o p t i c g o s p e l s . It elicits t h e following burning c o m m e n t : Truly this saying is not merely beast-like and absurd, but is more absurd than any absurdity, and more beast-like than any fashion of a beast, that a man should taste human flesh, and drink the blood of members of the same tribe and race, and that by doing this he should have eternal life. For, tell me, if you do this, what excess of savagery do you introduce into life? .... R u m o u r does not record—I do not say, this action, but even the mention of this strange and novel deed of impiety. T h e phantoms of the Furies never revealed this to those w h o lived in strange ways, nor would the Potidaeans have accepted it unless they had been reduced by a savage hunger. O n c e the banquet of Thyestes became such, owing to a sister's grief, and the Thracian Tereus took his fill of such food unwillingly. Harpagus was deceived by Astyages when he feasted on the flesh of his dearest, and it was against their desire that all these underwent such a pollution. But no one living in a state of peace prepared such a table in his life; no one learnt from a teacher any knowledge so foul. If you look up Scythia in the records, and go through the Macrobian Ethiopians, and if you career through the ocean girdle round about, you will find men w h o eat, live, and devour roots; you will hear of men w h o eat reptiles and feed on mice, but they refrain altogether from human flesh. What then does this saying mean? [Even if there is a mystical meaning hidden in it, yet that does not pardon the outward significance, which places men lower than the beasts. M e n have made up strange tales, but nothing so pernicious as this, with which to gull the simple.] Wherefore it seems to me that neither Mark nor Luke nor even Matthew recorded this, because they regarded the saying as not a comely one, but strange and discordant, and far re38

Edition: C. Blondel, Μακαρίου Μάγνητος ' Αποκριτικός ή Μονογενής. Macam Magnetis quae supersunt, ex inedito codice edidit (Paris, 1876). There is an English translation by T.W. Crafer, The Apocriticus of Macanus Magnes (Translations of Christian Literature, Series I: Greek Texts; London and New York, 1919).

moved from civilised life. Even you yourself could scarcely be pleased at reading it, and far less any man w h o has had the advantage of a liberal education, (trans. T . W . Crafer; the square brackets are his, indicating a summary)

Interestingly, the o p p o n e n t has checked the synoptic gospels for parallels, a n d is p r e p a r e d to m a k e the saying acceptable by searching for a mystical m e a n i n g h i d d e n in it. F u r t h e r m o r e , f r o m the evidence of this a n d similar statements, we m a y safely conclude that Christian exegetes, w h e n working o n their c o m m e n t a r i e s , were a w a r e of such fierce p a g a n reactions to biblical passages.

Scholarly standard As I h o p e to have shown, the early Christians p e r f o r m e d m o n u m e n tal achievements in the field of transmitting, editing, translating a n d explaining the biblical writings. W h a t , however, a b o u t their attitude as critics of the text? H e r e a twofold answer is in order. T h e C h u r c h fathers h a d a n eye for the p r o b l e m s inherent in Scripture. T h e y did not sweep difficulties u n d e r the c a r p e t b u t discussed t h e m in a wellreasoned way. T h e y would n o t h a v e t h o u g h t of f o r b i d d i n g the simple faithful to read the Bible. M o r e o v e r , the suggestions offered by the patristic exegetes can still r e n d e r services, a n d m a n y a biblical scholar of o u r o w n times m a y find the solutions h e t h o u g h t n e w already present in J o h n C h r y s o s t o m , Augustine or, say, the V e n e r a b l e Bede. Nevertheless, here we r u n u p against the limitations of patristic Bible scholarship. T o the early Christians, Scripture was G o d ' s word, firstly the w o r d H e spoke to Israel, b u t at the s a m e time looking a h e a d to the n e w a n d lasting c o v e n a n t , a n d t h e n the w o r d spoken in the fullness of time, to the faithful, J e w s a n d also Gentiles. T h i s view of the Bible h a d two weighty consequences: firstly, as G o d ' s word, the Bible could n o t contain a n y contradictions, a n d secondly, the O l d T e s t a m e n t was to be read in the light of the N e w T e s t a m e n t . T h i s aprioristic opinion, the basis of which we can find in the N e w Testam e n t itself, was shared by all Christians, not only of the first centuries b u t also of later ages u p to the Age of E n l i g h t e n m e n t . O n l y t h e n were eyes o p e n e d to the peculiar c h a r a c t e r of t h e biblical texts, to the widely different literary genres to which they belonged a n d to their diverging historical b a c k g r o u n d s . O n l y then was attention directed to the d e v e l o p m e n t of ideas, a n d a n awareness arose that the biblical

a u t h o r s themselves did n o t k n o w the whole Bible. Alleged contradictions a n d absurdities, r e n d e r e d harmless by allegory in f o r m e r times, n o w b e c a m e explicable by placing t h e m in their particular contexts. T h u s the m o d e r n critical scholarship of the Bible c a m e into being. T h e patristic period was i n n o c e n t of it. 39

39 I am grateful for help received from Jan Bremmer, Alexandra Gaylord-Smith, F.J. Hoogewoud, Gerard Luttikhuizen and Jacques van Ruiten.

EXAMPLE AND

DISCIPLESHIP

S O M E C O M M E N T S O N T H E BIBLICAL OF T H E EARLY CHRISTIAN OF

BACKGROUND

THEOLOGY

MARTYRDOM

B. D e h a n d s c h u t t e r

T h e reflection on m a r t y r d o m occupied m o r e t h a n a marginal place i n t h e i n t e l l e c t u a l life o f t h e E a r l y C h u r c h . 1 I n p e r i o d s o f p e r s e c u t i o n a s w e l l a s t h o s e o f pax, t h e t h e m e o f s u f f e r i n g f o r t h e C h r i s t i a n f a i t h r e t a i n e d its a c t u a l i t y C h u r c h as such.

2

it b e c a m e a p a r t o f t h e r e f l e c t i o n o n

the

T h e r e is n o n e e d t o a r g u e t h a t t h e B i b l e p l a y e d a

central role in this early C h r i s t i a n reflection.3 T h e Bible c o u l d b e r e a d a n d w a s i n d e e d r e a d as a p r o p h e t i c o r prefigurative " b o o k " o n

' The concept of "Early Church" is concentrated in this contribution on the first three centuries. It is evident that reflection on persecution and martyrdom goes far beyond this limitation. For a survey of the earliest materials, see T. Baumeister, Genese und Entfaltung der altkirchlichen Theologie des Martyriums (Bern, 1991); comp. Id., Die

Anfange der Theologie des Martyriums (MBT 45, Münster, 1980); see also B. Dehandschutter, "Le Martyre de Polycarpe et le développement de la conception du martyre au deuxième siècle", in E.A. Livingstone (ed.), Studia Patristica XVII (Oxford—New YŪrk, 1982), pp. 659-668. 2 Cf. Pamela Bright, "Origenian Understanding of Martyrdom and its Biblical Framework", in C. Kannengiesser-W.L. Petersen (eds.), Origen ofAlexandria. His World and his Legagy (Notre Dame, 1988), pp. 180-199, p. 197: "The ecclesiological implications of martyrdom for the early church can hardly be exaggerated". 5 This can be said without denying non-biblical influences on the early Christian thought, be it from philosophical and/or hellenistic origin; cf. in general A.J. Droge and J . D . Tabor, A Noble Death. Suicide and Martyrdom among Christians and Jews in Antiq-

uity (San Francisco, 1992) or for specific themes such as the "crucified just" e.g. V. Saxer, "Le 'juste crucifié1 de Platon à Théodoret", Rivista di Storia e Letteratura Religiosa 19 (1983), pp. 189-215; Pères saints et culte chrétien dans l'Église des premiers siècles

('Variorum Collected Studies 1994). But it is not unimportant to realise that the early Christian view has been developed in confrontation with the common philosophical (stoic) understanding, see e.g. J.N. Sevenster, "Education or Conversion: Epictetus and the Gospels", in Placita Pleiadia. Papers presented to G. Sevenster, Novum Testamentum 8

(1966), pp. 247-262, p. 255: "Evidendy these Stoics consider the way the Christians die too emotional, too uncontrolled. Perhaps they knew something of those testimonies of faith which, according to the Martyria, were made by many Christians. A Stoic does not die like that". Comp. M. Spanneut, "Epiktet", RAC 5 (1962) cc. 559681, esp. cc. 631-632, and mainly C. Butterweck, 'Martyriumssucht' in der alten Kirche. %ur Darstellung und Deutung frühchristlicher Martyrien (Tübingen, 1995).

m a r t y r d o m . 4 H o w e v e r varied the early Christian martyrological d o c u m e n t a t i o n is 5 , biblical inspiration is clearly manifest. O n the o t h e r h a n d , the earliest interpretation of the Bible stressed the f u n d a m e n t a l martyrological aspects of the text. T h i s is very evident in the c o m m e n t a r y on the Book of Daniel by Hippolytus. 6 It is n o t o u r a i m to e x a m i n e every element of the biblical backg r o u n d of the early Christian theology of m a r t y r d o m . W e shall limit ourselves to s o m e c o m m e n t s on two aspects of its biblical f o u n d a t i o n , n a m e l y those of m o d e l a n d imitation, or of e x a m p l e a n d discipleship. F r o m the earliest times, the idea of e x a m p l e has been a n i m p o r tant source for the biblical b a c k g r o u n d of the Christian theology of m a r t y r d o m . Biblical "stories" such as 2 a n d 4 M a c c a b e e s , a n d Daniel in its Jewish-Hellenistic expansion, furnished "models' 5 for Christian b e h a v i o u r in suffering a n d persecution. 7 So also did the patriarchs, the persecuted prophets, the suffering J u s t (Job), a m a n like T o b i a s , although their function as a m o d e l is n o t always evident f r o m the biblical text as such. 8 But a n o t h e r aspect of their exemplary function, a n d , n o d o u b t , a n o less i m p o r t a n t one, is their presence in the literary tradition of exempta. Tertullian (Scorpiace) a n d C y p r i a n [Ad 4

It is beyond our scope to enter into the discussion about the concept or delimitation of the notion of "Bible" or its unity in the Early Church. But a case as 4 Maccabees and the Greek Daniel must make us aware of the problem, cf. in general: Le Canon des Écritures. Études historiques, exégétiques et systématiques (Lectio Divina 140, Paris,

1990); L.M. McDonald, The Formation of the Christian Biblical Canon (Peabody, 1995); J . T . Lienhard, The Bible, the Church and Authority: the Canon of the Christian Bible in History

and Theology (Collegeville, 1995). s See our remarks: "Hagiographie et histoire. A propos des Actes et Passions des Martyrs", in M. Lamberigts and P. Van Deun (eds.), Martyrium in Multidisciplinary Perspective. Mémorial Louis Reekmans (BETL 117, Louvain, 1995), pp. 295-301. 6 Cf. G. Bardy and M. Lefevre, Hippolyte. Commentaire sur Daniel SC 14 (Paris, 1947), pp. 28-39, p. 28: "Dans les jours troublés que traverse l'Église au début du Ille siècle, le livre de Daniel s'impose à l'attention... il donne plus encore des encouragements et des conseils pour le présent". 7 See J.W. van Henten, "Zum Einfluß jüdischer Martyrien auf die Literatur des frühen Christentums II. Die Apostolischen Väter", in W. Haase (ed.), Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt II. Principal, Bd. 27,1 (Berlin-New York, 1993), pp. 700-

723; Id., "The Martyrs as Heroes of the Christian People. Some Remarks on the Continuity between Jewish and Christian Martyrology, with Pagan Analogies", in M. Lamberigts and P. Van Deun, Martyrium, pp. 303-322; S. Deléani, "Une typologie du martyre chrétien: la Passion des frères maccabées et de leur mère selon saint Cyprien", in Figures de l'Ancien Testament chez les Pères (Cahiers de Biblia Patristica 2) Paris,

1989, pp. 189-213. 8 For a summary on the study of the relation between Jewish and Christian martyrology, see our "Einleitung", in J.W. van Henten e.a. (ed.), Die Entstehung der jüdischen Martyrologie (Leyde, 1989), pp. 5-14.

Fortunatumf

s h o w t h a t c o l l e c t i o n s o f exempla

influenced

the

early

Christian view o n m a r t y r d o m f r o m the beginning. T h e origin of that p h e n o m e n o n is c l o s e a t h a n d , if o n e r e a d s t h e 1 8 t h a n d 2 1 st c h a p t e r of 4 Maccabees, a writing whose early Christian reception a n d even " c a n o n i c a l " s t a t u s is g e n e r a l l y However,

acknowledged.10

the function of those people

a s exempla

needs to

be

l o o k e d a t m o r e c l o s e l y . T h e i r e x e m p l a r y c h a r a c t e r is n o t o n l y r e l a t e d to the u n d e r s t a n d i n g of m a r t y r d o m in the sense that they persevered in persecution a n d suffering until death. T h e e x a m p l e of the

Old

T e s t a m e n t "precursors" implies at the s a m e time m o r e ethical qualit i e s . T h e y a r e m o d e l s o f perseverantia

i n t h e i r " d a i l y " lives, a p a r t f r o m

t h e specific situation of persecution. In o t h e r w o r d s , t h e y are m o d e l s o f t h e " m a r t y r e q u o t i d i e n " . Patientia of these "martyrs".

11

is a l s o a q u a l i t y o f t h e w h o l e life

T h i s idea was applied at a very early stage to

the Christian martyrs themselves. T h e story of Polycarp of S m y r n a ' s m a r t y r d o m contains the following remark:

9 Compare also Cyprian, Epistula 58,5-6; and see Christel Butterweck, 'Martyriumssucht', pp. 179-183; for Tertullian see again D. van Damme, "Gott und die Märtyrer. Überlegungen zu Tertullian, Scorpiace", F%FT 27 (1980), pp. 107-119; for Cyprian:

M.A. Fahey, Cyprian and the Bible. A Study in Third-century Exegesis (Tübingen, 1971), pp.

555-611: Cyprian's biblical figures. The exemplum-material has been studied by S. Deléani, "Les exempla bibliques du martyre", in Le monde latin ancien et la Bible (Paris, 1985), pp. 243-260; Ead., "L'utilisation des modèles bibliques du martyre par les écrivains du Ille siècle", ibid., pp. 315-338. 10 Its influence on early Christian martyrological texts has been stressed more than once, see e.g. O. Perler, "Das vierte Makkabäerbuch, Ignatius von Antiochien und die ältesten Märtyrerberichte", Rivista di Archeologia Cristiana 25 (1949), pp. 47-72 = Sapientia et Caritas. Gesammelte Aufsätze zum 90. Geburtstag (Fribourg, 1990), pp. 141-

166; S.E.Johnson, "Greek and Jewish Heroes: Fourth Maccabees and the Gospel of Mark", in Early Christian Literature and the Classical Intellectual Tradition in honorem R.M.

Grant (Théologie historique 53), Paris, 1979, pp. 155-175; we tried elsewhere to qualify this opinion, cf. Martyrium Polycarpi. Bijdrage tot de Studie van de martelaar in het vroege

Christendom, proefschrift Leuven, 1977, pp. 231-238; pp. 286-289; but see T. Baumeister, Anfänge, pp. 268-270; pp. 286-288; pp. 295-305, and our reaction in Bijdragen 45 (1984), pp. 441-442. 11 The notion of ύπομονη has been studied thoroughly by M. Spanneut, "Geduld", RAC 9 (1973) 243-294; on patientia see also Tertullian's De Patientia and Cyprian's De bono patientiae, and the introduction in J.C. Fredouille, Tertullien. De la patience, SC 310 (Paris, 1984), pp. 21-38. On "martyre quotidien" see S. Deléani, L'utilisation des modèles bibliques, pp. 327-330. This idea reappears in a different context in the spirituality of the later Fathers, such as Chrysostom, cf. our contribution: "Μηκέτι ύδροπότει. Some Notes on the Patristic Exegesis of 1 Timothy 5:23", in The Ministry of the Word. Essays in Honor of Prof. Dr. Raymond F. Collins, Louvain Studies 20

(1995), pp. 265-270, in which we refer to the example ofJob in its patristic reception.

For because of his perfect way of life he was honoured in everything, even before his death (Mart. Pol. 13,2).12 It could be a d d e d that the same ethical u n d e r s t a n d i n g a p p e a r s in several texts on imitation which belong to the f u n d a m e n t a l "struct u r e " of every concept of Christian m a r t y r d o m . T h e well-known saying of M a t t h e w 16,24 is an excellent example in this regard: If anyone wants to be a follower of mine, let him renounce himself and take up his cross and follow me (New Jerusalem Bible). As M . K o H a F o n g d e m o n s t r a t e d , the ethical interpretation of this saying is fully present in authors w h o we would expect to concentrate on the martyrological sense, such as O r i g e n a n d Cyprian. In her view, O r i g e n is even indebted to C l e m e n t of Alexandria since the latter stressed the unification of the idea of imitation (of Christ) with the stoic apatheiaP If this is correct, we must not forget that a m o r e ethical interpretation of the saying is already given with the L u c a n version itself, with the addition: Ά ρ ά τ ω τον σταυρόν α ύ τ ο ύ κ α θ ' ή μ έ ρ α ν (Luke 9,23). 14 T h e interpretation of this N e w T e s t a m e n t saying can lead us to a n o t h e r qualification. U p until now, we have referred to O l d Testam e n t exempla. It is striking indeed that at a first glance N e w T e s t a m e n t 12

We follow the reading προ της μαρτυρίας cf. B. Dehandschutter, Martyrium Polycarpi. Een literair-kritische Studie (BETL 52, Leuven, 1979), pp. 94-95. The English translation is ours. It is close to Lake's (The Apostolic Fathers II, 1913), and Goodspeed's (The Apostolic Fathers, 1950); but it can differ considerably, cf. W.R. Schoedel, The Apostolic Fathers 5 (London, 1966), p. 68: "for he was adorned with every (power) because of his goodly way of life even before his martyrdom". On the whole comp. G. Buschmann, Martyrium Polycarpi - eineformkritische Studie. Ein Beitrag zur Frage nach der

Entstehung der Gattung Märtyrerakte (BZNW 70, Berlin, 1994), pp. 259-260. Some Acts of the Martyrs focus on the comparison of the example with the contemporary martyrs and on the equality of the latter examples and of those who surround them, e.g. the Passio Montani et Lucii (16,3-6) where the faith of the mother of Flavian is compared with Abraham's faith and the following exclamation is added: "o matrem inter Vetera exempla numeranda! ο maccabaicam matrem!"; text in F. Dolbeau, "La Passion des saints Lucius et Montanus. Histoire et édition du texte", REAug 29 (1983), pp. 39-82. 13

Maria K o Ha Fong, Crucem tollendo Christum sequi. Untersuchung zum Verständnis

eines Logions Jesu in der alten Kirche (Münster, 1984), pp. 43-50; comp. E. Früchtel, Origenes. Das Gespräch mit Herakleides und dessen Bischofskollegen über Vater, Sohn und Seele -

Die Aufforderung zum Martyrium (Stuttgart, 1974), p. 120, n. 6; comp. A. van den Hoek, "Clement of Alexandria on Martyrdom", in E.A. Livingstone (ed.), Studia Patristica X X V I (Louvain, 1993), pp. 324-341. For the theme in Cyprian, cf. together with the reference in n. 9, S. Deléani, Christum sequi. Etude d'un thème dans l'enivre de Saint Cyprien

(Paris, 1979), pp. 67-111. 14 Cf. T. Baumeister, Anfange, p. 115; pp. 136-137.

"models" play less of a role. T h e literary tradition of exempla refers to the apostles quite generally, sometimes to the sufferings of Peter a n d / or Paul, a n d the case of S t e p h e n as a real example of martyrdom. 1 5 H o w e v e r , in the view of the early Christians, the m a i n example is Christ Himself. H e is the perfect m o d e l of every kind of m a r t y r d o m ; all models c o m e together in H i m . Moreover, S. Deléani has shown that, in the case of the O l d T e s t a m e n t examples, the christological interpretation not only allowed t h e m to function as models b u t gave t h e m the c h a r a c t e r of préfiguration. 1 6 F r o m Abel onwards, every exemplum is a préfiguration of Christ. As a consequence, early Christian hagiography will stress the imitatio Christi.7‫ י‬If Christ is the recapitulation of the examples of old, his passion is the suffering that contains the acts of the martyrs of all times, including the future ones. H e is the O n e w h o gave the good testimony before Pontius Pilate (1 T i m o t h y 6,13), a n d all witnesses = martyrs continue to participate in that testimony to truth. In some Acts of the Martyrs this testimony has developed again into complete discussions a b o u t the true faith. 1 8 T h e r e is n o d o u b t that the N e w T e s t a m e n t texts a b o u t imitation a n d discipleship 19 exercised considerable influence o n the views of m a r t y r d o m in the Early C h u r c h . W e are c o n f r o n t e d not only with a p h e n o m e n o n of typology or préfiguration b u t also of actualisation. 15 See S. Deléani, "Les exempla", p. 259; the testimonies on Peter are summarised by R.J. Bauckham, "The Martyrdom of Peter in Early Christian Literature", in ANRWII. Principal, Bd 26,1 (Berlin, 1992) 539-595; C. Grappe, "Du témoin pleutre de la Passion au martyr: images de Pierre aux deux premiers siècles", in Figures du Nouveau Testament chez les Pères (Strasbourg, 1991), pp. 53-106. On Paul: H.W. Tarja, The Martyrdom of St. Paul (VVUNT 2 R. 67, Tübingen, 1994), pp. 166-174. 16 Cf. S. Deléani, "L'utilisation des modèles bibliques", pp. 330-336; also M. Dulaey, "Joseph le patriarche, figure du Christ", in Figures de l'Ancien Testament chez les Pères (Strasbourg, 1989), pp. 83-105. 17 This imitation has been applied in martyria and passiones as divergent as Mar-

tyrium Jacobi (Eus. Η.Ε. II, 23,10-18; comp. IV,22,4), Martyrium Lugdunensium 1,10; 1,23; 1,30; 1,41; 2,2; Passio Perpetuae 18,9; Passio Montcuii et Luciv, cf. V . Saxer, Bible et hagiographie. Textes et thèmes bibliques dans les Actes des martyrs authentiques des premiers siècles

(Bern, 1986), pp. 220-231. It is impossible to elaborate here on the Ignatian theme of imitation, cf. T. Baumeister, Anfänge, pp. 277-282. 18 It is striking that these discussions often continue the confrontation with the problem of idolatry, as was already the case in texts such as the Books of the Maccabees and Daniel. Origen's Exhortation makes clear how important this question was for the Christian theology of martyrdom (cf. ch. 5-10). The same is true for Cyprian's Ad Fortunatum. It might indicate that the use of exempla is to be considered as dependent on a real threat of idolatry, cf. also V. Saxer, Bible et hagiographie, pp. 205-212. 19 See in general W. Horbury-B. McNeil, Suffering and Martyrdom in the New Testament. Studies presented to G.M. Styler (Cambridge, 1981).

T h i s b e c o m e s evident in the e x a m p l e of the Mission discourse of M a t t h e w 10. It was possible to read this text again a n d again in a n actualising way, focussing mainly on the passages on the fate of the disciples ( w . 16-25), the call for bold confession ( w . 26-33), a n d the verses on the d e m a n d i n g c h a r a c t e r of discipleship ( w . 34-39). 2 0 As the same t h e m e s r e a p p e a r in the synoptic apocalyptic discourses, it b e c a m e easy to u n d e r s t a n d the situation of persecution in one's own time as the fulfilment of the prediction of M a t t h e w 24,9: Then you will be handed over to be tortured and put to death; and you will be hated by all nations on account of my name (New Jerusalem Bible). T h e Early C h u r c h read these texts carefully. O r i g e n ' s Exhortation to Martyrdom ch. 34-39 seems to be a r u n n i n g c o m m e n t a r y o n M a t t h e w 10. T h e great Alexandrian c o m b i n e s M a t t h e w 10,17-23 with Luke 12,11-12 a n d 21,14-19, a n d c o m p a r e s M a r k 13,11-13, so t h a t the o n e text is read t h r o u g h the other. 2 1 O r i g e n brings t h e m together in the light of his o w n view a b o u t m a r t y r d o m . 2 2 T h e words are spoken to the apostles only, n o t to everyone. T h o s e w h o wish to arrive at the act of m a r t y r d o m have first to live the life of an apostle. N o t everyb o d y is able to d o so, a n d , as a c o n s e q u e n c e , not able to live the life of a m a r t y r . T h e ά γ ώ ν of Christian life has to be f o u g h t 2 3 , before the τελείωσις is possible. I n this way, the life of the m a r t y r is the life of a witness. T h e N e w T e s t a m e n t passages on witnessing are continously read together with those o n suffering. In the second book of the Commentary on John, O r i g e n summarises this as follows: Now everyone who testifies to the truth, whether he presents his testimony in words or deeds or in whatever way, would correctly be called a "witness" (μάρτυς). But it is already currently the custom of the brotherhood, since they have been amazed at the disposition of those who have ‫־‬ struggled to death for truth or courage, to give the name "witnesses" 20

Of course the question of the flight in persecution was much debated at the occasion of Matthew 10,23, cf. Tertullian, De Juga in persecutione\ and Martyrium Agapès 1,2. 21 Cf. Ε. Früchtel, Origenes, pp. 103-110; comp, however J.W. Trigg, Origen. Bible and Philosophy in the Third Century Church (London, 1985) w h o understands the Exhorta-

tion in the first place as a model of Christian Platonism (p. 164); comp, also J.A. McGuckin, "Martyr Devotion in the Alexandrian School: Origen to Athanasius", in D. Wood (ed.), Martyrs and Martyrologies (Oxford, 1993), pp. 35-45. 22 In general see P. Hartmann, "Origène et la théologie du martyre d'après le Protreptikos de 235", ETL 34 (1958), pp. 773-824; more recendy P. Bright, art.cit. (note 2); J.A. McGuckin, art.cit. 23

Cf. B. Dehandschutter, Martyrium Polycarpi. Bijdragen, pp. 226-238.

(μάρτυρας ώνόμασαν) in a special sense only to those who have borne witness to the mystery of godliness by the pouring out of their own blood, although the Saviour gives the name "witness" to every one who bears witness to the things proclaimed about himself (210).2+ O r i g e n never fails to stress the "cross-references" between the life of Christ a n d the life of the m a r t y r . H e therefore often connects the logion o n the b e a r i n g of the cross as imitation, M a t t h e w 16,24 with Galatians 2,20: not I live but Christ lives in me, a verse following o n the t h e m e of the συνσταυρούμαι with Christ. 2 5 A m b r o s e a n d Protoctetus, to w h o m the Exhortatio is devoted, are invited to m a k e u p w h a t is still lacking in the suffering of Christ (Col. 1,24, cf. Exhortatio 36). T h i s idea of participation in C h r i s e s passion t h r o u g h the m a r t y r ' s life is seemingly the basis of the f r e q u e n t t h e m e in the early Christian martyria of the presence of Christ in the martyr. 2 6

Conclusion M u c h could b e said a b o u t o t h e r t h e m e s that also have their own biblical origin, such as m a r t y r i u m as the eschatological struggle, as baptism a n d election, etc. 27 Nevertheless, o u r brief considerations allow a conclusion, which is n o t without i m p o r t a n c e for u n d e r s t a n d ing the early Christian concept of m a r t y r d o m as a whole: the biblical " p r e p a r a t i o n " of the theology of m a r t y r d o m in the f o r m of the exempla a n d of imitation in discipleship stresses the unity of life a n d d e a t h of the martyr. If m a r t y r d o m is the search for perfection, b o t h in a literal a n d a figurative sense, it c a n n o t be said that it was only f r o m the f o u r t h century o n w a r d s that Christian theology t r a n s f o r m e d the view on m a r t y r d o m into a view on spiritual life or άσκησις. T h a t theology was already present in the earliest testimonies c o n c e r n i n g m a r t y r d o m , a n d , as a m a t t e r of fact, developed before the " M o n k " b e c a m e the successor of the " M a r t y r " . 2 8 24

Translation by R.E. H e i n e , Origen. Commentary on the Gospel according to John, Books

1-10 (Washington, 1989), p. 151; comp. C. Blanc, Origine. Commentaire sur Saint Jean SC 120 (Paris, 1966), p. 350. See also Origen, Exhortatio 16; In Jeremiam XIV, 7, cf. P. Husson-P. Nautin, Origine. Homélies sur Jérémie SC 238 (Paris, 1977), pp. 80-81. 25 See Maria Ko Ha Fong, Crucem tollendo, pp. 58-60. 26

See my remarks in "Le martyre de Polycarpe", 644 and the texts referred to;

also V. Saxer, Bible et Hagiographie, pp. 220-223. 27 .Cf. V. Saxer, Bible et Hagiographù, pp. 212-214. 28

Cf. E.E. Malone, The Monk and the Martyr. The Monk as the Successor of the Martyr

(Washington, 1950).

D I E R O L L E D E R BIBEL I N D E N A S K E T I S C H E N K R E I S E N DES VIERTEN U N D F Ü N F T E N J A H R H U N D E R T S G . Bartelink

In d e r Frühzeit des M ö n c h t u m s w a r e n nicht n u r in d e n Klöstern Bibeltexte v o r h a n d e n , sondern auch allein w o h n e n d e Asketen verfügten oft ü b e r ein Psalterium o d e r ein Evangeliarium, das monastische V a d e m e c u m p a r excellence. Typisch d a f ü r ist eine ber ü h m t e E r z ä h l u n g ü b e r einen M ö n c h , welcher die A u f f o r d e r u n g , allem irdischen Besitz zu entsagen, auf so extreme Weise in die Praxis umsetzte, dass er sogar sein Evangeliarium zu Gelde m a c h t e , u m den Bedürftigen zu helfen. Die älteste F o r m findet sich im Practicus des Evagrius, w o der M ö n c h a n o n y m bleibt 1 : Ein Bruder besass nur ein Evangeliarium. Er verkaufte es und verwendete den Ertrag, um Hungrige zu ernähren. Dabei sprach er dieses denkwürdige Wort: 'Ich habe den Logos selbst (Logos ist hier das Büchlein, zu gleicher Zeit aber spielt die Bedeutung "der Herr" auf dem Hintergrund mit) verkauft, der mir sagte: Verkaufe was du besitzt und gib den Ertrag den Armen. 5 (Matth. 19,21). Die Pointe ist, dass es sein einziger u n d letzter Besitz ist u n d dass er jetzt so weit in der Askese fortgeschritten ist, dass er das u n e n t b e h r liehe Büchlein e n t b e h r e n k a n n . M a n hat glaubhaft zu m a c h e n gewusst, dass Evagrius f ü r diese Anekdote aus d e m Leben des Serapion Sindonites geschöpft hat, d e m Palladius Abschnitt 37 der Historia Lausiaca gewidmet hat. In der Historia Lausiaca findet sich übrigens eine derartige E r z ä h l u n g 2 , wobei ausserdem die Pointe darin liegt, dass der M ö n c h wie d u r c h eine Art Meisterstück beweist, dass er das asketische H a n d w e r k beherrscht. Ein a n o n y m e r M ö n c h aus Ancyra antwortete, n a c h d e m er ein ihm geschenktes Evangelienbuch verkauft hatte, denjenigen, die d a r ü b e r eine abschätzige B e m e r k u n g machten:

1

77; vgl. die Ausgabe von A. Guillaumont, SC 171, S. 704-705. Die Stelle bei Evagrius wird zitiert von Socrates, Hist. eccl. 4,23 (PG 67,517B). Man sehe auch C. Butler, The Lausiac History of Palladius I, Cambridge 1898, S. 98-99. 2 c. 68. Für den Verzicht auf Bücher siehe auch Apophthegmata Patrum, Theodorus von Pherme 1 (PG 65,188A) und Serapion 2 (ibid., 416C).

Wie kann ich meinen Meister davon überzeugen, dass ich mir seine Techne (Fertigkeiten) auf dem Gebiete der Entsagung zu eigen gemacht habe, wenn ich nicht ihn selbst verkaufe, um die Techne in die Praxis umzusetzen? In den Apophthegmata finden wir ebenfalls diese Geschichte, jetzt von d e m Eremiten Bessarion. A u c h in der langen Rezension der Historia Lausiaca will dieser M ö n c h n u r d e m W o r t des Evangeliums gehörchen 3 : Als er unterwegs einen armen Mann gesehen hatte, eilte er zum Marktplatz, wo er nach kurzer Zeit das Evangeliarium zu verkaufen wusste. Einige Tage später fragte ihn sein Schüler, Abba Doulas: 'Was ist mit dem Büchlein passiert, Abba?' Der alte Mönch antwortete, halb im Ernst, halb im Scherz: 'Sei nicht betrübt, Bruder. Um uns dort oben (näml. im Himmel) voller Zuversicht melden zu können, habe ich, aus Gehorsam, das Buch selbst verkauft, das mir immer sagte: Verkaufe was du besitzt und gib den Ertrag den Armen.' Die Asketen versuchen die W o r t e des Evangeliums soviel wie möglieh in die Praxis umzusetzen. So n e h m e n sie ernst, was eigentlich j e d e r Christ tun sollte. Die G r ü n d e r des M ö n c h t u m s e n t n e h m e n d e m Evangelium die Basistexte, von d e n e n das M ö n c h t u m ausgeht. E b e n in der Bibel finden sie ideale Modelle f ü r das monastische Leben. V o n A n f a n g an finden sie d a auch Gebets- u n d Meditationstexte, sowohl f ü r j e d e n einzelnen als f ü r die Gemeinschaft. Aus den Apophthegmata geht hervor, dass in der Skete-Wüste, w o G r u p p e n von Asketen zwar getrennt, a b e r d o c h ziemlich n a h e beie i n a n d e r lebten, Bibeltexte v o r h a n d e n waren. W i r lesen, dass A b b a Gelasius ü b e r einen Bibelkodex aus P e r g a m e n t verfügte, d e r das ganze Alte u n d N e u e T e s t a m e n t enthielt 4 . T h e o d o r u s von P h e r m e hatte in seiner Zelle drei schöne B ü c h e r 5 , die f ü r ihn u n d seine M i t b r ü d e r sehr heilsam w a r e n . Wahrscheinlich handelt es sich u m Bücher, die bei d e m wöchentlichen liturgischen Gottesdienst verwendet w u r d e n u n d als solche allgemeiner Besitz der gesamten G r u p p e der M ö n c h e w a r e n . Sie besassen d u r c h ihr Material u n d gepflegte Kalligraphie einen nicht geringen W e r t u n d w a r e n n a c h den Apophthegmata a u c h von D i e b e n begehrte Objekte 1 '.

3 4 5 6

c. 116 (PG 34,1220CD; vgl. PL 73,1198CD). PG 65,145CD (βιβλίον έν δέρμασιν). PG 65,188A (τρία βιβλία καλά). Vgl. Theodorus von Pherme 29 (PG 65,196AB); Ammoës 5 (PG 65,128AB).

A b b a A m m o ë s e r w ä h n t ebenfalls P e r g a m e n t b ü c h e r , welche von einigen M ö n c h e n in ihrer Zelle a u f g e h o b e n wurden 7 . Weiter kursierten Büchlein, welche einen Teil der Schrift, wie d e n Psalter oder die Paulusbriefe enthielten, wobei a n T e x t e f ü r den persönlichen Geb r a u c h zu denken ist 8 . W i e es u m die K u n s t des Lesens u n d Schreibens im f r ü h e n M ö n c h t u m bestellt war, ist nicht leicht einigermassen g e n a u festzustellen, a b e r von lesenden u n d schreibenden M ö n c h e n ist in unseren T e x t e n nicht selten die R e d e . D a s K o p i e r e n von T e x ten wird von Palladius in seiner Historia Lausiaca einige Male als eine F o r m asketischer Arbeit bezeichnet (άσκησις γραφική) 9 . F ü r einige w a r es ein Mittel, u m ihren U n t e r h a l t zu bestreiten 1 0 . Evagrius Ponticus w a r eine Zeitlang als Kalligraph tätig. In m a n c h e r E r z ä h l u n g w e r d e n beiläufig sich in Klöstern befindende Bibelbücher e r w ä h n t , wobei wahrscheinlich von den meistgelesen e n Teilen der Schrift f ü r die Bedürfnisse der Gemeinschaft oft m e h rere E x e m p l a r e zur V e r f ü g u n g standen. N a c h der Vita Danielis Stylitae 3 hatte m a n in einem syrischen Kloster in der Kapelle beim Altar Bücher hingelegt f ü r j e d e n , der sie einsehen möchte. Es waren gewiss grossenteils Bibelbücher, welche so a u c h u n m i t t e l b a r f ü r die Liturgiefeier v o r h a n d e n waren. Ein f ü n f j ä h r i g e r K n a b e w u r d e von seinen Eltern n a c h einem Kloster in der N ä h e von S a m o s a t a geführt. Als der Abt n a c h d e m N a m e n des K n a b e n fragte, n a n n t e n die Eltern den N a m e n , den sie ihm bei seiner G e b u r t gegeben hatten. D a r a u f sagte der Abt: " E r wird anders heissen u n d d e n N a m e n tragen, den der H e r r m i r o f f e n b a r t . " Er sagte d e m J u n g e n auf syrisch: " H o l e mir ein Buch v o m T i s c h . " Es ist in den K o e n o b i e n gebräuchlich, notiert der A u t o r hierzu, dass m a n beim Altare eine grosse Zahl verschieden e r Bücher hingelegt hat. Als der K n a b e mit d e m Buch Daniel zurückkam, beschloss der Abt: " E r wird Daniel heissen." In diesem T e x t verdient es Beachtung, dass das Bibelbuch als Orakel fungiert. Es ist eine V a r i a n t e der s o g e n a n n t e n sortes biblicae, auf gut Glück gezeigte Bibeltexte als Schicksalsbestimmungen, eine christianisierte Fortsetzung einer p r o f a n e n T r a d i t i o n " . In diesem Z u s a m m e n h a n g ist a u c h das Schwören auf die Bibel zu 7

PG 65,128AB. PG 65,413D-416C. 9 Palladius, Hist. Laus. 32,12; 38,10; 45,3. 10 Wahrscheinlich kopierten sie vor allem Bibeltexte: PG 65,132BC (Abraham), PG 65,295D-298A (Marcus, Schüler des Silvanus); F. Nau, ROC 18, S. 143. 11 Über die sortes: P. Courcelle, "L'enfant et les 'sorts bibliques'", Vigiliae Christianae 7 (1953), S. 194-220. 8

e r w ä h n e n . W i r lesen z u m Beispiel in der Historia Lausiaca12, dass der M ö n c h Cronius, u m die W a h r h e i t einer Mitteilung zu bekräftigen, auf ein Evangeliarium schwört, das zu diesem Zweck inmitten der versammelten Klostergemeinschaft hingelegt w o r d e n ist.

Die Schrift ist die Grundlage fiir das asketische Leben. Sie genügt allein In m a n c h e m T e x t heisst es, die Schrift sei die G r u n d l a g e f ü r das asketische Leben. Antonius b e g a n n seine A n s p r a c h e a n die M ö n c h e mit der Bemerkung, dass die Schrift genüge. In ihr k ö n n e m a n alles finden, was m a n brauche. Seine eigenen W o r t e seien eigentlich nicht m e h r als eine Z u g a b e . Dass die Schrift das ganze L e b e n eines M ö n ches b e s t i m m e n muss, lehrt uns a u c h ein d e m Antonius zugeschriebenes Apophthegma: "Sorge d a f ü r , dass d u f u r alles was d u hörst oder sagst ü b e r ein Zeugnis aus der heiligen Schrift verfügst" 1 3 . So fing a u c h oft der einem j u n g e n Schüler gegebene Unterricht an. Hypatius, der erste Abt des Klosters R u f i n i a n a e , ein geschätzter geistlicher F ü h r e r , m a c h t ebenfalls eine derartige, bereits traditionell gewordene Bemerkung: " W a s a u c h i m m e r ihr m i c h fragt, ihr könnt es in der von G o t t inspirierten Schrift finden"14. In seiner langen Rede 1 5 (ein bewusstes Gegenstück zu j e n e r des Antonius) bildet eine A n e i n a n d e r r e i h u n g von Bibelzitaten die feste G r u n d l a g e seiner Darlegung, die bisweilen zu einem Bibelzento wird. O b es sich u m die Notwendigkeit des Gebets o d e r u m die der D e m u t z u z u e r k e n n e n d e Priorität handelt, die Schrift hat f ü r Hypatius das letzte W o r t . Seit der Vita Antonii sind M a t t h . 19,21 u n d 16,24 Basistexte f ü r das M ö n c h t u m gewesen (daneben, z u m Beispiel bei Augustinus u n d Cassianus, a u c h Act. Ap. 4,32 u n d 34-35: die ideale älteste Christengemeinde in Jerusalem). Es b r a u c h t d a h e r a u c h nicht zu w u n d e r n , dass der monastische S p r a c h g e b r a u c h einen starken biblischen Einschlag aufweist, wie z u m Beispiel Lorié dargelegt hat 1 6 . Bisweilen 12 13 14 15 16

21,5. Antonius 3, Apophthegmata (PG 65,76C). Callinicus, Vita Hypatii, Prol. 13 (SC 177, S. 70). ibid., c. 24 (SC 177, S. 147ss.). L.Th. Lorié, Spiritual Terminology in the Latin Translations of the Vita Antonii. With

Reference to fourth and fifth Century monastic Literature (Latinitas Christianorum Primaeva 11), Nijmegen, 1955; vgl. Β. Steidle, "Homo Dei Antonius. Zum Bild des 'Mann Gottes' im alten Mönchtum", in: Studio Anselmiana 38 (Rom, 1956), S. 148-200.

verteidigt der Verfasser einer monastischen Schrift seine schlichte S p r a c h e mit einem Hinweis auf die Bibelsprache. Viele M ö n c h e w a r e n ungebildet. Ihr H o r i z o n t blieb n a h e z u ganz auf die Bibel beschränkt. In d e r anfangs grossenteils oralen K u l t u r des M ö n c h t u m s lernten sie schon in ihrer Lehrzeit Bibeltexte auswendig u n d h ö r t e n sie—wenn sie wenigstens in G r u p p e n z u s a m m e n w o h n t e n — B i b e l texte vorlesen u n d singen. Die Bibel w a r ihre tägliche N a h r u n g . Sie w a r e n ganz davon d u r c h d r u n g e n . Das auswendig K e n n e n von Schrifttexten f u h r t leicht ü b e r Wortassoziationen z u m Herstellen von Z u s a m m e n h ä n g e n mit a n d e r e n Schriften. Cassianus signalisierte bei den M ö n c h e n eine Art Meditation, wobei ein T e x t einen a n d e r e n suggeriert: "So rollt die Seele von Psalm zu Psalm, springt sie von d e m Evangelium hin zu Paulus u n d eilt sie weiter zu den P r o p h e t e n " [Coli. 10,13). M a n unterliess nicht, M ö n c h e , die in der p r o f a n e n Literatur ausgebildet w a r e n , d a r a u f hinzuweisen, dass von T e x t e n ausserhalb der Bibel G e f a h r e n d r o h e n konnten. Die p r o f a n e Literatur gehöre z u m Gebiete, das m a n bei d e r juga mundi hinter sich gelassen hatte. Die G r ü n d e r der Häresien seien nicht d u r c h die Bibel inspiriert, sondern d u r c h die heidnische Philosophie infiziert w o r d e n . So rief Cyrillus von Scythopolis in einer anti-origenistischen T i r a d e aus: Welche Hölle hat die Lehren (näml. der Origenisten) ausgespien? Nicht von ihm, der durch die Propheten und Apostel gesprochen hat, haben sie das gelernt. Das verhüte Gott. Nein, Pythagoras, Platon, Origenes, Evagrius und Didymus (d.h. den profanen Philosophen und den von diesen beeinflussten chrisdichen Autoren) haben sie diese abscheulichen gotteslästerlichen Lehren entnommen 17 .

Die biblischen Vorbilder In d e n Lebensbeschreibungen w e r d e n die asketischen Heiligen aus d e r Spätantike oft mit einem breiten S p e k t r u m von biblischen V o r bildern assoziiert. Nicht n u r gibt d e r Vergleich mit den grossen Gestalten des Alten u n d N e u e n T e s t a m e n t s d e m Dargestellten einen Heiligenschein, sondern er suggeriert ebenfalls die Kontinuität der geistlichen G a b e n , a u c h in d e r postbiblischen Zeit, u n d betont d u r c h den Hinweis auf biblische Analogien die Zuverlässigkeit der beschrieb e n e n ausserordentlichen Ereignisse. So will der a n o n y m e Verfasser 17

Vita Cynaa, Ausg. E. Schwartz, S. 230,10ff.

im Prolog der Historia monachorum in Aegypto zeigen, dass a u c h n o c h zu seiner Zeit (um 400) der H e i l a n d d u r c h die V ä t e r in der Wüste w i e d e r u m bewirkt, was er d u r c h die P r o p h e t e n u n d die Apostel bewirkte, " d e n n derselbe H e r r bewirkt jetzt u n d i m m e r alles bei den Menschen" 1 8 . Schon in seinem Leben des Antonius hat Athanasius i m m e r wieder d u r c h biblische Anspielungen Signale gegeben, wie wir die Gestalt des Antonius sehen müssen. Aus einem Mosaik von Einzelheiten wird somit eine Gestalt f ü r uns sichtbar, welche Aspekte einer prophetischen, evangelischen u n d apostolischen Lebensweise in sich zusammenfasst. D a s wird d u r c h bisweilen subtile Hinweise auf M o ses, vorbildlich als einen biblischen F ü h r e r in der Wüste, auf Elia, der sich auch in d e r W ü s t e aufhielt, u n d auf J o b , Zielscheibe der Versuc h u n g d u r c h Satan, suggeriert 1 9 . Selbstverständlich stand d a n e b e n die imitatio Christi im Mittelpunkt. Die biblischen H e r o e n fungieren als Wegweiser in der asketischen Welt. Dabei is der M ö n c h frei, seiner persönlichen Z u n e i g u n g zu folgen, wie das folgende Apophthegma illustriert 20 : Jemand fragte Abba Nisterus: 'Welches gute Werk soll ich tun?' Er antwortete mit der Gegenfrage: 'Sind nicht alle Handlungen gleich? Die Schrift sagt, dass Abraham gastfreundlich war21 und Gott war mit ihm. Elia suchte den inneren Frieden 22 und Gott war mit ihm. David war demütig 23 und Gott war mit ihm. Tue also, was du siehst, dass dein Herz verlangt in Gottes Geist und bewache dein Herz' 24 . Bibelzitate k ö n n e n als sigillum veri dienen. D a s asketische Leben wird d u r c h eine B e r u f u n g auf Schrifttexte legitimiert, u n d zwar von Anf a n g an. Seit der radikalen Bekehrung mittels als persönliche Orakel interpretierter Evangelientexte spielen Bibelzitate in der Vita Antonii eben in wesentlichen M o m e n t e n eine Rolle. Die wichtigsten Elemente des asketischen Lebens—wie G e b e t , Schriftmeditation, Beschäftig u n g mit H a n d w e r k — w e r d e n mit Bibeltexten legitimiert. Aus d e m selben G r u n d w e r d e n in den Apophthegmata wesentliche, an die W ü s t e n v ä t e r gestellte Fragen nicht selten mit Bibelzitaten o d e r An18

19

Hist, monach. in Aegypto, Prol. 13.

Man sehe hierfür: L'exemple des grandes figures de l'Ancien Testament, in: Athanase d'Alexandrie, Vie d'Antoine SC 400 (Paris, 1994), S. 49-52. 20 Nisterus 2 (PG 65,305D-308A); vgl. Palladius, Hist. Laus. 14,4. 21 Gen. 18. 22 1 Kön. 17,5. 23 1 Sam. 18,23. 24 Sprüche 4,23.

spielungen auf die Schrift beantwortet. A u c h in d e m u m 382 in R o m lebenden Kreis aristokratischer F r a u e n u m Paula u n d Marcella, dessen geistlicher F ü h r e r H i e r o n y m u s einige Zeit war, finden wir n e b e n der engen V e r b i n d u n g zwischen asketischem L e b e n u n d lectio divina, a u c h die Legitimierung des asketischen Lebens d u r c h die Schrift. So verwendete H i e r o n y m u s C a n t i c u m t e x t e als G r u n d l a g e für seine Bet r a c h t u n g e n ü b e r die Virginität u n d e n t n a h m er a u c h den Paulusbriefen d a f ü r Argumente 2 5 .

Die zentrale Stellung der Psalmen U n t e r den Bibeltexten n e h m e n die Psalmen als Gebets- u n d Meditationstext eine zentrale Stellung ein. V o n A n f a n g an w u r d e die K e n n t n i s der Psalmen als notwendig betrachtet f ü r j e d e n , der sich d e m vollkommenen L e b e n widmete. In seine Regel f ü r das m e h r strukturierte zönobitische L e b e n n a h m P a c h o m i u s bereits die Bestimm u n g auf, dass n i e m a n d im Kloster bleiben dürfte, der nicht zumindest den Psalter u n d das N e u e T e s t a m e n t auswendig kannte 2 6 . D a weitaus die meisten M ö n c h e in den p a c h o m i a n i s c h e n Klöstern n u r das Koptische beherrschten, muss es schon f r ü h eine koptische BibelÜbersetzung gegeben h a b e n . Forschungen h a b e n tatsächlich ausgewiesen, dass es bereits in der ersten Hälfte des vierten J a h r h u n d e r t s eine n a h e z u vollständige sahidisch-koptische Übersetzung der Bibel gab 2 7 . Die Psalmen w u r d e n nicht n u r g e m u r m e l t , sondern auch gesungen (Psalmodie). " W e n n zu bestimmten Zeiten in den Mönchssiedlungen in der Wüste die Psalmmelodien klingen", sagt Athanasius, "scheint die ideale Stadt hier auf E r d e n Wirklichkeit geworden zu sein" 28 . Ein ähnlicher G e d a n k e findet sich bei Palladius, der ü b e r die M ö n c h e in d e r nitrischen W ü s t e schreibt: Und tatsächlich, wenn jemand um die neunte Stunde (die Stunde der Mahlzeit) sich dort aufhält, kann er den göttlichen Psalmgesang hören, 25

Vgl. z. B. Hieronymus, Ep. 22 (ad Eustochium). Über die Zitate aus den Paulusbriefen: L.J. van der Lof, "L'apôtre Paul dans les lettres de saint Jérôme", jVT 19 (1977), S. 150ff. 26 Nach Palladius (Hist. Laus. 32,12) lernten die tabennisiodschen Mönche alle Bücher der Schrift auswendig. Vgl. R.T. Meyer, "Palladius and the Study of Scripture", in: Studio Patnstica 10 (Berlin, 1970), S. 384-385. 27 Cf. C. Buder, The Lausiac History II (Cambridge, 1904), S. 211, Anm. 58. 28 Athanasius, Vita Antonii 44,2-4 (SC 400, S. 254).

der aus jeder Zelle aufklingt und sich vorstellen, er sei hoch drüben im Paradies 29 . D e r G e s a n g der Psalmen verdrängte selbst die gebräuchlichen Arbeitslieder. H i e r o n y m u s e r w ä h n t singende M ö n c h e in der N ä h e von Bethlehem, die mit der Ernte beschäftigt sind u n d die üblichen Arbeitslieder gegen Psalmen u m g e t a u s c h t haben 3 0 . Ein M ö n c h soll den Psalter wortwörtlich auswendig kennen, sagt Hieronymus 3 1 . In seinem Elogium auf Paula, die u m 400 das F r a u e n kloster zu Bethlehem leitete, sagt er, dass sie selbst die Psalmen auswendig k a n n t e u n d nicht zuliess, dass eine ihrer Schwestern diese nicht k a n n t e u n d nicht j e d e n T a g eine Schriftstelle auswendig lernte 32 . D e r W ü s t e n v a t e r Antonius prägte sich alle Schriftworte, die er hörte, ein 33 . D e r syrische M ö n c h Julianus, der p r o W o c h e n u r eine frugale Mahlzeit mit ein wenig Salz u n d Wasser zu sich n a h m , erfreute sich n a c h T h e o d o r e t u s von Cyrus geistlicher N a h r u n g (der A u t o r verwendet hier das b e k a n n t e Wortspiel τροφή-τρυφή): Das Rezitieren der Psalmen von David und der ununterbrochene Kontakt mit Gott waren für ihn ein üppig gedeckter Tisch, an dem er sich fortwährend gütlich tat ohne gesättigt zu werden 34 . D a s auswendig K e n n e n der Schrift k o n n t e einen charismatischen C h a r a k t e r h a b e n . Ein P n e u m a t i k e r w a r bisweilen auf w u n d e r b a r e Weise, selbst o h n e lesen zu k ö n n e n u n d o h n e Lehrer, d u r c h göttliche Inspiration mit der Schrift vertraut. D a s w u n d e r b a r e Gedächtnis u n d

29

Palladius, Hist. Laus. 7,5; vgl. auch ibid. 43,2 (der Psalmen singende Mönch Adolius). Cf. A. Davril, La Psalmodie chez les pères du désert, Collectanea Cisterciensia 49 (1987), S. 132-139. 30

Hieronymus, Ep. 45,11 (ad Marcellam) Sudans messor psalmis se avocat et curva attondens vitem falce vinitor aliquid Davidicum canit. 51 Hieronymus, Ep. 125,11 (ad Rusticum) Discatur psaltmum ad verbum; Ep. 107,4 (ad Laetam: über ihre jugendliche Tochter) psalmis dulcibus imbuatur. 32 Ep. 108,20.36; vgl. Ep. 107,9; Cyrillus von Scythopolis, Vita Sabae 18 und 51. Cf.

D . Gorce, La lectio divina. I Saint Jérôme et la lecture sacrée dans le milieu ascétique romain

(Paris, 1926); Th. Klauser, Art. Auswendiglernen, RAC 1, Sp. 1030-1038; H. Dörries, "Die Bibel im ältesten Mönchtum", Theol. Ut. Ζ• 73 (1947), Sp. 215-222: auch in: Wort und Stunde I, Gesammelte Studien zur Kirchengeschichte des 4. Jhts. (Göttingen, 1966), S. 145ff.; R.T. Meyer, "Lectio divina in Palladius", in: Kuriakon, Festschrift Johannes Quasten II, ed. P. Granfield und J.A. Jungmann (Münster, 1970), S. 580-584. 33

Athanasius,

Vita Antonii 3 (SC 400, S. 138). Vgl. R. Reitzenstein,

Historia

monachorum und Historia Lausiaca. Eine Studie zur Geschichte des Mönchtums und der frühchristlichen Begriffe Gnostiker und Pneumatiker (Göttingen, 1916), S. 160-164. 34 Theodoretus van Cyrus, Hist, religiosa 2,2.

die w u n d e r b a r e n Kenntnisse w a r e n bei einigen Auserwählten mit e i n e m visionären I n t e r p r e t a t i o n s v e r m ö g e n v e r b u n d e n .

Schrifterklärung Palladius sagt, dass d e r M ö n c h P a p h n u t i u s das C h a r i s m a besass, das Alte u n d das N e u e T e s t a m e n t zu k e n n e n . E r interpretierte beide μή

άναγνούς γραφάς. Wie soll man hier γραφάς deuten? Ist es die Schrift o d e r sind es generell geschriebene T e x t e (Paphnutius ist j a ein ungebildeter M a n n ) ? O d e r h a n d e l t es sich hier u m exegetische T e x te? D a n n ist d e r Sinn der, dass er die Schrift erklärt, o h n e die exegetische T r a d i t i o n zu kennen 3 5 . In d e n Apophthegmata ist m e h r m a l s von charismatischer Bibelinterpretation die Rede 3 6 . Bisweilen offenb a r t ein Engel o d e r P r o p h e t , zu Hilfe gerufen o d e r nicht, einem M ö n c h d e n Sinn einer Bibelstelle 37 . Ein grosser Teil d e r M ö n c h e w a r im vierten u n d f ü n f t e n J a h r h u n dert ungebildet. Sie k a n n t e n die Bibel n u r in der Volkssprache. F ü r die E r k l ä r u n g der T e x t e w a r e n sie angewiesen auf dasjenige, was ältere Asketen in ihrer U m g e b u n g o d e r eigene B e t r a c h t u n g e n sie lehrten. W e n n sie in G r u p p e n lebten u n d i m s t a n d e w a r e n , regelmässig liturgischen Gottesdiensten b e i z u w o h n e n , d a n n w e r d e n H o m i l i e n , in d e n e n meistens biblische T h e m e n aus d e n vorgelesenen T e x t e n b e h a n d e l t w u r d e n , eine wichtige Quelle d e r Bibelkenntnisse gewesen sein. Ungebildete, einfache M ö n c h e w a r e n a m meisten geneigt, die Bibel wörtlich aufzufassen. W i r wissen, dass die a n t h r o p o morphistische Bibelerklärung, wobei die Beschreibungen d e r Gotteserscheinungen im Alten T e s t a m e n t wörtlich g e n o m m e n w u r d e n , u m 385-390 in g a n z Ägypten u n d , wie die T e x t e e r k e n n e n lassen, namentlich in d e n Zellen u n d Klöstern d e r Scete-Wüste stark vertreten war. In den Collatione.38‫ ז‬des Cassianus lesen wir, dass Bischof T h e o philus von Alexandrien in einem Osterbrief die inepta anthropomorphitarum haeresis abwies. Bei d e n M ö n c h e n j e d o c h , d e r e n Auffassungen Cassianus als simplicitatis error bezeichnete, f a n d er wenig G e h ö r . Dass 35

Palladius, Hist. Laus. 47,3.

36

Siehe Nau, ROC 18, S. 138, Apophth. Ν 360,362 und 363. Vgl. H. Dörries, in: Wort und Stunde 1, S. 271; G.E. Gould, A Note on the Apophthegmata, JTS 37 (1986), S. 133-138. 37 Siehe Ν 314 (Engel); Antonius 26 (PG 65,84C: Gott sendet Moses). Vgl. Hist. monach. in Aegypto 2,7. 3,1

Cassianus, Coli. 10,2.

G o t t eine menschliche Gestalt hatte, sagte die Schrift n a c h i h n e n deutlich aus: w a r d o c h A d a m n a c h Gottes Bild geschaffen (cum ad eius imaginem creatum Adam scriptum manifestissime testaretur). Selbst in der Scete-Wüste, w o n a c h Cassianus die M ö n c h e an V o l l k o m m e n h e i t u n d K e n n t n i s {peifectione ac scientia) alle a n d e r e n in d e n ägyptischen Klöstern ü b e r t r a f e n , wollte ausser P a p h n u t i u s keiner von j e n e n , welche die drei a n d e r e n K i r c h e n in dieser Regio betreuten, diesen Brief in d e r K i r c h e o d e r in d e n Klöstern vorlesen. S p ä t e r schwenkte T h e o philus u m u n d fing a n , eben die allegorische Exegese der Origen e s - A n h ä n g e r zu b e k ä m p f e n . D a m i t entstand eine tiefgreifende K o n traverse im f r ü h e n M ö n c h t u m 3 9 . In d e n Apophthegmata-Sammlungen herrscht die anti-origenistische 40 S t i m m u n g vor , die sich u m 4 0 0 allseits zu verbreiten b e g a n n , a b e r die allegorischen Schriftinterpretationen, die j a a u c h einen Bestandteil d e r kirchlichen T r a d i t i o n im allgemeinen bildeten, fehlen keineswegs. Bei d e n n a m e n t l i c h auf die Praxis eingestellten Asketen in der W ü s t e überwiegt j e d o c h die wörtliche Schrifterklärung. Es h a n d e l t e sich bei i h n e n u m eine u n m i t t e l b a r e Z u s p i t z u n g auf die eigenen moralischen u n d religiösen F r a g e n , u m eine bessere Erkenntnis, wie m a n Heil u n d Heiligkeit e r w e r b e n konnte. Die f o r t w ä h r e n d e Beschäftigung mit d e m Schrifttext, mit Lektüre, M e d i t a t i o n u n d Exegese w u r d e als eine Art G e b e t betrachtet. M e h r n o c h als Fasten u n d W a c h e n w a r es eine W a f f e im geistlichen K a m p f . D a b e i k o n n t e m a n , parallel z u m Fortschreiten im geistlichen L e b e n , sich in einer steigenden Linie bewegen, v o m auswendig K e n n e n des T e x t e s bis hin zu dessen Verständnis. W e n n m a n das Niveau der R e i n h e i t des H e r z e n erreicht hatte, w a r m a n besser imstande, d e n tieferen geistlichen Schriftsinn a u f z u n e h m e n .

Den Bibeltexten wird bisweilen apotropäische Kraft zugeschrieben Ein Sonderaspekt bei der V e r w e n d u n g von Bibeltexten in der Mönchswelt, w o f ü r es eine A n z a h l interessante Zeugnisse gibt, ist die 59

Siehe H. Crouzel, Origène, précurseur du monachisme, in: G. Lemaître, Théologic de la vie monastique. Emdes sur la tradition patristique (Paris, 1961), S. 15-37; vgl. auch Karen Torjesen, Hermeneutical Procedure and Theological Method in Origen's Exegesis

(Berlin-New York, 1986). 40 Vgl. z.B. Lot 1 (PG 65,253D-256). Für die Origenistische Frage bei den Mönchen: D.J. Chitty, The Desert a City (Oxford, 1966), S. 58.

apotropäische K r a f t , welche m a n i h n e n bisweilen zuschrieb. N e b e n Gebetsformeln verwendeten die M ö n c h e a u c h Bibeltexte als Abwehrmittel gegen D ä m o n e n . In der Praxis sind wir d a n n oft nicht weit von der Weise entfernt, in der in der heidnischen Welt der Spätantike magische Formeln, wie wir sie aus den Z a u b e r p a p y r i kenn e n , verwendet werden, u m böse M ä c h t e fernzuhalten. Hier ist z u m Beispiel auf einen T e x t aus d e n Apophthegmata hinzuweisen, wo ein a n o n y m e r A b b a sagt, dass es f ü r die W i r k u n g der ausgesprochenen Bibelworte nicht notwendig ist, ihre B e d e u t u n g zu kennen. Es genügt, sagte er, die Worte zu murmeln. Ich habe gehört, dass Abba Poemen und viele andere Väter sagten: 'Ein Magier versteht die Bedeutung der Worte nicht, die er ausspricht (Poemen meint, magische Laute seien meistens verunstaltet, oder bewusst unverständliche Laute), aber das wilde Tier, das sie hört, versteht sie und erfahrt die zwingende Macht der Worte.' So ist es auch um uns bestellt: selbst wenn wir die Bedeutung der ausgesprochenen Bibelworte nicht verstehen, fürchten die Dämonen sich. Wenn sie diese hören, verschwinden sie rasch 41 . Besonders das N e u e T e s t a m e n t , w o gesagt wird, dass die D ä m o n e n d u r c h den T o d Christi endgültig ü b e r w u n d e n sind, w u r d e von den D ä m o n e n so sehr als b e d r o h e n d erfahren, dass n u r das Aussprechen der W o r t e " D a s N e u e " genügte, u m sie in die Flucht zu schlagen 4 2 . In diesem l i c h t e w e r d e n wir a u c h einen T e x t aus der Vita Hypatii interpretieren müssen 4 3 . W e n n die M ö n c h e des Alexander, des Abtes der A k ö m e t e n (der Niemals-Schlafenden), aus K o n s t a n t i n o p e l vertrieben sind u n d von d e m Kloster R u f i n i a n a e aus weiter flüchten wollen, hofft j e d e r , so der Verfasser der Vita, wenigstens ein Büchlein (βιβλίον) als Eulogie f ü r die Reise m i t n e h m e n zu k ö n n e n . W a h r scheinlich handelt es sich hier u m ein Bibelbuch oder eine kleine S a m m l u n g Bibeltexte, wie Reisende sie bisweilen als T a l i s m a n f ü r unterwegs bei sich trugen 4 4 . ***

41

F. Nau, Histoire des solitaires égyptiens (MS Coislin 126, fol. 158f.), nos. 133-369, ROC 13 (1908), S. 271-272. 42 L. Regnault, Les sentences des pères du désert. Série des anonymes (Solesmes-Bellefontaine, 1985) (N. 632, S. 275). Vgl. id., Les sentences des pères du désert. Troisième

recueil (Sablé sur Sarthe-Solesmes, 1976), S. 107 (XXI 44): das Lesenhören der Schrift schreckt den Teufel ab. 43

Callinicus, Vita Hypatii 4 1 , 1 3 (SC 177, S. 244). Vgl. Vita Columbani 9 tibrum umeris ferens. Siehe D. Gorce, Les voyages, l'hospitalité et le port des lettres dans le monde chrétien des IVe et Ve siècles (Paris, 1925), S. 128-130. 44

Viele der monastischen Schriften aus d e r Frühzeit des M ö n c h t u m s sind von der Bibel gesättigt u n d spiegeln somit d e n ständigen K o n takt wider, d e n die asketischen Kreise mit der Bibel hatten. Bibeltexte, u n d ganz besonders aus einigen Bibelbüchern, finden sich a u c h oft in Anspielungen u n d o h n e n ä h e r e A n g a b e d e r Zitate. In dieser Hinsicht ist die V e r a r b e i t u n g des allesbestimmenden Buches mit der Weise vergleichbar, in der in der späteren griechisch-römischen Welt die p r o f a n e n Schriftsteller in d e n grossen klassischen A u t o r e n ihr Vorbild sahen. D e r Vergleich betrifft j e d o c h n u r d e n formalen Aspekt. Mit der Bibel sind wir inhaltlich in einer g a n z a n d e r e n Welt mit einer g a n z a n d e r e n Paideia. In einem Brief a n seinen F r e u n d G r e g o r von Nazianz, aus der Anfangszeit seines zurückgezogenen Lebens im Pontus, hat Basilius die B e d e u t u n g der Bibel f ü r d e n Asketen treffend z u m Ausdruck gebracht: Lektüre und Meditation der Schrift verschaffen unentbehrliche Hilfe. Diese Texte bieten ja Verhaltensregeln und Vorbilder grossen Kalibers. Wir müssen diese befolgen, wie ein Maler äusserst sorgfaltig ein Original kopiert 45 . So sprechen a u c h die Wüstenväter. " M a n soll praktizieren was geschrieben ist", wie A b b a G e r o n t i u s seinen Besuchern zu sagen pflegte 46 . In der asketischen Welt w a r die Bibel n e b e n Gebetstext a n erster Stelle Wegweiser z u m H i m m e l .

43 46

Basilius, Ep. 2,3 (ad Gregorium); Ausg. Y. Courtonne (Paris, 1957), S. 8-9. Gerontius 1 (PG 65,153AB).

D I E BIBEL IN D E N G E B E T S F O R M E L N DER LATEINISCHEN KIRCHE A A . R . Bastiaensen

Ü b e r die F o r m e n des Betens in der Frühzeit d e r K i r c h e ist nicht viel b e k a n n t . F ü r die neutestamentlichen u n d die ältesten christlichen Schriftsteller ist das ständig wiederholte persönliche u n d öffentliche G e b e t eine Selbstverständlichkeit, a b e r es fehlen g e n a u e r e Auskünfte, besonders in b e z u g auf Art u n d Weise des öffentlichen Gebets. Eines ist allerdings deutlich: von A n f a n g an hat, u n t e r d e n Z u s a m m e n k ü n f ten z u m G e b e t , die von Paulus im ersten K o r i n t h e r b r i e f (1 K o r . 11,20ff.) beschriebene cena dominica ihren eigenen Platz e i n g e n o m m e n . D a s h a t d a z u geführt, dass sich in d e r allmählichen G e s t a l t u n g des öffentlichen Gebets zwei scharf u n t e r s c h i e d e n e F o r m e n herausgeschält h a b e n : die Eucharistiefeier u n d das Stundengebet 1 . In beid e n spielt das W o r t der Bibel eine wichtige Rolle, a b e r zwischen beiden gibt es a u c h , gerade in dieser Beziehung, einen grossen U n t e r schied. D a s S t u n d e n g e b e t besteht fast vollständig aus wörtlich wied e r g e g e b e n e n T e x t e n d e r H . Schrift. D a s gilt in erster Linie f ü r d e n H a u p t i n h a l t , f ü r die biblische Lyrik der Psalmen u n d a n d e r e r biblischer G e s ä n g e wie Benedictus, Magnificat u n d Nunc dimittis, u.dgl., sowie f ü r die diesen Liedern e n t n o m m e n e n o d e r aufs engste mit i h n e n v e r b u n d e n e n A n t i p h o n e n u n d Responsorien. Des weiteren f ü r d e n anfänglich a u s g e d e h n t e n , später stark gekürzten Bestandteil der Bibellesung. Weil Lyrik u n d L e s u n g des S t u n d e n g e b e t s d e n T e x t der Bibel wörtlich u n d nicht in G e b e t s f o r m e l n umgesetzt, nicht 'euchologisch', a n f ü h r e n , hat eine linguistische o d e r stilistische U n t e r s u c h u n g hier keinen Zweck. D e r H y m n u s als Bestandteil des S t u n d e n gebets ist n a h e mit d e n Psalmen u n d a n d e r e n biblischen Liedern

1

Seit dem vierten Jahrhundert unterscheiden sich zwei Formen des Stundengebets, das Kathedraloffizium der kirchlichen Gemeinde und das monastische OfTizium der Klöster. Aber nach Gliederung und Inhalt ist zwischen den beiden kein wesendicher Unterschied: vgl. J. Jungmann, Der Gottesdienst der Kirche, auf dem Hintergrund seiner Geschichte kurz erläutert (Innsbruck-Wien-München, 1955), pp. 172-175 und

P. Salmon, "La prière des heures", A. Martimort éd., L'Église en prière. Introduction à la liturgie (Paris-Tournai-Rome-New York, 1961), pp. 787-876: s. pp. 801-805.

verwandt: er bleibt hier ausser Betracht, so wichtig er in sprachlicher Hinsicht a u c h sein mag 2 . U n s e r e Aufmerksamkeit richtet sich also auf die a n d e r e F o r m des christlichen Gottesdienstes, die Feier d e r Eucharistie. Bestand hier anfänglich eine grosse Freiheit in d e r F o r m u l i e r u n g d e r G e b e t e , so sehen wir seit d e m vierten J a h r h u n d e r t feste Strukturen entstehen, die die U m r a h m u n g f ü r die mit d e n Festen des kirchlichen K a l e n d e r s wechselnden G e b e t s f o r m e l n bilden. Eine auffallende Entwicklung f ü h r t e weiter n o c h d a z u , dass d e r eigentlichen Eucharistiefeier, d e r O p f e r m e s s e ' , normalerweise ein Wortgottesdienst, die 'Vormesse', voranging, in d e m , ausser d e n f u r unsere U n t e r s u c h u n g unwichtigen Lesungen mit Psalmen u n d A n t i p h o n e n , a u c h die n a c h d e m K a i e n d e r wechselnde Kollekte ihren Platz hat 3 . In d e n meisten F o r m u l a r e n des SacramentaHum Veronense, d e r ältesten römischen euchologischen S a m m l u n g , das d e r spezielle G e g e n s t a n d unserer U n t e r s u c h u n g sein wird, f i n d e n wir eine weitere variable O r a t i o n , die oratio super sindonem — a l s solche erhalten in d e r a m b r o s i a n i s c h e n (mailändischen) Liturgie—, die, a n i h r e m Platz n a c h d e r Lesung des Evangeliums, gleichsam d e n Ü b e r g a n g von V o r m e s s e zu O p f e r m e s s e markiert 4 . Die wechselnden G e b e t e n u n , mit d e n e n unsere U n t e r s u c h u n g sich beschäftigen wird, sind folgende: 1) aus der Vormesse die Kollekte; 2) aus d e m Ü b e r g a n g v o n Vormesse zu O p f e r m e s s e die oratio super sindonem, 'die zweite O r a t i o n ' , wie wir sie n e n n e n w e r d e n ; 3) aus der O p f e r m e s s e a) das G e b e t z u r D a r b r i n g u n g der G a b e n , das O p fergebet, super oblata o d e r secreta g e n a n n t , b) die Präfation, praefatio, die 2 Für Kontakte zwischen Psalmodie und Hymnodie s. J. Fontaine, Naissance de la poésie dans l'Occident chrétien (Paris, 1981), pp. 87-89. pp. 132-135; s. von derselben Hand "Introduction. Psalmodie et hymnodie", in Ambroise de Milan. Hymnes. Texte

établi, traduit et annoté sous la direction de J. Fontaine (Paris, 1992), pp. 28-41. 3 Das Stundengebet hat auch die Kollekte am Ende des Offiziums. In der heutigen Situation ist sie mit der Kollekte der Vormesse identisch. Wie diese ÜbereinStimmung zu erklären ist, ist mir nicht bekannt. Einen Sonderfall bilden die aus der Antike in mindestens drei Serien (einer afrikanischen, einer römischen und einer spanischen) überlieferten Psalmkollekten. Diese Kollekten, deren jede einzelne die einzelnen Psalmen des Stundengebets abschliesst, waren in Ost (Egeria und Cassian) und West (die Regula Magistri, nicht mehr in der Regula Benedicta) in Gebrauch: vgl. A.

Wilmart—L. Brou, The Psalter Collects from Vth— Vlth Century Sources (Henry Bradshaw

Society 83), London, 1949: s. "Introduction". In diesen Orationen (einige nichtliterarisch, andere gepflegt, z.B. mit cursus ausgestattet) ist der Psalmtext Hauptinhalt. Die erwünschte Untersuchung über Sprache und Stil steht noch aus. 4

s. A. Chavasse, Le sacramentaire gélasien (Vaticanus Reginensis 316) sacramentaire presbytéral en usage dans les titres romains au Vile siècle (Bibliothèque de Théologie IV, 1),

Paris-Tournai-New York-Rome, 1957, pp. 190-195.

einleitende F o r m e l des eucharistischen Hochgebetes, c) das G e b e t n a c h d e r K o m m u n i o n , die P o s t k o m m u n i o n , postcommunio\ 4) aus d e m Schlussteil die oratio super populum, das Segnungsgebet, mit d e m d e r Z e l e b r a n t d e n Segen, d e n er zur V e r a b s c h i e d u n g der A n w e s e n d e n aussprechen wird, einleitet. Diese sechs G e b e t e bilden z u s a m m e n den n o r m a l e n Inhalt eines Messformulars. H i n z u k o m m e n übrigens die S o n d e r f o r m e l n , die wir im Veronense, wie in allen S a k r a m e n t a r i e n , vorfinden, f ü r b e s t i m m t e Feierlichkeiten, f u r die S p e n d u n g der Sak r a m e n t e , f ü r die W e i h e z u m Bischof, Priester u n d Diakon, f ü r die zwei auf die F r a u a b g e s t i m m t e n Riten, d e r Eheschliessung (velatio nuptialis) u n d des feierlichen Eintritts in das monastische L e b e n , u n d f u r a n d e r e b e s o n d e r e Gelegenheiten. D a s ganze Gebiet überblickend stellen wir fest, dass, o b s c h o n viel T e x t m a t e r i a l verlorengegangen ist (von d e m d e r nordafrikanischen K i r c h e n a h e z u sämtliches), d e n n o c h aus d e m R e i c h t u m , d e n d e r lateinische Westen im L a u f des ersten Millenniums a u f g e b a u t hat, viele T a u s e n d e G e b e t e auf uns g e k o m m e n sind. I m R a h m e n dieser Studie ist es nicht möglich, f ü r all dieses Material d e m Einfluss der Bibel bei d e r Redaktionsarbeit n a c h z u g e h e n 5 . I m folgenden wird ein, allerdings n u r vorläufiger, V e r s u c h u n t e r n o m m e n , das älteste uns b e k a n n t e lateinische Material, die im Sacramentarium Veronensè5 a u f b e w a h r t e n euchologischen D o k u m e n t e der römischen K i r c h e aus d e m f ü n f t e n u n d sechsten J a h r h u n d e r t , auf biblischen Einfluss zu p r ü f e n : viele F o r m e l n aus dieser S a m m l u n g sind i m m e r h i n von d e n späteren westlichen, a u c h nichtrömischen, S a k r a m e n t a r i e n ü b e r n o m m e n worden. Z u n ä c h s t geben wir eine Beschreibung von der Präsenz d e r Bibel in d e n Präfationen, die als L o b g e b e t ihren eigenen Platz im K o r p u s d e r G e b e t e e i n n e h m e n ; anschliessend folgen die f ü n f a n d e 5

Auf diesem Gebiet steckt die wissenschaftliche Arbeit noch in den Kinderschuhen. In einer liturgiegeschichtlichen Übersicht erwähnt Saxer das fast völlige Fehlen von Ergebnissen betreffs der 'présence biblique' in den liturgischen Texten: V. Saxer, "Bible et liturgie", J. Fontaine—Ch. Piétri éd., Le monde latin antique et la Bible (Bible de tous les temps 2), Paris, 1985, pp. 157-183: s. Schlussbemerkungen. 6 Die kritische Ausgabe des in der Kapitelbibliothek von Verona aufgefundenen Dokuments ist von L.C. Mohlberg: Sacramentanum Veronense (Rerum Ecclesiasticarum Documenta. Series maior. Fontes 1), 2 Roma, 1956. Die frühere Benennung Sacramentarium Leonianum beruht auf der falschen Annahme, dass Papst Leo der Grosse um die Mitte des fünften Jahrhunderts dieses Material redigiert oder gesammelt hätte. Über das Veronense als Quelle euchologischen Materials findet man einiges in J. Hennig, "Studies in the Vocabulary of the Sacramentanum Veronense" in John J. O'Meara and Bernd N a u m a n n ed., Latin Script and Letters A.D. 400-900. Festschrift presented to Ludwig Bieler on the occasion of his 70th birthday (Leiden, 1976), pp. 101-112.

ren O r a t i o n e n des Messformulars, die, a u f g r u n d ihres g e m e i n s a m e n C h a r a k t e r s als Bittgebet, in der B e s p r e c h u n g z u s a m m e n g e n o m m e n werden.

Die älteste römische Präfation Die variable Präfation ist ein f ü r d e n lateinischen Westen kennzeichn e n d e s G e b e t . D e n griechischen Liturgien ist sie u n b e k a n n t , weil dort das eucharistische H o c h g e b e t ein festes G e f u g e von einer A n zahl die Einsetzungsworte u m r a h m e n d e r u n v e r ä n d e r l i c h e r G e b e t e bildet. In d e r lateinischen T r a d i t i o n finden wir zwei F o r m e n . In d e r gallikanischen Liturgie im gallischen R a u m u n d der m o z a r a b i s c h e n Liturgie in d e r Iberischen Halbinsel sind alle Bestandteile des H o c h gebetes, die Einsetzungsworte a u s g e n o m m e n , variabel, w ä h r e n d in d e r römischen u n d in d e r a m b r o s i a n i s c h e n (mailändischen) Liturgie n u r das feierliche einleitende G e b e t , die Präfation, veränderlich ist. Diese Präfation h a t die ausserordentlich wichtige Funktion, d e n Aspekt des Lobes u n d des Dankes, d e r d e n K e r n d e r Eucharistie a u s m a c h t , p r o n o n c i e r t h e r v o r z u h e b e n . Anschliessend a n die letzte F o r m e l des einleitenden Dialogs: Gratias agamus domino deo nostro— Dignum et iustum est, fängt sie d e n n a u c h i m m e r mit d e m fast lyrischen Ausruf an: Vere dignum et iustum est, aequum et salutare, nos tibi semper et ubique gratias agere. U n d es folgt d a n n d e r sehr logische Ü b e r g a n g zur Feier des T a g e s : (... Dir i m m e r zu danken), insonderheit heute, bei Gelegenheit des Weihnachtsfestes, des Festes d e r H i m m e l f a h r t Christi, des Festes der Apostelfursten Petrus u n d Paulus, des J a h r t a g s d e r Bischofsweihe, des A n f a n g s d e r Fastenzeit, usw. F ü r die H e r v o r h e b u n g u n d A u s a r b e i t u n g des Festthemas stellt sich d a n n die Bibel als die bevorzugte Quelle heraus. So ist W e i h n a c h t s p r ä f a t i o n 1245 des Sacramentarium Veronense eine A n e i n a n d e r r e i h u n g biblischer Aussagen ü b e r die magnalia des H e r r n : erfüllt ist jetzt, was die P r o p h e t e n vorhergesagt h a b e n (Luk. 1,70): die J u n g f r a u h a t e m p f a n g e n u n d d e n S o h n geboren, d e r E m m a n u e l heisst (Jes. 7,14; M a t t h . 1,23); das W o r t ist Fleisch g e w o r d e n u n d ist g e k o m m e n u m u n t e r uns zu w o h n e n (Joh. 1,14). D e r letzte Teil der Präfation zitiert ausführlich J e s a j a : ein K n a b e ist uns geboren; H e r r schaft r u h t auf seinen Schultern; sein N a m e wird sein d e r W u n d e r b a re, Engel des grossen Ratschlusses, starker G o t t , V a t e r der k o m m e n d e n Welt, Friedensfürst; a u s g e d e h n t wird seine H e r r s c h a f t sein, u n d

des Friedens ü b e r d e m T h r o n u n d d e m K ö n i g r e i c h Davids wird kein E n d e sein (Jes. 9,6-7). D e r Schluss schlägt w i e d e r u m eine lyrische T o n a r t an: deswegen j a u c h z t mit u n e i n g e s c h r ä n k t e r F r e u d e auf d e m g a n z e n Erdkreis die M e n s c h h e i t (unde profusis gaudiis totus in orbe terrarum mundus exsultat). U n d mit d e n Engeln u n d Erzengeln, mit d e n T h r o n e n u n d Gewalten, mit d e m g e s a m t e n himmlischen H e e r e singen wir z u m Lobe D e i n e r Herrlichkeit: Sanctus, sanctus, sanctus, dominus deus sabaoth. Die Präfation als G a n z e s erweist sich somit als eine geschlossene u n d sehr eindrucksvolle K o m p o s i t i o n . W e i h n a c h t s p r ä f a t i o n 1247 ist, gleichfalls mit wörtlichen Zitaten, A n p a s s u n g einer A n z a h l von Versen aus d e m Benedictus, d e m Lobgesang des Z a c h a r i a s ü b e r das Heil, das g e k o m m e n ist (Luk. 1,68-79). In 1250 w e r d e n alttestamentliche Figuren als heilsgeschichtliche V o r bilder des jetzt erschienenen Erlösers a u f g e f ü h r t : d e r gerechte Abel, das jüdische O s t e r l a m m , A b r a h a m , Melchisedech. Eine kurze Präfation f ü r Christi H i m m e l f a h r t (177) entlehnt aus d e m Psalm (Ps. 23[24],7-10) W o r t e ü b e r d e n K ö n i g der Herrlichkeit, d e n H e r r n d e r H i m m e l s m ä c h t e , der vor d e n b e w u n d e r n d e n Blicken der Engelsfürsten die Erstlinge d e r A u f e r s t e h u n g zur R e c h t e n Gottes sitzen heisst. Präfationen f ü r Märtyrerfeste h a b e n m a n c h m a l (11. 68. 166) als Leitgedanken d e n Glückwunsch des Paulus a n die Philipper (Phil. 1,29), dass es i h n e n geschenkt w u r d e , nicht n u r an Christus zu glauben, sondern a u c h f ü r ihn zu leiden. In d e n Präfationen f ü r M ä r t y r e r i n n e n (826. 839. 1180. 1185) steht die Geschichte d e r Genesis ü b e r d e n Sündenfall im Mittelpunkt: b e t o n t wird, dass der Teufel, d a m a l s d u r c h V e r s a g e n d e r F r a u Sieger, jetzt d u r c h T a p f e r k e i t d e r F r a u Erschlagener ist. Auffällig ist d e r A u f b a u einer Präfation f ü r d e n 27. D e z e m b e r , das Fest des Apostels u n d Evangelisten J o h a n n e s : es geziemt uns, Dich, G o t t , zu loben a m Fest des J o h a n n e s , des von D e i n e m S o h n G e r u f e n e n , d e r seinen irdischen V a t e r verliess (Matth. 4,22; Mk. 1,20; Luk. 5,11), u m einen himmlischen zu e r w e r b e n ; der die Netze d e r Welt wegwarf, u m in Freiheit leben zu k ö n n e n ; d e r aus einem auf d e n W o g e n t a n z e n d e n Schiff ausstieg, u m R u d e r g ä n g e r in D e i n e r K i r c h e zu w e r d e n ; d e r d e n Fischfang a u f g a b , u m mit der Angel der Heilslehre die M e n s c h e n aus d e n Strudeln d e r bösen Welt herauszuziehen; d e r das Eindringen in die Geheimnisse des Meeres mit d e m E i n d r i n gen in die göttlichen Geheimnisse vertauschte; d e n n diese G e h e i m nisse h a t er ergründet: bei d e r cena mystica, d e m letzten A b e n d m a h l , als er sich an die Brust J e s u legte (Joh. 13,23.25); u n t e r m K r e u z , als

Jesus ihn a n seiner Statt S o h n seiner j u n g f r ä u l i c h e n M u t t e r m a c h t e (Joh. 19,27); als d e r inspirierte Prediger, d e r a n d e n a n d e r e n J ü n g e r n vorbei die A u f g a b e erhielt, das W o r t Gottes zu v e r k ü n d e n , das im A n f a n g bei G o t t w a r (Joh. 1,1). Die Aussagen d e r Bibel ü b e r das A u f g e b e n d e r Arbeit in d e r Fischerei dienen hier als G e g e n s t a n d d e r Allegorisierung. Die Christen f a n d e n in d e n biblischen W o r t e n oft m e h r als dasjenige, was diese d e m Buchstaben n a c h sagten: a u c h in allegorischer D e u t u n g verherrlichten diese Aussagen die magnalia Gottes. Dass es dabei gelegentlich zu m e r k w ü r d i g e n I n t e r p r e t a t i o n e n k o m m e n konnte, beweist eine Präfation (1291) f ü r das Fest d e r U n schuldigen K i n d e r , a m 28. D e z e m b e r . Ausgangspunkt f ü r d e n Verfasser ist das Zitat in M a t t h ä u s 2,18, anlässlich des K i n d e r m o r d e s in Bethlehem, von J e r e m i a 31,15 ü b e r R a c h e l , die sich nicht wollte trösten lassen, weil ihre K i n d e r non sunt 'nicht m e h r d a sind'. E r versteht a b e r non sunt als: weil die K i n d e r , die die M ä r t y r e r k r o n e erhalten h a b e n , 'nicht ihre K i n d e r sind'. Als M ä r t y r e r gekrönt sind nämlich die K i n d e r Lias, d e r Rivalin R a c h e l s in d e r G u n s t des Patria r c h e n J a k o b (Gen. 29,14-30,24): aus Lia, d e r zweiten u n d viel f r u c h t b a r e r e n F r a u J a k o b s , s t a m m e n die Unschuldigen K i n d e r . M a n k a n n nicht u m h i n , hier eine Anspielung zu h ö r e n auf d e n Gegensatz zwischen d e m erstgeliebten, d e m j ü d i s c h e n Volk, das abgewiesen, u n d d e m Volk der zweiten Liebe, d e m Volk d e r Christen, das bereits in d e n Unschuldigen K i n d e r n auserwählt w u r d e . I n d e n P r ä f a t i o n e n zu E h r e n des S t e p h a n u s , des ersten Märtyrers, des Lieblings d e r K i r c h e in O s t u n d West, dessen Fest a m 26. D e z e m b e r b e g a n g e n w u r d e (673. 680. 686. 688. 694. 701), sind die Hinweise auf biblische Textstellen zahlreich: S t e p h a n u s hat die V e r sorgung d e r W i t w e n in d e r G e m e i n d e betreut; in d e n AuseinanderSetzungen mit j ü d i s c h e n G e g n e r n h a t er die O b e r h a n d g e w o n n e n ; die H i m m e l h a t er offen gesehen u n d d e n S o h n des M e n s c h e n zur R e c h t e n Gottes stehen sehen; f ü r seine Verfolger hat er gebetet (Apg. 6,1.11; 7,55.60). D e r R e d a k t o r h a t sich hier übrigens nicht mit d e n Mitteilungen seiner Quelle zufriedengegeben. In die E r w ä h n u n g der B e t r e u u n g d e r W i t w e n hat er, vielleicht n a c h 1 T i m . 4,12 o d e r 2 T i m . 3,6, die B e t e u e r u n g hineingeschmuggelt, dass dabei die E h r b a r keit keineswegs verletzt w u r d e (673. 680). W i r w u n d e m uns nicht d a r ü b e r , dass in d e n P r ä f a t i o n e n 6 7 3 u n d 6 8 8 auf d e n N a m e n des Märtyrers, S t e p h a n u s , griechisch f u r ' K r a n z ' , ' M ä r t y r e r k r a n z ' , angespielt wird. Gänzlich u n e r w a r t e t u n d einigermassen bestürzend ist

a b e r die V e r b i n d u n g d e r Steinigung des S t e p h a n u s (Apg. 7,58-59) mit d e m W o r t aus d e m ersten Brief des Petrus (1 Petr. 2,5) ü b e r die G l ä u b i g e n , die als lebendige Steine, lapides vivi, a u f g e b a u t w e r d e n : S t e p h a n u s ist ein 'lebendiger Stein heiligen Zeugnisses' (688). Mit e i n e m derartigen, ziemlich willkürlichen H e r a n z i e h e n von Textstellen wird die Bibel nicht gering b e m ü h t . In e i n e m g a n z a n d e ren Sinne ist das a u c h d e r Fall mit d e r Präfation aus einem LupercaliaF o r m u l a r (530), verwendet a m 5. M ä r z , d e m vierten Fastensonntag, im J a h r e 495. Die Affäre d e r Lupercalia h a t sich im Sacramentarium Veronense in einer A n z a h l m a r k a n t e r M e s s f o r m u l a r e niedergeschlagen, die v o n G . P o m a r è s mit h o h e r Wahrscheinlichkeit identifiziert u n d mit d e n g e n a u e n D a t e n versehen w o r d e n sind 7 . Papst Gelasius I., E n d e des f ü n f t e n J a h r h u n d e r t s , zog ins Feld gegen das Fortleben des von frühesten Zeiten ü b e r k o m m e n e n , heidnischen Lupercalia-Festes: das w u r d e i h m verübelt u n d er w u r d e Zielscheibe bitterer V e r l e u m d u n g u n d V e r d ä c h t i g u n g seitens seiner G e g n e r . Seine A n t w o r t in liturgischer F o r m w a r a u c h nicht gerade sanftmütig, wie aus d e r Präfation hervorgeht. Typisch ist, dass d e r Lob- u n d D a n k c h a r a k t e r zurücktritt, die Bibel a b e r nicht ausser F u n k t i o n gesetzt wird: sie wird b e n u t z t als Arsenal in d e r K a m p a g n e gegen die Feinde. Diese sind falsi ßatres (2 K o r . 11,26; Gal. 2,4), a n ihren F r ü c h t e n e r k e n n b a r (Zitat v o n M a t t h . 7,20), zur H o f f a r t getrieben, weil sie alles fleischlich verstehen (Kol. 2,18-19), n u r auf das Irdische b e d a c h t (Phil. 3,19), S a c h e n des Geistes als T o r h e i t e n b e t r a c h t e n d (1 K o r . 2,14), im G l a u b e n verwerflich (2 T i m . 3,8), nicht verstehend, was sie b e h a u p t e n (1 T i m . 1,7), trügerische Arbeiter (2 K o r . 11,13), E r k u n d e r d e r Freiheit der Christen (Gal. 2,4), sich in die H ä u s e r d r ä n g e n d u n d mit S ü n d e n b e l a d e n e W e i b e r zu ihrer Beute m a c h e n d (2 T i m . 3,6), mit K a l k bestrichene G r a b k a m m e r n , von aussen schön, i n n e n a b e r voll von G e b e i n e n u n d jeglichem U n r a t (Matth. 23,27), u n d desgleichen m e h r . A m E n d e folgt die W a r n u n g , d e r Christ m ö g e sich vor diesen u n o r d e n t l i c h w a n d e l n d e n B r ü d e r n h ü t e n (2 Thess. 3,6) u n d sich j e n e n W e r k e n w i d m e n , d e r e n t w e g e n die w a h r e n Gläubigen G o t t , von d e m j e d e s v o l l k o m m e n e G e s c h e n k (Jak. 1,17), des guten Gewissens u n d des guten L e u m u n d s , h e r k o m m t , preisen u n d verherrlichen (Matth. 5,16). N u r a m Schluss also k o m m t die Präfation auf ihr eigenes Gebiet.

7

G. Pomarès, Gélose 1er. Lettre contre les Lupereales et dix-huit messes du sacramentaire léonien. Introduction, texte critique, traduction et notes S C 65 (Paris, 1959).

H i n u n d wieder k o m m t sie a b e r nicht e i n m a l so weit. In einer Ferialtagspräfation (668) treffen wir in d e m a n G o t t gerichteten Gebet auf einen G e d a n k e n g a n g , d e r wie alltägliche Lebensweisheit anm u t e t : D e i n Wille ist es, dass das Menschengeschlecht eine G e m e i n schaft v o n Gleichberechtigten ist; d a r u m befiehlst D u uns, j e d e n Zwiespalt u n d alles, was R u h e u n d H a r m o n i e stört, abzuweisen; vor U n r e c h t sollen wir u n s h ü t e n , d a m i t wir alle gleicher G e s i n n u n g sind; was Dir nicht gefällt, sollen wir v e r m e i d e n , u n d suchen, was Dich g n ä d i g stimmt. Es ist d e r übliche Schlusssatz ' d u r c h Christus, unseren H e r r n , d u r c h d e n die Engel... nicht a u f h ö r e n zu singen: Sanctus, sanctus, sanctus', d e r u n s d a r a n erinnert, dass der T e x t eine Präfation ist. Eine a n d e r e Ferialtagspräfation (434) bietet in stark rhetorischer F o r m die régula aurea: 'was d u nicht willst, dass m a n dir tu', das f u g a u c h keinem a n d e r n zu'. Die G o l d e n e Regel ist natürlich a u c h biblisch (vgl. T o b . 4,16 u n d M a t t h . 7,12), a b e r der Verfasser der Präfation scheint den Schluss seiner Beweisführung e h e r aus stoischem als aus biblischem G e d a n k e n g u t entlehnt zu h a b e n . Er f o r m u liert: w e n n j e d e r m a n n seinen censors naturae, seinen d e r gleichen N a t u r teilhaftigen M i t m e n s c h e n , liebt, d a n n entsteht eine semet ipsam diligens mens una cunctorum, 'eine sich selbst liebende geistliche Einheit des g a n z e n Menschengeschlechts'. Eine Lupercalia-Präfation (422) verbindet a u c h Stoisches u n d Biblisches, i n d e m sie d e n consors naturaeG e d a n k e n mit einer E m p f e h l u n g des doppelten G e b o t e s d e r Liebe zu G o t t u n d zu d e m N ä c h s t e n verflicht (Matth. 22,37-41). Vieles k ö n n t e n o c h aus d e n zahlreichen P r ä f a t i o n e n des Veronense zitiert w e r d e n , a b e r es ist o h n e h i n deutlich, dass wir es mit einer Serie von Gebetstexten zu t u n h a b e n , die, trotz ihres ursprünglichen g e m e i n s a m e n C h a r a k t e r s als Lobpreis, in T h e m a t i k u n d A u f b a u eine grosse Variation aufweisen. M a n c h e spiegeln augenblickliche Bedürfnisse u n d Sorgen wider: so die P r ä f a t i o n e n f ü r Festtage, f ü r die Fastenzeit, f ü r d e n J a h r e s t a g der Bischofsweihe, u.dgl.; gleichfalls die mit P r o b l e m e n in der K i r c h e z u s a m m e n h ä n g e n d e n T e x t e , wie die Luperccdia-Vrài&ûontn o d e r die P r ä f a t i o n e n f ü r Kriegszeit, die die Angst vor T o d u n d V e r h e e r u n g widerspiegeln (446. 452, von C h a vasse mit grosser Wahrscheinlichkeit in die T a g e d e r Belagerung R o m s d u r c h die O s t g o t e n im J a h r e 537 datiert 8 ). A b e r d a n e b e n gibt es a u c h viele T e x t e allgemeineren Inhalts: m a n c h e ethischer o d e r 8

s. A. Chavasse, "Messes du pape Vigile (537-555) dans le sacramentaire léonien", Ephemerides hturgicae 64(1950), pp. 161-213; 66(1952), pp. 145-219.

katechetischer Art zur E r m u n t e r u n g o d e r B e l e h r u n g der G l ä u b i g e n , a n d e r e beschaulich mit sogar Platz f ü r nicht ausdrücklich christliche religiöse Lebensweisheit. Sorgfältige Inventarisation u n d g e n a u e Analyse d e r Vielzahl von P r ä f a t i o n e n des Veronense k ö n n t e unsere K e n n t n i s von d e n P r o b l e m e n , die das theologische u n d kulturelle L e b e n R o m s im f ü n f t e n u n d sechsten J a h r h u n d e r t beherrschten, vielleicht beträchtlich erweitern 9 . A b e r das hegt jetzt ausserhalb unseres Blickfelds. F ü r u n s ist die Feststellung wichtig, dass d e r Verfasser einer P r ä f a t i o n — w i r müssen a n n e h m e n , dass das der Papst o d e r sein Sekretär w a r — , a n erster Stelle zur Bibel griff, sei es, dass es galt, W o r t e u n d Ausdrücke zu finden, die in eigentlicher o d e r allegorischer V e r w e n d u n g das L o b Gottes singen u n d d e n Anlass zu diesem L o b beschreiben k ö n n t e n , sei es dass es galt, die Sorge der K i r c h e u m b e s t i m m t e P r o b l e m e o d e r pastorale E r w ä g u n g e n allerlei Art in W o r te zu fassen. Die Freiheit ist gross: im R a h m e n der festen F o r m e l n von L o b u n d D a n k a m A n f a n g u n d a m E n d e ist R a u m f ü r vielerlei, a u c h f ü r Ideen u n d W o r t e populärphilosophischer Weisheit, die m a n a n diesem H ö h e p u n k t d e r liturgischen Feier nicht erwarten w ü r d e . Die römische K i r c h e h a t übrigens selbst das G e f ü h l g e h a b t , dass Auswüchse d r o h t e n , in Q u a n t i t ä t wie in Qualität. I m Sacramentanum Gregonanum, einer im siebten J a h r h u n d e r t angelegten S a m m l u n g von G e b e t e n f ü r die päpstliche Liturgie, ist die Z a h l der Präfationen drastisch reduziert u n d d e r Inhalt auf das in religiöser Hinsicht W e s e n t liehe beschränkt. A m E n d e dieses Abschnitts bleibt u n s n o c h die Frage, wie in d e n E n t l e h n u n g e n der Präfationen mit d e m W o r t l a u t der Bibel verfahren wird. D e r redaktionelle R a u m , ü b e r d e n d e r Verfasser verfügt, veranlasst unterschiedliche F o r m e n d e r V e r a r b e i t u n g . I n m a n c h e n Fällen h a n d e l t es sich u m einen Hinweis auf ein biblisches Ereignis, o h n e dass d e r T e x t zitiert o d e r irgendwie verarbeitet wird: so in d e r o b e n e r w ä h n t e n Präfation des Apostels u n d Evangelisten J o h a n n e s (1276), d e r den V a t e r verlässt u n d d e n Fischfang aufgibt. 9

In diesem Zusammenhang muss vielleicht auf die Tatsache hingewiesen werden, dass der consors naturae-Gedanke, von dem oben die Rede war, sich auch in Werken des Ambrosius findet (De Nabuthe 2.40; De Helia 11 ; Exp. Ev. Luc. 6,42, usw.). Der Bischof von Mailand arbeitet diesen philosophischen Gedanken stoischer Prägung in seine biblisch-chrisdichen Anschauungen hinein. Die Übereinstimmung mit dem Verfahren der liturgischen Autoren ist augenfällig. Für die Auffassung des Ambrosius, s. M. Poirier, '"Consors naturae' chez saint Ambroise. Copropriété de la nature ou communauté de la nature?", Ambrosius Episcopus. Atti del Congresso intemazionale di studi ambrosiani vol. 2 (Studia patristica mediolanensia 7), Milano, 1976, pp. 325-335.

Meistens a b e r ist d e r Bibeltext gut e r k e n n b a r . M a n c h m a l gibt es in dieser zweiten G r u p p e wörtliche W i e d e r g a b e n , wie in d e n obengen a n n t e n W e i h n a c h t s p r ä f a t i o n e n (1245 u n d 1247), die eine Aneina n d e r r e i h u n g v o n Bibelzitaten sind. In d e n meisten Fällen j e d o c h ist das biblische T e x t m a t e r i a l einer stilistischen V e r a r b e i t u n g unterzogen. Ein wichtiges E l e m e n t dieser V e r a r b e i t u n g ist das Ausschmükken von Satz u n d K o l o n mit d e m s o g e n a n n t e n cursus, der künstlichen A n o r d n u n g d e r b e t o n t e n Schlusssilben. Die schon e r w ä h n t e Präfation f u r H i m m e l f a h r t (177), die Psalm 23[24],710‫ ־‬als wichtigste Quelle hat, ist ein sprechendes Beispiel: die Psalmverse w e r d e n in der Weise angepasst, dass ein kurzer, stilisierter T e x t entsteht, d e r a u c h n o c h f ü n f m a l einen der in d e n liturgischen T e x t e n üblichen cursus aufweist: qui mirantibus angelis angelorûmque princípibus, rex gloriae dominusque virtútum, resurrectionis beátae primítias, throno tuae maiestátis oblâtus, in tua secum déxtera c0110cávit: d e r R e i h e n a c h cursus tardus (Betonung d e r sechsten u n d dritten Silbe von hinten), cursus planus (Betonung d e r f ü n f t e n u n d zweiten), abermais cursus tardus u n d cursus planus, als Schluss cursus velox (Betonung d e r siebten u n d zweiten Silbe), eine mit grosser Sorgfalt a n g e b r a c h t e Textverzierung. In d e r auffallenden Lupercalia-Vräfation des Papstes Gelasius (530) sind die biblischen V e r u r t e i l u n g e n der G e g n e r m a n c h m a l wörtliche Zitate, m a n c h m a l mit einem cursus versehene Stilisier u n g e n : wörtliches Zitat ist ex fructibus eorum cognoscetis eos\ stilisierte u n d mit cursus geschmückte V e r a r b e i t u n g ist: domi forisque spurcitiam contrahéntes, non tarn referti sunt ôssibus mortuörum, quam magis ipsi sunt mortui: zweimal cursus velox, einmal cursus tardus. Die dritte u n d letzte K a t e g o r i e bilden die zahlreichen Passagen, die der Verfasser nicht a n h a n d eines b e s t i m m t e n Bibeltextes aufgeb a u t hat, die er aber, bewusst o d e r unbewusst, mit biblischen W ö r tern o d e r Ausdrücken ausgestattet hat. Auf diese biblische P r ä g u n g d e r liturgischen Diktion w e r d e n wir im jetzt folgenden Kapitel ü b e r die O r a t i o n e n z u r ü c k k o m m e n .

Die ältesten römischen Orationen Die F o r m e l n des Veronense bieten, wie o b e n angedeutet, n e b e n der

Präfation f ü n f O r a t i o n e n : Kollekte, zweite O r a t i o n , O p f e r g e b e t , P o s t k o m m u n i o n u n d Segnungsgebet. Im Z u s a m m e n h a n g mit ihrer B e s t i m m u n g weisen diese G e b e t e gegenseitig Unterschiede auf. Zwisehen d e m Segnungsgebet u n d d e n vier a n d e r e n O r a t i o n e n besteht ein struktureller Unterschied, weil in letzteren der Z e l e b r a n t Vorsteh e r ist u n d als S p r e c h e r des Volkes zu G o t t betet, w ä h r e n d er im Segnungsgebet sich selbständig a n G o t t richtet u n d I h n bittet, d e n Segen, d e n er ü b e r das Volk zu sprechen sich anschickt, zu bestätigen 1 0 . V o m g r a m m a t i s c h e n Blickpunt aus gesehen bedeutet dies, dass in d e n vier g e n a n n t e n O r a t i o n e n die erste Person Plural die n o r m a l e F o r m ist: 'wir bitten dich, H e r r ' , ' H e r r , e r b a r m e dich unser 5 , im Gegensatz z u m Segnungsgebet, das, als Bittgebet zugunsten a n d e r e r , die dritte Person verwendet: ' H e r r , e r b a r m e dich ihrer', ihrer, das heisst 'deines Volkes', ' d e r A n w e s e n d e n ' . Z u d e m ist das Segnungsgebet d u r c h eine bestimmte, mit d e m Inhalt z u s a m m e n h ä n g e n d e W o r t w a h l gekennzeichnet, mit T e r m i n i wie inclinare, prosterni, benedicere, intendere, visitare, protegere, respicere, u.dgl. Die " W i r - G e b e t e " weisen gegenseitig bloss einen funktionellen Unterschied auf. Die Eingangsgebete, die Kollekte u n d gewissermassen a u c h die zweite O r a t i o n , b e t o n e n die Idee von Z u s a m m e n k u n f t u n d Festlichkeit mit W ö r t e r n u n d A u s d r ü c k e n wie celebrare, concurrere, festum, sollemnitas, preces suseipere, preces exaudire o d e r in d e r Fastenzeit observantia, emendatio, u.dgl. Im O p f e r g e b e t erscheinen regelmässig hostia, hostia laudis, immolare, oblatio, saarificium, munera, dona. Die P o s t k o m m u n i o n h a t i m m e r wieder perdpere, reficere, vegetare, sumere, potus, gustus, partieipatio sacramenti, usw. Diese funktionellen Unterschiede, sowie a u c h d e r strukturelle U n t e r s c h i e d zwischen d e m Segnungsgebet u n d d e n a n d e r e n vier G e b e t e n , b e d e u t e n j e d o c h nicht, dass wir es bei den f ü n f mit gegenseitig g r u n d v e r s c h i e d e n e n W o r t v e r b i n d u n g e n o d e r Stilelementen zu t u n h a b e n . Ins Auge fällt vielmehr die Ü b e r e i n s t i m m u n g , mit der sie sich als G e s a m t h e i t v o m sechsten G e b e t des Messformulars, d e r Präfation, a b h e b e n . Die O r a t i o n e n unterscheiden sich von der Präfation d a d u r c h , dass ihre B e s t i m m u n g als Bittgebet a n d e r e K a t e g o r i e n von G e d a n k e n u n d A u s d r u c k s f o r m e n verlangt, als es f ü r das Lobgebet der Präfation der 10

Dies geht sehr deutlich aus Segnungsgebet 467 hervor: Tui sunt, domine, populi,

qui ministmum vocis nostrae expectant. Quaesumus clementiam tuam, ut salutaria eis poscentibus, quidquidfiducia non habet depraecantis, gratia tua quae bonorum nostrorum non indiget largiatur. es leuchtet ein, dass mintstenum vocis nostrae, quaesumus und fiducia depraecantis Worte des

Zelebranten sind, der beim Sprechen der Segensformel für das Volk beten wird.

Fall ist. In d e n O r a t i o n e n fehlt es zwar nicht a n E l e m e n t e n von L o b u n d D a n k , so wie a u c h einzelne Bestandteile einer Präfation m a n c h m a l als Bittgebet auftreten: es gibt sogar Fälle von U m a r b e i t u n g , w o d u r c h Präfation zu O r a t i o n , O r a t i o n zu Präfation g e w o r d e n i s t " . A b e r trotz einer gelegentlich a u f t r e t e n d e n gegenseitigen Beeinflussung stellen wir fest, dass Präfation u n d O r a t i o n e n , in G e d a n k e n f ì i h r u n g u n d Ausdrucksweise u n d besonders a u c h im A u f b a u des Textes, klar v o n e i n a n d e r u n t e r s c h i e d e n sind. Die Präfation, wie sich im v o r h e r g e h e n d e n herausgestellt hat, bietet d e m Verfasser R a u m : das H a u p t t h e m a v o n L o b u n d D a n k u n d die vielen h i n z u k o m m e n d e n T h e m e n k ö n n e n mit biblischem T e x t m a t e r i a l gleichsam in Breite u n d Fülle ausgearbeitet w e r d e n . In d e n O r a t i o n e n dagegen herrsehen Beschränkung, K ü r z e u n d Ausgewogenheit im Ausdruck vor, wie a u c h d e r z u r ü c k h a l t e n d e U m g a n g mit biblischem T e x t m a t e r i a l deutlich m a c h t . A n diesem Material fehlt es in d e n O r a t i o n e n übrigens nicht. M i n destens auf drei Weisen spielt es in d e n G e b e t s f o r m e l n eine Rolle. M a n c h m a l bildet der Bibeltext selbst d e n Inhalt des Gebets; a n vielen a n d e r e n Stellen dient er als Motivation u n d B e g r ü n d u n g d e r Bitte; schliesslich gibt es, verstreut ü b e r die F o r m e l n , die zahllosen T e r m i n i u n d W e n d u n g e n , die d e r Verfasser bei d e r Redaktionsarbeit aus d e m i h m zur V e r f ü g u n g s t e h e n d e n biblischen W o r t s c h a t z geschöpft hat.

1. Der Bibeltext als Bittgebet D e r Bibeltext k a n n selbst als Bittgebet verwendet w e r d e n , sei es in einer wörtlichen o d e r n a h e z u w ö r t h c h e n Zitierung, sei es in einer stilistischen V e r a r b e i t u n g , einer R e m i n i s z e n z o d e r irgendeinem vageren Hinweis. D e n als Bittgebet f u n g i e r e n d e n , fast w ö r t h c h e n Bibeltext finden wir, sogar mit E r w ä h n u n g des Verfassers, in einem Segnungsgebet f ü r das Fest d e r U n s c h u l d i g e n K i n d e r (1293): Tribue, domine, quaesumus, fidelibus tuis: ut, sicut ait apostolus, non efficiantur pueri sensibus, sed malitia innoxii repperiantur et parvuli: ut martyres festivitatis hodiernae, quos mentis aequare non possunt, mentis simplicitate sectentur (Paulus in 1 Kor. 14,20). W e i t e r bietet das Veronense eine kleine A n z a h l sehr kurzer O r a t i o n e n , d e r e n g a n z e r Inhalt o d e r d o c h ein beträchtlicher Teil d a v o n d e n Bibeltext, in angepasster o d e r nichtangepasster F o r m , wiedergibt. So " s. Ausgabe Mohlberg (Anmerkung 6), CIV.

in Ostende nobis, domine, misericordiam tuam, et salutaris tui dona concede (37), d e r zweiten O r a t i o n eines Messformulars f ü r Hilfe in Zeiten der P r ü f u n g 1 2 , tatsächlich Ü b e r n a h m e von Psalm 84[85],8: Ostende nobis, domine, misericordiam tuam, et salutare tuum da nobis, mit stilistischer A n passung d e r letzten W o r t e . Die Kollekte des selben F o r m u l a r s (36): Propitius esto, domine, plebi tuae, et auxilium nobis de sancto celerius fac adesse lässt auf einen T e x t , d e r a n Bibelstellen, in d e n e n u m Gottes Hilfe gefleht wird, e r i n n e r t — d i e Bitte, dass G o t t propitius sei, finden wir z.B. in D e u t . 21,8; Psalm 78[79],9, Luk. 18,13—eine stilistische U m gestaltung des Psalmwortes 19[20],3: Mittat tibi auxilium de sancto folgen: m a n a c h t e auf d e n cursus velox: celérius fac adésse{3. In einer Kollekte f ü r eine Fastenmesse (509): Parce, domine, parce populo tùo, ut dignis flagellatiônibus castígátus, in tua miseratiône respiret,

folgt eine stilisierte nichtbiblische zweite Hälfte auf ein wörtliches Zitat des P r o p h e t e n Joel (2,17), das G a n z e so formuliert, dass dreimal ein cursus erscheint {cursus planus, cursus velox, cursus planus). In Kollekte 576: N e despicias, domine, quaesumus, in adflictione clamantes, sed laborantibus celeri succurre placatus auxilio

ist d e r A n f a n g ne despicias die wörtliche W i e d e r g a b e , die zweite Hälfte die V e r a r b e i t u n g eines Psalmtextes: ne despicias ist Zitat von Psalm 137[138],8; 26[27],9; 54[55],2; f ü r sed laborantibus... vergleiche m a n Psalm 69[70] ,2: domine, ad adiuvandum me festina. D e r T e x t d e r zweiten O r a t i o n eines Lupercalia-Messformulars (1052):

12

Man könnte auch an ein Formular der Fastenzeit denken. Der Gebrauch des· Wortes praesidium in der Präfation bringt Hope zu der Annahme, dass es sich um ein Formular für Märtyrer handelt (D.M. Hope, The Leonine Sacramenlary. A Reassessment of its Nature and Purpose (Oxford, 1971), p. 103), aber praesidium kann im Veronense auch auf andere Unterstützung als durch die Fürsprache eines Märtyrers deuten (s. Index der Ausgabe Mohlberg, Anm. 6), und im Formular findet sich weiter keine Spur von einer Märtyrerfeier. 13 Der Wortlaut des Psalmtextes in den beiden hier zitierten Orationen ist mit d e m der Vulgata u n d d e m des psalterium romanum identisch: s. R. Weber, Le psautier romain et tes autres anciens psautiers lahns (Collectanea Biblica Latina 10), R o m a , 1953, pp. 38.210. W o der Tekst des psalterium gatlicanum (= d.h. der Vulgata) zu d e m des

psalterium romanum Unterschiede aufweist, folgen die Zitate im Veronense bald der einen, bald der anderen Fassung: aber meistens sind die beiden Fassungen identisch. Im allgemeinen gilt, dass das biblische Material des Veronense problemlos mit Hilfe der Vulgata analysiert werden kann.

N o n rétribuas nobis, quaesumus, domine, quae malis operibus promeremur; sed quos iure corripis a veritate digressos, protege tua miseratione correctos

ist Hinweis auf u n d stilistische A n p a s s u n g von Psalm 102[103], 10: Non secundum peccata nostra feat nobis, neque secundum iniquitates nostras retnbuit nobis. Eine b e s o n d e r e E r w ä h n u n g g e b ü h r t 483: Libera nos ab omni malo propitiusque concede, ut quae nobis poscimus relaxari, ipsi quoque proximis remittamus,

weil es ein im Veronense sonst nicht v o r k o m m e n d e r Embolismus, d.h. ein a n die letzten Bitten von d e m a m Schluss des eucharistischen H o c h g e b e t e s rezitierten Pater noster direkt anschliessendes G e b e t ist (im Libera nos d e r späteren römischen Liturgie lebt d e r Embolismus fort 14 ). D e r T e x t n i m m t zwei Bitten wieder auf: im ersten Teil fast wörtlich Sed libera nos ab malo, im zweiten in stilisierender U m a r b e i t u n g Dimitte nobis débita nostra, sicut et nos dimittimus debitoribus nostris.

2. Der Bibeltext als Unterstützung der Bitte In d e n zitierten G e b e t e n gehört der Bibeltext z u m K e r n der O r a t i o n : er ist das G e b e t selbst. I n a n d e r e n Fällen h a t er, d e m eigentlichen, nicht biblisch formulierten G e b e t v o r a n g e h e n d o d e r folgend, als Funktion, die an G o t t gerichtete Bitte zu b e g r ü n d e n o d e r zu erläutern. O f t g e n u g wird in d e n O r a t i o n e n , u m d e r Bitte grössere W i r kungskraft zu verleihen, auf Gottes G ü t e u n d M a c h t angespielt, o h n e dass d a f ü r eine Stelle aus d e r Bibel h e r a n g e z o g e n wird. M a n c h m a l aber, meistens in längeren O r a t i o n e n , wird ausdrücklich auf einen Bibeltext hingewiesen. So in Kollekte 707 eines M ä r t y r e r f o r m u l a r s : Omnipotens sempiterne deus, qui sanctìs tuis non solum credere in filium tuum, sed etiam pro ei pad posse donasti: nostrae quoque fragilitati divinum praetende subsidium, ut misericordiam sempiternam, pro qua illi felices animas exalarunt, nos saltim sincera confessione mereamur:

u m Gottes Hilfe wird gefleht u n t e r B e r u f u n g auf Phil. 1,29, ü b e r die 14

Ist der Embolismus hier ein ausnahmsweise bewahrtes Exemplar einer variabien Gebetsformel der römischen Liturgie? Die gallikanische Liturgie hat einen variablen

Embolismus, genannt collectio post orationem dominicam, wie aus d e m Missale

Gothkum hervorgeht: in der Ausgabe Mohlberg, Rerum Ecclesiasticarum Documenta. Series Maior. Fontes 5 (Roma, 1961), Nrn. 7. 21. 33, usw.; vgl. auch Missale Gallicanum Vetus: in der Ausgabe Mohlberg, Fontes 3 (Roma, 1958), Nrn. 10. 21. 49, usw.

Christen, d e n e n es nicht n u r geschenkt w u r d e , a n Christus zu glauben, sondern a u c h f ü r ihn zu leiden. Z u vergleichen ist Kollekte 1175 f ü r das Fest d e r hl. Cäcilia: Omnipotens sempiterne deus, qui elegis infirma mundi, ut fortia quaeque confundas: da nobis in festivitate sancte martyris Caeciliae congrua devotione gaudere; ut et potentiam tuam in eius passione laudemus, et proviso (provisum?) nobis percipiamus auxilium:

u m Gottes M a c h t zu e h r e n u n d seine Hilfe zu erflehen, wird 1 K o r . 1,27 a n g e f ü h r t , w o Paulus schreibt, dass G o t t das S c h w a c h e in der Welt erwählt hat, u m das Starke zu b e s c h ä m e n . Ein s p r e c h e n d e r T e x t ist a u c h Kollekte 134 (bei Lichte besehen nicht m e h r als eine ausführliche B e g r ü n d u n g a n h a n d von M a t t h . 8,2): Si vis, potens es mundare, domine, et quam vox iniquitatis nostrae non obtinet, tuorum nobis praecibus veniam donare sanctorum.

M a n vergleiche a u c h Kollekte 1111 mit d e r Zitierung von Apg. 17,28: Deus in quo vivimus movemur et sumus, pluviam nobis tribue congruentem, ut praesentibus subsidiis sufficienter adiuti, sempiterna fiducialius appetamus.

In Segnungsgebet 467: Tui sunt, domine, populi, qui ministerium nostrae vocis expectant. Quaesumus clementiam tuam, ut salutaria eius poscentibus, quidquid fiducia non habet depraecantis, gratia tua quae bonorum nostrorum non indiget largiatur

wird a m E n d e Psalm 15[16],2 a n g e f ü h r t u m Gott gleichsam a n seine uneigennützige G ü t e zu erinnern. So stützt Kollekte 437 sich auf J a k . 4,6 u n d 1 Petr. 5,5.

3. Der biblische Wortschatz in den Gebeten U n g e a c h t e t der e r w ä h n t e n Beispiele ist d o c h in d e n O r a t i o n e n zu wenig R a u m f ü r u n b e k ü m m e r t e s Zitieren. Gleichwohl fehlt es keineswegs a n biblischen E l e m e n t e n , die bei d e r R e d a k t i o n d e r Gebetsf o r m e i n ihre V e r w e n d u n g finden. In diesen G e b e t e n , wie a u c h in d e n in dieser Hinsicht d e n O r a t i o n e n gleichstehenden Präfationen, findet m a n auf Schritt u n d Tritt die biblischen T e r m i n i u n d Ausdrücke, die d e n Verfassern der liturgischen T e x t e a u f g r u n d ihrer B e h e r r s c h u n g des christlichen W o r t s c h a t z e s reichlich zur V e r f ü g u n g

standen. Die Schwierigkeit f ü r unsere U n t e r s u c h u n g ist die, dass, u . W . jedenfalls, keine tiefschürfende systematische Studie ü b e r das u m f a n g r e i c h e einschlägige Material v o r h a n d e n ist 15 . Ein kurzer H i n weis auf einige P u n k t e m ö g e d a h e r hier g e n ü g e n . D e r W o r t s c h a t z des Veronense als S a m m l u n g liturgischer G e b e t e ist von b e s o n d e r e r Art, mit zwei ins A u g e fallenden M e r k m a l e n . Einerseits ist das technische E l e m e n t wichtig, feste B e n e n n u n g e n u n d F a c h a u s d r ü c k e , b e s t i m m t e F o r m u l i e r u n g e n u n d R e d e n s a r t e n zur BeZeichnung d e r Charakteristika des christlichen Lebens, insonderheit des christlichen Gottesdienstes. Andererseits gibt es d e n euchologischen Aspekt, der d e n Verfasser öffentlich a u s z u s p r e c h e n d e r G e b e te d a z u veranlasst, sich einer hieratischen T e r m i n o l o g i e zu bedienen, mit W ö r t e r n u n d Ausdrücken b e s o n d e r e r Expressivität o d e r e r h a b e n e r W ü r d e . Eine n ä h e r e B e t r a c h t u n g lehrt, dass der biblische Beitrag zu diesen G e b e t e n sowohl technischer als euchologischer Art ist. Hinsichtlich des technischen Elements, d e r biblischen Äusserung als einfache A n d e u t u n g , k ö n n e n wir uns kurz fassen. Es h a n d e l t sich— in R e c h n u n g ziehend, dass die G r e n z e n zwischen technischer u n d euchologischer V e r w e n d u n g m a n c h m a l fliessend s i n d — u m eine ganze M e n g e der Bibel e n t n o m m e n e r , fast technischer B e n e n n u n g e n f ü r S a c h e n , Personen, Begriffe, u.dgl. d e r christlichen Lebensführung 1 6 . D a s Veronense enthält einen reichen Schatz an biblischen W ö r t e r n , die die vielen Aspekte des christlichen L e b e n s widerspiegeln: salvator, redemptor, aeclesia, testamentum, diabolus, gentes,ßdes, creare, creatio, confessio, conversatio, eruditio, pontifex, levita, sacerdos, princeps, proximus, Caritas, dilectio, gratia, concupiscentia, tribulatio, afflictio, propitiatio, propitius, miseratio; ambulare u n d currere in geistlichem Sinn, iusti als A n d e u t u n g der M ä r t y 15

Material in einigem Umfang bieten u.a. G. Manz, Ausdrucksformen der lateinischen Liturgiesprache bis ins 11. Jahrhundert (Beuron-Freiburg, 1941); Mary P. Ellebracht, Remarks on the Vocabulaiy of the Ancient Orations in the Missale Romanum (Latinitas Christia-

norum Primaeva 18), 2 Nijmegen, 1966; A. Blaise—A. Dumas, Le vocabulaire latin des principaux thèmes liturgiques (Turnhout, 1966); s. auch Hennig (Anm. 6). Zu erwähnen sind auch lexikologische Detailuntersuchungen und Angaben verschiedener Art in Studien liturgiegeschichtlichen Charakters: bibliografische Auskunft hierzu in G. Sanders / M. van Uytfanghe, Bibliographie signalétique du latin des chrétiens (Corpus

Chrisdanorum. Lingua Patrum 1), Turnhold, 1989, pp. 91-99; bibliografische Angaben alphabetisch geordnet nach Wörtern und Ausdrücken in H.J. Sieben, Voces. Eine Bibliographie zu

Wörtern und Begriffen aus der Patristik

(1918-1978)

(Bibliographia

Patristica. Supplementum 1), Berlin-New York, 1980, pp. 226-427. 16 U m den Text nicht allzusehr zu belasten, verweise ich für die jetzt folgenden, oft sehr zahlreichen, Belegstellen der zitierten Termini und Ausdrücke auf den Index der Ausgabe Mohlberg (Anm. 6), und für die biblische Herkunft des Materials auf eine Konkordanz der Vulgata.

rer, usw. Zahlreich sind a u c h die d e r Bibel e n t s t a m m e n d e n R e d e n s a r ‫־‬ ten wie regnum caelorum, magister gentium, spmtales nequitiae, laquei diaboli, aliéna delicta, mundum vincere, novissima tempora, mors pretiosa, abnegare semetipsum, crucem tollere, misericordiam consequi, sperare in deo, compere inquietos, multitudo peccatorum, consummatio saeculi, custodia mandatorum, oboedire praeceptis, terrena sapere, Spinae et tnbuh. Z u r A n d e u t u n g liturgischer Realien d i e n e n aus d e m Evangelium u n d n a m e n t l i c h a u c h aus den kultischen Abschnitten der alttestamentlichen B ü c h e r Exodus u n d Leviticus herr ü h r e n d e T e r m i n i u n d A u s d r ü c k e wie baptizare, benedicere, benedictio, consecrare, consecratio, sanctificare, sanctificatio, offene, oblatio, hostia, hostia placabilis, sacrificium, immolare, facere in commemorationem, accipere. Es w ä r e nicht schwer, mit Hilfe der v o r h a n d e n e n Kenntnisse ü b e r das 'Latein d e r C h r i s t e n ' ein langes Verzeichnis v o n 'biblischen' W ö r t e r n u n d A u s d r ü c k e n , die z u m gewöhnlichen V o k a b u l a r des Veronense g e h ö r e n , herzustellen, d o c h d ü r f t e n die hier a n g e f ü h r t e n Beispiele g e n ü g e n . Etwas länger w e r d e n wir uns mit d e m euchologischen E l e m e n t beschäftigen müssen 1 7 , weil hier sprachliche u n d stilistische Faktoren verschiedener Art zur W i r k u n g k o m m e n . I m Hinblick auf eine gen a u e B e t r a c h t u n g des biblischen Beitrags erscheint es u n s angeb r a c h t , a u c h d e n a n d e r e n , nicht spezifisch biblischen o d e r christlichen, E l e m e n t e n Aufmerksamkeit zu schenken. Einige von diesen seien hier kurz e r w ä h n t . Wichtig ist das E r b e des heidnischen Gottesdienstes, aus d e m die christliche Liturgiesprache Imperativi des Flehens wie adesto, adnue, oft unterstützt d u r c h das klassische quaesumus, ü b e r n o m m e n hat, sowie allerhand feierliche W ö r t e r wie libamen, supplex, tuen, usw. 18 . D e r religiöse K l a n g aus d e r V e r g a n g e n h e i t ist ein archaisierendes Elem e n t , das d e n feierlichen C h a r a k t e r der euchologischen Äusserung unterstreicht. Archaisierend mit derselben stilistischen Absicht ist a u c h der G e b r a u c h von allerlei poetischen u n d a n d e r e n nicht der U m g a n g s s p r a c h e angehörigen W ö r t e r n wie seges, alimonia, claùtudo, 17 In der Materialsammlung des Manz (Anm. 15) wird der euchologische Aspekt betont. 18 Für Materialien der heidnischen Kultsprache s. G. Appel, De Romanorum precationibus (Religionsgeschichtliche Versuche und Vorarbeiten VII, 2), Glessen, 1909,

passim, und Frances V . Hickson, Roman Prayer Language. Livy and the Aeneid of Vergil

(Beiträge zur Altertumskunde 30), Stuttgart, 1993. Über den antik-heidnischen Einfluss auf den christlichen Gebetsstil s. A. Baumstark, "Antik-römischer Gebetsstil i m Messkanon", Miscellanea Liturgica in honorem L. Cuniberti Mohlberg I (Roma, 1948),

pp. 300-331 und Christine Mohrmann, "Quelques observations sur l'évolution stylistique du Canon de la Messe Romaine", Études sur le latin des chrétiens. III. Latin chrétien et liturgique (Roma, 1965), pp. 227-244.

fiindamen, munimen, absque, famulari, gratanter, u.dgl. V o n e i n e m Einfluss des Vergilius ist im Veronense wenig zu s p ü r e n , a b e r im Ausdruck spirìtum hevetare/hebetare von Präfation 890: ne spiritum nostrum obtunsis sensibus hevetemus v e r n e h m e n wir in hebetare wahrscheinlich ein E c h o d e r Aeneisw. W i r d ü r f e n weiter a n n e h m e n , dass a u c h die im späten Kaiserreich stark angeschwollene Höflichkeitsterminologie ihre S p u ren hinterlassen hat: m a n d e n k e a n T e r m i n i wie dignaú, dignanter, dignatio, militare (dem Kaiser d i e n e n , der V e r w a l t u n g a n g e h ö r e n > G o t t dienen, a n d e r Liturgie teilnehmen), obsequium, prosterni, o d e r a n R e d e n s a r t e n wie nostra humilitas, nostra servitus, clementer indulgere, u.dgl. W e i t e r b e k o m m t eine nicht u n b e t r ä c h t l i c h e A n z a h l v o n Gebetsf o r m e i n eine Art eigene W ü r d e u n d Eindringlichkeit d u r c h Entlehn u n g aus e i n e m philosophischen o d e r irgendwie auf Lebensweisheit a b g e s t i m m t e n W o r t s c h a t z , vielleicht mit e i n e m ähnlichen G e d a n k e n g a n g in V e r b i n d u n g zu bringen, d e m wir in b e s t i m m t e n Präfationen begegnet sind. So fällt d e r häufige G e b r a u c h von substantia auf, der, z u m a l in W e n d u n g e n wie humana substantia, corporalis substantia, substantia condicionis humanae, in terrena substantia constitutus, utraque substantia (1utraque deutet auf das Zusammengesetzt-sein aus Leib u n d Seele) u.dgl., m e h r philosophisch a n m u t e n d e als biblisch inspirierte Form e i n Z u s t a n d e k o m m e n lässt. W e n n d e r M e n s c h rationabilis aeatura g e n a n n t wird, d a n n ist rationabilis nicht das biblische rationabilis, λογικός: 'geistlich', 'religiös', s o n d e r n das philosophische: ' d e n k e n d ' , 'geistig', 'intellektuell'. Die Bibel h a t sporadisch proficere im Sinne von 'Fortschritte m a c h e n in geistlicher o d e r sittlicher Hinsicht', a b e r der Ausdruck ad divina proficere, d e n das Veronense in d e r B e d e u t u n g von 'Fortschritte m a c h e n auf d e m W e g z u m L e b e n bei G o t t , auf d e m W e g z u m H i m m e l ' verwendet, ist e h e r eine e r h a b e n klingende abstrakt-philosophische F o r m e l als eine R e m i n i s z e n z aus der Bibel. Die Kollekte eines Fastenmessformulars (193): Presta, quaesumus, omnipotens deus, ut dignitas condicionis humanae per inmoderantiam sauciata, medicinalis parsimoniae studiis reformetur

v e r d a n k t ihren feierlichen T o n nicht zuletzt d e m d e r W ü r d e des menschlichen Lebens e n t s p r e c h e n d e n , a b e r nichtbiblischen, W o r t gebrauch. D e n n o c h ist es schliesslich d o c h a u c h die Bibel, die, u n d zwar in nicht geringem Masse, zur hieratischen Gestaltung des Gebetstextes 19

Aeneis 6,731 sq. über die im Urständ durch leiblichen Kontakt befleckten See-

len: quantum non (semina)... terreni... hebetant artus.

beiträgt. N e h m e n wir beispielsweise die A n r e d e an G o t t bei Beginn des Gebets: zur Bezeichnung der Attribute Gottes dienen i m m e r wied e r bestimmte, d e n Psalmen u n d a n d e r e n Bibeltexten entlehnte Ausdrücke: misencors deus, miserator et misericors dominus, domine deus noster, deus salutaris noster, νirtutum deus, omnipotens deus, protector in te sperantium deus, pastor bone u.dgl.: so nachdrücklich an d e n A n f a n g gesetzt, m a c h e n diese W e n d u n g e n das G e b e t zu einer feierlichen, a n d e n Gott d e r Bibel gerichteten Bitte. E r h a b e n h e i t u n d W ü r d e klingen a u c h in d e n B e n e n n u n g e n d e r eucharistischen G a b e n a n , die die verschiedenen Aussagen des J o h a n n e s e v a n g e l i u m s ü b e r das Brot des Lebens, das Brot aus d e m H i m m e l , das Fleisch als Speise u n d das Blut als T r a n k w i e d e r g e b e n 2 0 : panis aetemus, panis supemus, spmtalia alimenta, vitalia alimenta, dona caelestia, cibus potusque caelestis, cibus sacer potusque salutaris, epulae aetemae salutis, u.dgl. M a n c h e der Bibel e n t l e h n t e n Ausdrücke, die ihren hebräischen U r s p r u n g verraten o d e r irgendwie mit e i n e m affektiven Inhalt beladen sind, wie spmtus veritatis, misencordia tua, abundantia pacis, lux aetema,fons vitae, gaudium et corona, dextera tuae maiestatis, oculi maiestatis, duritia cordis, duplici corde, hostia laudis, hostia spmtalis, pietatis sacramentum, novitas vitae, paenitentiae fiuctus, ieiunia et orationes, divinae naturae consortes, u.dgl., tragen ebenfalls zur S c h a f f u n g d e r d e m öffentlichen G e b e t eigenen A t m o s p h ä r e bei. Gleicherweise die sehr ausdrucksvollen H e b r a i s m e n , die die Bildungen mit fihi sind: filii adoptionis, filii promissionis, filii redemptionis, filii veritatis‫׳‬, v e r w a n d t d a m i t ist eine Redensart wie terra promissionis. Schliesslich, u m eine schon g e n a n n t e W e n d u n g n o c h m a l s a n z u f ü h r e n , rationabilis creatura verbindet ein philosophisches W o r t mit e i n e m biblischen u n d zeigt d a m i t , wie im hieratischen Gebetsstil E l e m e n t e verschiedener H e r k u n f t h a r m o n i s c h z u s a m m e n g e b r a c h t w e r d e n k ö n n e n . Eine e i n g e h e n d e Analyse der zahllosen Gebetstexte, a u c h aus a n d e r e n sacramentana, k ö n n t e n o c h zu ü b e r r a s c h e n d e n Ergebnissen f ü h r e n , u n d m a n k a n n n u r hoffen, dass dieses in seiner Art d o c h farbige sprachliche Material e i n m a l einer g r ü n d l i c h e n U n t e r s u c h u n g u n t e r z o g e n wird. Begnügen wir uns vorläufig mit d e r Schlussfolgerung, dass die Z a h l d e r O r a t i o n e n , die nicht einen irgendwie biblischen H i n t e r g r u n d h a b e n , nicht gross ist, dass es a b e r die stilistische V e r a r b e i t u n g dieses Materials ist, n a m e n t l i c h in d e n V e r b i n d u n g e n mit E l e m e n t e n a n d e r e r Art u n d H e r k u n f t , die d e m öffentlichen G e b e t d e r römisehen K i r c h e seine besondere Gestalt verliehen hat. 20

s. Evang. Joh. 6,48 ff.

T H E G I F T S O F T H E SPIRIT IN EARLY C H R I S T I A N I T Y M. Parmentier

F o r centuries, the question w h e t h e r the gifts of the Spirit, as Paul lists t h e m m o r e specifically in 1 C o r i n t h i a n s 12:8-10, exclusively belonged to the earliest period of c h u r c h history or that they are of every age, has attracted the attention of theologians. In this connection a distinction was often m a d e between o r d i n a r y a n d extraordinary, i n n e r a n d outer, n o r m a l a n d miraculous gifts of the Spirit. Everyday talents such as serving, teaching a n d being a leader (as in R o m a n s 12: 7-8) did n o t pose a n y problems, b u t 'special', miraculous, powers (as in 1 C o r i n t h i a n s 12: 8-10) did. H o w e v e r , Paul himself does not m a k e such a distinction a n y w h e r e a n d he would surely have rejected it. In o u r time, interest in the gifts of the Spirit has increased strongly, especially thanks to the growth of pentecostal churches a n d of the charismatic renewal in the historic churches. But often prejudices a n d in a n y case lack of clarity prevail w h e n the history of the operations of the Spirit in the c h u r c h is discussed. Revivalist circles for e x a m p l e often set out f r o m a theory of decline in the style of Gottfried Arnold a n d Adolf von H a r n a c k . T h i s theory involves the conviction that a period in which catholicism imposed itself, i.e. a period in which the institutional ministry killed the Spirit given to the people of G o d , followed the 'spiritual' a n d charismatic age of the early c h u r c h . A c c o r d i n g to the a d h e r e n t s to such theories of decline, this t r e n d c o n t i n u e d until the 19 th a n d 20 th centuries. But even authors with a m o r e positive appreciation of the tradition of the c h u r c h sometimes have a curiously pessimistic view of the operations of the Spirit t h r o u g h the ages. As a m a t t e r of fact, not very m u c h has been published o n the manifestations of the c h a r i s m a t a in c h u r c h history. T h e only two i m p o r t a n t recent studies which I k n o w of are the 'Habilitationsschrift' of A.M.Ritter 1 a n d the dossier Christian Initiation and Baptism in the Holy Spirit by Kilian M c D o n n e l l a n d G e o r g e M o n t a gue, w h o are R o m a n Catholic participants in the charismatic re-

1

A . M . Ritter, Charisma im Verständnis des Joannes Chrysostomos und seiner £eit (Got-

ringen, 1972).

newal. 2 T h e latter book was s u m m a r i s e d in the p a m p h l e t Fanning the Flame". W h a t this evidence makes a b u n d a n t l y clear, is that the c h u r c h fathers are evidently n o t of the opinion that all c h a r i s m a t a were limited to the missionary period of the c h u r c h a n d that even miracles, however p r o b l e m a t i c they m a y sometimes be, have never ceased. 4 Ritter reaches this conclusion in his well-documented study of T h e o d o r e of Mopsuestia, T h e o d o r e t of Cyrus, Cyril of Alexandria a n d especially Chrysostom. T h i s a u t h o r is especially interested in patristic ecclesiology a n d the reception of the Pauline concept of charisma. T h e dossier of M c D o n n e l l a n d M o n t a g u e has a wider scope a n d contains sayings of Greek, Latin a n d Syriac fathers. H o w ever, their interest in these m a t t e r s is d e t e r m i n e d exclusively by the present situation in the R o m a n Catholic C h u r c h . T h e y w a n t their quotations f r o m the fathers to d e m o n s t r a t e that in patristic times it was n o r m a l for the c h a r i s m a t a to follow immediately after baptism. In present d a y pentecostal a n d charismatic usage this is called the 'baptism in the Spirit', a n expression which in ancient times was only used in this sense by the eleventh c e n t u r y Byzantine a u t h o r S y m e o n the N e w T h e o l o g i a n 5 , b u t w h i c h h a s not b e c o m e established in theological language until the Methodists a n d the 19 th century holiness m o v e m e n t s . O n the basis of the fact that the 'baptism in the Spirit' was n o r m a l in ancient times a n d assumes the spiritual w e a k e n i n g of the c h u r c h in o u r own, M c D o n n e l l a n d M o n t a g u e argue that "the recovery of the baptism in the Spirit a n d the charisms is n e e d e d in all the institutions of the c h u r c h " . 6 T h e r e is o n e aspect of the c h u r c h historical interpretation of the c h a r i s m a t a which r e m a i n s u n d e r e x p o s e d by b o t h Ritter a n d M c D o n n e l l a n d M o n t a g u e . It is the question c o n c e r n i n g the backg r o u n d of the distinction (not i n t e n d e d by Paul, b u t m a d e by n u m e r ous c h u r c h fathers) between o r d i n a r y a n d e x t r a o r d i n a r y gifts of the 2

Collegeville, 1991, 2nd enlarged edition 1995. Collegeville, 1991. I made an annotated Dutch translation of this: Het vuur aanwakkeren (Boxtel-Brugge, 1992). 4 Concerning the concept of 'miracle' used in this article, cf. M. Parmentier, "Dy3

namische patronen in genezingswonderen", Bulletin voor Charismatische Theologie (=

BCT) nr.33, 1994, pp. 48-63. A revised and expanded version of this is "Zur Theologie der Thaumaturgie", Bijdragen, tijdschnft voor filosofie en theologie 55, 1994, pp. 296-

324 5

Catechesis XXIV,4; SC 113, p.42 etc. Fanning the Flame p.23. Cf. the contributions discussing this book at a conference organised at the Vrije Universiteit (Amsterdam) on 28 April 1993, printed in BCT 32, 1993. 6

Spirit a n d especially the definition of those e x t r a o r d i n a r y gifts of the Spirit which seem to c o r r e s p o n d with the p h e n o m e n o n which in o u r secularised world we usually call ' p a r a n o r m a l gifts'. In o u r t r e a t m e n t of this we shall start each time f r o m two Biblical texts, which can serve as a m o t t o illustrating a tension in patristic t h o u g h t .

Seven Spirits rest on the Messiah—one

Spirit gives gifts to all

T h e first pair is Isaiah 11:2-3 a n d 1 C o r i n t h i a n s 12:11. Isaiah 11:2-3 is the passage a b o u t the spirits that shall rest o n the c o m i n g Messiah. T h e r e are, at least in the Septuagint a n d the Vulgate, seven of t h e m : the spirit of wisdom a n d u n d e r s t a n d i n g , the spirit of counsel a n d strength, the spirit of knowledge a n d godliness, a n d the spirit of the fear of the Lord. 7 A p a r t f r o m the fact that the H o l y Spirit is o n e spirit a n d that the multiplicity of spirits 8 m e n t i o n e d by Isaiah should therefore be seen as operations or gifts of the o n e Spirit, we often m e e t the idea that w h a t is m e a n t here is a fullness of the Spirit which only belonged to J e s u s Christ, o n w h o m the Spirit rested at his baptism. T h e difference between Christ's a n d his saints' possession of the Spirit can also be expressed in terms of time. O r i g e n for e x a m p l e devotes a substantial passage to this in the context of his exegesis of N u m b e r s 11:25, w h e r e we h e a r of seventy prophesying elders on w h o m the Spirit rested temporarily. H e indicates that the Spirit was resting in a constant w a y o n the Messiah a n n o u n c e d in Isaiah 11 a n d concludes: Therefore the Holy Spirit was resting on all those w h o prophesied, and yet H e was resting on none of them in the same way as on the Saviour. 9

T h e "sevenfold Spirit w h o rests on C h r i s t " is also the very first item in the D e c r e t u m Gelasianum. 1 0 T h e fact that the n u m b e r seven was widely seen as a n u m b e r indicating fullness influenced this idea con7

There are six "spirits" in the Hebrew, the last one being repeated in Hebrew and translated in two different ways into Greek. Patristic exegesis of this text has been studied most extensively by K.Schlütz in Isaias 11,2 (die sieben Gaben des Hl. Geistes) in den ersten vier christlichen Jahrhunderten (Münster, 1932). 8

The expression "seven spirits" is used by e.g. Pseudo-Justin, Cohortatio ad Graecos

32,3, ed. M.Marcovich, Patristische Texte und Studien (= PTS) 32, 1990, p. 69, English translation (= ET): The Ante-Mcene Fathers (= A N F ) I, p. 287. 9 In Numeros Homilia VI,3; Griechische Christliche Schriftsteller (= G C S ) 30, p. 33,12-14. 10

Ed. E.von Dobschütz, Texte und Untersuchungen (= TU) 38,4 (Leipzig, 1912), p. 21.

siderably.11 M o r e o v e r , t h e resting of the Spirit o n J e s u s p r o v i d e d a w e l c o m e occasion for anti-Jewish polemics: n o w that the Spirit was r e s t i n g o n J e s u s , H e h a d left t h e J e w s . T h i s p o l e m i c is a l r e a d y c l e a r l y p r e s e n t i n J u s t i n ' s Dialogue with Tiypho.

T r y p h o asks h o w the M e s s i a h

c a n b e p r e - e x i s t e n t if h e h a s b e c o m e i n c a r n a t e , w a s b o r n

human

t h r o u g h t h e v i r g i n , a n d a c c o r d i n g t o I s a i a h 11 h a d t o b e filled w i t h t h e p o w e r s o f t h e H o l y S p i r i t , " a s if h e l a c k e d t h e m " . J u s t i n a n s w e r s : T h e W o r d says that these enumerated powers of the Spirit have not c o m e on him because he stood in need of them, but because they would rest on him, i.e., they would find their completion in him, so that there would be no more prophets in your nation according to the ancient c u s t o m — a n d this fact you plainly perceive. For after him no prophet has arisen a m o n g you. N o w let me convince you that your prophets, each receiving one or two powers from God, did and spoke the things which we also have learned from the Scriptures. For S o l o m o n possessed the spirit of wisdom, Daniel that of understanding and counsel, Moses that of might and godliness, Elijah that of fear and Isaiah that of knowledge. And so with the others: each possessed one power, or one joined alternately with another. Also Jeremiah and the twelve prophets and David and, in short, the rest which have been prophets a m o n g you. Accordingly the Spirit rested, i.e., ceased, when H e came after w h o m , in the times of this dispensation established by H i m a m o n g humans, the gifts of the Spirit had to cease from you. And having received their rest in H i m they would, as had been prophesied, b e c o m e gifts which, from the grace of his Spirit's power, H e imparts to those w h o put their trust in Him, as H e deems each person worthy thereof ... (88) N o w it is possible to see amongst us w o m e n and men w h o possess gifts of the Spirit of God. Therefore it was prophesied that the powers enumerated by Isaiah would c o m e upon Him, not because he needed power, but because these would not continue after H i m (i.e. with you, Jews!). 12 T h e fathers give divergent a n s w e r s to t h e q u e s t i o n h o w t h e M e s s i a h ' s c o m p l e t e p o s s e s s i o n o f t h e S p i r i t is r e l a t e d t o t h e c h a r i s m a t a o f t h e Christians. A c c o r d i n g to m a n y of t h e m , a large m e a s u r e of spiritual gifts in a p o s t o l i c t i m e s spilled o v e r f r o m t h e fullness of t h e resting o n the Messiah. As p a r t of a n e x h o r t a t o r y speech,

Spirit Origen

r e c o r d s a w e a k e n i n g of t h e faith e v e n d u r i n g his o w n lifetime, w i t h c o r r e s p o n d i n g results: " Sometimes the number seven provokes far-reaching cosmological speculations, e.g. in Irenaeus, Demonstration 9. 12 Justin Martyr, Dialogue with Trypho 87,2-88,1, Goodspeed pp.200-201, ET: ANF I, p. 243; cf. Ο. Skarsaune, The ProoffromProphecy, Leiden, 1987, pp. 195-199, 237. For connections with other Biblical numbers seven, cf. Von Dobschütz T U 38,4, pp. 240-241; A. Mitterer, "Die Gaben des Hl.Geistes nach der Väterlehre", Zeitschrift fir Katholische Theologie 49,1925, pp. 529-566, esp. pp. 537-544.

In those days there were believers, w h e n genuine martyrdoms took place, when after accompanying the martyrs to their final rest we went from the cemeteries to the meetings and the whole congregation came together without any fear ... W e know that in those days unexpected and wondrous signs were seen. In those days there were few believers, but they were truly believers w h o travelled the narrow and hard way that leads to life ... 3 ‫י‬

But it seems t h a t O r i g e n also sees a difference between the intensity of the gifts of the Spirit in the time of the apostles a n d in his own time. H e repeatedly speaks of 'traces' of the apostolic gifts of the Spirit. W i t h this h e m e a n s to say that exorcisms, healings a n d p r o p h ecies still o c c u r in his own time b u t only b r o u g h t a b o u t by eminently holy people.' 4 H o w e v e r , O r i g e n is also a spiritual a u t h o r with a n ambivalent attitude towards physical p h e n o m e n a a n d therefore h e himself has a preference for 'gnostic charisms' as Ritter calls it. 15 After O r i g e n the a u t h o r s studied by Ritter completely idealize the operation of the Spirit in the time of the apostles. 16 In a nostalgic w a y they speak a b o u t the direct intercourse with G o d which people in apostolic times supposedly h a d . C h r y s o s t o m c o m p a r e s the Spirit-less c h u r c h of his own time with a w o m a n w h o has fallen from her former prosperous days, and in many respects retains the symbols only of that ancient prosperity; displaying indeed the repositories and caskets of her golden ornaments, but bereft of her wealth. 17

Justin is o n e of the fathers w h o m a k e a clear connection between the gifts of Christ a n d the c h a r i s m a t a of the Christians, as we have seen already. T h i s b e c o m e s even m o r e evident t h r o u g h a n o t h e r passage in the Dialogue with Trypho in which he is able to mix the gifts of Isaiah 11 with those of Paul's letters: Therefore, just as G o d did not inflict his anger on account of those seven thousand men (1 Kings 19:14,18), even so H e has n o w neither yet inflicted judgement, nor does inflict it, knowing that daily some are becoming disciples in the n a m e of Christ, and leaving the path of error; w h o are also receiving gifts each as he is worthy, illumined through the 13

Horn, m Jeremiah IV,3, S C 232, p. 2 6 4

14

Contra Celsum I, 46; SC 132, p. 196. 11,8; SC 132, p.300 (traces among the Christians, no more miracles among the Jews). VII, 8; SC 150, p. 34. 15 P.95 note 17. 16 Cf. p. 149. 17

Hom.36 on 1 Corinthians 14, P G 61, 312; ET: The Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers (=

NPNF) 1" Series XII, pp. 219-220.

n a m e of Christ. For one receives the spirit of understanding, another of counsel, another of strength, another of healing, another of foreknowledge, another of teaching, and another of the fear of God. 1 8

O t h e r a u t h o r s a p p e a r to see the c o n n e c t i o n between the gifts of Isaiah a n d of Paul i n a s m u c h as they can identify the spirits of Isaiah 11 as charismata. T h u s a c a t e n a f r a g m e n t ascribed to D i d y m u s the Blind boldly speaks of " t h e seven charismata". 1 9 But it is only Tertullian w h o tries to m a k e 1 C o r i n t h i a n s 12 a n d Isaiah 11 c o m p a t ible gift by gift. H e identifies Paul's w o r d of wisdom with Isaiah's spirit of wisdom; the w o r d of knowledge with the word (not the 'spirit' here!) of u n d e r s t a n d i n g a n d counsel; faith with the "spirit of godliness a n d the fear of G o d " ; the gift of healings a n d of powers (miracles) with the spirit of strength; a n d finally p r o p h e c y , discernment of spirits, diverse kinds of tongues, the interpretation of tongues jointly as Isaiah's spirit of knowledge. As far as I can see there are n o o t h e r a u t h o r s after h i m w h o a t t e m p t to h a r m o n i s e the two texts so explicitly. 20 In the Middle Ages, at least in the West there is a b r o a d c u r r e n t which uses Isaiah 11 to u p h o l d the connection between Christ as the giver of the Spirit a n d the faithful as participating in that Spirit. 21 But in this period, the c h a r i s m a t a of 1 C o r i n t h i a n s n o longer are p h e n o m e n a , which o c c u r in the c h u r c h at large. T h e work of the Spirit is recognised especially in the i n n e r operations which the seven spirits of Isaiah 11 seem to reflect well. T h i s is already the case in M a x i m u s Confessor 2 2 a n d , as we p o i n t e d out, it b e c o m e s a n i m p o r t a n t t h e m e in the Latin West. T h e c o u n t e r p a r t of Isaiah 11 is 1 C o r i n t h i a n s 12:11: "All these are inspired by o n e a n d the same Spirit, w h o a p p o r t i o n s to each individually as H e wills." T h e r e seem to be good reasons to assume t h a t a b r o a d spectrum of all kinds of m o r e or less miraculous gifts of the Spirit was characteristic for the early c h u r c h . T h i s impression is confinned by the first c h u r c h fathers. For example, Irenaeus brings as a concrete a r g u m e n t in his struggle with the Gnostics the fact that in o r d e r to prove that J e s u s is G o d , 18

Dialogue with Trypho 39,2, Goodspeed pp. 135-136.; ET ANF I, p.214. 1,2; PG 39, 1120C. Cf. also the Dissertatio contra Iudaeos X, 665 etc. by an anonymous author of the 9th- 10th century, CCSG 14, p. 228. 19

20

Adversus Marcionem V , 8, 8; Evans p. 558, E T p. 559. Cf. e.g. K.Boeckl, Die sieben Gaben des Heiligen Geistes in ihrer Bedeutung jur die Mystik nach der Theologie des 13. und 14. Jahrhunderts (Freiburg, 1931 ). 22 Quaestiones ad Thalasnum 54, C C S G 7, p. 461. 21

those who are in truth his disciples, receiving grace from him, do in his name perform miracles, so as to further the well-being of other people, according to the gift which each one has received from him. For some do certainly and truly drive out devils, so that those who have been cleansed from evil spirits frequendy both believe and join the church. Others have foreknowledge of things to come: they see visions and utter prophecies. Others still, heal the sick by laying their hands upon them, and they are made whole. Indeed, as I have said, the dead even have been raised up, and remained among us for many years. And what more shall I say? Innumerable are the gifts which the church throughout the whole world has received from God, in the name of Jesus Christ, who was crucified under Pontius Pilate, and which she exercises day by day for the benefit of the gentiles, neither deceiving anyone, nor cheating them. For that which she has received freely from God, she hands out freely. In w h a t follows, Irenaeus contrasts p a g a n a n d Christian miracles: Neither does the church do anything by invoking spirits, or by incantations or any other wicked art, but, directing her prayers to the Lord who made all things, in a pure, sincere and straightforward spirit and calling upon the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, she has been accustomed to perform miracles for the advantage of humankind, and not to lead them into error. 23 T h e actuality of the charismatic dimension is also a constantly recurring t h e m e in Tertullian's work. F o r example, in o r d e r to outwit M a r c i o n , he says: So then let Marcion put in evidence any gifts there are of his god, any prophets, provided they have spoken not by human emotion but by God's spirit, who have foretold things to come, and also made manifest the secrets of the heart: let him produce some psalm, some vision, some prayer, so long as it is a spiritual one, in ecstasy, which means abeyance of mind, if there is added also an interpretation of the tongue: let him also prove to me that in his presence some woman has prophesied, some great speaker from among those more saintly females of his. If all such proofs are more readily put in evidence by me, and are in full concord with the rules and ordinances and regulations of the Creator, without doubt both Christ and the Spirit and the apostle will belong to my God. 4 ‫־‬ I n his Treatise on the Soul Tertullian describes a n ecstatic-charismatic gathering:

23

Adversus haereses II, 32, 4-5; cf. 31,2; S C 294, pp. 328-330; E T A N F I, p. 409.

24

Adversus Marcionem V,8,12; Evans pp. 560-562, E T pp. 561-563.

For since we acknowledge spiritual charismata, we too have merited to receive prophecy, although coming after John the Baptist. We presendy have amongst us a sister to whom charismata of revelations have been allotted, which she experiences in the Spirit by ecstasy amidst the solemnities of the Lord's day in the church. She converses with angels, sees and hears mysterious things, some people's hearts she understands, and to those who wish it she distributes remedies. Whether it was in the reading of the Scriptures, or in the singing of psalms, or in the preaching of sermons, or in the offering up of prayers, by all this materials for visions are given to her. 25 It is striking that Irenaeus a n d Tertullian use the occurrence of the c h a r i s m a t a as a n a r g u m e n t in the struggle for the truth. W e d o not n e e d m u c h fantasy to realise that a p p a r e n t l y c h a r i s m a t a could be a d a n g e r o u s w e a p o n in the struggle between o r t h o d o x y a n d heresy as these categories were developing. W e can imagine that the growing institutionalisation of the c h u r c h was in great need of checking if not restricting the charismata. Even so, later a u t h o r s can still speak quite nostalgically a b o u t w h a t they r e g a r d e d as a free charismatic life of the early c h u r c h . T h e r e are m a n y texts a b o u t it. For example, Eusebius in his Church History quotes Irenaeus as a witness of w h a t was still possible in the second century, but in his opinion n o longer so in the fourth century. 2 6 G r e g o r y of Nyssa lectures the fathers of the council of 381 because their rhetoric gets bogged d o w n a n d he draws their attention to Syrian ascetics w h o are u n a b l e to philosophise, b u t able to exorcise a n d heal. 2 7 A little later in Syria itself Philoxenus of M a b b u g complains bitterly a b o u t the s h a r p contrast between the time of the apostles a n d his own time. W e r e things after a few centuries really that b a d in the c h u r c h , or d o we r a t h e r have a 'topos' here? 2 8

Prophecy and divination Luke 11:23 a n d Mark 9:40. " H e w h o is n o t with m e is against m e " is c o m p l e m e n t a r y to " H e w h o is not against us is for us" of M a r k . H o w d o we know w h e t h e r we are dealing with G o d , the devil or ourselves? W h e r e are the limits of that which is acceptable? T h e s e questions are 25 26 27 28

De anima 9,3-4; CCSL 2, p. 792; ET ANF III, p. 188. Historia ecclesiastica V, 7; SC 41, p.33 etc.; ET NPNF 2,Kl Series I, pp. 221-222. De deitate adversus Evagrium, Gregorii Nysseni Opera I X , pp. 337-338. Letter to Patricius 119, Patrologia Orientalis X X X , p. 860.

at stake w h e n we a t t e m p t to distinguish true a n d false prophecy. In m o d e r n Spirit-movements, the gift of p r o p h e c y is seen as o n e of the m o r e e x t r a o r d i n a r y gifts of the Spirit. W h a t we have here is intuitive speech in G o d ' s n a m e , in o r d e r to interpret the present, b u t also to indicate the future. T h e fact t h a t the O l d T e s t a m e n t was interpreted as a prediction of Christ's c o m i n g a n d the fact that p a g a n oracles were held to be predicting the f u t u r e will n o d o u b t have stimulated the e n g a g e m e n t of Christian p r o p h e c y with the future. A n o t h e r question in the m a t t e r of p r o p h e c y is the p r o b l e m of ecstasy. A m o n g ecclesiastical authors, it is really only Tertullian w h o describes inspired speech as resulting f r o m ecstasy, as the passages q u o t e d above d o c u m e n t . GeneraUy speaking, however, there seems to be quite a n aversion against ecstatic p r o p h e c y , although this seems to have o c c u r r e d time a n d again since the M o n t a n i s t s a n d also with later enthusiasts. 2 9 As a rule h o w e v e r the Christian p r o p h e t speaks in sobriety; ecstatic p r o p h e c y is n o t regarded as Christian. T h e r e were different f o r m s of p r o p h e c y in the early c h u r c h . W e find i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t semi-official w a n d e r i n g p r o p h e t s in Didache0‫; י‬ H e r m a s teaches us that a f o r m of congregational p r o p h e c y m u s t have existed also, in which in principle every m e m b e r of the congregation could be called to prophesy. In his doctoral thesis J . Reiling has shown lucidly, h o w H e r m a s k n e w a full-scale process of discernment of spirits. 31 T h e true p r o p h e t is recognised as such because the congregation at prayer, which tests him, activates the H o l y Spirit in him. T h e false p r o p h e t however is exposed because the congregation at p r a y e r causes the earthly spirit that dwells in h i m to flee, with the result that he is u n a b l e to u t t e r a word. T h e only surviving written d o c u m e n t s a b o u t p r o p h e c y f r o m the ancient c h u r c h are 1 C o r i n t h i a n s 12-14 a n d the S h e p h e r d of H e r m a s . Origen 3 2 still knows the two kinds of p r o p h e c y — a f t e r h i m this particular gift is passed over in silence. W h e n p r o p h e c y a n d inspired p r e a c h i n g h a d been identified, it was officially authorized. O n l y in monasticism this early Christian gift, which comprises a f o r m of clairvoyance 3 3 , continues. T h e n it receives a different n a m e : especially the concept of διόρασις, 29

Cf. R . K n o x , Enthusiasm. A Chapter in the History of Religion (Oxford, 1950).

30

Chapters 11 and 13; SC 248, p. 184 and 190 respectively.

31

Hermas and Christian Prophecy. A Study of the Eleventh Mandate (Leiden, 1973). Commentary on 1 Corinthians 12-14; ed. m Journal of Theological Studies 10, 1909, pp.

32

31-32. 33 Cf. e.g. Palladius, Historia Lausiaca XVII (Macarius of Egypt), ed. Buder p. 44, line 8.

"through-sight", as a c o m p r e h e n s i v e f o r m of spiritual insight, presents itself here. 3 4 T h e c o u n t e r p a r t of the Christian gift of p r o p h e c y is the u n d e n i a b l e possibility of p a g a n oracles to k n o w parts of the truth. A u t h o r s like M i n u c i u s Felix 3 5 , Cyril of Alexandria 3 6 a n d Augustine 3 7 go to considerable lengths to discredit a n d belittle these centres of p a g a n p o w e r . T h e issue is addressed succinctly in a collection of questions a n d answers which is sometimes ascribed to Justin a n d sometimes to T h e o d o r e t a n d which p r o b a b l y dates back to the fifth century. 3 8 T h e question which is being asked is: If prophets and apostles have predicted things which are about to happen, such as victories in wars, attacks of the plague and the demolition of temples, but the pagan oracles have also predicted things, how do we know that the former are better than the latter, since the future is predicted on both sides? T h e answer that is given is the following: Both the prediction in words and the outcome in facts originate from the same God, who announced through prophets and apostles what He was about to do. For as through Bileam the diviner He blessed Israel and cursed its enemies, doing both these things by predicting future events, and equally through divination He predicted the capture of Jerusalem to king Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon, as the prophet Ezekiel says: 'And the king of Babylon shall stand on the old way, at the head of the two ways, to use divination, to shuffle the rod, to enquire of the graven images and to examine the liver on his right side. And there was divination in Jerusalem ...‫ י‬etc. (Ez. 21:21-22), in the same way through pagan diviners He also predicted things which really came to pass. But there is a big difference between prophets and diviners. First, in that prophets and aposdes knew, believed in and worshipped the God in whose name they prophesied and because everything which the prophets predicted concerning the wiping out of the pagan gods and oracles and the situation of Christianity came to pass. Second, in that nothing 34

Cf. I. Hausherr, Direction spirituelle en orient autrefois, (Roma, 1955), p. 97 etc.

35

Octavius, ch.26-27; ed. G.Quispel (Leiden, 1949), p. 56 etc. De adoratione in Spiritu et veritate, Patrologia Graeca (= PG) 68, 432D-441B; Dutch

36

translation and discussion in: M.Parmentier, Goddelijke wezens uit de aarde. Griekse kerkvoders over de 'heks' van Endor (Kampen, 1989), pp. 104-109. 37 Cf. H.J.Geerlings, De antieke daemonologie en Augustinus geschrifi De Divinatione Dae-

monum, doctoral thesis Vrije Universiteit (Amsterdam, 1953); J. den Boeft, lemma 'Daemon(es)' in: Augustinus-Lexikon 2, pp. 213-222. 38 CPG 6285, chapter 2, ed. Otto III, 2 p. 4 etc. (Justin); alias chapter 17, ed. Papadopoulos-Kerameus p. 30 etc. (Theodoret). In our translation we follow the version by (Pseudo-)Theodoret.

which the diviners predicted, either against the truth of G o d and those w h o worship Him, or concerning the situation of paganism, has come to pass. A proof of this is the slaying of the Assyrians w h o were encouraged by their own divination to say: 'Is it without the Lord that I (= Sennacherib) have c o m e up against this land to lay it waste? T h e Lord said to me: G o up and lay it waste' (2 Kings 18:25). And he went up and in spite of the divination he got kiUed.

T h e idea is that w h e n a n oracle speaks the truth, it is like Balaam, w h o proclaims G o d ' s w o r d in spite of himself. But it can also h a p p e n that G o d uses a n oracle to mislead the enemies of his people, like S e n n a c h e r i b , in o r d e r to eliminate t h e m . Several c h u r c h fathers admit that the f u t u r e can also be predicted correctly by the pagans. T h e solution for this p r o b l e m is usually, t h a t by attentive observation of w h a t is visible to everyone, or by shameless theft of i n f o r m a t i o n , the devil has got hold of the truth. 3 9 T h u s there seemed to be a reasonably conclusive Christian theory to tell p r o p h e c y a n d divination a p a r t . I n practice, however, Christians will often have felt the same as the questioner in the q u o t e d text above: H o w d o we k n o w which side is better t h a n the o t h e r one, if b o t h predict the future? T h i s p r o b l e m was a n urgent one, since the p r o p h e t s a n d the apostles h a d died a n d Christian p r o p h e t s h a d been silenced after M o n t a n i s m , b u t p a g a n divination was still in existence, if only o n the private estates of pagans w h o were as obstinate as rich.

Tongues and languages Acts 2:6 a n d 1 Corinthians 14:14. 111 light of current m o d e m interpretarions of the gift of tongues or languages, expositions by the c h u r c h fathers a b o u t the Pentecostal gift of languages in 1 C o r i n t h i a n s 12‫־‬ 14, at least provide, a classic e x a m p l e of the w a y in which a w r o n g exegesis has obscured the view on the continuity of this spiritual gift. Cyril of Alexandria is of the opinion that this is the o n e early Christian spiritual gift which n o longer exists in his own time. 40 Chrysostom thinks that it is o n e of the early Christian charismata that n o longer exist. 41 Augustine equaUy does n o t k n o w a c o n t e m p o rary gift of tongues. 4 2 39

Cf. Reiling, Hermas, p. 68 etc., cf. the quotations in the notes on p. 69. Cf. also H.C.Weiland, Het oordeel der kerkvaders over het orakel, doctoral thesis (Utrecht, 1935). 40 In Sophon. 3, 9-10; Pusey II p. 228. Cf. Ritter p. 181 41 In Ep. I ad Cor., Hom.35; PG 61,301. Cf. Ritter p. 35. 42 Cf. note 48.

H o w e v e r , it should be n o t e d that practically every c h u r c h f a t h e r reads the affirmations a b o u t the tongues of 1 C o r i n t h i a n s 12-14 f r o m the viewpoint of Acts 2. T h u s speaking in t o n g u e s / l a n g u a g e s becomes speaking in real a n d m e a n i n g f u l languages, even t h o u g h 1 C o r i n t h i a n s 13:1 makes it quite plausible to explain a language which n o b o d y u n d e r s t a n d s as a language not of h u m a n beings b u t of a n gels. In the case of Acts 2 'glossolalia' is 'xenoglossy' [or 'xenolalia'] a n d its p u r p o s e is that which is indicated in verse 11 : telling all the nations in their own languages the mighty works of G o d . T h i s speaking in foreign languages is therefore a missionary instrument to unite all nations in the worship of G o d . O n e of the best k n o w n examples of such a view is a passage in J o h n C h r y s o s t o m ' s homily o n 1 C o r i n t h i a n s 12: This whole place is very obscure, but the obscurity is produced by our ignorance of the facts referred to and by their cessation, since these things used to occur but n o w no longer take place. And why do they not happen now? ... Well, what did happen then? Whoever was baptised immediately spoke in tongues (γλώσσαις ευθέως έλάλει), and not in tongues only, but many also prophesied, and some also performed many powerful works (πλείους δυνάμεις). For since on their c o m i n g over from idols, without any clear knowledge or training in the ancient books, they at once received the Spirit when they had been baptised, but did not see the Spirit because H e is invisible, therefore grace bestowed concrete proof of its working. And one immediately spoke the language of the Persians, another that of the Romans, another that of the Indians, another again another language. And this made manifest to those outside that the Spirit was in the speaker. Therefore Paul describes it as follows: 'To each is given the manifestation of the Spirit for the c o m m o n good', indicating the charismata with 'manifestation of the Spirit'. For as the apostles themselves had received this sign first, so also the faithful went on receiving it, I mean, the gift of tongues, and not only this one but also many others. For many used even to raise the dead and to cast out demons and to perform many other such miracles. And they did have charismata, some less and others more. But more abundant than all was the gift of tongues a m o n g them. 4 3

So Chrysostom interprets Pauline glossolalia as s p o n t a n e o u s xenoglossy, a n d says that this n o longer occurs in his own day. Earlier in the fourth century G r e g o r y of Nazianzus 4 4 already d o u b t s w h e t h e r the Pentecostal miracle of the tongues was a miracle of h e a r i n g o r o n e of speech a n d he d e e m s it possible that in fact the glossolalia at 43 44

In Ep.I ad Cor., Hom.29; PG 61,230; ET NPNF 1* Series XII, p. 168. Or.41, 15; SC 358, pp. 348-350.

Pentecost was a kind of xenoglossy, just as Origen45 before h i m c a m e to t h e conclusion t h a t Paul's glossolalia m u s t h a v e b e e n xenoglossy for missionary purposes. A r e t h e r e n o early C h r i s t i a n texts in w h i c h s p e a k i n g in t o n g u e s / l a n g u a g e s is n o t d i s s o l v e d i n t o m i s s i o n a r y x e n o g l o s s y ? I n d e e d , t h e r e are. A n e x a m p l e of i n c o m p r e h e n s i b l e Spirit language c a n for e x a m p i e b e f o u n d i n t h e t h i r d c e n t u r y g n o s t i c w r i t i n g Pistis Sophia.

It d e -

scribes h o w after his resurrection J e s u s walks o v e r t h e waters with his disciples a n d prays: 'Hear me, my Father, father of 2111 fatherhood, boundless light: aeêiouô iaô aôi ôia psinôther thernôps nôpsither zagourê pagourê nethmomaôth nepsiomaôth marachachtha thôbarrabau tharnachachan zorokothora ieou sabaôth.' And while Jesus said this, T h o m a s , Andrew, James and Simon the Canaanite were in the west with their faces turned towards the east, and Philip and Bartholomew were in the south turned towards the north, and the rest of the disciples and the women-disciples stood back of Jesus. But Jesus stood at the altar. And Jesus made invocation, turning himself towards the four corners of the world with his disciples, w h o were all clad in linen garments, and saying: 'iaô iaô iaô.' This is its interpretation: iôta, because the universe has gone forth; alpha, because it will turn itself back again; ômega, because the completion of all the completeness will take place. And when Jesus had said this, he said: 'iaphtha iaphtha mounaêr ermanouêr ermanouêr. ' T h a t is: Ό father of all fatherhood of the boundless spaces, hear m e for the sake of my disciples w h o m I have led before you, that they may have faith in all the words of your truth, and grant everything for which I shall invoke you; for I know the name of the father of the treasury of the light.' 46 E s p e c i a l l y t h e last s e c t i o n o f t h i s q u o t a t i o n r e m i n d s u s v e r y m u c h o f c h a r i s m a t i c m e e t i n g s in w h i c h s o m e o n e p r a y s loudly in t o n g u e s , w i t h repetitive sounds, after w h i c h a n i n t e r p r e t a t i o n follows w h i c h

for

s o m e o b s c u r e r e a s o n is m u c h l o n g e r t h a n t h e u t t e r a n c e i n a t o n g u e itself. B u t t h i s k i n d o f g l o s s o l a l i a w a s n o p r i v i l e g e o f t h e

Gnostics.

I r e n a e u s f o r e x a m p l e says t h e f o l l o w i n g a b o u t t h e gift of t o n g u e s / languages: ... we hear of many brethren in the church possessing prophetic charismata and speaking all kinds of languages through the Spirit, usefully revealing the secrets of humans and explaining the mysteries of G o d ... 47

45

Comm. in Ep. ad Rom. I, 13; ed. with German translation Fontes Christiani 2/1, p. 128 etc. 46 Chapter 136; GCS 45, pp. 232-233; ET G.R.S.Mead 1896, pp. 295-296. 47

Adversus haereses V , 6, 1; S C 153, p. 74; E T A N F I, p. 531.

"All kinds of languages", "revealing ... secrets ... , ‫ י‬a n d "explaining ... mysteries ...": could this refer to b o t h c o m p r e h e n s i b l e languages a n d incomprehensible languages coupled with p r o p h e t i c interpretations? It m a y well be that the gifts of p r o p h e c y , of t o n g u e s / l a n g u a g e s a n d the w o r d s of knowledge a n d w i s d o m are linked together here. Evidently w h a t is hinted at is n o t specific xenoglossy, b u t "all kinds of languages", i.e. all kinds of m e a n s of c o m m u n i c a t i o n which have a p r o p h e t i c a n d a pastoral function, either by itself or as the result of a n interpretation. In the same w a y the passage f r o m Tertullian's Treatise on the Soul q u o t e d above speaks of a w o m a n with " c h a r i s m a t a of revelations" w h o speaks with angels. N o w we m u s t ask w h e t h e r the p h e n o m e n o n of wordless praise, which was k n o w n in congregational life d u r i n g the first two centuries, h a d b e c o m e so completely obsolete in later centuries that the c h u r c h fathers began to identify glossolalia a n d xenoglossy? Infact, the o p p o site was the case. Precisely because the c h u r c h fathers interpreted the glossolalia of 1 C o r i n t h i a n s 12-14 as the xenoglossy of Acts 2 instead of the o t h e r w a y a r o u n d , the glossolalia w h i c h was still a b u n d a n t l y present in the c h u r c h , b u t which, as we shall see below, was called by a different n a m e , was n o longer recognised as such. T h e most telling e x a m p l e of b o t h the exegetical m i s u n d e r s t a n d i n g that glossolalia is xenoglossy, a n d of the factual experience of glossolalia, is Augustine. Completely in line with his fellow c h u r c h fathers, on the o n e h a n d he dryly observes: The Holy Spirit is said to be given by the laying on of hands ... but the Holy Spirit is not only given by the laying on of hands with the testimony of temporal and perceivable miracles, as He was given in former days to recommend the first beginnings of a rudimentary faith and of the church which had to be extended. For who expects in these days that those on whom hands are laid in order that they may receive the Holy Spirit should immediately begin to speak in tongues? 48 O n the o t h e r h a n d , at the e n d of his life Augustine retracts his idea that the e x t r a o r d i n a r y c h a r i s m a t a were only m e a n t for the beginnings of the Christian era, in o r d e r to c o m b i n e deeds with the apostolic words. H e changes his opinion o n this point because of the miraculous healings that take place in his diocese. Miracles still oc-

48

De baptismo contra Donatistas II,XVI,21; CSEL 51, pp. 212-213; ET NPNF 1st Series IV, pp. 442-443.

cur, even n o w that the whole world has b e e n converted, as he notes in The City of God X X I I . 4 9 Augustine is also entirely familiar with t o n g u e speaking as wordless praise. It only has a different n a m e . Augustine, a n d m a n y mystical a u t h o r s a f t e r him, calls t o n g u e speaking jubilatio. In his Expositions on the Book of the Psalms, he writes the following: 'Sing to him in jubilation' 50 . That is singing well to God, chanting in jubilation. What is chanting in jubilation? That is to understand, to be unable to explain with words what the heart is singing. For when those who chant, whether in the harvest, or in the vineyard, or in some other fervent work, after having begun to exult for joy in the words of songs, are as it were filled with such a joy that they cannot express it with words, they turn away from the syllables of words and change to the sound of jubilation. Jubilation is a sound that signifies that the heart is pregnant with something that cannot be spoken. And to whom is this jubilation due than only to the ineffable God? For that one is ineffable whom you cannot describe with words. And if you cannot describe Him with words and you must not be silent about Him, what else remains than that you jubilate, so that the heart rejoices without words and that the immense latitude of joys is not limited by syllables? 'Sing well and in jubilation'. 51 So Augustine knows jubilation as a secular p h e n o m e n o n of people w h o spontaneously burst o u t in t o n g u e speech. T o n g u e speech is n o t necessarily a charisma. But Augustine finds the wordless jubilation exceptionally suitable for the praise of G o d , w h o is the ineffable O n e . After him a n entire mystical tradition in the W e s t e n ! c h u r c h knows of jubilation as wordless praise of God. 5 2 O n l y w h e n glossolalia a n d xenoglossy are identified can it be m a i n t a i n e d that the c h a r i s m a of tongues has died out. As such, the p h e n o m e n o n of xenoglossy does actually sometimes o c c u r today, b u t in Christianity it plays n o role, as the c h u r c h fathers demonstrate. 5 3 49 Cf. F.van der Meer, Augustinus de zielzorger (Utrecht/Brüssel, 1947), p. 463 etc. = Augustine the Bishop (London, 1961). 50 Ps. 32(33):3. 51

52

Enarrationes in Psalmos 32,8; C C S L 38, p. 254.

In the Roman Catholic charismatic movement, the link between jubilation and tongue speaking was first made by Paul Hinnebusch O.P, Praise a Way of Life (Ann Arbor, 1976). 53 Xenolalia has a particular history in the North American Pentecostal Movement. Charles Parham C who is associated with the doctrine that the gift of tongues forms the necessary initial evidence that someone is baptised in the Spirit—taught permanent xenolalia as the only proper manifestation of tongues-speech. His group still holds to this belief. Initially, Pentecostals sent missionaries to different parts of the world believing they had been given the language of a given nation(s). This was

But speaking in tongues as wordless praise, as a p r a y e r w h e n words to p r a y fail a n d as a n i n s t r u m e n t for silent intercession ' u n d e r one's b r e a t h ' is a c o n t i n u o u s p h e n o m e n o n in Christian tradition, f r o m the first Pentecost until now. 5 4

Outer and Inner Healing Mark 16:17-18 a n d Luke 17:21. T h e o u t w a r d signs that will follow the faithful contrast with the k i n g d o m of G o d that is "within you". T h e difference between o u t w a r d a n d inward, or e x t r a o r d i n a r y a n d ordin a r y gifts is most p o i g n a n t w h e r e the gift of physical healing is concerned. M o r e o v e r in this a r e a there always was the necessary c o m p e tition f r o m the n o n - C h r i s t i a n c a m p a n d therefore s o m e t h i n g that looked like a gift of the H o l y Spirit could relatively easily seduce to apostasy. H e a l i n g h a d been a n i m p o r t a n t i n s t r u m e n t in the ministry of Jesus a n d the apostles, b u t afterwards a n extensive manifestation of gifts of healing is n o longer m e n t i o n e d . W e have already seen that Irenaeus m e n t i o n s it as a gift occurring in congregations. Justin makes a close connection between healing a n d exorcism. 5 5 In his Apostolic Tradition, Hippolytus pleads for the recognition of m e m b e r s of the congregation with a healing ministry: If anyone says. '1 have received a gift of healing by a revelation', hands shall not be laid on him, for the facts themselves will show whether he has spoken the truth. 56 N o w it is striking h o w this text varies in its diverse adaptations, especially regarding the caution required for the c h u r c h to incorporate such a personal ministry. 5 7 But in the writings of the later c h u r c h predicted by 19th century figures, some Wesleyan and some not. No pentecostal reported success. When the Charismaric Movement arose in the United States, there was a like emphasis on xenolalia among Protestant Charismarics and Roman Catholie Charismarics. Although not expected in every service, many Pentecostal churches have many stories to tell of how (temporary) xenolalia was a key to deliverance... (Information kindly supplied by Dr. Harold D. Hunter, Oklahoma City). 54 Cf. M.Parmenrier, "Das Zungenreden bei den Kirchenvätern", Bijdragen, tijdschuft voorfilosojie en theologie 55, 1994, pp. 376-398. 55 Second Apology 6, ed. M . M a r c o v i c h p. 146; E T A N F I, 190. 56

Hs.14 (Dix 15); ed. B.Botte 1963, p.32; ET G.J.Cuming, Hippolytus: A Text for Students, Grove Books (Bramcote Notts. 1976), p. 15. 57 Cf. M.Parmenrier, "Wat is genezing? Gedachten naar aanleiding van een tekst van Hippolytus", BCT 14, 1984, pp. 5-17.

fathers physical healing, w h i c h c a n b e d e m o n s t r a t e d b y 'facts', h a r d l y p l a y s a r o l e . W h a t is v e r y i m p o r t a n t a n d m u c h d i s c u s s e d , is i n n e r h e a l i n g . I n m o n a s t i c a n d h a g i o g r a p h i e l i t e r a t u r e , h o w e v e r , all k i n d s of c h a r i s m a t a a n d also physical h e a l i n g are clearly present, a l t h o u g h w e find t h e n e c e s s a r y w a r n i n g s t h a t t h i s s p e c i a l g i f t c a n e a s i l y l e a d t o a p r i d e w h i c h c a n m a k e o n e swell. Q u i t e i l l u s t r a t i v e f o r t h i s a r e t h e a d m o n i t i o n s of J o h n C a s s i a n , w h i c h s e e m to b e a m a z i n g l y topical in view of certain d e v e l o p m e n t s in t h e m o d e r n c h a r i s m a t i c m o v e m e n t : T h e working of signs and wonders (opera ... signorum atque virtutum) is not always necessary, not g o o d for all, nor granted to all ... For he can perform all the miracles which Christ wrought, without danger of being puffed up, w h o follows the gende Lord not in the grandeur of his signs but in the virtues of patience and humility. But he w h o aims at commanding unclean spirits or rendering healing to the sick, or showing some wonderful sign to the people, even though in his ostentatious performance he invokes the n a m e of Christ, yet he is alien to Christ, because with his proud mind he does not follow the teacher of humility ... H e said ...: 'By this all will know that you are m y disciples, if you have love for one another' (John 13:35) ... H e says not: 'If you do signs and wonders in the same way', but: 'If you have love for one another', and this is a love which certainly only the humble and meek can keep .... A n d so if anyone does any of these things in our presence, he ought to be praiseworthy to us not from admiration of his signs, but from the beauty of his life (de omatu morum), nor should we enquire whether the demons are subject to him (cp. Luke 10:20), but whether he possesses the members of love (caritatis membra) which the apostie describes (cp. 1 Corinthians 13:4 etc.). 58 T h e s i g n i f y i n g c h a r a c t e r o f t h e g i f t o f h e a l i n g is a l w a y s e m p h a s i s e d strongly. M a n y e x a m p l e s c o u l d b e given of this. F o r e x a m p l e t h a t of t h e E g y p t i a n d e s e r t f a t h e r B e n j a m i n . I n h i s Lausiac

History

Palladius

reports h o w this holy m a n , after h a v i n g r e a c h e d t h e perfection of asceticism at t h e a g e of eighty, r e c e i v e d a gift of h e a l i n g , so that everyone on w h o m he laid his hands or to w h o m he gave oil after blessing it was cured of every ailment. N o w this m a n w h o was counted worthy of such a gift, eight months before his death developed dropsy, and his body swelled so greatly ... that another man's fingers could not get round one finger of his hand. W e turned our eyes away, being unable to look owing to the terrible nature of the affliction. T h e n that blessed Benjamin said to us: 'Pray, children, that my inner man m a y not b e c o m e dropsical. 59 For m y outer man neither benefited me 58 59

Conlationes XV, 7; SC 54 pp. 217-218; ET NPNF 2nd Series XI, p. 448. I.e. puffed up with pride.

w h e n it was well, nor harmed me when it was ill.' During these eight months a seat was arranged for him, very wide, in which he sat continually, being no longer able to lie down owing to the other requirements of his body. But while he was in this state of affliction he healed others ... W h e n he died, the lintels and door posts were removed, that his body might be carried out of the house, so great was the swelling. 60 I n a n e n t i r e l y d i f f e r e n t t i m e a n d p l a c e t h e s a m e is e x p r e s s e d i n t h e b i o g r a p h y of Ansgar, w h o was a r c h b i s h o p of B r e m e n in the n i n t h c e n t u r y . " I n n u m e r a b l e p e o p l e w e r e h e a l e d b y his p r a y e r a n d a n o i n t ing with sacred oil", writes A n s g a r ' s b i o g r a p h e r R i m b e r t , for many reported that sick people not only from his own diocese, but even from far away strove to c o m e and ask him for the medicine of salvation (medicinam salutis). H e himself, however, always preferred to hide all this rather than to make it known. Thus when someone in his presence once made a speech about these signs and wonders, he himself said to one of his servants: 'If I were worthy of it with my Lord, I would ask that he would allow m e one special sign, namely that by his grace H e would make a g o o d man out of me'. Moreover, although he led such a life, he laboured almost continuously by the infirmity of his own body. Indeed, almost his whole life was a martyrdom ...61 F r o m Syria to G a u l spiritual leaders also f e a r the possibility t h a t the d i s t r e s s o f p h y s i c a l illness will b r i n g p e o p l e t o d e n y t h e i r f a i t h , s e e k h e l p f r o m n o n - C h r i s t i a n h e a l e r s a n d lose t h e i r s a l v a t i o n . T h u s

the

f o u r t h c e n t u r y S y r i a c Book of Steps says: But concerning all temptations let us beseech the Lord as it is written 'The Lord heals every disease' (Ps. 103:3). A n d concerning 'the speech of the lips of evildoers' (Ps. 59:13), that is, of sorcerers, diviners, charmers, inscribers of amulets, enchanters and augurs: H e will judge them and c o n d e m n them. But if you want to be healed without sin, wait on the Lord, make supplication to H i m and H e wUl heal you from the many sicknesses, caused by human beings and by Satan. If you must be healed in this world, our Lord will heal you in this world. And if H e does not heal you in this world, this is the way in which you will receive help: in this world H e will give you rest, lift you up and make you joyful, because you wait for his salvation until your departure from this world. D o not tremble at the afflictions of your sickness so much, that you go and kill your soul for the sake of your body's health. Your body is either cured or it is not cured. It is better for you to bear some small temporal 60

Histona Lausiaca XII, ed. C.Buder pp. 35-36; ET W.K. Lowther Clarke 1918, pp. 66-67. 61 Vita Anskam auctore Rimberto '39-40, rec.G.Waitz, Hannover 1884, p. 74. Cf. M. Parmentier, "Wat mögen wij verwachten van de dienst der genezing?", Chartsmatische Informatie 13, 1995, p. 1.

affliction than to go to immeasurable affliction. Even if it were so that your body were cured by those impostors, do you not know that your soul becomes sick, with a sickness that wUl last until the D a y of Judgement and that you will be c o n d e m n e d there and then, because you have evaded the sicknesses and afflictions of a short time, and you will c o m e to an affliction from which you cannot run away, because you have transgressed the c o m m a n d m e n t of God? But when you are sick and there is a healer near you, ask him as follows: 'Are you not a sorcerer or an enchanter or one of those w h o occupy themselves with false and erroneous teaching? Let the Lord to whose judgement we shall go, testify against you if you bring m e any relief, except directly in the name of Jesus. And if not, stay away from me!' Let him assure you that he heals you in the name of Jesus and then let him c o m e to you. 6 2

T h e same f u n d a m e n t a l reservation is also expressed by Caesarius of Aries, w h o calls on people w h o are sick to c o m e to the c h u r c h in o r d e r to receive the Eucharist a n d the a n o i n t i n g of the sick a n d n o t to r u n to p a g a n healers. T h e opposite p a r t y will not p r o c u r e a real healing even w h e n this seems to be the case. W h e n they receive physical healing, the devil will kill their soul in a n y case. 63 G r e g o r y of T o u r s provides several examples of healers inside a n d outside the c h u r c h w h o go astray. 6 4 It is n o w h e r e clearer t h a n in the case of gifts of healing, that Christians must b o t h b e w a r e of p s e u d o - c h a r i s m a t a a n d also that c h a r i s m a t a c a n n o t be a n e n d in themselves, b u t always serve to edify the Body of Christ. In o t h e r words: again a n d again we c o m e across p a r a n o r m a l possibilities which can seduce the believers to a d o p t o t h e r systems of signification. H o w e v e r , it can also h a p p e n that c h a r i s m a t a begin to lead their own lives. T h e n they t h r e a t e n the Body of Christ f r o m within.

Gifts and virtues Matthew 5:48 a n d 1 Corinthians 12:7. T h e m o n a s t i c m o v e m e n t took u p 62

Liber Graduum VII, 14. Ed. M.Kmosko, Patrologia Syriaca I, 1, (Paris, 1926), pp.169173. 63 Sermo 50,1-2; CCSL 103, pp. 224-226. 52,5-6; CCSL 103, pp. 232-233. 184, 45; CCSL 104, pp. 750-751. Vgl. D.Harmening, Superstitio. Überliefertalgs- und theoriegeschichtliche Untersuchungen zur kirchlich-theologischen Aberglaubensliteratur des

Mittelalters

(Berlin, 1979), p.246. 64 Vitae Patrum 10; Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Auetores Antiquissimi (= M G H I), II p. 2 5 5 e.V.; 15, M G H I, II p. 2 7 0 etc. De virtutibus S. Iuliani 46a, M G H I, II, pp. 131-

132. Historiae IX, 6, MGH I, I pp.417-420; X, 25, MGH I, I pp. 517-519. Cf. M.Parmentier, "Genezing, in wiens naam?" BCT 36, 1995, pp. 25-36.

t h e d e m a n d to be perfect f r o m the Gospel of M a t t h e w . Even so the c h a r i s m a t a are given w i t h o u t respect of persons. T h e y are gratiae gratis datae, a c c o r d i n g to a n expression w h i c h a c c o r d i n g to P o p e Benedict X I V , w h o in t h e eighteenth c e n t u r y extensively occupied himself with the c h a r i s m a t a 6 5 , stems f r o m A l e x a n d e r of Hales. 6 6 Christianity f r o m the b e g i n n i n g p a i d m u c h attention to the life style of h e r m e m bers, b u t m o n a s t i c tradition laid specific e m p h a s i s o n the requirem e n t to be holy. H e r e c h a r i s m a t a a n d virtues are closely j o i n e d together. 6 7 C h a r i s m a t a w i t h o u t a c o r r e s p o n d i n g growth in holiness are a d a n g e r o u s possession. O n m a n y occasions the c h u r c h fathers stress the necessity for spiritual gifts a n d g r o w t h in holiness to go together, because otherwise accidents m a y h a p p e n . Being gifted is in itself n o s t a n d a r d for m e a s u r i n g the religious orientation of the gifted person. F o r in fact e a c h c h a r i s m a h a s its parallel outside the life d e v o t e d to the G o d of A b r a h a m , Isaac a n d J a c o b , the F a t h e r of J e s u s Christ. T h e w i s d o m of the philosophers c o r r e s p o n d s with t h e charism a t i c spirit of w i s d o m a n d u n d e r s t a n d i n g . T h e sayings of the oracles c o r r e s p o n d with Christian p r o p h e c y . T h e gift of tongues as a lang u a g e of angels is a gift w h i c h occurs in all religions, a n d usually in a n ecstatic f o r m . P a g a n healers c o m p e t e with the Christian ministry of healing. T h e r e f o r e t h e r e is o n e gift, w h i c h m u s t o c c u p y a central place in charismatic life: the gift of distinguishing the spirits. In Christian tradition, this gift initially discerns g o o d a n d b a d spirits, angels a n d d e m o n s . In monasticism this gift is i n t e r p r e t e d psychologically (but n o t exclusively). T h e διακρίσεις τ ώ ν πνευμάτων, the " d i s c e r n m e n t s of spirits" of 1 C o r i n t h i a n s 12:10 b e c o m e a διάκρισις, a single spiritual d i s c e r n m e n t . J o h n C l i m a c u s devotes t h e 26 th step of his " L a d d e r " to the gift of d i s c e r n m e n t . F o r beginners, d i s c e r n m e n t is "real selfknowledge". F o r the a d v a n c e d , "it is a spiritual capacity to distinguish unfailingly b e t w e e n w h a t is truly g o o d a n d w h a t in n a t u r e is o p p o s e d to g o o d " . F o r the perfect, "it is a knowledge resulting f r o m divine illumination, which with its l a m p c a n light u p w h a t is d a r k in others". In short, C l i m a c u s says, d i s c e r n m e n t is " a solid u n d e r s t a n d 65

Heroic Virtue: A Portion of the Treatise of Benedict XIV on the Beatification and Canonization

of the Servants of God, Vol.III (London, 1852), p. 88. 66 The Reformers later used the expression gratia gratis data to emphasise the free and unmerited character of divine grace. 67 This is also a point of special interest to Ritter: cf. p.31, 55, 56, 132, 134·, 139, 158, 195 of his book.

ing of the will of G o d in all times, in all places, in all things". A n d : "it is f o u n d only a m o n g those w h o are p u r e in h e a r t , in b o d y , a n d in speech 5 ', people w h o h a v e " a n u n c o r r u p t e d conscience" a n d a " p u r e perception 5 5 . 6 8 J o h n Cassian, w h o also knows p o w e r f u l charismatic works f r o m his o w n experience, shows clearly h o w miracles in t h e m selves m e a n n o t h i n g , because S a t a n c a n w o r k t h e m also. W h a t m a t ters is love. T h e imitation of Christ does n o t consist in the imitation of his signs, b u t in the imitation of his p a t i e n c e a n d his humility. R e f e r r i n g to t h e sayings of A b b a Nesteros, Cassian distinguishes three reasons w h y people a r e given the gift of healing: 1. Because of holiness: w h e n t h e grace of signs a c c o m p a n i e s certain elect a n d righteous m e n . T h i s w a s t h e case with t h e apostles a n d m a n y of t h e saints. 2. F o r the edification of the c h u r c h o r o n a c c o u n t of t h e faith of those w h o b r i n g their sick, o r of those w h o are to b e c u r e d : t h e n even sinners a n d people u n w o r t h y of it c a n be used as i n s t r u m e n t s of healing. H o w e v e r , in this case it m a y h a p p e n t h a t if those w h o b r i n g their sick o r w h o w a n t to b e c u r e d themselves h a v e insufficient faith, the healing m a y n o t be realized. 3. By t h e deceit a n d contrivance of d e m o n s w h o imitate real healing: w h e n a n evident sinner is r e g a r d e d as a saint o u t of a d m i r a t i o n for his miracles. S u c h 'healers 5 are n o t only u n w o r t h y , they are criminal a n d p r o u d characters. T h e y b e l o n g to t h e categories of false christs a n d false p r o p h e t s , w h o by their deceptive miracles try to seduce p e o p l e to follow strange gods. 6 9 T h u s it seems t h a t t h e e x t r a o r d i n a r y gifts w h i c h c o r r e s p o n d with t h e p h e n o m e n o n w h i c h in o u r (post-) m o d e r n world is usually design a t e d as ' p a r a n o r m a l gifts 5 was w h o l e h e a r t e d l y a c c e p t e d in t h e early c h u r c h if they w e r e used in holiness a n d if they led those w h o allowed themselves to be influenced b y t h e m to G o d in the c h u r c h . H o w e v e r , as soon as these gifts c a m e into conflict with t h e b e h a v i o u r a l code, the doctrine a n d the representatives of the Christian c h u r c h , a n d s e e m e d to seduce those w h o allowed themselves to b e influenced b y t h e m a n d to a d o p t o t h e r systems of signification, they were r e g a r d e d as pernicious a n d d e m o n i c . In a n y case it was clear t h a t n o single e x t r a o r d i n a r y gift could be trusted at face value: a process of careful d i s c e r n m e n t within the Body of Christ inspired b y the H o l y Spirit always r e m a i n e d the first r e q u i r e m e n t .

68 69

PG 88, 1013AB: ET C. Luibheid and N. Russell (London, 1982), p. 229. Conlationes XV, 1; SC 54 pp. 210-211; ET NPNF 2nd Series XI, pp. 445-446.

LE C A R A C T E R E ET L ' E V O L U T I O N DES IMAGES BIBLIQUES DANS L'ART C H R E T I E N PRIMITIF A. Provoost

Il paraît facile de d o n n e r u n exposé c o n c e r n a n t les images bibliques d a n s l'art chrétien primitif. N o u s disposons en effet d ' u n g r a n d n o m bre d ' é t u d e s générales et n o u s p o u v o n s de plus consulter des encyclopédies, des m a n u e l s et des articles qui traitent, parfois m ê m e de m a n i è r e exhaustive, des divers symboles, p e r s o n n a g e s et récits bibliques (et cela m ê m e d u point de vue iconologique). 1 Et p o u r t a n t , il y a u n p r o b l è m e . E n général, o n ne tient p a s s u f f i s a m m e n t c o m p t e d a n s l'évaluation globale de l ' i m p o r t a n c e quantitative d ' u n sujet. M a i s les défauts les plus graves se situent a u niveau qualificatif: o n se limite souvent a u x d o n n é e s a n e c d o t i q u e s de la n a r r a t i o n ou d u p e r s o n n a g e . O n se noie ainsi presque t o u j o u r s d a n s u n e multitude de récits et de symboles, en oubliant q u ' u n e a p p r o c h e anthropologico-sociologico-psychologique p e u t les réduire à u n n o m b r e limité de t h è m e s f o n d a m e n t a u x qui c o r r e s p o n d e n t eux, a u véritable c o n t e n u de la Bible, p a r c e q u e spirituel. Il faut aussi n o t e r q u e la p l u p a r t des études c o n c e r n a n t les images bibliques s'appuient sur la m é t h o d e de l'histoire de l'art. L'iconographie des premiers chrétiens est ainsi considérée c o m m e 'paléochrétienne', c'est-à-dire c o m m e u n langage iconique i m m a t u r e , qui devait a t t e n d r e l'apogée d e l'art byzantin ou médiéval p o u r devenir c o m p r é h e n s i b l e . Les archéologues p a r contre considèrent la culture matérielle des premiers chrétiens (et d o n c aussi leur langage iconique) c o m m e u n e p h a s e a u t o n o m e , c o m m e u n e période d ' i n c u b a t i o n d a n s le vrai sens d u m o t . E n outre, l'histoire de l'art, l'histoire ecclésiastique et la théologie inclinent à traiter l'iconographie biblique c o m m e l'illustration p a r images d ' u n exposé essentiellement historiq u e ou d o g m a t i q u e . L ' a r g u m e n t a t i o n n e s'appuie q u e partiellement sur le langage iconique. Mais d a n s l'archéologie m o d e r n e , o n se rend de plus en plus c o m p t e q u e les représentations f o r m e n t u n e manifestation spécifique d u c o m p o r t e m e n t h u m a i n d a n s le passé. 1

On trouvera les publications les plus importantes, parfois citées en abrégé, pp. 100-101.

D a n s cet article, n o u s fixerons d ' a b o r d n o t r e attention sur les résultats de la recherche traditionnelle c o n c e r n a n t les images bibliques: nous présenterons la théorie des p a r a d i g m e s , et ensuite l'évolution d u langage biblique d ' a p r è s cette vision traditionnelle. Puis, nous essaierons de faire u n e esquisse alternative (à savoir plus archéologique) de l'évolution d u langage biblique. Q u e l q u e s applications serviront de p r e u v e p o u r légitimer la vision alternative. E n fin d'exposé, nous récapitulerons les d o n n é e s principales d a n s quelques conclusions.

1. Caractère des images bibliques d'après la théorie des paradigmes

1.1. Point de départ de la théorie des paradigmes Erich Dinkier a repris la théorie des p a r a d i g m e s à l'occasion de l'exposition prestigieuse Age of spirituality (New York, M e t r o p o l i t a n M u seum of Art, n o v e m b r e 1977-février 1978). 2 T o u t e s les scènes paléo-chretiennes seraient, sous u n e f o r m e directe ou indirecte, des représentations bibliques abrégées, illustrant l'histoire d u salut.

1.1.1. Parallélisme avec les prières de salut et les lectionnaires Le langage iconique paléochrétien s'appuierait e n t i è r e m e n t sur les prières de salut. C e t e r m e vise les prières liturgiques partiellement conservées j u s q u ' à nos jours. Il s'agit avant tout de la commendatio animae ('La r e c o m m a n d a t i o n de l ' â m e ' , lors d u d é p a r t vers l'éternité), q u ' o n retrouve t o u j o u r s d a n s les prières p o u r les défunts. D a n s ces prières, o n d e m a n d e i n s t a m m e n t q u e l ' â m e d u d é f u n t soit libérée, en se référant a u x exemples vétérotestamentaires de salut et de libération. Plus explicites encore sont quelques autres prières, p a r exemple celles attribuées à saint Cyprien. D a n s quelques publications, o n m e n t i o n n e aussi les lectionnaires: u n e sélection de lectures bibliques destinées a u x c a t e c h u m è n e s p e n d a n t les q u a r a n t e j o u r s de leur p r é p a r a t i o n a u x sacrements d'initiation: b a p t ê m e , c o n f i r m a t i o n et eucharistie (avec la vigile pascale c o m m e c o u r o n n e m e n t ) . Il s'agirait des récits vétéro- et n é o t e s t a m e n taires suivants: l'arche de N o é ; le sacrifice d'Isaac; le miracle d u 2

Voir: K. Weitzmann, Age of spirituality. Late antique and early Christian art, third to

seventh centuiy, catalogue d'exposition (New York, 1977-1978).

r o c h e r (Moïse ou Pierre); J o n a s ; Daniel; les trois j e u n e s gens d a n s la fournaise; S u z a n n e ; le Bon Pasteur; la S a m a r i t a i n e ; la guérison d u lépreux, d u paralytique et de l'aveugle; la résurrection d e L a z a r e ; la multiplication des pains. 3

1.1.2. La concordance typologique L a base de cette i n t e r p r é t a t i o n est la c o n c o r d a n c e typologique: o n veut i n c u l q u e r u n e idée a u x chrétiens en r e c o u r a n t à u n é v é n e m e n t de l'Ancien T e s t a m e n t , qui p e u t être considéré c o m m e le p r o t o t y p e de cette idée. O n est allé e n c o r e plus loin a u m o y e n âge. Les p r o t o types vétérotestamentaires furent confrontés aux antitypes néotestamentaires. L ' A n c i e n T e s t a m e n t était vu c o m m e la préfiguration d u N o u v e a u T e s t a m e n t . Le résultat final d e ce processus se voit d a n s la Concordia Veteris et Novi Testamenti d u m o y e n âge ( ' C o n c o r d a n c e entre l'Ancien et le N o u v e a u T e s t a m e n t ' ) . L a Biblia Pauperum ('Bible des pauvres') de la fin d u m o y e n âge a r e n d u cette m a n i è r e d e voir p o p u l a i r e à l'intention des prêtres et des laïcs pieux qui n ' a v a i e n t p a s le t e m p s ou l'intérêt p o u r étudier la Bible de m a n i è r e a p p r o f o n d i e o u qui étaient t r o p p a u v r e s p o u r a c q u é r i r u n e Bible complète. 4 U n e 'Bible des p a u v r e s ' était u n e sorte d e b r o c h u r e (en général u n e impression xylographique, c o m p o r t a n t n o n seulement des illustrations mais aussi des textes) c o n c e r n a n t les p r i n c i p a u x é v é n e m e n t s de l'histoire d u salut. D a n s u n e espèce de p a l m a r è s , q u a r a n t e à c i n q u a n t e illustrations étaient p o u r v u e s de textes, qui expliquaient la c o h é r e n c e i n t i m e e n t r e l'Ancien et le N o u v e a u T e s t a m e n t . O n voit p a r e x e m p l e d a n s u n e 'Bible des p a u v r e s ' originaire d e H a a r l e m [fig. 1), u n e impression xylographique d a t a n t de 1430 environ, où la la Résurrection d u Christ est associée avec S a m s o n qui s u p p o r t e les portes de la ville d e G a z a (Juges 16,3) et avec J o n a s é m e r g e a n t de la gueule d u m o n s tre m a r i n (Jonas 2,11); d e m ê m e les f e m m e s près d u t o m b e a u vide, sont mises en relation avec R u b e n r e g a r d a n t fixement le puits d ' o ù J o s e p h a disparu (Genèse 2,11) et avec la f e m m e s u n a m i t e p l e u r a n t son fils d é c é d é (2 Rois 4,18 ss.)

3

Voir par exemple: P. Post, "Reis en kijk: op zoek naar de doop in de vroeg-

christelijke kunst", Werkmap voor liturgie 17,2-3,

mei 1984: De doop van de volwassenen 3-

83, G en S 13 33 038, 1983, pp. 91-92. 4

Voir par exemple: H. Cornell, Biblia pauperum (Stockholm, 1925); H.Th. Mus-

per, Die Urausgaben der holländischen Apokalypse und Biblia Pauperum ( M ü n c h e n , 1961 ).

Fig. 1. Deux pages de la Bible des pauvres de Haarlem, datant d , environ 1430. Cf. Grote Winkler Prias 3, 1967, p. 741: fig. 1.1.3.

Les paradigmes du salut

E. Dinkier soutient q u e d a n s les prières citées (dont il reconnaît q u e les plus a n c i e n n e s n e d a t e n t q u e d u V e siècle) 5 , mais aussi d a n s les représentations des c a t a c o m b e s et des sarcophages, o n i n v o q u e D i e u en se référant à des exemples d'actes de salut (lesdits p a r a d i g m e s d u salut): J o n a s d a n s le ventre d u m o n s t r e m a r i n , D a n i e l d a n s la fosse a u x lions, S u z a n n e guettée p a r les vieillards, le miracle de C a n a , la guérison p a r le Christ d e l'aveugle, d u m u e t , d u paralytique et d'autres. E. Dinkier est p e r s u a d é q u e dès le d é b u t d u III‫ "׳‬siècle il y avait des formules de prière qui é v o q u a i e n t les miracles opérés p a r Dieu, et qu'elles r e m o n t a i e n t en fin de c o m p t e à des prières juives. L a c o u p e de P o d g o r i t z a (fig. 2) conservée a u M u s é e de l ' E r m i t a g e (Saint-Pétersbourg) et d a t a n t p r o b a b l e m e n t d u I V e siècle, a j o u é u n g r a n d rôle d a n s la mise a u p o i n t d e la théorie des p a r a d i g m e s . O n a m ê m e a v a n c é explicitement q u e les représentations de la c o u p e m o n trent u n e sorte d e c o m p e n d i u m d u répertoire i c o n i q u e paléochrétien. 6 Le médaillon central fait voir A b r a h a m lors d u sacrifice d'Isaac. Les scènes qui e n t o u r e n t ce médaillon p r é s e n t e n t d ' a b o r d 5

Voir aussi: P. Post, o.e., pp. 97-98. Les lecti0narìa les plus anciennes sont probablement encore plus récentes. 6 Voir par exemple: P. Post, o.e., pp. 88-90; H. Beck—P.C. Bol (eds.), o.e., p. 325.

Fig. 2. Coupe de Podgoritza, conservée au Musée de l'Ermitage (Saint Petersbourg). Probablement I V siècle. Cf. H. Beck—P.C. Bol (eds.), o.e., p. 325: fig. 142.

J o n a s j e t é à la m e r , puis J o n a s avalé p a r le m o n s t r e m a r i n et enfin J o n a s c o u c h é à l ' o m b r e de l'arbre. Les autres tableaux se r a p p o r t e n t à A d a m et Eve, à la résurrection d e Lazare, a u miracle d u rocher, à Daniel d a n s la fosse a u x lions, a u x j e u n e s gens d a n s la fournaise et à S u z a n n e . Les inscriptions, rédigées en latin populaire et alternativem e n t en capitale et en minuscules, ne laissent pas de d o u t e q u a n t à l'interprétation: ' D I V N A N DE VENTRE Q U E T I (= ceti) L I B E R A T U S E S T ' ('Jonas est sauvé d u ventre d u m o n s t r e ' — p r è s d u cycle de Jonas); ' A B R A M E T E E V A M ' ( ' A b r a h a m et E v e ' — p r è s d ' A d a m et Eve); ' D O M I N V S L A Z A R V M resuscitat' ('Le Seigneur ressuscite L a z a r e ' — p r è s de Lazare): 'Petrus virga p e r q u o d s e t (= percutit) / fontes ciperunt q u o r e r e (= currere)' ('Pierre bat avec sa baguette, la source c o m m e n c e à c o u l e r ' — p r è s d u miracle d u rocher); ' D A N I E L D E L A C O L E O N I S ' ('Daniel [sauvé] de la fosse a u l i o n ' — p r è s de la fosse a u x lions); ' T R I S P V E R I D E I G N E C A M I (= camini)' ('Les trois j e u n e s [sauvés] d u feu de la f o u r n a i s e ' — p r è s de la

fournaise); ' S V S A N N A D E FA L S Ο C R I M I N E ' ('Suzanne [sauvée] de l'accusation fausse'—près de Suzanne).

1.2. Explicitation de la théorie des paradigmes J e vais m a i n t e n a n t expliciter brièvement ces théories traditionnelles. 7 Le répertoire i c o n o g r a p h i q u e paléochrétien se serait développé en p a r t a n t de la foi d a n s la r é d e m p t i o n p a r le Christ (Christus salus mundi—'le Christ, salut d u m o n d e ' ) . C e t t e idée centrale serait présentée de diverses manières, et éclairée sous des aspects variés: a. P a r des scènes qui m o n t r e n t la p r é p a r a t i o n de la r é d e m p t i o n : les sauvetages miraculeux d u peuple juif d a n s l'Ancien T e s t a m e n t , qui sont a u t a n t d'interventions de Dieu p o u r son peuple en détresse. b. P a r des tableaux qui font voir la réalisation de cette r é d e m p t i o n , c'est-à-dire scènes d u N o u v e a u T e s t a m e n t , surtout les miracles d u Christ. c. P a r des représentations qui m o n t r e n t la c o m m u n i c a t i o n de cette r é d e m p t i o n : représentations d u b a p t ê m e , de l'imposition des mains, de l'eucharistie, scènes d ' e n s e i g n e m e n t (traditio legis—remise de la loi). d. P a r des scènes qui m o n t r e n t le c o u r o n n e m e n t de la r é d e m p t i o n : le Bon Pasteur, tableaux paradisiaques (y compris les divers éléments bucoliques), Christ en gloire. C e t t e m a n i è r e de considérer les choses p e u t être qualifiée de bibliq u e (directement ou indirectement) et p e r m e t u n système symbolique qui o r d o n n e l'ensemble de l'iconographie chrétienne. N o u s en décrivons les traits principaux: a. U n e p r e m i è r e série de représentations a u n caractère allusif, suggér a n t les divers aspects de l'histoire d u salut. Ces scènes ne sont p a r c o n s é q u e n t pas exclusivement narratives, et c e r t a i n e m e n t pas voulues exclusivement c o m m e des représentations historiques ( c o m m e P. Styger l'a prétendu). Elles sont conçues c o m m e des préfigurations, des allusions, des références à des aspects de la r é d e m p t i o n . Les représentations de J o n a s p a r exemple illustrent de m a n i è r e clairem e n t symbolique la situation pénible de l ' h o m m e et le fait qu'il a été

7 Voir par exemple: L. Reekmans, Vroegchristelijke en laatantieke archeologie en kunst (Leuven, 1978), pp. 125-129; P. Testini, Le catacombe romane e gli antichi cimiten cristiana

in Roma (Roma cristiana 2) (Bologna, 1966), pp. 265-278: "il linguaggio simbolico"; F.

van der Meer, o.e. pp. 199-235; J. van Laarhoven, o.e. pp. 14-30.

sauvé p a r l'intervention miraculeuse de D i e u (la m ê m e signification v a u t d'ailleurs aussi p o u r les miracles). L ' i n t e r p r é t a t i o n de la p l u p a r t des autres cycles va d a n s le m ê m e sens: N o é d a n s l'arche; Isaac m e n a c é p a r le c o u t e a u sacrificiel d ' A b r a h a m ; les trois j e u n e s gens d a n s la fournaise; S u z a n n e m e n a c é e p a r les vieillards; Daniel d a n s la fosse a u x lions; T o b i e et le poisson; le passage d e la M e r R o u g e . T o u s ces t a b l e a u x r e n d e n t de m a n i è r e symbolique l'idée de la r é d e m p t i o n . b. A côté d e ces représentations à caractère symbolique général, il y a aussi toute u n e série d e figures et motifs qui p e u v e n t être appelés des symboles spécifiquement chrétiens. 1°. Motifs d'origine p a ï e n n e qui o n t reçu u n e signification c h r é t i e n n e : - Le Bon Pasteur: C e symbole, qui a u n e longue préhistoire d a n s l'iconographie p a ï e n n e 8 , est d e v e n u très vite u n motif chrétien (et m ê m e le plus ancien), p r é s u m a n t u n e relation avec le Bon Pasteur de la Bible. Situé d a n s u n paysage bucolique, la scène suggerérait u n e situation paradisiaque. - Orphée: Le Christ est considéré c o m m e le véritable O r p h é e , p a r c e q u e lui aussi est d e s c e n d u d a n s les enfers ('la descente a u x enfers' des chrétiens), n o n p o u r sauver u n seul h o m m e , mais p o u r libérer u n e multit u d e d e gens. Et c o m m e O r p h é e a séduit h o m m e s et a n i m a u x avec son c h a n t et m u s i q u e , le Christ attire lui aussi les h o m m e s p a r son message. - A m o u r et Psyché: L ' i n t e r p r é t a t i o n c h r é t i e n n e d e ces symboles de l ' a m o u r et de l ' â m e est mise en d o u t e p a r b e a u c o u p d e savants. - Les saisons: C e symbole d u r e n o u v e a u c o n t i n u de la n a t u r e c o r r e s p o n d à l'idée de la résurrection. - Le p h é n i x : P o u r cet oiseau m y t h i q u e , qui serait brûlé tous les c i n q u e cents a n s et serait ressuscité d e ses p r o p r e s cendres, l'interprétation c o m m e symbole d e la résurrection est évidente.

8

Voir par exemple: Klauser, "Studien".

- Le p a o n : S y m b o l e d'éternité, p a r c e q u e la chair d u p a o n (l'animal qui était l'attribut de J u n o n ) était considérée c o m m e impérissable. - L a g r a p p e d e raisins et les ceps de vigne: Ils r e p r é s e n t e n t l'eucharistie, o u e n c o r e l'Eglise (voir l'Evangile de J e a n : 'Je suis la vigne, et vous, les sarments'). - La palme: L a p a l m e est u n symbole de t r i o m p h e (et n o n u n symbole d u m a r tyre, c o m m e o n a pensé d ' a b o r d ) . 2°. D e s symboles explicitement chrétiens: - L a croix sous ses diverses f o r m e s - Le chrisme et les m o n o g r a m m e s d u Christ: L a f o r m e de base est constituée p a r les d e u x p r e m i è r e s l e t t r e s — X et Ρ — d u n o m grec d u Christ. Parfois le chrisme est c o m b i n é avec l ' a l p h a et l ' o m é g a , la p r e m i è r e et la d e r n i è r e lettre d e l ' a l p h a b e t grec. D a n s le m o n o g r a m m e d u Christ, la lettre Ρ est p o u r v u e d ' u n e traverse. D a n s u n e a u t r e f o r m e , o n c o m b i n e les lettres I et X (de Iesous et de Christos). - Le poisson: C e symbole, déjà r é p a n d u d a n s l'Antiquité, f u t interprété c o m m e celui d u Christ, p a r c e q u e le m o t grec Ichthus était f o r m é des p r e m i è res lettres de Iesous Christos Theou Huios Sôter (= J é s u s Christ, Fils de D i e u et Sauveur). C e t t e i n t e r p r é t a t i o n est c o n f i r m é e p a r des témoignages littéraires, c o m m e la stèle d'Abercius (datant de 216) et des p r o p o s d e Tertullien (environ 160-220). - L'agneau: Le symbole de l ' a g n e a u est m a n i f e s t e m e n t polyvalent: le Christ c o m m e A g n e a u de Dieu; les A p ô t r e s disposés a u t o u r d u Christ c o m m e d o u z e a g n e a u x (voir l'apside d e S. Apollinare in Classe à R a v e n n e ) ; l ' a g n e a u entre d e u x loups, c o m m e la chaste S u z a n n e m e n a c é e p a r les vieillards. - L'orante: C e t t e figure symbolique, q u i c o m m e le Bon Pasteur a u n e longue préhistoire, aurait été p o u r les chrétiens l ' â m e des défunts, a d o r a n t et r e m e r c i a n t D i e u et p r i a n t p o u r les vivants. - L a c o l o m b e (éventuellement avec u n r a m e a u ) : P o u r certains, la c o l o m b e représenterait l ' â m e des défunts. D ' a u t r e s voient d a n s la c o l o m b e avec u n r a m e a u l'équivalent figuratif de la

f o r m u l e I N P A C E ('en paix'), si caractéristique des inscriptions f u n é raires. - L'ancre: O n trouve déjà l'ancre c o m m e symbole sur les plus anciennes inscriptions funéraires. La signification semble être double: symbole de la croix et symbole de l'espérance (du paradis).

1.3. Quelques considérations sur cette manière de voir traditionnelle D u point de vue de l'iconographie c h r é t i e n n e médiévale et m o d e r n e , cette vision traditionnelle semble très fondée. 9 Il est clair q u e la plup a r t de ces interprétations étaient universellement r é p a n d u e s a u plus t a r d dès le d é b u t d u m o y e n âge, et peut-être déjà au milieu d u IV e siècle. La m o i n d r e des choses qu'il faut reconnaître c'est qu'il s'agit de significations potentielles, p o u r lesquelles on retrouve d a n s les représentations des a r g u m e n t s solides. M a i s le p r o b l è m e est qu'il ne suffit pas de connaître les significarions potentielles des représentations paléochrétiennes. Il faudrait être sûr q u e ces significations étaient actualisées, qu'elles étaient perçues c o m m e telles. P o u r le dire d ' u n e m a n i è r e plus concrète, il f a u t c h e r c h e r des a r g u m e n t s d a n s les témoignages littéraires, le contexte i c o n o g r a p h i q u e et le contexte matériel en général p o u r savoir si les p a r a d i g m e s bibliques o n t v r a i m e n t j o u é u n rôle p r é p o n d é r a n t d a n s la genèse et l'évolution d u langage iconique paléochrétien. Parlons d ' a b o r d de quelques témoignages littéraires qui traitent d i r e c t e m e n t des représentations. M ê m e a u I V 7 V C siècle, o n n e trouve q u e p e u d'indices p o u r la validité de la théorie des p a r a d i g mes. A ce propos, o n cite t o u j o u r s l'homélie d'Asterius d ' A m a s é e 1 0 et les lettres de Paulin de N o i e " . M a i s ce q u ' o n oublie toujours, c'est q u e ces témoignages reflètent surtout la vision de ces b i e n f a i t e u r s / bâtisseurs d'églises, et p a s nécessairement des chrétiens m o y e n s qui o n t visité les églises en question. Il est significatif q u ' o n n e trouve j a m a i s des reflets de ces interprétations élevées d a n s les simples graffiti, les inscriptions funéraires ou les inscriptions sur les objets usuels. P a r contre, o n dispose d ' u n t é m o i g n a g e d'environ 200 qui présuppose u n e tout autre conception à p r o p o s des représentations des 9 Voir par exemple: J.J.M. Timmers, o.e. et d'autres précis à caractère de répertoire, cités p. 101. 10 Voir par exemple: F. van der Meer, o.e., pp. 27-28. " Voir par exemple: F. van der Meer, o.e., pp. 258-259.

premiers chrétiens. Il s , agit de la r e c o m m a n d a t i o n de C l é m e n t d'Alexandrie d a n s son Pédagogue (3,59,2). C l é m e n t d e m a n d e d ' a b o r d a u x fidèles d o n t il a la charge d e ne plus utiliser, p o u r décorer leurs g e m m e s , de signes cryptiques constitués de lettres, d ' i d é o g r a m m e s et de p i c t o g r a m m e s , p a r c e q u e ceux-ci o n t u n caractère obscur et m ê m e idolâtre. Ceci implique q u e j u s q u ' à ce m o m e n t il n'était pas question de scènes bibliques, m ê m e p a s sous u n e f o r m e abrégée, mais tout a u plus de signes bibliques à caractère allusif. Mais l'iconographie biblique est aussi absente des représentations q u e C l é m e n t préfere. J e le cite littéralement: Les représentations sur nos sceaux doivent être une colombe, ou un poisson, ou un bâteau toutes voiles dehors, ou une lyre (l'instrument qu'a utilisé Polycrate), ou une ancre de navire (comme Séleucus a fait graver sur son sceau). O u si un pêcheur y est gravé, on peut penser à l'Apôtre [Pierre] et aux enfants qui sortent de l'eau baptismale. Q u ' o n évite les représentations d'idoles: on ne peut pas m ê m e les regarder.

C l é m e n t ne veut d o n c p a s q u ' o n r e m p l a c e les signes obscurs p a r des scènes—personnes, événements, idées sacrés—qui illustrent l'histoire d u salut, c o m m e le p r é t e n d la théorie des p a r a d i g m e s . Il veut p a r contre des symboles issus d u répertoire ' p r o f a n e ' c o u r a n t , mais susceptibles d ' é v o q u e r , p o u r les chrétiens, u n e signification plus prof o n d e . Il est évident q u e la signification plus p r o f o n d e d o n t parle C l é m e n t pouvait avoir, d a n s la p l u p a r t des cas, u n e c o n n o t a t i o n biblique (mais alors seulement d a n s le sens d ' u n ' t h è m e ' biblique, et pas d ' u n e 'illustration' concrète d ' u n passage biblique (personnes et événements). Le contexte iconique et le contexte matériel en général d o n n e n t des indications qui vont d a n s le m ê m e sens. Les scènes bibliques se trouvent p r e s q u e exclusivement sur les t o m b e s et les objets usuels des h o m m e s cultivés, mais sont très rares sur les objets qui étaient c o m m u n s a u x lettrés et a u x illettrés, à savoir les simples dalles funéraires et les lampes 1 2 . Il est i m p e n s a b l e q u e les p a r a d i g m e s bibliques aient j o u i d ' u n e popularité universelle d a n s les prières et la liturgie de tous les chrétiens, tandis q u e d a n s l'iconographie elles a u r a i e n t été réservées a u x gens cultivés. Cela d o n n e à penser q u e les scènes bibliques étaient choisies a u m o i n s partiellement p o u r leur caractère idyllicobucolique, qui les rendait très a d a p t é e s à la décoration des c h a m b r e s funéraires et des verres dorés des riches. 12

Voir: Provoost, "Das Zeugnis", passim.

2. L'évolution du langage iconique paléochrétien, et particulièrement du langage biblique d'après la vision traditionnelle A la m a n i è r e de voir traditionnelle c o n c e r n a n t le caractère des images bibliques en correspond u n e a u t r e c o n c e r n a n t l'évolution d u langage iconique biblique 1 3 . P o u r la subdivision en d e u x périodes, il faut n o t e r q u ' o n suppose q u e les représentations chrétiennes les plus anciennes d a t e n t d u d é b u t d u III‫ '׳‬siècle.

2A. Jusqu'au début de la Tétrachie (285) D a n s cette p r e m i è r e période, l'iconographie chrétienne est de n a t u r e très symbolique, avec des représentations c o m m e le Bon Pasteur, des scènes pastorales, Forante (qui p r e n d souvent les traits d u défunt), le p ê c h e u r , l'ancre. T o u t c o m m e sur les sarcophages païens, on trouve aussi souvent sur les sarcophages chrétiens des scènes d ' e n s e i g n e m e n t : les d é f u n t s discutent avec u n philosophe sur le sens de la vie et de la m o r t . D u point de vue chrétien, ces représentations visent la vraie doctrine. Les scènes explicitement bibliques sont p e u n o m b r e u s e s . Q u a n d elles sont présentes, elles sont e m p r u n t é e s plutôt à l'Ancien q u ' a u N o u v e a u T e s t a m e n t . Les plus f r é q u e n t e s sont les représentations de J o n a s . Elles e x p r i m e n t l'idée de la r é d e m p t i o n et f o r m e n t u n cycle: J o n a s j e t é à la m e r , J o n a s vomi p a r le m o n s t r e m a r i n et rejeté sur le rivage, J o n a s couché à l ' o m b r e de l'arbre. D ' a u t r e s scènes fréquentes sont: N o é d a n s l'arche; les trois j e u n e s gens d a n s la fournaise; A d a m et Eve. Les scènes néotestamentaires sont, entre autres, le b a p t ê m e — parfois celui d u Christ (dans ce cas, o n y voit u n e colombe), parfois d ' u n simple fidèle—; la multiplication des pains; la résurrection d e . Lazare; le miracle d u r o c h e r (avec Pierre); l'arrestation de Pierre. Les d e u x dernières scènes sont plutôt exceptionnelles. Les motifs païens et p r o f a n e s n e font pas d u tout défaut. O n trouve p a r exemple souvent des têtes de lions a u x angles d ' u n sarcophage. Ces lions dévorent parfois u n chevreuil (symbole de la mort). Il y a ensuite aussi des génies avec u n e torche renversée, O r p h é e , la porta aeterna (la porte vers la vie éternelle) entrouverte. O n trouve aussi b e a u c o u p de scènes de b a n q u e t s . L e u r signification est fort contestée: b a n q u e t funéraire? repas eucharistique? illustration de l'idée d u 13

Voir par exemple: L. Reekmans, o.e., pp. 129-132.

rejrigenum (situation intermédiaire entre la vie et la mort)? ou encore allusion à la multiplication des pains? L a signification symbolique des saisons a déjà été m e n t i o n n é e . Les motifs païens et p r o f a n e s sont encore plus f r é q u e n t s sur les couvercles des sarcophages: monstres m a r i n s et d a u p h i n s , génies a u repos, scènes pastorales, scènes de chasse et de b a n q u e t . Mais ils cèdent progressivement la place à des motifs plus chrétiens. C o m m e motif central le buste des d é f u n t s est assez recherché; ce motif était également populaire sur les sarcophages païens. S u r les couvercles des sarcophages, ces portraits sont sur f o n d d ' u n parapétasma (draperie) t e n u p a r d e u x génies. L a représentation la plus a n c i e n n e de la Sainte Vierge (vers 200 ou d a n s les premières décennies d u III e siècle) se trouverait d a n s la c a t a c o m b e de Priscille. Elle est assise c o m m e u n e m a t r o n e r o m a i n e , avec l'enfant sur les genoux. A côté d'elle, u n h o m m e , peut-être le p r o p h è t e Balaam, tend la m a i n vers u n e étoile au-dessus de sa tête (allusion a u passage biblique: "Voici, q u ' u n e étoile s'élève au-dessus de J a c o b " N u m . 24,17).

2.2. Pendant la Tétrarchie et le règne de Constantin

(285-335)

Les motifs païens et p r o f a n e s d i s p a r u r e n t tout à fait à cette période. Mais o n trouve t o u j o u r s sur les couvercles des sarcophages des représentations pastorales, des scènes de b a n q u e t s , des génies et des tableaux de chasse. Q u e l q u e s - u n s des motifs symboliques d'autrefois se m a i n t i e n n e n t , mais avec u n e f r é q u e n c e d i m i n u é e : le Bon Pasteur (qui deviendra rare après la période constantinienne); le p ê c h e u r (presque disparu à cette période); l'orant ou l ' o r a n t e ( m a i n t e n a n t c o m b i n é s avec des scènes bibliques, ou mis entre d e u x apôtres); des scènes d'enseignem e n t (moins n o m b r e u s e s p e n d a n t la T é t r a r c h i e , elles disparaissent p e n d a n t la période constantinienne). O n constate p a r contre u n e progression des scènes bibliques, surtout de celles relatives a u N o u v e a u T e s t a m e n t . Q u e l q u e s représentations vétérotestamentaires restent n é a n m o i n s populaires: Isaac sauvé d u couteau d ' A b r a h a m ; les trois j e u n e s gens refusant d ' a d o r e r la statue de N a b u c h o d o n o s o r ; les j e u n e s gens d a n s la fournaise; la vision des os d'Ezéchiel (symbole de la résurrection); T o b i e avec le poisson; S u z a n n e m e n a c é e p a r les vieillards; J o b sur son fumier; le passage de la M e r R o u g e ; Daniel entre les lions; l'ascension d'Elie; la

création de l ' h o m m e . P a r m i les représentations néotestamentaires, les suivantes sont les préférées: la résurrection de Lazare; la multiplication des pains; le miracle de C a n a et d ' a u t r e s miracles d u Christ, c o m m e la guérison de l'aveugle, d u paralytique, de l'hémorroïsse, la résurrection d e la fille de J a ï r e ; d ' a u t r e s scènes de l'enfance ou de la vie d u Christ, c o m m e la naissance, l'adoration des mages, la m e n a c e de lapidation à N a z a r e t h , l'entrée à J é r u s a l e m ; et enfin des scènes de la vie de saint Pierre, c o m m e le miracle d u rocher, le r e n i e m e n t de Pierre, son arrestation. U n motif f r a p p a n t est la représentation, d a n s u n clipeus central, de la dextrarum iunctio (expression symbolique d u mariage).

3. Manière de voir alternative concernant l'évolution du langage iconique paléochrétien, et particulièrement des représentations bibliques Les défauts de la théorie des p a r a d i g m e s p e u v e n t être évités si on refuse de considérer le langage iconique paléochrétien c o m m e u n ensemble p r e s q u e monolithique, et si on y voit l'interaction de divers c h a m p s !coniques 1 4 . Ces c h a m p s iconiques n e se sont pas développés tous en m ê m e t e m p s ni avec la m ê m e i n t e n s i t é — c o m m e le suppose la théorie des paradigmes. D e cette m a n i è r e , il est possible de définir l ' i m p o r t a n c e relative d ' u n e représentation (universelle, plutôt fréq u e n t e , plutôt rare, p r e s q u e u n i q u e etc.). C e t t e a p p r o c h e profite—et c'est plus i m p o r t a n t e n c o r e — d e s acquis de l'anthropologie culturelle, en classifiant le matériel iconique p a r contextes archéologico-anthropologiques. Les critères d ' u n e telle classification sont: d é t e r m i n a t i o n des utilisateurs et le caractère de l'emploi; la fonction de la représentation; le caractère d u p o r t e u r (objet usuel, objet de luxe, partie de la décoration d ' u n e maison ou d ' u n e t o m b e , p a r u r e d ' u n édifice cultuel etc.); la diversité régionale et c h r o n o l o g i q u e (le fait q u ' u n e telle classification reflète la diffusion chronologique et g é o g r a p h i q u e n'est pas u n b u t en soi, mais en est u n e des conséquences intéressantes). J e crois p o u v o i r discerner trois contextes p o u r la période pré- et p r o t o c o n s t a n t i n i e n n e , et d e u x autres p o u r les a n n é e s qui suivent 1 5 . 14 Voir par exemple: Provoost, "Vroeg-christelijke tafereien"; Provoost, "Das Zeugnis"; Provoost, "Embleem". 15 Voir: A. Provoost, "Les représentations de martyrs à la fin de l'Antiquité", in:

M . Lamberigts—P. van D e u n (eds.), Martyrium. Martyrdom in Pluridisciplinaiy Perspective (.Bibliotheca Ephemeridum Theologicarum L0vaniensium CXVTI) (1994), pp. 236-240.

3.1. Contexte 1 (environ 30-150)—naissance personalia à caractère biblique

des signes bibliques et des

Approche anthropologique: T e m p s d ' i n c u b a t i o n de la chrétienté; des m e n e u r s charismatiques créent des c o m m u n a u t é s locales d a n s b e a u c o u p de régions; p a r les contacts réciproques se réalise u n o r g a n i s m e s p o n t a n é de coordination (= période apostolique) C u l t u r e matérielle: Les vestiges matériels des chrétiens n e diffèrent pas des archaeologica juifs et païens, p a r m a n q u e d ' u n e culture matérielle spécifiquement chrétienne. L a n g a g e iconique: O n n e trouve q u e des m o n o g r a m m e s , i d é o g r a m m e s et c r y p t o g r a m mes (peut-être surtout chez les chretiens d'origine juive), et peut-être aussi quelques personalia/realia. Les signes bibliques et les personalia à caractère biblique apparaissent.

3.2. Contexte 2 (environ 180-250)—naissance

des emblèmes bibliques

Approche anthropologique: Premières f o r m e s de dispositions c o m m u n e s : présence d'écrits, églises-maisons c o m m e celle de D o u r a - E u r o p o s , secteurs chrétiens d a n s les cimetières existantes (ce qui présuppose des corporations funéraires chrétiennes), création des premières écoles et bibliothèques. C u l t u r e matérielle: O n utilise les dispositions existantes, p o u r v u qu'elles conviennent; on les r e n d éventuellement plus utilisables p a r des a d a p t i o n s légères (voir l'église-maison de D o u r a - E u r o p o s ) . L a n g a g e iconique: Naissance des e m b l è m e s idyllico-bucoliques et progression universelle des signes et des personalia/realia. D é b u t des scènes bibliques à caractère e m b l é m a t i q u e . 3.3. Contexte 3 (environ 250-325)—naissance

des idylles bibliques

Approche anthropologique: Les chrétiens o n t c o n n u p e u après le milieu et j u s q u ' à la fin d u I I P

siècle u n e période de paix relativement longue entre d e u x persécutions sévères; d é v e l o p p e m e n t ultérieur des dispositions c o m m u n e s , p r o b a b l e m e n t suivant u n e stratégie c o o r d o n n é e p a r les autorités ecclésiastiques (voir le rôle des é v ê q u e s / p r ê t r e s d a n s la liturgie et des diacres c o n c e r n a n t les e n t e r r e m e n t s et l'assistance a u x pauvres; évergétisme des riches; premiers ermites et d é b u t des ermitages et monastères; expansion des écoles et des bibliothèques). C u l t u r e matérielle: O n installe des églises d a n s les maisons des riches, mais o n c o m m e n c e aussi à bâtir des constructions nouvelles; les riches à tout le m o i n s disposent d'objets usuels m a r q u é s p a r le christianisme et de cimétières propres. L a n g a g e iconique: La p l u p a r t des scènes, d a n s les c h a m b r e s funéraires et sur les sarcophages, p r e n n e n t u n caractère explicitement idyllico-bucolique et reflètent ainsi les circonstances de vie des riches; la présence d ' o r a n t e s et des scènes intellectuelles i n d i q u e n t q u e ces riches se voulaient lettrès. Les e m b l è m e s bibliques se t r a n s f o r m e n t souvent en de vraies idylles.

3.4. Contexte 4 (environ 325-375)—naissance bibliques à caractère spontané

des allégories et des histoires

Approche anthropologique: Le christianisme devient u n e religion permise, et reçoit grâce a u x e m p e r e u r s et fonctionnaires bénévoles plus de m o y e n s et de possibilités; l'évergétisme devient partiellement u n e affaire d'état. C u l t u r e matérielle: O n bâtit o u v e r t e m e n t des basiliques, baptistères et églises funéraires. L a n g a g e iconique: Interaction entre le langage f u n é r a i r e et le langage cultuel; l'iconographie des riches est f o r t e m e n t associée a u x usages de la cour, et p r e n d u n caractère h a u t e m e n t allégorique ou narratif. Les e m b l è m e s bibliques historiés deviennent des véritables scènes historiques, celles plus symboliques des allégories, mais g a r d e n t u n e certaine spontanéité et liberté.

3.5. Contexte 5 (après 375)—naissance

des characteres et historiae

Approche anthropologique: Le christianisme devient la religion officielle de l'état; les administrations p r o f a n e s et religieuses se c o n f o n d e n t d e plus en plus; l'Eglise assume en g r a n d e partie les fonctions de l'état. C u l t u r e matérielle: D é b u t d u vrai d é v e l o p p e m e n t de la culture matérielle chrétienne; christianisation de la t o p o g r a p h i e , d ' a b o r d d a n s les quartiers résidentiels, et plus t a r d aussi d a n s les centres officiels; culte o m n i p r é s e n t des m a r t y r s et des saints. L a n g a g e iconique: Les portraits deviennent de plus en plus des characteres (et ensuite des icônes), les scènes narratives des historiae, certains e m b l è m e s des allégories compliquées, et d ' a u t r e s des attributs; les traits essentiels de toutes ces représentations se fixent de plus en plus; la doctrine officielle et le culte de l'Eglise d o m i n e n t progressivement le langage iconique.

4. Quelques applications de la cette manière de voir alternative du langage iconique biblique Après tout ce qui a été dit, il n'est pas difficile de préciser quelles représentations bibliques o n trouve a u x diverses périodes, et d'indiq u e r si certaines représentations étaient préférées. J e m e limite à la présentation et à u n c o m m e n t a i r e s o m m a i r e de q u a t r e tableaux de f r é q u e n c e . Ces tableaux n e m e n t i o n n e n t pas seulement les scènes qui o n t u n r a p p o r t direct avec l'Ancien ou le N o u v e a u T e s t a m e n t , mais tiennent aussi c o m p t e des symboles q u ' o n qualifie g é n é r a l e m e n t de bibliques (quoique q u e j e sois p e r s u a d é q u e la p l u p a r t d ' e u x sont en p r e m i e r heu idyllico-bucoliques). P o u r des raisons pratiques, j e classe toutes les scènes de b a n q u e t p a r m i les représentations d u N o u v e a u T e s t a m e n t , q u o i q u e j e les considère p r e s q u e toutes c o m m e idyllicobucoliques ou c o m m e de simples realia.

4.1. Fréquence des scènes bibliques par comparaison avec l'ensemble du langage iconique paléochrétien

4.1.1. Fréquence des scènes bibliques dans les catacombes romaines V o i r le tableau 1, qui est basé sur l'index de A. Nestori, Répertoria topografico delle catacombe romane (Roma sottenanea cristiana 5) (Città del V a t i c a n o - R o m a , 1975) pp. 181-218. Il faut n é a n m o i n s tenir c o m p t e d ' u n e objection f o n d a m e n t a l e adressée a u x identifications de Nestori: il voit, c o m m e J . Wilpert d a n s son c o r p u s de 1903 1 6 , d a n s c h a q u e berger le Bon Pasteur des Ecritures, d a n s c h a q u e j a r d i n le Paradis terrestre, d a n s c h a q u e f e m m e avec u n e n f a n t la Vierge et l ' E n f a n t Jésus, d a n s c h a q u e scène de repas la figuration de l'Eucharistie etc. D e telles H i n e i n i n t e r p r e t i e r u n g e n sont inadmissibles a u j o u r d ' h u i 1 7 . FREQUENCE DES SCENES BIBLIQUES DANS LES CATACOMBES ROMAINES SYMBOLES

AT+NT

185 Animaux 86 147 Feston 75 27 138 Motif floral 88 Vase 2 15 Corbeille 15 Monogramme du Clirist 14 Croix 12 Guirlande 10 Etoile 9 Vigne 7 Coquille 4 Croix monogrammatique 4 Fruit 3 Pêcheur 3 Candélabre 3 Fontaine 3 Bateau 2 Couronne de fleurs 2 Phénix 2 Table/autel 2 Roue 1 Arbre 1 Corne 1 Palme 1 Epis de blé

Bon Pasteur (criophore) Miracle du rocher Pasteur Anges

AT

NT

67 Jonas 54 Daniel 46 Noé 26 Adam et Eve 22 Jeunes gens clans la fournaise 15 Moïse 13 Abraham (sacrifice) 13 J o b

65 Résurrection de I-azarr 57 I>c Christ (par exemple enseignant) 37 Multiplication des pains 26 Banquet 26 Guérison du paralytique 17 Adoration des mages 13 Apôtres (groupe) 13 Pierre e t / o u Paul 1 1 Baptême 8 Miracle de Cana 8 Guérison de l'aveugle 8 I-a Samaritaine 6 Guérison de l'hémoroïsse 4 Agnus Dei 3 Scènes de jugement 2 Annonciation 2 Discours sur la montagne 2 St. Jean l'Evangéliste 2 Isajè auprès de la Vierge 2 Guérison du lépreux 2 Reniement de Pierre 2 Crèche 2 Vierges sages 1 Apparition à Pierre 1 Couronnement d'épines 1 Crucifixion 1 Guérison du lépreux 1 Philippe et l'eunuque 1 LafdledeJaïre 1 Imposition des mains I I‫״‬avement des pieds 1 Les Mages avec l'étoile 1 Guérison du possédé I Guérison de la femme estropiée 1 Remise des clefs 1 Tunique de Jésus I Visitation de la Vierge

8 IsaK·

7 Balaam 7 Suzanne 4 Tobie 3 Samson 2 Colonne de feu 2 Elic 2 Nabuchodonosor 2 Manne 2 Passage de la Mer Rouge 1 Abel et Cairi 1 Aaron 1 Banquet d'Isaac 1 Création de l'homme 1 David 1 Absalon 1 Déluge 1 Ephraim et Manasse 1 J u d a rencontre T a m a r 1 Joseph 1 Lot 1 Prophète 1 Miellée 1 Miracle des cailles 1 Vision de Mambré

Tableau 1 16

17

J. Wilpert, Die Malereien der Katakomben Roms (Freiburg i. Br., 1903).

Pour d'autres exemples, voir: A. Provoost, recension de: A. Nestori, Répertoria

topografico delle catacombe romane (Roma sottenanea cristiana S) (Città del V a r i c a n o - R o m a , 1975) dans: Revue d'histoire ecclésiastique 74, 1979, pp. 3 7 7 - 3 8 2 .

O n voit d a n s le tableau 1 (qui d o n n e la f r é q u e n c e des scènes bibliques d a n s les c a t a c o m b e s romaines) q u e les scènes m e n t i o n n é e s d a n s les prières p o u r les m o r t s et les lectionaùa sont bien présentes: 86 Bon Pasteur 75 Miracle du rocher 67 Jonas 65 Résurrection de I^azare 54 Daniel 46 Noé 37 Multiplication des pains 26 Guérison du paralytique 22 Les jeunes gens dans la fournaise 13 Sacrifice d'Isaac 8 La Samaritaine 8 Guérison de l'aveugle 7 Suzanne 2 Guérison du lépreux

Mais il est tout aussi clair q u e toutes les scènes qui, d ' a p r è s la théorie des p a r a d i g m e s , a u r a i e n t d o m i n é le langage iconique paléochrétien, n ' o n t pas j o u i d ' u n e popularité c o m p a r a b l e . Le tableau 4 m o n t r e r a en outre q u e cette popularité a différé selon les différentes périodes, et q u e p r e s q u e toutes ces scènes étaient recherchées dès avant 250, et d o n c bien avant le d é v e l o p p e m e n t des prières de libération et des lectionaria (dont on a supposé qu'elles a u r a i e n t été à l'origine d e la p l u p a r t de ces scènes). Il faut également signaler q u e différentes scènés qui n e j o u e n t q u ' u n rôle secondaire d a n s la théorie des paradigmes, sont présentes avec u n e f r é q u e n c e significative, p a r exemple A d a m et Eve, les scènes de b a n q u e t , l'adoration des Mages, Moïse qui se déchausse et reçoit la Loi.

4.1.2. Fréquence des scènes bibliques dans le cimetière 'ad duas lauros'. V o i r tableau 2, basé sur: Provoost, " D a s Zeugnis" (cf. n. 1). FREQUENCE DES SCENES BIBLIQUES DANS LA C A T A C O M B E AD DUAS SYMBOLES 39 Motif central 38 Guirlande 19 Oiseaux 18 Vase 13 Colombe 9 Animal de troupeau 8 Paon 7 Gazelle 4 Arbuste 3 Oiseau avec rameau 2 Dauphin

AT+NT

LAUROS

AT 19J0nas au repos 19 Noé 16 Daniel 15 Miracle du rocher 14 Jonas rejeté par le monstre 12 Jonas jeté à la mer 7 Abraham (sacrifice) 6 Jonas afflige 5 Adam et Eve 5 Job 3 Balaam

m 17 Banquet 17 Résurrection de !.azare 12 Multiplication des pains 12 Guérison du paralytique 7 Guérison de l'aveugle 5 Baptême du Christ 5 Guérison de l'hémorroisse 5 Miracle de Gana 5 Adoration des Mages 3 La Samaritaine 1 Les Mages avec l'étoile

2 Candélabre 2 Canard 2 Tête de bélier 2 Soleil 1 Etoiles 1 Lune 1 Coquille I Panier 1 Clirisme

2 Suzanne 1 Jeunes gens dans la fournaise

I Crèche 1 Guérison de la femme estropiée

Tableau 2. Fréquence des scènes bibliques dans le cimetière de Pierre et Marcellin

Le g r a n d a v a n t a g e d u cimetière de Pierre et Marcellin (ou ad duas lauros) est q u ' o n peut être sûr d u caractère chrétien et de la datation p r é c o n s t a n t i n i e n n e des représentations. Le tableau 2 c o n f i r m e les d o n n é e s d u tableau 1: les scènes de salut sont présentes de m a n i è r e p r é d o m i n a n t e , mais c e r t a i n e m e n t pas exclusive. Mais ce qui f r a p p e surtout, c'est la p r é d o m i n a n c e des symboles à caractère bucolique et des idylles bibliques c o m m e J o n a s et N o é (voir contexte 3). 4.1.3. Fréquence des scènes bibliques narratives: comparaison entre les fresques, les coupes à fond doré, les dalles funéraires et les lampes. V o i r tableau 3, basé sur: Provoost, " D a s Zeugnis". FREQUENCE DES SCENES BIBLIQUES NARRATIVES SUR LES FRESQUES, LES VERRES DORES, LES DALLES FUNERAIRES ET LES LAMPES FRESQUES

VERRES D O R E S

AT

AT

19 Jonas au repos 19 Noé 16 Daniel 15 Miracle du rocher 14 Jonas rejeté par le monstre 12 Jonas jeté à la mer 7 Abraham (sacrifice) 6Jonas affligé 5 Adam et Eve 5Job 3 Balaam 2 Suzanne

7 Adam et Eve 4 Jeunes gens dans la foumaise 3 Miracle du rocher 2 Jonas au repos 1 Abraham (sacrifice) I Noé

DALLES FUNERAIRES

IAMPES

I Jonas au repos I Noé

I Jeunes gens dans la fournaise

1 Le buisson ardent I Explorateurs avec grappe I Tobie

1 Jeunes gens dans la fournaise NT

NT

39 Pierre et/ou Paul 13 Le Christ 6 Résurrection de I^zare 5 Multiplication des pains 2 Miracle du rocher (Pierre)

1 Résurrection de !,azare

NT 17 Banquet 17 Résurrection de Lazare 12 Multiplication des pains 12 Guérison du paralytique 7 Guérison de l'aveugle

5 Baptême du Christ 2 Guérison du paralytique 5 Guérison de l'hémorToisse 2 Miracle de Cana ‫ צ‬Miracle de Cana 1 Crucifixion ‫ צ‬Adoration des Mages 3 La Samaritaine I Mages avec l'étoile 1 Crèche I Guérison de la femme estropiée 1 Agnus Dei

Tableau 3

Cette c o m p a r a i s o n des fréquences est tout à fait é t o n n a n t e . Les scènés bibliques semblent se limiter p r e s q u e exclusivement a u milieu des riches et des gens cultivés (cf. les fresques et les verres dorés), et m a n q u e r sur les objets utilisés p a r les chrétiens m o i n s fortunés (dalles funéraires, lampes). Les scènes bibliques n ' a p p a r t i e n n e n t d o n c q u e partiellement à la koinè, a u langage iconique universel. Puisqu'il est impensable q u e les prières p o u r les m o u r a n t s et les leçons liturgiques n ' a i e n t été destinées q u ' a u x gens cultivés, il faut en conclure q u e les représentations bibliques n e sont pas tributaires de ces prières ( c o m m e le suppose la théorie des paradigmes).

4.2. Continuité ou évolution? V o i r le tableau 4, basé sur: A. Provoost, Iconologisch onderzoek van de laatantieke herdersvoorstellingen, dissertation doctorale K . U . Leuven, 1976, n o n publiée FREQUENCE DES SCENES BIBLIQUES DANS LE CONTEXTE DES SCENES PASTORALES Avant 250

250-320

320-350

Après 350

Symboles

Symboles

Symboles

Symboles

27 Oiseaux 15 Motif floral 15 Poissons 10 Ancre 7 Vigne 7 Etoiles 6 Oiseau avec rameau 6 Croix/monogramme 5 Paon 5 Dauphin 5 Pain 4 Jardin 4 Pêcheur à la ligne 4 Soleil 3 Animaux de troupeau 3 Animal bondissant 2 Vie rurale

88 Motif floral 77 Oiseaux 53 Vigne 38 Jardin 18 Paon 17 Vie rurale 16 Oiseau avec rameau 13 Animaux de troupeau 12 Lion 11 Dauphin 9 Poissons 9 Pêcheur à la ligne 8 Animaux domestiques 6 Croix /monogramme 6 Etoiles 6 Animal bondissant 5 Ancre

45 Motif floral 31 Oiseaux 19 Jardin 11 Vigne 11 Paon 8 Animaux de troupeau 7 Animal bondissant 6 Vie rurale 5 Oiseau avec rameau 5 Croix/monogramme 4 Bassin/fontaine 3 Dauphin 3 Animaux domestiques 3 Source 2 Poissons 2 Soleil I Etoiles

39 Motif floral 17 Oiseaux 16 Vigne 16 Jardin 12 Croix/monogramme 10 Paon 9 Vie rurale 5 Oiseau avec rameau 5 Animaux de troupeau 5 Animaux domestiques 5 Source 3 Poissons 2 Dauphin 2 Pêcheur à la ligne 2 Etoiles 2 Lion 2 Bassin/fontaine

2 Bassin/fontaine 1 Animaux domestiques

5 4 3 2

Pain Source Soleil Bassin/fontaine

1 Lion 1 Pain

1 Pain 1 Soleil

AT

AT

AT

AT

10 Jonas au repos 7 Jonas rejeté par le monstre 5 Jonas jeté à la mer 4 Daniel 4 Noé 2 Miracle du rocher 2 Abraham (sacrifice) 1 Adam et Eve

47 Jonas au repos 36 Jonas jeté à la mer 33 Jonas rejeté par le monstre 24 Daniel 21 Miracle du rocher 19 Noé 9 Adam et Eve 9 Jeunes gens dans la fournaise 9 Jonas afiligé 7 Adoration des Mages 6 Abraham (sacrifice) 2Job

18 Jonas au repos 12 Jonas jeté à la mer 21 Miracle du rocher 12 Noé 10 Daniel 7 Job 6 Jonas rejeté par le monstre 5 Adam et Eve 5 Jeunes gens dans la fournaise 5 Jonas afiligé 4 Abraham (sacrifice)

15 Miracle du rocher 16 Daniel 12 Jonas au repos 11 Abraham (sacrifice) 9 Jonas jeté à la mer 8 Noé 8 Adam et Eve 6 Jonas rejeté 4 Jeunes gens dans la fournaise 3 Jonas afiligé 2Job

ΚΓ

ΚΓ

NT

NT

6 5 4 3 2

78 Scènes d'enseignement 21 Résurrection de Lazare 14 Banquet 13 Multiplication des pains 12 Guérison du paralytique

24 Scènes d'enseignement 13 Résurrection de Lazare 5 Multiplication des pains 7 Baptême 3 Banquet 3 Guérison du paralytique 2 Adoration des Mages 1 Baptême

21 Scènes d'enseignement 11 Résurrection de Lazare 5 Multiplication des pains 4 Guérison du paralytique 4 Adoration des Mages 1 Banquet 1 Baptême

Scènes d'enseignement Résurrection de Lazare Banquet Baptême Guérison du paralytique

Tableau 4

O n p e u t espérer q u e ce tableau 4 soit plus ou m o i n s représentatif de l'ensemble d u langage iconique paléochrétien, puisque le c h a m p icon i q u e des représentations idyllico-buciliques est p r e s q u e o m n i p r é s e n t (fresques: 9 6 % ; dalles funéraires: 6 7 % ; lampes: 4 7 % ; verres dorés: 64%) 1 8 . Le tableau p r o u v e q u e les sujets bibliques—qu'ils aient eu u n caractère symbolique ou n a r r a t i f — s o n t a p p a r u s dès le début. Il n'est pas question q u e les représentations de l'Ancien T e s t a m e n t aient d û céder progressivement devant celles d u N o u v e a u T e s t a m e n t , c o m m e o n le dit d a n s l'optique traditionnelle. L'équilibre entre les scènes vétéro- et néotestamentaires reste à p e u près constant.

5. Quelques conclusions La théorie des p a r a d i g m e s ne semble pas tenable, ni p o u r d u langage iconique paléochrétien en général, ni p o u r bibliques en particulier. Il y a é v i d e m m e n t b e a u c o u p de tions bibliques qui é v o q u e n t ou m o n t r e n t l'histoire d u elles n e sont pas d u tout exclusives. 18

Voir: Provoost, "Das Zeugnis" passim.

l'ensemble les scènes représentasalut, mais

Il faut plutôt accepter que les sujets bibliques se sont transformés en même temps que le contexte anthropologique: d'abord des signes bibliques et des personalia à caractère biblique; puis des emblèmes et idylles bibliques; et finalement des allégories et des histoires bibliques, premièrement avec caractère spontané, plus tard comme characteres et historiae.

C. Andresen, Einführung in die christliche Archäologie (Die Kirche in ihrer Geschichte Ι,Β,Ι) (Göttingen, 1971). H . Aurenhammer, Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie 2 vols. (Wien, 1967). H. B e c k — P . C . Bol (eds.), Spätantike und frühes Christentum. Ausstellung im Liebieghaus Museum alter Plastik, Frankfurt am Main, 16. Dezember 1983 bis 11. März 1984 (Frankfurt a m Main, 1983). F. C a b r o l — H . Leclercq, Dictionnaire d'archéologie chrétienne et de liturgie 15 vols. (Paris, 1907-1953). J. Daniélou, Les symboles chrétiens primitifs (Paris, 1961). E. Dassmann, Sündenvergebung durch Taufe, Busse und Märtyrerfürbitte in den Zeugnissen frühchristlicher Frömmigkeit und Kunst (Münsterische Beiträge zur Theologie 36) (Münster Westfalen, 1973). D . D e Chapeaurouge, Einführung in die Geschichte der christlichen Symbole (Die Kunstwissenschaft) (Darmstadt, 1984). F.W. D e i c h m a n n , Einfuhrung in die Christliche Archäologie (Die Kunstwissenschaft) (DarmStadt, 1983). C. Delvoye, "De l'iconographie païenne à l'iconographie chrétienne", dans : IXe Congrès International d'Archéologie Classique. Damas 11-20 octobre 1969 = Annales archéologiques arabes syriennes 21, 1971, pp. 329-346. G. Duchet-Suchaux, G . — M . Pastoureau, La Bible et les saints. Guide iconographique (Tout l'art. Encyclopédie) nouvelle édition augmentée (Paris, 1994). W . Elliger, ZUT Entstehung und Frühentwicklung der altchristlichen Bildkunst (Leipzig, 1934). J. Fink, Les grands thèmes de l'iconographie chrétienne des premiers siècles (Paroisse et liturgie 77) (Brugge, 1966). F. Gerke, Spätantike und frühes Christentum (Kunst der Welt) (Baden-Baden, 1967). L. Goosen, Van Andreas tot Zflcheüs. Thema's uit het Meuwe Testament en de apocriefe literatuur in religie en kunsten (Nijmegen, 1992). L. G o o s e n , Van Abraham tot Zachana. Thema's uit het Oude Testament in religie, beeidende kunst, literatuur, muziek en theater, 2 è m e édition corrigée (Nijmegen, 1993). A. Grabar, "Recherches sur les sources juives de l'art paléochrétien", Cahiers archéologiques 11, 1960, pp. 41-71; 12, 1962, pp. 115-152; 14, 1964, pp. 49-57. A. Grabar, Christian iconography. A study of its origins (The A. W. Mellon Lectures in the Fine Arts 1961) (London 1969). A. Grabar, Les voies de la création en iconographie chrétienne (Coll. Idées et recherches) (Paris, 1979). G.J. Hoogewerff, Ikonografie en ikonologie van de oude christelijke kunst ('s Gravenhage, 1950); The index of Christian art at Princeton University. Cf. : H. Woodruff, The index of Christian art at Princeton University. A handbook (Princeton, 1942). J . H . Jongkees, "Het begin van de beeidende kunst in de Christelijke Kerk", Nederlands Archief voor Kerkgeschiedenis n.r. 48, 1967, pp. 20-38. M . J o r d a n - R u w e — U . Real, Bild- und Formensprache der spätantiken Kunst, Hugo Brandenburg zum 65. Geburtstag (= Boreas 17), 1994.

C.M. Kaufmann, Handbuch der christlichen Archäologie 3ème édition (Paderborn, 1922).

J. Kirsch, "Sull'origine dei motivi cristiani della pittura cimiteriale di Roma", Rivista di archeologia cristiana 4, 1927, pp. 269-287.

Ε. Kirschbaum, Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie 5 vol. (Freiburg i. Br., 1968-1973). T. Klauser, "Studien zur Entstehungsgeschichte der christlichen Kunst", Jahrbuch fiir Antike und Christentum 1, 1958, pp. 20-51; 3, 1960, pp. 112-138; 7, 1964, pp. 67-

76; 8-9, 1965-1966, pp. 126-170; 9, 1967, pp. 82-120 (= Klauser, "Studien"). T. Klauser, "Erwägungen zur Entstehung der altchristlichen Kunst1', Zeitschrift fiir Kirchengeschichte 1, 1965, pp. 1-11.

F. Kunsde, Ikonographie der christlichen Kunst 2 vols. (Freiburg i. Br., 1926-1928). J.van Laarhoven, De beeldtaal van de christelijke kunst. Geschiedenis van de iconografie 2 è m e

impression (Nijmegen, 1993). H. Leclercq, Manuel d'archéologie chrétienne 2 vols (Paris, 1907). Lexikon fiir Theologie und Kirche, 2ème édition, 10 vols, avec registre (Freiburg i. Br.,

1957-1965). F.van der M e e r , Christus' oudste gewaad. Over de oorspronkelijkheid van• de oudchristelijke kunst

2ème impression (Baarn, 1989). C. Murray, [Sister], Rebirth and afterlife. A study of the transmutation of some pagan imagery in Early Christian funerary art (BAR International Series 100) (Oxford, 1981). A. Ossewaarde, Op het tweede gewicht. Bijbelse beeiden en hun betekenis ('s-Gravenhage,

1985). A. Provoost, "De beeldtaal van de eerste christenen", Kleio. Tijdschrift voor Oude talen en Antieke cultuur n.s. 9, 1979, pp. 149-184.

A. Provoost, "Vroeg-christelijke taferelen van geluk en vrede", Onze Alma Mater 38,

1984, pp. 13-30 (= Provoost, "Vroeg-christelijke taferelen"). A. Provoost, "Das Zeugnis der Fresken und Grabplatten in der Katakombe S. Pietro e Marcellino im Vergleich mit dem Zeugnis der Lampen und Gläser aus Rom", Boreas 9, 1986, pp. 152-172 (= Provoost, "Das Zeugnis").

A. Provoost, "Christianisering van profane motieven op vroeg-christelijke voorstellingen", Hermeneus 58, 1986, pp. 144-152.

Α. Provoost, "Van embleem tot icoon", Lampas 23,3, juli 1990, pp. 309-325 (= Provoost, "Embleem"). A. Provoost, De vroegchristelijke beeldtaal (Leuven, 1994). A. Provoost—J. Vaes—-J. Pelsmaekers (eds.), De materiele cultuur van de eerste christenen

(Leuven, 1983). Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum, 16 vis. apparus (Stuttgart, 1950-). L. Réau, Iconographie de l'art chrétien 6 vols. (Paris, 1955-1959). Ε. Sauser, Frühchristliche Kunst. Sinnbild und Glaubensaussage (Innsbrück-Wien-München,

1966). A. Stuiber, Refiigerium interim. Die Vorstellungen vom Zwischenzustand und die frühchristliche

Grabeskunst (Bonn, 1957). P. Styger, Die altchristliche Grabeskunst (Berlin, 1927) E.H. Swift, Roman sources of Christian art ( N e w York, 1951)

E. Testa, II simbolismo dei Giudeo-Cristiani (Jérusalem, 1962). P. Testini, Archeologia cristiana. Nozioni

generali dalle origini alla fine del sec.

VI.

Propedeutica—topografia cimiteriale—epigrafta—edifici di culto, 3ème édition, avec ad-

dition d'un index et d'une bibliographie (Bari, 1980). J.J.M. Timmers, Christelijke symboliek en iconografie 3ème impression (Haarlem, 1978). K. Weitzmann (ed.), Age of spirituality. A symposium (New York, 1980).

EARLY CHRISTIAN ILLUSTRATED GOSPEL BOOKS FROM THE EAST I. Spatharakis Most of the early illustrated Gospel books from the East date from the sixth century. Although their number is small, the amount of information they supply is large.1 They teach us to which subjects preference was given for illustrating and the luxury of their execution, by which the status of the donor is revealed. The miniatures in a manuscript tell us the purpose for which a book was used (liturgy or private use) and betray the influence of the liturgy on the book illustration. They inform us whether an artist invented a scene especially for a Gospel book or copied it from elsewhere. We also learn much about the physical characteristics of the Early Christian manuscripts and especially about the development of the illustrations in them from the so-called papyrus style, consisting of several, small scenes mainly in horizontal zones between a text column, to the full-page miniature. They help us to reconstruct lost illustrated Tetraevangelia, which were, as we shall see, decorated with a large number of scenes. They enrich our knowledge about lost monumental painting in early churches, not only as regards the subjects, but also the part of the church in which these subjects were painted. Concerning iconography, on one hand the scenes in these manuscripts form the basis for the further evolution of a subject, and on the other hand include compositions and details which remained unique.

Codex Sinopensis

Codex Sinopensis, Par. Suppl. gr. 1286, contains fragments from the Gospel of Matthew, written in golden uncial on purple folios.2 These 1

My sincere thanks are due to drs. Gale Bartholf of The Hague for help with the English. For a survey on these books see: K. Weitzmann, Late Antique and Eady Christian Book Illumination (London, 1977), with colour reproductions and bibliography (hereafter: Weitzmann, Late Antique). 2 Parchment, IT. 43, 30 χ 25 cm. It derives its name from the city of Sinope in Pontus, where the captain Jean de la Taille bought it in a 1899 from an elderly lady

fragments are illustrated with five miniatures, painted on the lower part of the page. The material used and the miniatures themselves contribute to a luxurious edition of this Gospel book and evidence a wealthy donor. The miniatures represent the Feast of Herod on fol. 10vo (Matthew, 14: 1-12), the first and the second Miraculous Feeding of the Multitude on fols. 1 lro and 15ro (14: 13-21 and 15: 29-39), the Healing of Two Blind Men on fol. 29ro (20: 29-34) and the Barren Fig Tree on fol. 30vo (21: 18-22). The scenes are flanked by two prophets holding unfurled scrolls, on which typological texts are written. The first three scenes are flanked by David and Moses, the fourth by David and Isaiah and the fifth by David and Habakkuk. On the upper part of the pages is recorded on which feast the lections written underneath are read. This Gospel book was, thus, used as a Lectionary. The texts written on the scrolls of the Prophets were sung in the liturgy of the feasts which the miniatures show. The Prophets are thereby added to the miniatures under the influence of the liturgy; their presence in the Sinopensis is an early visual example of this influence. The scene of the Feast of Herod on fol. 10vo (Fig. 1) shows a strong correlation with the corresponding text. A servant hands the head of St. John the Baptist to Salome, as we read in Matthew, 14: 11 : "And his head was brought in a charger, and given to the damsel; and she brought it to her mother.5' We see, thus, no dancing Salome with the head of St. John, as we find her in later representations of the subject. On the right, we see the prison with the headless body of St. John the Baptist and two of his disciples, in accordance with the text of the Gospel: "And he (Herod) sent, and beheaded John in the prison" (Matthew, 14: 10) and a little further on, "And his disciples came, and took up the body, and buried it, and went and told Jesus" (14: 12). The scene of the Feast of Herod is the earliest scene that has survived from the cycle of the life of St. John the Baptist, whereas the iconography of the prison scene is unique.3 The style of the miniand sold it next year to the Bibliothèque Nationale. A. Grabar, Les peintures de l'Evangéliaire de Sinope (Paris, 1948). Catalogue of the exhibition Byzance et la France médiévale. Manuscrits à peintures de Ile au XVIe siècle, Bibliothèque Nationale (Paris,

1958), no. 1, pl. A: fol. 1 Ovo in colour (hereafter: Byzance et la France médiévale). P. Sevrugian, Der Rossano-Codex und die Sinope-Fragmente: Miniaturen und Theologie (Worms,

1990) (hereafter: Sevrugian, Rossano-Codex). 3

On the iconography of the cycle of the life of St. John the Baptist see: E.

Sdrakas, Johannes der Täufer in der Kunst des christlichen Ostens (Munich, 1943). Α.

Masseron, Saint-Jean-Baptiste dans l'art (Grenoble, 1957). F.-A. von Metzsch, Johannes

Fig. 1. The Feast of Herod, Codex Sinopensis, Par. Suppl. gr. 1286, fol. 10vo, 6th century.

atures in the Sinopensis is provincial with a great degree of expression, especially perceivable here in one of the disciples of St. John, who raises his hands in consternation. The bloody, headless body of St. John is rendered realistically. The presence in this codex of scenes, e.g., the Barren Fig Tree, which are less important than scenes like the Nativity or Baptism of Christ, suggests the existence of earlier, lost, illustrated Gospel books, decorated with a great number of miniatures, from which the artist of the Sinopensis could copy selectively. The disposition of the miniatures in the presumed model was not similar to that which we see in the Sinopensis, i.e., one miniature on the lower part of the page, but followed the so-called papyrus style, a style which gives the opportunity to the artist to paint a great number of miniatures within the text

der Täufer. Seine Geschichte und seine Darstellung in der Kunst (München, 1989). Ε. Weis, in Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie, 7, cc. 164-190, esp. 175-189, s.v. Johannes der Täufer

(hereafter: LCI) Κ. Wessel, in Reallexikon zur byzantinischen Kunst, III, cc. 616-647, esp. 631-646, s.v. Johannes Baptistes (hereafter: RbK).

columns.4 We find it in the papyrus Book of the Dead in Ancient Egypt. Although Christian scrolls from the early period decorated in this style have not survived, a few fragments containing profane texts have indeed done so. Examples of the latter are the so-called Romance Papyrus, a second-century fragment in Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Suppl. gr. 1294, containing an unidentified text5 (Fig. 2) and the Heracles Papyrus, a third-century fragment in London, the Egypt Exploration Society, found in Oxyrhynchos (Pap. 2331), containing a poem about Heracles, decorated with three consecutive scenes from the story of Hercules and the Nemean lion6 (Fig. 3). How the early Gospel books decorated in the papyrus style must have looked, we see in copies of a later date. An example is the Tetraevangelion Par. gr. 74, painted with hundreds of miniatures in the middle of the eleventh century.7 The often more than one miniature on a page and more than one scene in a miniature illustrate in cinematographical manner the text of the Gospels, naturally not only the most important, but also the less important scenes from Christ's life.

Codex Rossanensis

Codex Rossanensis, kept in the Archiépiscopal Museum of Rossano in Calabria, is written in silver uncial on purple parchment.8 We deal, thus, once more with a luxurious edition of the Gospels. The 4

The origin and methods of text illustration has been studied by K. Weitzmann,

Illustrations in Roll and Codex: A Study of the Origin and Method of Text Illustration (Princeton,

1947), reprinted with addenda in 1970; for the papyrus style see p. 47 if. (hereafter: W e i t z m a n n , Roll and Codex). 5

Catalogue of the exhibition Byzance et la France médiévale, no. 2, pl. I. Weitzmann,

Roll and Codex, p. 51, fig. 40. K. W e i t z m a n n ,

Greek Mythology

in Byzantine

Art

(Princeton, 1951), p. 197. K. Weitzmann, Ancient Book Illumination (Cambridge, Mass., 1959), p. 100, pi. LI, fig. 107 (hereafter: Weitzmann, Ancient Book). 6 235 χ 106 mm. K. Weitzmann, in The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, vol. XXII, 1954, p. 85 ff., no. 2331, pl. XI. Weitzmann, Ancient Book, p. 53, pl. X X V I , fig. 59. Idem, Roll and Codex, p. 239, fig. 40a. 7 H . O m o n t , Évangiles avec peintures byzantines du Xle siècle. Reproductions du manuscrit

grec de la Bibliothèque Nationale, 2 vols. (Paris, 1908). 8

Parchment, ff. 188, ca. 307 χ 260 mm. The codex is mentioned for the first time in 1845 by a journalist from Naples. On this codex see mainly: A. Munoz, II codice purpurea di Rossano (Rome, 1907). Weitzmann, Late Antique, pp. 88-96, pis. 29-33. Codex purpureus Rossanensis. Museo dell'Archivescovado, Rossano Calabro, Facsimile edition with

commentary in Italian and English by G. Cavallo, J. Gribomont, W.C. Loerke (Codices select! phototypice impressi, Vol. 81*), (Rome, Graz, 1985-1987). Sevrugian, Rossano Codex.

Fig. 2. Romance Papyrus, Par. Suppl. gr. 1294, 2nd century A.D.

"

‫·־‬.·‫׳‬ν ΠΛ*

R

<

« Ι ®

5

^*ÏW^ ‫׳י‬

Fig. 3. Heracles Papyrus, London, The Egypt Exploration Society (Oxyrhynchos Pap. 2331), Heracles and the Nemean lion, 3rd century A.D.

codex is ascribed to the beginning of the sixth century and variously attributed to a scriptorium of Constantinople, Antioch or Jerusalem. The miniatures decorating it represent the following subjects and are accompanied, usually in the upper part of the pages, by verses from (variants of) the corresponding evangelic lessons: 1. Fol. lro: The Resurrection of Lazarus (John, 11: 1-44). 2. Fol. Ivo: The Entry into Jerusalem (Matthew, 21: 1-9). 3. Fol. 2ro: The Cleansing of the Temple (Matthew, 21: 12-13. 4. Fol. 2vo: The Parable of the Ten Virgins (Matthew, 25: 1-13). 5. Fol. 3ro: The Last Supper (Matthew, 26: 20-24) and the Washing of the Feet (John, 13: 4-11). 6. Fols. 3vo-4ro: The Communion of the Apostles (Distribution of the bread: Luke, 22: 19; Distribution of the wine: Matthew, 26: 2728).

7. Fol. 4vo: The Agony in the Garden (Matthew, 26: 36-46). 8. Fol. 7ro: The Healing of the Blind from Birth in the Pool of Siloam (John, 9: 1-7). 9. Fol. Ivo: The Parable of the Good Samaritan (Luke, 10: 25-37). 10. Fols. 8r-8vo: Christ before Pilate (Matthew, 27: 1-26). 11. Fol. 121ro: The Evangelist Mark. The two scenes showing Christ before Pilate and the portrait of Mark are full-page miniatures. The other scenes are painted horizontally at the upper part of a page, recalling the papyrus style·, four half-figures of prophets, holding unfurled scrolls with text on them, are painted below the scenes and complete the page. The miniatures do not illustrate the relevant Gospel passages within the codex, but are painted at the beginning of the book, except for the miniature showing the Evangelist Mark, which is placed in front of his Gospel. The scenes are inspired not by one, but all four Gospels. They are related to lections read from the Saturday of Lazarus to Good Friday. The selection and order of sequence represent the Greek liturgy for the Passion week. The Communion of the Apostles is represented in an unusual disposition, not in one but in two miniatures painted on two folios facing each other9 (Figs. 4-5). The Apostles are shown standing in 9

On the iconography of the Communion of the Apostles see: G. Millet, Recherches

sur l'iconographie de l'Évangile au X1Ve, XVe et XVIe siècles d'après les monuments de Mistra, de

la Macédoine et du Mont-Athos (Paris, 1916), pp. 42-46 and 286 (hereafter: Millet, Recherches). K. Wessel, Abendmahl und Apostelkommunion (Recklinghausen, 1964). Κ.

Wessel, in RbK, I, cc. 239-245, s.v. Apostelkommunion. E. Lucchesi Palli, in LCI, I, cc.

Fig. 4. Communion of the Apostles, Rossano Codex, fol. 3vo, 6th century.

two rows, while receiving the bread on the left and the wine on the right from Christ, who is depicted on the outer sides of the folios. Christ is, thus, represented twice, in contrast to another version of the 173-176, s.v. Apostelkommunion. W. Loerke, "The Monumental Miniature", in K. W e i t z m a n n , W . Loerke, a.o., The Place of Book Illumination in Byzantine Art (Princeton,

1975), pp. 61-97, esp. 78-92, examined in detail both this miniature and that showing Christ before Pilate (hereafter: Loerke, Monumental Miniature). Sevrugian, Rossano Codex, pp. 59-64, passim.

Fig. 5. Communion of the Apostles, Rossano Codex, fol. 4ro, 6th century.

scene in which he is depicted only once (e.g. in Fig. 6). The group receiving the wine is lead by St. Peter, while that receiving the bread by a beardless apostle, presumably St. John. The figure of St. John may in other representations of the theme be anachronistically replaced by that of St. Paul (e.g. in Fig. 6). The representation of the Communion of the Apostles is not a narrative scene which illustrates a corresponding passage, as is, e.g., the Feast of Herod in the Sinopensis (Fig. 1), but is inspired from the liturgy, i.e., the moment the priest administers the communion to the believers. The texts above the two miniatures showing the Communion of the Apostles

Fig. 6. Communion of the Apostles, Santa Sophia, Ochrid, ca. 1040 A.D.

are abbreviated versions of the relevant passages from the New Testament (Matthew, 26: 26-29; Mark, 14: 22-24; Luke, 22: 19-20; 1 Cor. 11: 23-25). Below these miniatures, the following prophets are represented: David twice, Moses and Isaiah on fol. 3vo; David again twice, Moses and Solomon on fol. 4ro. They hold unfurled scrolls with texts which have been related to the Communion. An example is Psalm 33 (34): 9: "Taste and see that the God is good", which the Apostolic Constitutions, VIII. 13.16, mention that it must be sung while the believers receive the communion.10 This Psalm is also mentioned by bishop Cyril of Jerusalem (348-386?) in his description of the Eucharistie rite." The above-mentioned conclusion, that the miniatures of the Communion of the Apostles are inspired from the liturgy, is corroborated in the Rossanensis by the representation of the Prophets holding scrolls with texts which are related to the Eucharist. That the two miniatures of the Communion of the Aposties were copied from elsewhere, and thus not created by the artist for the Rossanensis, can be concluded from the illogical disposition of the figures (Figs. 4-5): Christ is twice depicted in the outer side of the folios, as already noted, instead of in the inner, and the Apostles stride from the middle to the edges of the pages. It would be more logical if the two figures of Christ were placed on the inner side of the page, thus centrally, by which the two rows of the Apostles would stride towards the middle, as other representations of the subject 10

Les Constitutiones Apostoliques, Tome III, Livres VII et VIII, Introduction, texte critique, traduction et notes par Marcel Metzger, SC 336 (Paris, 1987), p. 210. 11 Cyril of Jerusalem, Mystagogia, V. 20: Migne, PG 33, c. 1124B; Cyrille de Jérusalem, Cathéchèses mystagogiques, Intr oduction, texte critique et notes de Auguste Piédagnel, traduction de P.P.S. Pierre Paris, SC 126 (Paris, 1966), p. 171.

show (e.g. in Fig. 6). The central disposition of the two miniatures in the Rossanensis can be achieved if we were to exchange their place in the codex. As regards the pictorial source from which these scenes were copied, it has been already observed that the figures are painted in a monumental way with much space between them. This is certainly not the manner of painting miniatures in a manuscript, where the space available is restricted. The wide, spacious manner of rendering the figures seen here recalls monumental painting rather than book illustration. The archetype has been accordingly sought in church decoration: The Evangelists Mark, 14: 15, and Luke, 22: 12, mention that the Last Supper took place in "a large upper room" in Jerusalem, in the place where the Church of Sion was built. The earliest survived source for the decoration of this church is a seventh-century Armenian description of the Holy Places, in which we read: To therightof the Church (Sion), the chamber of the mysteries, and a wooden cupola in which is imaged the sacred supper of the Saviour. In it an altar at which the liturgy is celebrated.12 A round cupola, or perhaps a semi-dome, mentioned in the Armenian description, fits the Communion of the Apostles—as seen in the Rossanensis—much better than the Last Supper or the Washing of the Feet. The final conclusion is, thus, that the ultimate model of the artist of the Rossanensis was the Communion of the Apostles in the Coenaculum of the Church of Sion, the Patriarchal Church in Jerusalem. The wide, spacious manner of painting the Communion of the Apostles has indeed survived in later church decoration. We also see there the altar, which is missing in the Rossanensis. The scene is usually depicted in the half-cylinder of the apse. In the church of Santa Sophia in Ochrid, from ca. 1040 A.D., only one figure of Christ in the middle of the scene receives the two rows of Apostles13 (Fig. 6). In a contemporary mosaic in the church of Santa Sophia in Kiev (1043-1046 A.D.), however, Christ is depicted twice, on the left while administering the bread and on the right the wine.14 12

R.N. Bain, "Armenian Description of the Holy Places in the Seventh Century", Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly ( 1896), p. 347 (cited by Loerke, Monumental Miniature, p. 94). 13 R. Hamann-Mac Lean, H. Hallensleben, Die Monumentalmalerei in Serbien und Makedonien. Bildband (Glessen, 1963), Figs. 4 and 6. 14 H. Logvin, Kiev's Hagia Sophia (Kiev, 1971), pis. 51-68. Loerke, Monumental Miniature, fig. 23.

The following scene makes it even more clear that the artist of the Rossanensis copied from monumental painting. It shows the Trial of Christ before Pilate and is illustrated in two miniatures which occupy two full pages, fols. 8ro and 8vo1 ‫( י‬Figs. 7-8). They represent a Roman court of justice, in which Pilate is seated on a high throne, behind a table. His throne is flanked by two imperial portraits, painted on wooden panels which are held by two soldiers. The imperial portraits are represented once more on the table cloths, assuring that justice is pronounced in the name of the emperor. A secretary on the right is standing, writing the acts of the trial. Christ is led in the miniature on fol 8ro by Annas and Caiaphas before Pilate. Annas addresses Pilate, the latter depicted in a pensive pose by bringing a book scroll to his chin. The text accompanying this scene derives from Matthew, 27: 2: "And when they had bound him, they led him away, and delivered him to Pontius Pilate the governor". The continuation of this verse is illustrated in the miniature in the lower half of this page. Judas casts down the pieces of silver in the temple. The pose and gesture of the high priests clearly render the answer given to Judas on his repentance: "What is that to us? see thou to that" (Matthew, 27: 4). On the right we see Judas hanged from a tree. Below the scene, a shortened version of the relevant passage in Matthew is written. In the miniature on fol. 8vo, Pilate indicates in the direction of Christ who is depicted in the lower zone of the scene. The illustration represents a specific moment, namely the instant Pilate asked the Jews: "Whom will ye that I release unto you? Barabbas, or Jesus which is called Christ?" (Matthew, 27: 17). The answer of the crowd is expressively rendered by means of the vivid gestures of the figures of the Jews flanking Pilate. On the right of lower zone, Barabbas is accordingly released. The iconography used here for Christ before Pilate deviates from the usual one, which shows Pilate washing his hands. The fact that these two scenes in the Rossanensis are placed below an arch line, together with the fact that the depiction of the crowd follows this line in a rather artificial manner, leads to the following conclusion: the ultimate model of the artist who painted these impressive miniatures must have been scenes in monumental painting, e.g., an apse with its half-dome or an arched niche. This was possibly the apse of the Praetorium in Jerusalem, 15

Weitzmann, Late Antique, 92-93, pis. 30-31. W.C. Loerke, "The Miniatures of the Trial in the Rossano Gospels", The Art Bulletin, 43 (1961), pp. 171-195, esp. 186 ff. Idem, Monumental Miniature, p. 68 ff.

Fig. 7. Trial of Christ before Pilate, Rossano Codex, fol. 8ro, 6th century.

where Christ stood before Pilate, according to tradition. The Praetorium is mentioned in the oldest description of holy places in Jerusalern, written in 333 A.D. by the Pilgrim of Bordeaux. The composition of the miniatures makes this theory acceptable. On the grounds of this theory one may partially reconstruct the lost wall-paintings of the Praetorium. The two groups showing Christ and Barabbas must have been painted in the half-cylinder of the apse, below the half-

Fig. 8. Trial of Christ before Pilate, Rossano Codex, fol. 8vo, 6th century.

dome, separated by windows, according to a reconstruction by Loerke.16 The study of the miniatures showing the Communion of the Aposties, and especially those representing Christ before Pilate, leads to the conclusion that these scenes were not invented as illustrations for 16

Loerke, Monumental Miniature, p. 68, Fig. 6. Sevrugian, Rossano Codex, pp. 6774, passim.

a codex, but copied from monumental painting. Thanks to their survival in the Rossanensis, we gain useful, visual information about the lost decoration of the Praetorium and the Coenaculum in the Church of Sion in Jerusalem. The physical characteristics of the other scenes in the Rossanensis, i.e., the horizontal placing at the upper part of the page, suggests that the archetype of these scenes was most probably a lost, prolifically illuminated, Gospel book.17 The arrangement of all the miniatures at the beginning of the codex, according to the order of sequence in which the lections in the Passion week were read, suggests that the miniatures were copied from a Lectionary.18 The Rossanensis attests, thus, the existence of earlier, lost illuminated Lectionaries, copies of which have only survived from ca. 900 A.D. onwards.19

The Rabbula Codex

That the Church of Sion was decorated with wall-paintings is also verified by another miniature, that showing the Pentecost in the Syrian Rabbula Gospels, Laur. Plut. 1.56, fol. 14vo, which were written in 586 A.D. by the monk Rabbula in the Syrian monastery of St. John in Zagba, Mesopotamia20 (Fig. 9). The scene is placed in the miniature in an arched niche, the spandrels of which are decorated with trees. The ultimate model of it must have been the Chapel of 17

For a different opinion, see Loerke, Monumental Miniature, pp. 73-78, passim, who examined the Washing of the Feet and applied to all miniatures of the Rossanensis the conclusion which he reached from the study of the miniatures showing the Communion of the Aposdes and Christ before Pilate. 18 Lectionaries have been preserved from the fifth century onwards; see Aland, K., Kurzgefasste Liste der griechischen Handschriften des Neuen Testaments, I (Berlin, N e w

York, 1994). My thanks are due to Prof. H.J. de Jonge, Leiden, for this information. 19 E.g., Petrop. gr. 21. On these Lectionaries, see mainly: K. Weitzmann, "The Narrative and Liturgical Gospel Illustrations", in New Testament Manuscript Studies, eds. M.M. Parvis and A.P. Wikgren (Chicago, 1950), pp. 151-174 and 215-219; reprinted in: Idem, Studies in Classical and Byzantine ManuscHpt Illumination

(Chicago,

London, 1971), pp. 247-270. K. Weitzmann, Byzantine Liturgical Psalters and Gospels (London, 1980), essays VIII-XIV. 20 J. Leroy, Les manuscrits syriaques à peintures (Paris, 1964), p. 139 ff. C. Cecchelli, G. Furlani, M . Salmi, The Rabbula Gospels, Facsimile edition of the miniatures of the Syriac manuscript Plut. I, 56 in the Medicaean-Laurentian library (Olten, Lausanne, 1959). K .

Weitzmann, "Loca Sancta and the Representational Art of Palestine", Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 28 (1974), pp. 31-55; reprinted in: Idem, Studies in the Arts at Sinai (Princeton, 1982), pp. 19-62, with annotations on pp. 423-424. Weitzmann, Late Antique, pp. 97-105, pis. 34-38, in colour, esp. p. 105, pi. 38.

SPATHARAKIS

Fig. 9. Pentecost, Rabbula Gospels, Laur. Plut. I. 56, fol. 14v0, 586 A.D.

the Holy Ghost in the Church of Sion, which was identified with the place where the descent of the Holy Ghost took place. During the Crusader period, John of Würzburg (12th cent.) mentioned a Pentecostal scene in mosaic in an apse of the church of Sion, next to a Last Supper in the upper church and a Washing of the Feet in the crypt of this church.21 The iconography of the Pentecost in the Rabbula 21

T. Tobler, Descriptiones Terrae Sanctae (Leipzig, 1874), pp. 136, 147 and 157 (cited by Loerke, Monumental Miniature, p. 94).

Gospels is exceptional in that the Apostles are depicted s t a n d i n g instead of seated, usually o n a b a n k h a v i n g the s h a p e of a half-circle, a n d in the a p p e a r a n c e of the Virgin, w h i c h is usually missing f r o m t h e scene. 2 2 W e h a v e already seen a few scenes w h i c h o c c u p y a n entire p a g e in a m a n u s c r i p t . T h e y reveal the e n d of the evolution of the book illustration f r o m the papyrus style (Figs. 2-3). T h e R a b b u l a c o d e x shows o n e m o r e different kind of disposition of m i n i a t u r e s o n a page, n a m e l y the m a r g i n a l miniature. 2 3 T h e y flank the C a n o n T a b l e s by Eusebius, w h i c h are spread h e r e over n i n e t e e n miniatures. O n fol. 4vo the f o u r t h C a n o n is written 2 4 (Fig. 10). T h e m a r g i n s are decorated with t h e P r o p h e t s D a v i d a n d S o l o m o n above, the Baptism a n d the Nativity in the m i d d l e a n d the M a s s a c r e of the I n n o c e n t s below. Both the Nativity a n d the Baptism of Christ c o n t a i n u n i q u e iconog r a p h i c elements. T h e Nativity p o r t r a y s a seated Virgin, while pointing at the Child. T h e C h i l d is placed o n a brick construction a n d n o t in a crib. B e h i n d it, a n angel is r e p r e s e n t e d , if we correctly identify t h e d a r k blue f o r m b e h i n d h i m as a wing. 2 5 H e is flanked by blue a n d red lighted candles. T h e scene has b e e n placed u n d e r a n a r c h , w h i c h confines the cave in which Christ was b o m . T h e small n u m b e r of figures of w h i c h the Nativity scene consists h e r e is n o t u n u s u a l for the p e r i o d b e f o r e the Iconoclasm (726-847 A.D.). T h e r e p l a c e m e n t of the crib b y a brick construction a n d the disposition of the candles justify the conclusion t h a t the scene depicts a locus sanctus, in this case 22

On the iconography of the Pentecost see: A. Grabar, "Le schéma iconographique de la Pentecôte", Seminarium Kondakovianum, 2 (1928), 223-229; reprinted in Idem, L'art de la fin de l'Antiquité et du Moyen Age, I-III, (Paris, 1968), I, pp. 6 1 5 - 6 2 7 ; III, pis. 154-158. S. Seeliger, Pfingsten. Die Ausgiessung des Heiligen Geistes am

fünfzigsten Tage nach Ostern (Düsseldorf, 1958). Idem, in LCI, 3, cc. 415-423. A.C. Esmeyer, "Cosmos en Theatrum Mundi in de Pinkstervoorstelling", Nederlands Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek,

15 (1964), pp. 19-44. G. Schiller, Ikonographie der christlichen

Kunst, 5 vols. (Güntersloh,

1966-1991), IV. 1, pp.

11-38 (hereafter: Schiller,

Ikonographie). 23

On the evolution of the marginal miniature, see Weitzmann, Roll and Codex, p. 112 ff. Cf. I. Spatharakis, "The Structure of Book Illumination", in Bysans och Norden. Akta for Nordiska forskarkursen i bysantinsk konstvetenskap 1986, ed. E. Piltz (Acta Universi-

tatis Upsaliensis Figura, Nova Series, 23), (Uppsala, 1989), pp. 51-56, esp. 52-53. 24 Weitzmann, Late Antique, p. 97, pi. 34, in colour. 25 This beardless figure is often identified as Joseph, e.g., by Weitzmann, Late Antique, p. 97, but Joseph is often omitted from early representations of the Nativity. On the iconography of the Nativity see mainly Millet, Recherches, 93-166. Schiller, Ikonographie, I, pp. 69-99. G. Ristow, Die Geburt Christi in der frühchristlichen und

byzantinisch-ostkirchlichen Kunst (Recklinghausen, 1963). Idem, in RbK, II, cc. 637-662, s.v. Geburt Christi. P. Wilhelm, in LCI, 2, cc. 8 6 - 1 0 3 , s.v. Geburt Christi.

Fig. 10. Canon Table, Rabbula Gospels, Laur. Plut. I. 56, fol. 4vo, 586 A.D.

t h e grotto in t h e Nativity c h u r c h in B e t h l e h e m , with a n altar (and candles) in it, the spot at which, a c c o r d i n g to tradition, Christ w a s b o r n . T h e Baptism o n the left shows a large figure of St. J o h n the Baptist contrasting the tiny o n e of Christ, w h o m h e baptizes by placing his h a n d o n his head. 2 6 T h e h a n d of G o d a p p e a r i n g f r o m a 26

On the iconography of the Baptism of Christ see: Millet, Recherches, pp. 170215. G. Ristow, Die Taufe Christi (Recklinghausen, 1965). Schüler, Ikonographie, op. cit., I, pp. 137-152. LCI, 4, cc. 247-255, s.v. Taufe Jesu.

s e g m e n t in t h e u p p e r p a r t of the m i n i a t u r e symbolizes o n e of the few T h e o p h a n i e s described in the Gospel books, b y which the voice of G o d was h e a r d . Below the h a n d of G o d , t h e H o l y G h o s t is depicted in t h e s h a p e of a dove, in a c c o r d a n c e with the Gospels: N o w w h e n all the people were baptized, it c a m e to pass, that Jesus also being baptized, and praying, the heaven was opened, A n d the H o l y Ghost descended in a bodily shape like a dove upon him, and a voice c a m e from heaven, which said, T h o u art m y beloved Son; in thee I am well pleased (Luke, 3: 21-22; cf. also Matthew, 3: 16-17).

T h i s Baptism scene includes a u n i q u e i c o n o g r a p h i e element: the flame p a i n t e d in yellow to the right of the figure of Christ. It literally illustrates the Gospel passages b y Luke, 3:16 a n d M a t t h e w , 3: 11: " H e shall baptize you with the H o l y G h o s t a n d with fire".27 T h e M a s s a c r e of the I n n o c e n t s shows H e r o d on the left a n d the soldiers executing his orders o n t h e right.

Conclusions T h e following conclusions m a y b e d r a w n f r o m this study of several b u t n o t all aspects of Early Christian illuminated Gospel books f r o m the East: All of t h e m a r e luxurious copies, o r d e r e d by wealthy sponsors in scriptoria, the location of w h i c h c a n n o t be d e t e r m i n e d with certainty; a n exception are t h e R a b b u l a Gospels, of w h i c h we k n o w t h a t t h e y w e r e executed in 586 A . D . in the scriptorium of the Syriac m o n a s t e r y of St. J o h n at Z a g b a , M e s o p o t a m i a . T h e richness of these codices consists of the p u r p l e p a r c h m e n t folios, the silver or golden ink a n d occasionally the full-page miniatures, as seen in the R o s s a n o a n d R a b b u l a Gospels (Figs. 7-9). T h e latter reveal the climax of the evolution of the b o o k illustration w h i c h started, we p r e s u m e , with tiny miniatures, placed horizontally b e t w e e n the text c o l u m n s in the so-called papyrus style (Figs. 2-3). T h e existence of illuminated Gospel books in this style, w h i c h enables a n artist to supply his text with a great n u m b e r of miniatures, has b e e n p r o v e d with the aid of the study of the Sinopensis: A m o n g the m i n i a t u r e s which have survived 27

Luke, 3:16: John answered, saying unto them all, I indeed baptize you with water; but one mightier than I cometh, the latches of whose shoes I am not worthy to unloose: he shall baptize you with the Holy Ghost and with fire. M a t t h e w , 3:11: I indeed baptize you with water unto repentance: but he that cometh after me is mightier than I, whose shoes I am not worthy to bear: he shall baptize you with the Holy Ghost, and with fire.

in this f r a g m e n t a r y Gospel of M a t t h e w , the B a r r e n Fig T r e e is ineluded; this suggests t h a t t h e artist copied f r o m a n extensively illustrated Gospel book, in w h i c h n o t only the m o s t i m p o r t a n t events f r o m the life of Christ w e r e d e c o r a t e d , b u t also the less significant ones. T h i s m i n i a t u r e helps us, in o t h e r words, to reconstruct lost illuminated T e t r a e v a n g e l i a with a m u c h g r e a t e r n u m b e r of miniatures t h a n that we find in the m a n u s c r i p t s w h i c h h a v e survived f r o m the Early Christian era. T h e m i n i a t u r e s at the u p p e r p a r t of a p a g e in the Rossanensis, w h i c h d o n o t illustrate t h e relevant passages of the Gospels within this c o d e x b u t are p a i n t e d at the b e g i n n i n g of the book, p r e s u p p o s e the existence of early, n o w lost Lectionaries; they show feasts f r o m the Passion week a n d are p a i n t e d in t h e o r d e r of the sequence the lections are r e a d t h e n , just as these lections a p p e a r in a Lectionary. W e h a v e b e e n able to reconstruct even m o r e o n the basis of these few illuminated manuscripts: T h e disposition of the figures below a n a r c h line in the t w o m i n i a t u r e s showing Christ b e f o r e Pilate in the Rossanensis suggests t h a t they were copied f r o m a h a l f - d o m e o r a niche, b y w h i c h we get a n idea of t h e lost m o n u m e n t a l paintings in the P r a e t o r i u m in J e r u s a l e m (Figs. 7-8). T h e m i n i a t u r e s showing the C o m m u n i o n of the Apostles in t h e s a m e m a n u s c r i p t a n d t h a t showing the Pentecost in the R a b b u l a Gospels reconstruct respectively the d e c o r a t i o n of t h e C o e n a c u l u m a n d the C h a p e l of t h e H o l y G h o s t in the C h u r c h of Sion in J e r u s a l e m , supplying t h u s additional, visual i n f o r m a t i o n next to t h a t written (Figs. 4-5 a n d 9). A n o t h e r locus sanctus, the grotto of t h e Nativity C h u r c h in B e t h l e h e m , h a s p r o b a b l y inspired the artist of the Nativity scene, p a i n t e d o n the m a r g i n of the f o u r t h C a n o n table in the R a b b u l a Gospels (Fig. 10). T h e s e e x a m p l e s show o n e of the w o r k i n g m e t h o d s of the artist, to wit c o p y i n g f r o m a l r e a d y existing models. T h e m i n i a t u r e s h o w i n g the Feast of H e r o d in the Sinopensis, reveals a n o t h e r w o r k i n g m e t h o d of the artist, n a m e l y inventing for a specific text (Fig. 1). T h i s conclusion is r e a c h e d by studying the relation b e t w e e n text a n d m i n i a t u r e a n d a f t e r establishing t h a t t h e details in t h e text are r e p r o d u c e d in the m i n i a t u r e . O n the contrary, the representation of the C o m m u n i o n of t h e Apostles shows that the artist was n o t literally inspired b y t h e text of the Gospels, b u t b y the liturgy, f r o m t h e m o m e n t t h e priest gives the c o m m u n i o n to the faithful. T h e liturgy h a s also inspired the portraits of the p r o p h e t s w h i c h h a v e b e e n a d d e d to various scenes in t h e Sinopensis a n d Rossanensis. T h e y hold u n f u r l e d scrolls with texts

w h i c h are r e a d o n the feasts r e p r e s e n t e d b y the scenes they a c c o m pany. C o n c e r n i n g the i c o n o g r a p h y of the subjects, u n i q u e in composition o r detail are, e.g., Christ b e f o r e Pilate in the Rossanensis, as well as the Baptism with a flame a b o v e the waters of the J o r d a n a n d the Nativity of Christ in the R a b b u l a Gospels (Fig. 10). O n the contrary, o t h e r t h e m e s show that their i c o n o g r a p h y was established in this early period a n d r e m a i n e d practically u n c h a n g e d in later times; a n e x a m p l e of this kind is the C o m m u n i o n of the Apostles in the Rossanensis (Figs. 4-6). As regards the use of these s u m p t u o u s codices, the Sinopensis is a n e x a m p l e which shows t h a t it was used as a Lectionary for the liturgy, because the n a m e s of feasts h a v e b e e n a d d e d in the u p p e r p a r t of the pages, indicating w h e n the Gospel passages written u n d e r these n a m e s w e r e to b e read. T h e addition of t h e portraits of P r o p h e t s holding u n f u r l e d scrolls with texts o n t h e m , w h i c h were also r e a d in the liturgy, strengthens the a b o v e conclusion.

BIBLICAL C Y C L E S O N C H U R C H WALLS: PRO LECm0NE PICTURA P.C.J. v a n D a e l

Saint Augustine writes in his De consensu evangelistarum t h a t they w h o h a v e sought Christ a n d his apostles n o t in sacred books b u t in pictures o n walls, t h o r o u g h l y deserve to err. 1 Elsewhere h e states: " W h e n you see a picture t h e r e is n o t h i n g else to d o b u t to see a n d to praise". 2 G r e g o r y of T o u r s gives a n e x a m p l e of people w h o did n o m o r e t h a n just see. In his Historia Francorum (591), h e tells t h a t a certain Eberulf, accused of m u r d e r , h a d sought refuge in the sacristy of Saint M a r t i n s ' s c h u r c h in T o u r s ; his servants forced their w a y into the c h u r c h t h r o u g h the sacristy a n d g a p e d at the frescoes o n the walls. 3 N i n e years after the c o m p l e t i o n of the b o o k of G r e g o r y , his n a m e s a k e p o p e G r e g o r y I w r o t e t h a t pictures in c h u r c h e s did h a v e a useful f u n c t i o n : pro lectione pictura est, pictures are the books of the illiterate. 4 I n a c c o r d a n c e with this s t a t e m e n t o n e can speak of the 'pedagogical-didacticar f u n c t i o n of pictures. In this p a p e r I will w o r k o u t — o n the basis of classical a n d Early Christian t e x t s — h o w images can or c a n n o t instruct the viewer.

Pictures as books G r e g o r y of Nyssa (c.334-394) refers to a certain series of pictures illustrating the m a r t y r d o m of Saint T h e o d o r e . H e m e n t i o n s a d o u b l e f u n c t i o n of these pictures: All of these he [the painter] wrought by means of colors as if it were a book that uttered speech, and so he both represented the martyr's feats with all clarity and adorned the church like a beautiful meadow; for 1

De consensu evangelistarum I, 10: C.M. Chazelle, "Pictures, books, and the illiterate: Pope Gregory Ps letters to Serenus of Marseilles", Word & Image 6 (1990), p. 146. 2 In Iohannem, tractatus XXIV, 2. Translation: Chazelle, op. cit., p. 146. 3

Historia Francorum, VII, 21: H . Schrade, Vor- und frühromanische Malern

(Cologne,

1958), p. 105. 4 Second letter to Serenus. Greg. Magnus, Registrum epistolarum XI, 10, CCSL 140 A, p. 874. Translation: Chazelle, op. cit., p. 140.

painting, even if it is silent, is capable of speaking from the wall and being of the greatest benefit. 5

W h a t G r e g o r y says here is also applicable to biblical cycles o n c h u r c h walls. First, he points at the decorative function of the pictures: the c h u r c h was a d o r n e d like a beautiful m e a d o w . Several Early Christian, Byzantine a n d medieval texts indicate w h a t was experienced as striking: light a n d color, variety, lively figures. T h e s e recurring c h a r acterizations n o d o u b t tell us w h a t a decoration was supposed to look like, b u t m a y also say s o m e t h i n g a b o u t w h a t the decorations actually looked like, or h o w they were perceived. 6 T h e second notable thing is that G r e g o r y c o m p a r e s the pictures with w o r d s or books: painting is like a book that utters speech. T h i s aspect I will work out: images as books. In the first place, it is w o r t h n o t i n g that G r e g o r y of Nyssa is not the only writer w h o lets the silent p a i n t i n g speak f r o m the wall. F o r Basil (c.330-379), " w h a t the s e r m o n shows of the story t h r o u g h hearing, the silent picture puts before the eyes b y imitation". 7 T h e concept of p a i n t i n g as silent poetry, a n d , inversely, of poetry as a speaking painting, has already b e e n f o r m u lated by the G r e e k poet Simonides (c. 556-468). 8 Also H o r a c e ' s ut pictura poesis represents the s a m e concept. 9 A l t h o u g h w o r d a n d image were paralleled, they were not considered to be equivalents. O n the o n e h a n d , literature stands above visual art, because the written w o r d does n o t stop at the o u t w a r d a p p e a r a n c e , as the arts of painting a n d of sculpture do. But o n the o t h e r h a n d , seeing transcends hearing, because the eye is m o r e reliable t h a n the ear, 1 0 a n d the observation t h r o u g h the eye is m o r e

J

Laudatio S. Theodon, Migne PG 46, c. 737 D. Translation: C. Mango, The Art of the Byzantine Empire 312-1453 (Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1972), p. 37. 6 On light and color in church decorations, and the anagogic function of it, see: P. van Dael, "Aniconic Decoration in Early Christian and Medieval Churches", The Heythrop Journal. A Quarterly Review of Philosophy and Theology 36 (1995), pp. 382-396. 7 Basilius, Homilia XIX ("In sanctos quadraginta martyres"), 2, Migne PG 31, c. 509 A. Translation: L.G. Duggan, "Was art really the 'book of the illiterate'?", Word

& Image 5 (1989), p. 228. Cf. G. Lange, Bild un Wort. Die katechetischen Funktionen des Bildes in der griechischen Theologie des sechsten bis neunten Jahrhunderts (Würzburg, 1969),

p. 15. 8 Lange, op. cit., p. 16. 9 Horace, Ars Poetica, 361. See for a history of this idea C.O. Brink's commentary ad loc. 10 Herodotus, Historiae I, 8.

d i r e c t t h a n t h e p e r c e p t i o n t h r o u g h t h e e a r . " A lively d e s c r i p t i o n o f a n e v e n t t r a n s f o r m s a r e a d e r o r h e a r e r , so to say, i n t o a v i e w e r a n d eyewitness, w h o s e e m o t i o n s a r e directly incited.12 G r e g o r of Nyssa, in a s e r m o n h e l d i n 3 8 3 , tells t h e s t o r y o f t h e s a c r i f i c e o f A b r a h a m , a n d r e f e r s t o a p a i n t i n g t h a t u s e d t o elicit t e a r s i n h i s e y e s : " s o c l e a r l y a r t evokes the story".

13

Pictures as books of the illiterate If a p a i n t e r is a b l e t o c h a n g e t h e w a l l i n t o a s p e a k i n g b o o k ,

an

i l l i t e r a t e c a n ' r e a d ' t h e w a l l . T h a t is t h e c o n c l u s i o n o f p o p e G r e g o r y I: For a picture is displayed in churches on this account, in order that those w h o do not know letters may at least read by seeing on the walls what they are unable to read in books... For what writing offers to those w h o read it, a picture offers to the ignorant w h o look at it, since in it the ignorant see what they ought to follow, in it they read w h o do not know letters; whence especially for gentiles a picture stands in place of reading. 14 N o t only the c o m p a r i n g of the spoken or written word with the book, b u t a l s o t h e i d e a o f i m a g e s a s b e i n g u s e f u l f o r t h e i l l i t e r a t e , is a t r a d i t i o n a l m o t i v e . D i o C h r y s o s t o m u s ( c . 4 0 - c . 120) says: [poets] appealed to the ear alone, whereas it was simply through the eye that [artists], for their part, interpreted the divine attributes to more numerous and less cultivated spectators. 15

11

Lange, op. cit., pp. 19-20, 23-25. According to Plutarch, Thucydides tries to change his readers into spectators and to arouse emotion and excitement. Plutarchus, De gloria Atheniensium 3 (Moralia 347 A): Lange, op. cit., p. 17. 12

15

De deitate filii et spintus sancti, M i g n e , P G 46, col. 5 7 2 C. Lange, op. cit., p. 31. Idcirco enim pictura in ecclesiis adhibelur, ut hi qui litteras nesciunt saltern in parietibus uidendo legant, quae legere in codicibus non ualent (first letter to Serenus: Registrum epistolarum IX, 209, C C S L 140 A, p. 768); Nam quod legentibus scriptum, hoc idiotis praestat pictura cementibus, quia in ipsa ignorantes uident quod sequi debeant, in ipsa legunt qui litteras nesciunt; unde praecipue gentibus pro lectione pictura est (second letter to Serenus: Registrum epistolarum 14

XI, 10, CCSL 140 A, p. 874). Translation: Chazelle, op. cit., p. 139. 15 Or. XII, 46. Translation: James W. Cohoon and Henry L. Crosby, Dio Chiysostom, Discourses, vol. II (Cambridge Mass./London, 1950), p. 51. Cf. H.L. Kessler, "Pictorial Narrative and Church Mission in Sixdi-Century Gaul", Studies in the History of Art 16 (1985), p. 76, note 13; Lange, op. cit., p. 21.

A c c o r d i n g to Nilus of A n c y r a (f c.430), O l d a n d N e w T e s t a m e n t stories o n c h u r c h wahs are m e a n t for " t h e illiterate w h o are u n a b l e to r e a d the H o l y Scriptures". 1 6 H y p a t i u s , m e t r o p o l i t a n bishop of E p h e s u s (f a f t e r 537-8), says that he, for his part, does n o t take pleasure w h a t e v e r in a n y sculpture or painting. H e prefers r e a d i n g the Scripture. But the less perfect, simple people h a d to l e a m b y m e a n s of sight. 17 Paulinus of N o l a d e f e n d s his d e c o r a t i o n of the basilica nova with O l d T e s t a m e n t scenes by a r g u i n g that most of the visitors of t h a t c h u r c h are p e a s a n t people, n o t able to read. 1 8 T h e classical f o r m u l a t i o n of p o p e G r e g o r y I, several times r e p e a t e d in the m i d d l e ages, has already b e e n q u o t e d .

Pictures as the books of the illiterate: Christian motivation T h e parallel of w o r d a n d image, a n d the motive of pictures as a p p r o priate f o r the illiterate are p r e - C h r i s t i a n t h e m e s , t h a t were a c c e p t e d b y Christians. T h e r e a r e typical Christian motivations to d o so: pictures c a n be used as a f o r m of p r e a c h i n g . P o p e G r e g o r y ' s statements a b o u t the f u n c t i o n of images in c h u r c h e s are to be seen in the context of his conciliation in the dispute b e t w e e n the iconoclastic b i s h o p Severus of Marseille a n d the i m a g e loving faithful, w h o t u r n e d a w a y f r o m their bishop. T h e p o p e passed a kind of S o l o m o n ' s j u d g m e n t , f o r b i d d i n g n o t t h e images, b u t the adoratio of t h e m . It is n o t only a diplomatic sentence m e a n t to avoid a schism, b u t also a pastoral one: pictures are justified because they h a v e a proclaiming, missionary f u n c t i o n with r e g a r d to the illiterate, especially the gentes.'" S o m e t i m e s t h e use of images as a f o r m of p r e a c h i n g is attributed to the apostles themselves. T h e l e g e n d a r y Vita Pancratii f r o m the seve n t h c e n t u r y p u t s the r e a d e r in the e p o c h of Saint Peter. H e sends o u t two p r e a c h e r s with the task to build churches. T h e c h u r c h e s are to b e d e c o r a t e d with scenes f r o m the life of Jesus. T h e two disciples are p r o v i d e d with the e q u i p m e n t n e e d e d for the liturgy a n d p r e a c h -

16

Epistokrum liber IV, LXI, Letter to Prefect Olympiodorus, Migne PG 79, c.577 D. Translation: Mango, op. cit., p. 33. 17 18

Summikta zetemata: M a n g o , op. cit., p. 117. Carmen 27, 542-551: R . C . Goldschmidt, Paulinus' Churches of Nola. Texts,

Transla-

tions and Commentary (Amsterdam, 1940), pp. 62-63. 19 H. Feld, Der Ikonoklasmus des Westens (Leyden etc., 1990), p. 13; Kessler, op. cit., p. 75.

ing: a Gospel book, a chalice, a cross a n d a v o l u m e with m i n i a t u r e s serving as models for the c h u r c h decoration. 2 0 A c c o r d i n g to N i c e p h o r u s (758-828), p a t r i a r c h of C o n s t a n t i n o p l e , the use of miniatures a n d p a i n t e d panels goes back to the p e r i o d of the first evangelization. 2 1 T h e letter addressed to the iconoclastic e m p e r o r T h e o p h i l u s by a council held at J e r u s a l e m in 8 3 6 goes even f u r t h e r by saying t h a t the apostles a d o r n e d their c h u r c h e s with paintings a n d mosaics of scenes f r o m the life of Christ before the Gospel h a d b e e n written. 2 2 A second, typical Christian motive for using paintings as books of the illiterate is the c o n c e r n for the spiritually p o o r . W h e r e a s a n c i e n t philosophers considered the images as useful for the uncultivated c r o w d , while looking d o w n o n t h a t s a m e c r o w d — a n attitude that also H y p a t i u s of E p h e s u s seems to s h o w — , the Gospel is praising the p o o r a n d u n e d u c a t e d . So Saint Augustine n o t e d that Christ h a d n o t chosen kings, senators, philosophers o r rhetors, b u t plebeians, fisherm e n , t h e p o o r a n d ignorant. A u g u s t i n e did n o t accept the images as 'books of the p o o r ' . P o p e G r e g o r y , o n the o t h e r h a n d , w h o did n o t w a n t to p u t the w o r d s of heavenly prophecies in the straitjacket of the g r a m m a r i a n D o n a t u s , a n d for w h o m the benedictio was m o r e imp o r t a n t t h a n the bona dictio, a n d w h o himself w a n t e d to speak the l a n g u a g e of the simple, t h o u g h t very highly of images, as a l a n g u a g e t h a t could be u n d e r s t o o d by t h e illiterate. 2 3 T h e illiterate, f o r w h o m t h e paintings are destined, were newly c o n v e r t e d people, belonging to the lower classes. Paulinus refers to peasants, w h o were u n a b l e to read. T h e s e people were converted to Christianity n o t long ago. 2 4 Nevertheless, the difference b e t w e e n the literate a n d the illiterate was n o t t h a t big, because, actually, the literati were instructed in m a t t e r s of belief in the s a m e m a n n e r as the illiterati, n a m e l y b y m e a n s of catechesis, p r e a c h i n g a n d liturgy, a n d , in practice, also the literate h a d to rely o n the w o r d : h a r d l y a n y o n e

20

Mango, op. cit., pp. 137-138. Antirrhetici: Mango, op. cit., pp. 175-176. 22 Mango, op. cit., pp. 176-177. 23 H. Schrade, Vor- undfriihromanische Malerei (Cologne, 1958), pp. 108-109. 24 Carmen 27, 547-550: Goldschmidt, op. cit., pp. 62-63. Pope Gregory speaks of the idiotae and gentes, identified by J.W. Thompson as 'the lower classes and especially the foreign (i.e., the German) element in the population': Duggan, op. cit., p. 228, note 1. 21

h a d accès to a bible to read. R e a d i n g the bible was, in fact, a privilege reserved to very few people, mainly the clergy. 25

Can images replace books? T o w h a t extent can images replace books? T o w h a t extent can o n e speak of the didactic function of images? T o w h a t extent can images teach s o m e t h i n g that is n o t already k n o w n ? P o p e G r e g o r y refers in his second letter to Serenus to nescientes litteras, w h o , looking at pictures, might learn w h a t has been said. 26 T h e words "learn w h a t has b e e n said" presuppose a p r e c e d i n g o r simultaneous instruction. O n e sees w h a t is k n o w n already. T h e illiterate are able to read the images because they h e a r or have h e a r d a b o u t that w h a t has been represented. 2 7 W e can think here of w h a t Paulinus of N o l a wrote. H e h a d d e c o r a t e d his c h u r c h in consideration of the illiterate rustics, but, at the same time, h e h a d p u t e x p l a n a t o r y inscriptions over the paintings. T h i s shows that the decoration was destined n o t only for the illiterate, b u t also for the literate, w h o , o n the basis of the tituli, could instruct others. 2 8 G r e g o r y of T o u r s tells us, that, at the feast of Saint M a r t i n , his vita was read in the cathedral of T o u r s : w h a t o n e learned t h r o u g h the r e a d i n g could be recognised in the paintings, illustrating the life of Saint M a r t i n , in that church. 2 9 It is only possible to speak of the didactic function of images w h e n we presuppose that learning does n o t m e a n only learning s o m e t h i n g new, b u t also: m a k i n g oneself familiar with s o m e t h i n g already k n o w n , by fixing it d e e p e r in one's m i n d . R e a d i n g a text as well as 25

Chazelle, op. cit., p. 142; Duggan, op. cit., p. 245.

26

Ut nescientes litteras ipsam historiam intendentes, quid dictum sit discerent (second letter to

Serenus, Registrum epistolarum XI, 10, CCSL 140 A, p. 875). Translation: Chazelle, op. cit., p. 140. 27 Chazelle, op. cit., pp. 138, 141, 147; Duggan, op. cit., pp. 227, 248; A. van Run, "Functies en waardering van het beeld", De middeleeuwse ideeënwereld, ed. M. Stoffers (Heerlen/Hilversum, 1994), pp. 348-349. 28

...Jùcata colonbus umbra, / quae super exprimitur titulis, ut littera monstret / quod manus explicuit, dumque omnes picta uiassim / ostendunt releguntque sibi... "(for the sketches are)

painted in various colours. Over them are explanatory inscriptions , the written word revealing the theme outlined by the painter's hand. So when all the countryfolk point out and read over to each other the subjects painted, (they turn more slowly to thoughts of food)" (translation P.G. Walsh )(Carmen 27, 583-586): Goldschmidt, op. cit., p. 64. Cf. Duggan, op. cit., p. 229. 29 Kessler, op. cit., pp. 85-86.

seeing a picture was seen as useful. R e a d i n g h a d in earlier days s o m e t h i n g to d o with speaking a n d hearing: o n e was reading aloud. 3 0 R e a d i n g aloud was a m e a n s to help m e m o r i z e w h a t o n e was reading. In the Bible, reading a book is c o m p a r e d with eating it: "eat this scroll... , ‫( י‬Ezekiel 3:1), " T a k e it [the little scroll] a n d eat it' 5 (Revelation 10:9). R e a d i n g s o m e t h i n g is c o n s u m i n g it. R e a d i n g (aloud) a text a n d learning it by heart were the first steps. 31 An image can be a great help to fix s o m e t h i n g in one's m i n d . Cicero says in his De oratore: It has been sagaciously discerned by Simonides..., that the most complete pictures are formed in our minds of the things that have been conveyed to them and imprinted on them by the senses, but that the keenest of all our senses is the sense of sight, and that consequendy perceptions received by the ears or by reflexion can be most easily retained if they are also conveyed to our minds by the mediation of the eyes. 32

W h e n in Early Christian a n d medieval times s o m e t h i n g is written a b o u t c h u r c h decoration, it is written by theologians. A n d theolog i a n s — c o n c e r n e d as they are with b o o k s — a r e inclined to legitimize images as texts. But I believe that there is s o m e t h i n g m o r e to it t h a n a onesided interest that belongs to a certain profession. I think that those writers have their own particular reasons. Images h a v e — a t least in earlier p e r i o d s — a twofold function. Images, especially indep e n d e n t , isolated imagines, d o have a certain power. I a m referring to two recent publications o n this topic: The Power of Images (1989) of David F r e e d b e r g a n d Bild und Kult (1990) of H a n s Belting. Images, especially historiae, have b o t h a n illustrative a n d m e m o r i a l function. An imago is s o m e t h i n g different. T h e p a g a n imagines were i n d e p e n d ent statues, that h a d a certain power. T h e y were idols in which invisible powers were at work. By e q u a t i n g the images in the c h u r c h with texts, the c h u r c h fathers distinguished these images f r o m the i n d e p e n d e n t idols. Pictures in a c h u r c h belong to a religion w h e r e a

30

In antiquity a book speaks, the page has a voice: Lange, op. cit., p. 33, note 108. Lange refers in the same note to Philip, who heard the Ethiopian eunuch reading the book of Isaiah the prophet (Acts 8:30), and to Augustine, who in the Confessiones (VI, 3) notes that Ambrose was reading silendy. 31 Duggan, op. cit., pp. 245-246. 32 Cicero, De oratore II, 357. Translation: F.A. Yates, The Art of Memory (Chicago/ Londen, 1974), p. 4.

book is central. A m a n like p o p e G r e g o r y negates the p o w e r of the images by presenting t h e m as substitutes for written words. 3 3 It m a y be that Gregory, d e f e n d i n g the images in the c h u r c h , b u t f o r b i d d i n g at the same time the adoratio of t h e m , recognized the i m p o r t a n c e that images could have for a newly converted p o p u l a tion, w h o h a d n o t yet completely e x c h a n g e d their idols for w h a t belongs to the religion of the H o l y Writ. A c c o r d i n g to p o p e G r e g o r y , missionaries did not have to completely extinguish h e a t h e n temples a n d s o m e old practices, for it was impossible to cut a w a y everything f r o m their hearts. It was necessary, on the o t h e r h a n d , to transfer those things in a Christian sense. 34 Also the images f o r m e d a p a r t of those practices. P e r h a p s bishop S e r e n u s h a d scandalized the gentes by r e m o v i n g the images. T h e y interpreted the removal of the images as d e m o n s t r a t i n g the powerlessness of the persons w h o h a d been represented. In this context o n e can note t h a t it is u n d e r s t a n d a b l e that early missionaries r e m o v e d the idols in o r d e r to show their i m p o tence. 3 5 In his Regula pastoralis G r e g o r y r e c o m m e n d s to the pastors the daily r e a d i n g of the Holy Scripture. 3 6 W h a t the Scripture is for the clergy are the pictures of biblical stories for the illiterate. In his second letter to Serenus G r e g o r y says: For what writing (scnptura) offers to those w h o read it, a picture offers to the ignorant w h o look at it... hence especially for gentiles a picture stands in place of reading {pro lectione pictura).37

T h e words lectio a n d scnptura r e m i n d o n e of the reading of the H o l y Scripture. T h e lectio of the Sacra Scnptura is d o n e by the illiterate visitor of the c h u r c h by m e a n s of the images o n the c h u r c h walls. T h e s e pictures recall the events represented, already k n o w n f r o m hearing: a p e r m a n e n t r e m i n d e r of the m o m e n t a r y reading a n d sermon.38 W e have seen that Paulinus of N o l a d e c o r a t e d his c h u r c h with pictures in consideration of the illiterate rustics, b u t that he also m a d e tituli. S u c h subscriptions are a d d e d , either because the images 33

Chazelle, op. cit., p. 148.

34

Registrum epistularum X I , 56: Kessler, op. cit., p. 75.

35

Kessler, op. cit., pp. 75, 85.

36

Regula pastoralis II, 11: Chazelle, op. cit., p. 149. Nam quod legentibus scnptura, hoc idiotis praestal pictura cementibus...; unde praedpue

37

gentibus pro lectione pictura est (second letter to Serenus, cf. η. 14): Chazelle, op. cit., p. 140. 38 Chazelle, op. cit., pp. 148-150.

themselves are n o t clear enough, 3 9 or to d e n o t e the 'spiritual 5 signific a n c e of the historia,40 which could n o t be d o n e by m e a n s of the visual image. I will give some examples. O n e of the tituli of A m b r o s e says: " A b r a h a m received Christ with great hospitality 55 . 41 In Prudentius 5 Tituli Historiarum Elim, " w h e r e there were twelve springs a n d seventy p a l m trees 55 (Exodus 15:27), symbolizes the apostles a n d the disciples of Luke 10:1; the two times six stones were set u p in the middle of the J o r d a n (Joshua 4:9) "as symbol of the disciples 55 . 42 T h e subscriptions m a y contain also a tropological m e a n i n g : P r u d e n t i u s for instance c o m p a r e s the torches fastened to the tails of the foxes (Judges 15:4ss) with the flames of the vices, spread by heresy in the fields. 43 It was possible to u n d e r s t a n d the images o n different levels. T h e illiterate could 'read 5 the images in a f u n d a m e n t a l , literal way. T h e literate could, t h r o u g h the tituli, ascend to a higher, spiritual level. 44

The story told by the images Even t h o u g h we conclude that, in general, images d o not give n e w i n f o r m a t i o n , b u t refer to w h a t is already k n o w n , we c a n ask if the i m a g e can a d d s o m e t h i n g to the knowledge the viewer already has. D o the images tell their o w n story? An e x a m p l e shows h o w the i m a g e can a d d s o m e t h i n g to the text. W h e n in the R o s s a n o C o d e x (6th century) the S a m a r i t a n (Luke 10) has a r o u n d his h e a d a n aureole with a cross, he is identified with Christ (this is a m i n i a t u r e painting, b u t this e x a m p l e can also serve as a n e x a m p l e of w h a t is possible in the m o n u m e n t a l decoration). H e r e the p a i n t i n g a d d s s o m e t h i n g to the text. It is possible, however, that the identification of the S a m a r i tan with Christ was already, t h r o u g h p r e a c h i n g , generally accepted. Also the disposition of the images can a d d s o m e t h i n g to the text. 45 Generally a historical cycle starts o n the left wall, to be c o n t i n u e d on 39 40

Schrade, op. cit., p. 107. P. van Dael, "Pro lectione lectura. Systeem en decorade van de vroegchristelijke

kerkwand", Intemationaal katholiek Tijdschnft Communia 7 (1982), pp. 426-430. 41

S. Merkle, "Die Ambrosianischen Tituli", Römische Quartalschnft 10 (1896), p.

218. 42

Historiarum

43

Tituli Historiarum, 69-72: Pillinger, op. cit., p. 54. Kessler, op. cit., pp. 84, 88. See Van Dael, op. cit. (1982), pp. 425-428, and the literature quoted.

Tituli Historiarum, 53-56, 57-60: R. Pillinger, Die Tituli sogenannte Dittochaeon des Prudentius (Vienna, 1980), pp. 45, 48. 44 45

oder das

the right wall. So we see in t h e S a n t a M a r i a M a g g i o r e in R o m e , o n the left wall, scenes f r o m Genesis, a n d o n t h e right wall scenes f r o m E x o d e a n d J o s h u a ; 4 6 in the S a n t ' A p o l l i n a r e N u o v o o n the left wall t h e life of Christ is illustrated, o n t h e right wall the history of his Passion. 4 7 W h e n in a c h u r c h t h e two T e s t a m e n t s are illustrated, the N e w T e s t a m e n t is located o n t h e m o r e i m p o r t a n t place. So we see in the S a n t a M a r i a M a g g i o r e t h e i n f a n c e of Christ on the t r i u m p h a l arch. Also in t h e Saint Paul the N e w T e s t a m e n t occupies t h e m a i n place: the O l d T e s t a m e n t is o n the right side, the N e w T e s t a m e n t o n the left 48 (the m o r e i m p o r t a n t side, because seen f r o m the apse this side is the right one). T h u s o n e h a s expressed t h a t the N e w T e s t a m e n t fulfils—and surpasses—the O l d T e s t a m e n t . A typological relation is indicated w h e r e scenes f r o m the O l d a n d N e w T e s t a m e n t are o p p o s e d to e a c h other. T h e tituli of P r u d e n t i u s (f a f t e r 405) a n d Rusticus Helpidius (6th century) refer to a n existent or i m a g i n a r y decoration, in w h i c h t h e O l d a n d N e w T e s t a m e n t are o p p o s e d . Eve a n d M a r y o p e n the O l d a n d N e w T e s t a m e n t series. In the tituli of P r u d e n t i u s , the Crossing of the R e d Sea a n d the H e a l i n g of the b o r n b l i n d — t h e n i n t h scene o n b o t h walls—are o p p o s e d : the two scenes refer to baptism. In the S a n t a M a r i a M a g g i o r e (432-440) a n d Sant , Apollinare N u o v o (c. 500) the historical sequence of the scenes h a s been c h a n g e d 4 9 in o r d e r to p u t in the first c h u r c h the sacrifice of M e l c h i z e d e c h a n d in R a v e n n a the miracle of C a n a a n d the multiplication of the loaves a n d the fishes in t h e b e g i n n i n g of the wall, as close as possible to the altar, to w h i c h these scenes are typologically referring. Also t h e style of a d e c o r a t i o n m a y h a v e a message of its own. I refer here to E m s t Kitzinger, w h o distinguishes in the mosaics of S a n t a M a r i a M a g g i o r e two styles or ' m o d e s ' : an 'epic' m o d e in the

46

The mosaics in Santa Maria Maggiore date from 432-440. These mosaics date from c. 500. 48 The decorations are put there during the reign of Leo I, 440-461. 49 In the Santa Maria Maggiore, the series opens, left of the triumphal arch, with Melchizedek who brought out bread and wine to Abraham (Gen. 14), then follows the scene of The Three Visitors (Gen. 18), and The Parting of Lot and Abraham (Gen. 13). In the Sant'Apollinare Nuovo, the first three mosaics, to begin with the left wall, near the triumphal arch, illustrate the miracle of Cana (the mosaic that we see now is the effect of a wrong 19th century restauration), the miracle of the loaves and fishes, and the vocation of Peter and Andrew. 47

nave, a n d a 'hieratic' m o d e o n t h e t r i u m p h a l arch. 5 0 T h e epic m o d e m e a n s a narrative style, a d a p t e d f o r multifigured scenes. Kitzinger finds this style also in illustrated H o m e r a n d Aeneis manuscripts, w h e r e the origins of R o m e are sung. T h e first Bible books c o n t a i n the history of the origin of t h e new, Christian R o m e . T h e m o r e static, hieratic m o d e belongs to the imperial art. T h i s style, used in a Christian basilica, s t a m p s the p a p a l R o m e as the successor of the old, imperial R o m e . Finally, the artist m a k e s the scenes, as it were, a p p r o c h the beholder, 'translating' t h e m for the viewer, dressing the biblical figures in c o n t e m p o r a n e o u s clothes, h a v i n g t h e m m a k e ' R o m a n ' gestures, placing t h e m in a recognizable e n v i r o n m e n t , a n i m a t i n g t h e m with e m o t i o n s that c a n b e s h a r e d . I m a g e s as books of the illiterate: this does n o t m e a n books giving instructions a n d n e w knowledge. It is better to say t h a t r e m i n d i n g a n d recognition are involved: t h e stories h a v e to be h e a r d over a n d over again, texts h a v e to be r e a d again a n d again. T h u s o n e c a n a p p r o p r i a t e the contents of the H o l y Scripture, a n d conditions are created t h a t m a k e it possible to t u m t h a t w h a t is h e a r d a n d seen into acts of imitation.

50 E. Kitzinger, Byzantine Art in the Making (Cambridge, Mass., 1977), pp. 66-75. Cf. idem, "The Role of Miniature Painting in Mural Decoradon", in: K. Weitzmann

etc., The Place of Book Illumination in Byzantine Art (Princeton, N.J., 1975), pp. 121-135.

P A U L I N U S N O L A N U S , C A R M E N 26: T H E T H R E A T O F WAR, ST. FELIX, A N D O L D TESTAMENT EXAMPLES O F T H E POWER OF G O D A N D O F HIS SAINTS1 W. Evenepoel

I n t r o d u c t o r y biographical r e m i n d e r : A r o u n d 390 the G a l l o - R o m a n Paulinus cut short a p r o m i s i n g political career. T o g e t h e r with his Spanish wife h e resided for a short time in Spain, w h e r e h e was o r d a i n e d a priest. I n 395 h e m o v e d with his spouse to N o l a to lead a m o n a s t i c life, t o g e t h e r with a n u m b e r of like-minded friends, in the vicinity of the t o m b of St. Felix, with whose cult h e h a d b e c o m e a c q u a i n t e d while a magistrate in C a m p a n i a . F o r Paulinus St. Felix b e c a m e the object of a n intense personal v e n e r a t i o n . As his friend Sulpicius Severus in G a u l was the p r o m o t e r of M a r t i n of T o u r s , so Paulinus would b e c o m e , as p r i e s t - m o n k a n d later as bishop, a n d also as a builder a n d as the a u t h o r of Carmina a n d Epistulae, the p r o m o t e r of the cult of St. Felix of Nola. 2 That Bible in biblical reading 1

Paulinus of N o l a t h o r o u g h l y familiarized himself with the quite a short time 3 is a p p a r e n t n o t only f r o m the n u m e r o u s q u o t a t i o n s in his c o r r e s p o n d e n c e , b u t even f r o m a cursory of his Carmina. W h e n Paulinus o p t e d for a m o n a s t i c life a n d

Paulinus of Nola is cited in the edition of G. De Härtel: Sancti Pontii Meropii

Paulini Nolani

Opera: I. Epistulae; II. Carmina. Recensuit et commentario

critico

instruxit G. De Härtel (CSEL, 29-30; Vienna, 1894). There is a misprint in v. 219 of Carm. 26: sic is to be read instead of si. See Klaus Kohlwes, Christliche Dichtung und stilistische Form bei Paulinus von Nola (Bonn, 1979), p. 192, n. 21. The English versions of passages quoted from Carm. 26 have been taken from The Poems of St. Paulinus of Nola, translated and annotated by P.G. Walsh, Ancient Christian Writers, 40; New York, 1975). 2 For the life of Paulinus of Nola see Joseph T. Lienhard, Paulinus ofNola and Early Western Monasticism. With a Study of the Chronology of his Works and an Annotated Bibliography, 1879-1976 (Köln-Bonn, 1977). 3 For Paulinus of Nola and the Bible in general, see Lienhard 1977 (n. 2), pp. 128-34: "Paulinus and the Bible'5; Paolino di Nola, I carmi. Introduzione, traduzione, note e indici a cura di Andrea Ruggiero (Roma, 1990), pp. 81-5: "Presenza della Bibbia"; Sandro Leanza, "Aspetti esegetici dell'opera di Paolino di Nola", Atti del Convegno XXXI Cinquantenario della morte di S. Paolino di Nola (431-1981)

pp. 67-91.

(Roma, 1983),

sought advice f r o m the e x p e r i e n c e d m o n k J e r o m e , the latter in his letters 5 3 a n d 5 8 told h i m in n o u n c e r t a i n terms to a c q u i r e a p r o f o u n d knowledge of the Scriptures u n d e r expert g u i d a n c e 4 : semper in manu tua sacra sit lectio, h e writes in 58,6 ( C S E L , 54, ed. I. Hilberg, p. 535). In his t u r n Paulinus himself in Carm. 22,1-2 advised t h e m o r e philosophically inclined p o e t J o v i u s to m a k e the Bible the f o u n d a t i o n of his poetry: sacris ... carmina libris condere. A l t h o u g h Paulinus never b e c a m e a biblical specialist like the philologist J e r o m e , 5 still the Bible f o r h i m b e c a m e a fixed f r a m e of reference, a n d it largely defined his spirituality. In recent years the o m n i p r e s e n c e of the Bible in Paulinus' corres p o n d e n c e a n d Carmina h a s b e e n r e g a r d e d m o r e positively t h a n before: it is n o w accepted t h a t the references to t h e Scripture are n o t m e r e embellishments b u t are of essential i m p o r t a n c e . T h e O l d a n d N e w T e s t a m e n t s (hereafter: O T a n d N T ) w e r e for Paulinus t h e basis of Christian doctrine a n d o n e of the p r i m a r y sources of inspiration of his poetry. T h e Bible in his eyes also offers p r o o f of G o d ' s Providentia a n d potentia a n d is f u r t h e r m o r e rich in m o r a l lessons. 6 T h e N T app e a r s s o m e w h a t m o r e f r e q u e n t l y in Paulinus' writings t h a n the O T . T h e O T is represented in his Carmina m a i n l y by Genesis, E x o d u s a n d the Psalms, the N T a b o v e all b y the Gospels, the Acts, Paul's Letters to t h e Christians of R o m e , C o r i n t h a n d Ephesus, a n d lastly the Apocalypse. 7 A m o n g P a u l i n u s ' earliest Christian p o e m s are three Psalm p a r a p h r a s e s [Carm. 7, 8 a n d 9) t h a t leave the impression that he m a y for a m o m e n t have b e e n thinking of a metrical recasting of all the Psalms. As for the presence of the Bible in the Carmina of Paulinus N o l a n u s , it is primarily these Psalm p a r a p h r a s e s that have 4

See e.g. J o h n R. Wachel, Classical and Biblical Elements in Selected Poems of Paulinus

of Nola (diss. Univ. of Iowa, 1978), pp. 153fT. 5 It must be noted that he sometimes misconcieves what the Bible actually says; such errors are usually indicated by Walsh. These are not instances where Paulinus takes liberties with the biblical text, but rather what could be called cases of sloppiness. 6 See in connection with the significance of the Bible for Paulinus, Ruggiero 1990 (n. 3), p. 84. 7 For the book of Genesis Ruggiero 1990 (n. 3), pp. 82-4 lists 64 references, for Exodus 35, and for the Psalms 121; for the Gospels 95 + 35 + 76 + 56, for the Acts 35, for Rom. 38, Cor. 46 + 21, Eph. 28, and for Apocalypse 25. Cf. in general Walsh 1975 (n. 1) (although the latter has not added up the references). Such lists of references must, for various reasons, be handled with caution, but they do give a certain indication of the relative weight that can be accorded to the various biblical books within a given author's work.

b e e n e x a m i n e d as well as his p a r a p h r a s e of Luke's pericopes o n St. J o h n the Baptist (Carm. 6). 8 S o m e research has also b e e n d o n e o n Paulinus' biblical text, in particular o n the Psalm texts he used. 9 As Paulinus often quotes f r o m m e m o r y , a d a p t s q u o t a t i o n s to the m e t r e of his Carmina, a n d also c o n t a m i n a t e s citations, such research is by n o m e a n s simple. 1 0 Lastly, it has also b e e n e x a m i n e d w h i c h early Christian a u t h o r s played a role in Paulinus' use of the Bible. A p a r t f r o m J e r o m e , w h o has already b e e n cited as Paulinus' m e n t o r in this context, the n a m e s of Hilary, A m b r o s e a n d G r e g o r y of Elvira should be m e n t i o n e d . It h a s b e e n a r g u e d t h a t Paulinus also r e a d G r e e k biblical exegetes, m o r e specifically O r i g e n . " Before p r o c e e d i n g to a m o r e detailed a n d concrete discussion of a significant instance of Paulinus' use of the Bible, viz. Carm. 26, I w o u l d like to offer a few general observations o n the presence of the Scriptures in Paulinus' Carmina as a whole. As f o r t h e i n s t r u m e n t s at o u r disposal: H ä r t e l , the editor of Paulinus N o l a n u s in the C S E L 1 2 , provides very few references f o r t h e Carmina·. n o t only are they lacking f o r c o m m o n biblical f o r m u l a e , b u t also for certain factual d a t a t h a t c o m e f r o m the Bible 1 3 . Walsh, in his translation of Paulinus' Carmina1*, offers m o r e t h a n H ä r t e l b u t less t h a n R u g g i e r o 1 5 , w h o is i m p o r t a n t e.g. for his a d d e n d a in c o n n e c t i o n with the Psalms b u t w h o also often a d d u c e s references to verses c o n n e c t e d only in a r a t h e r general w a y with certain biblical passages 1 6 .

8

See e.g. P. Flury, "Das sechste Gedicht des Paulinus von Nola", Vigiliae Christianae, 27 (1973), pp. 129-45; S. Prete, "Paolino di Nola, La parafrasi biblica della laus Iohannis (carm. 6)", Augustinianum, 14 (1974), pp. 625-35; Antonio V. Nazzaro, "La parafrasi salmica di Paolino di Nola", Atti del Convegno XXXI Cinquantenano di Paolino di Nola 1983 (n. 3), pp. 93-115. 9

See e.g. Rosalba A. Rallo Freni, "II testo dei salmi nell' udlizzazione dell' opera

di Paolino di Nola", Atti del Convegno XXXI Cinquantenano di Paolino di Nola 1983 (n. 3),

pp. 231-52. 10 See Ruggiero 1990 (n. 3), p. 84. " See Leanza 1983 (n. 3). Not everyone is convinced that Paulinus had a sound knowledge of Greek. 12 See n. 1. 13 Thus one finds biblical references at Carm. 26,219-20, but not at w . 221-6 and w . 227-9. 14 See n. 1. 15 See n. 3. 16 A d Carm. 12,22 {pandere iter)·, 15,105 (sewire deo)\ 18,354 (vota solvere); 20,217-8 [reddere voturri).

As regards the O T , Paulinus refers m a i n l y to striking events; to t h e Psalms he reverts f r e q u e n t l y a n d s p o n t a n e o u s l y w h e n singing G o d ' s praises (see e.g. Carm. 21,272ff.); f r o m the Evangelists a n d Paul h e b o r r o w s f u n d a m e n t a l concepts, a n d the Apocalypse provides h i m with n u m e r o u s images a n d representations (e.g. m o r e t h a n once draco / serpens antiquus). As a p o e t Paulinus very often refers explicidy to the Bible, in particular to i m p o r t a n t biblical events, e.g. with p h r a s e s such as ut scnptura canit, ut quondam, velut ille olim, ut apostolus ait, unde et propheta dicit, ut tamquam. Biblical passages t h a t r e t u r n m o r e t h a n o n c e in the Carmina are: 1 7 M a t t h e w 7,14: " H o w n a r r o w the gate a n d close the w a y t h a t leads to life! A n d few there are w h o find it"; M a t t h e w 11,30: " F o r m y yoke is easy, a n d m y b u r d e n light" (clearly t h e passage m o s t f r e q u e n t l y q u o t e d in t h e Carmina)·, 2 C o r . 5,17: "If t h e n a n y m a n is in Christ, h e is a n e w creature: the f o r m e r things have passed away, behold, they are m a d e n e w " ; 2 T i m . 4,8: " T h e r e is laid u p for m e a c r o w n of justice". T h e r e m a i n d e r of the p r e s e n t p a p e r will c o n c e n t r a t e o n the prèsence of the Bible in Carm. 26. T h i s p o e m of 4 2 9 verses is the eighth of the Carmina natalicia, the a n n i v e r s a r y p o e m s Paulinus of N o l a c o m posed a n n u a l l y o n the occasion of the feast of St. Felix of N o l a (14 J a n u a r y ) . I have chosen it for discussion n o t because it is a typical e x a m p l e of Paulinus' use of the Bible in the Carmina natalicia, b u t because it d e m o n s t r a t e s a very m a r k e d d e p e n d e n c e o n the Bible, in particular the O T , a n d a very clear indication of w h a t the Bible m e a n t to Paulinus of Nola. It is 14 J a n u a r y 402 1 8 : Alaric h a s i n v a d e d Italy a n d the s h a d o w of i m m i n e n t w a r h a n g s over the peninsula. U n d e r these circumstances the anxiety of the faithful is e x t r e m e . H a d it n o t b e e n said that the christianized R o m a n e m p i r e w o u l d e n j o y divine protection? A cheerful a n d c o n f i d e n t celebration of the feast of St. Felix seems o u t of the question. T h a t is the p r o b l e m . In Carm. 26 Paulinus will d o his utmost to restore t h e c o n f i d e n c e of the faithful in St. Felix a n d in Christ. In the following analysis attention will be d e v o t e d to t h e m e a n i n g of t h e Bible in this situation a n d to Paulinus' concrete use of the

17

See the indexes of Härtel 1894 (η. 1), Walsh 1975 (η. 1) and Ruggiero 1990 (n. 3). 18 See e.g. Walsh 1975 (η. 1), p. 403. For more details see e.g. Lienhard 1977 (n. 2), pp. 160-1.

Scripture in his text. T o m y knowledge Carm. 26 has hitherto been discussed in detail by K l a u s K o h l w e s in his dissertation Christliche Dichtung und stilistische Form bei Paulinus von Nola (Bonn, 1979) 19 a n d by François H e i m , La théologie de la victoire de Constantin à Théodose (Paris, 1992) 20 ; occasional references to their analyses will b e m a d e in w h a t follows. T h e i n t r o d u c t o r y section of t h e p o e m in m y opinion r u n s to v. 79. 21 T h e u n d e r l y i n g idea is: w e m a y b e living in trying times, yet let this be a festive day. Even t h o u g h w a r is t h r e a t e n i n g in the distance, we should still celebrate t h e feast of St. Felix in c o m p l e t e liberty. F o r faith does n o t lose sight of w h a t m u s t be d o n e . W i t h quare (v. 11) a n d ergo (v. 17) Paulinus draws t h e conclusion the faithful too m u s t d r a w : he emphatically urges t h e m to dispel their sorrow a n d t u r n their a t t e n t i o n to St. Felix, w h o o n this very d a y e n t e r e d eternal life: perpetuus is r e p e a t e d in aetemus ( w . 15-16). A n d in w . 2 2 - 2 8 Paulinus states t h a t as a believer, even w e r e he a prisoner of the G o t h s , h e w o u l d still celebrate t h e feast of St. Felix in full f r e e d o m . N o t e the m e a n i n g f u l repetition of pius / pietas in v. 9 a n d v. 27, a n d of liber in v. 7 pax libera a n d v. 28 liber amor. Vv. 29 ff, with nunc igitur (v. 29), a p r o l o n g a t i o n of quare (v. 11) a n d ergo (v. 17), a n d quamvis ... tamen ( w . 29-31), c o n t i n u i n g the often r e c u r r i n g basic s c h e m e in w . 1-28 2 2 , s u m m a r i z e w h a t goes before, a n d w . 31-32: nos tamen in d o m i n o stabilis fiducia Christo roboret et recto fixis pede mentibus armet, 2 3

express u n a m b i g u o u s l y w h a t Paulinus w a n t s to say: u n w a v e r i n g confidence in Christ will give us fortitude, s t r e n g t h e n e d by H i m the 19

Viz. pp. 180-215; see also pp. 246-58. Viz. pp. 293-322. Heim (p. 293) states his position as follows: "De fait, aucun écrivain de l'époque n'a poussé aussi loin le mépris de l'action humaine et, en sens inverse, sa confiance en l'aide de Dieu; pourvu que les Romains manifestent foi et piété à son égard, Dieu les sauvera des mains des barbares." Paulinus indeed underlines very emphatically the importance of God's help in Carm. 26, but this does not in my view imply that for him human action was of no importance. In assessing Paulinus' Carm. 26 one must take into account the specific context and the rhetorical element in the formulations. 21 See Härtel 1894 (η. 1), p. 249. For Kohlwes 1979 (η. 1), p. 181 the introductory section ends at v. 69. See below. 22 Viz. in w . 5/6, 6 / 7 , 11/2, 22/25, 27/8. Kohlwes 1979 (η. 1), p. 182 also points to the regular reappearance of the antithesis in question. 23 "So now ... our constant trust in Christ the Lord must strengthen and equip us with minds intent on the direct way." 20

faithful will n o t vacillate. In v. 32 recto ... peck w e recognize Psalm 26,12 (iuxta Hebraeos), viz. Pes meus stetit in recto, just before Paulinus will allude explicitly to t h e O T . I n d e e d , in v. 35 ut quondam Paulinus f o r the first t i m e refers the faithful quite explicitly to the O T , viz. E x o d u s 12 24 : Despite the fact t h a t a m e n a c i n g e n e m y forced t h e m to m a k e haste, Moses a n d the Israelites did n o t fail to celebrate the Passover. Paulinus h a s s o m e w h a t revised t h e relationship of the events in E x o d u s 12 in o r d e r to m a k e t h e passage fit into the introd u c t o r y section of Carm. 26. I n licet (v. 37) ... tarnen (v. 39) (cf. also v. 41 with licet) o n e recognizes t h e basic structure o f w . 1-28, a n d liber of w . 7 a n d 2 8 is m e a n i n g f u l l y reiterated in v. 39 libertate tarnen devoti pectoris. In w . 4 3 - 4 Paulinus suggestively m e n t i o n s t h e victory over t h e Egyptians, w h i c h in view of t h e p r o p e r f u n c t i o n of the exemplum is n o t strictly necessary; it is clear t h a t Paulinus, t h r o u g h his b r o a d e r e l a b o r a t i o n of the Biblical parallel, is taking his a r g u m e n t a step f u r t h e r : h e r e already h e m a k e s it k n o w n t h a t faith is the basis of victory. In t h e e l a b o r a t i o n of t h e exemplum Paulinus, in keeping with the t h e n c u r r e n t exegesis, regards the blood of the slaughtered l a m b s as a préfiguration of the blood of Christ 2 5 . I n t h e parenthesis w . 4 5 - 5 4 h e opposes the C h r i s t i a n a n d t h e J e w i s h Paschal feasts a n d inveighs against the J e w s . Kohlwes 2 6 argues t h a t t h e digression is n o t f u n c t i o n a l a n d t h a t it disturbs. I n d e e d , in the i m m e d i a t e context n o precise f u n c t i o n can be specified, yet within the b r o a d e r context of the Carmen the digression h a s a clear f u n c t i o n : these verses are in line with t h e elucidation of t h e blood of the l a m b s a n d fit in a lengthy series of verses which, at a m o r e p r o f o u n d level, m a k e Christ the nucleus a n d reference p o i n t of t h e entire p o e m 2 7 . O n l y a f t e r the digression is t h e circle—the exemplum f r o m the past, t h e present situation—closed, v. 55: sic igitur modo 2 8 nos turbato in tempore laed 2 9 etc.

A n d again the w o r d s pius a n d pietas a p p e a r (v. 56 a n d v. 57). 24

Härtel 1894 (η. 1), ad loc., refers erroneously to Genesis 12; at v. 94 he also refers to Gen. in lieu of Exodus. 25 See e.g. Jean Daniélou, Bible et liturgie (Paris, 1958), pp. 220ff. and pp. 3951Γ. 26 Kohlwes 1979 (n. 1), p. 183. 27 See in particular, in addition to v. 31, w . 105ff., 119, 143ff., 157, 200/1, 338, 345, 347, 377. 28 Modo here means "now", as is also the case below. Cf. Kohlwes 1979 (n. 1), p. 183, n. 4. 29 "So now let us be ... joyful in a rime of turmoil, ..."

I n w . 59 ff. Paulinus dwells o n pietas a little longer. Faith m e a n s salus, especially if we focus o u r a t t e n t i o n o n St. Felix. Salus is a t e r m t h a t r e t u r n s continually t h r o u g h o u t t h e p o e m 3 0 . In w . 70 ff. t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n is c o n c l u d e d with the idea t h a t o n e n e e d n o t fear w e a p ons a n d armies w h i c h are f o r t h a t m a t t e r p r o v i d e d by the ira dei to p u n i s h o u r faults a n d i m p r o v e o u r b e h a v i o u r : w . 72-3 ut formidine mortis / excitet ad cur am vitae torpentia corda*‫ י‬. Paulinus continues in this vein, in his o w n inimitable way, pointedly a n d with p a r a d o x e s . T h e notion does n o t r e t u r n explicitly in Carmen 2 6 3 2 , b u t c a n be f o u n d in J u d g e s 4,1 ff, 2 K i n g s 17,1, E s t h e r 14,6, a n d Daniel 3,26 ff, passages w h i c h will all be used b y Paulinus 3 3 ! Esther 14,6 e.g. reads: Peccavimus in conspectu tuo et idcirco tradidisti nos in manus inimicorum nostrorum.

W i t h V. 80: Prisca retractemus sanctorum exempla parentum 3 4

Paulinus p r o c e e d s to the t r e a t m e n t of t h e central t h e m e of Carm. 2 6 3 3 : faith a n d p r a y e r o n the o n e h a n d , a n d G o d ' s potentia o n the other, f o r m the basis of salvation a n d victory. I n the f o r m u l a t i o n s of w . 80ff. the link is laid in various ways with the p r e c e d i n g verses of t h e i n t r o d u c t o r y section. T h e idea of w a r as a just p u n i s h m e n t ( w . 71-2) r e s o u n d s in v. 81 mérita ... verbera, non armis neque viribus (v. 70) in non armis ... nec muris (v. 82), the t h o u g h t s o n salus in w . 58ff. r e c u r in w . 83ff. L a t e r o n Paulinus will offer three e l a b o r a t e d examples; b u t h e begins with three shorter exempla t h a t d e m o n s t r a t e the p o w e r of prayer. H e impresses u p o n the faithful the cura precandi (v. 85). G o d ' s

30

See besides v. 58, w . 83/4, 105, 146, 231 and 393. "God is trying to rouse our sluggish hearts to take thought for life by inspiring us with fear for death." 32 Implicidy it does, viz. where it is said in w . 102/3 and 111 that we should not fear the earthly enemy, but God. 33 In this connection Kohlwes 1979 (n. 1), p. 185, n. 8 points specifically to Judges. In the same note, and also further (p. 192), he wrongly posits that the idea that the threat of war was willed by God is also present in w . 217-29. 34 "Let us contemplate the ancient examples of saindy forbears." 31

35

V . 8 0 Prisca retractemus sanctorum exempla parentum is in m y view the clearly marked

beginning of the second part of Carm. 26; in line with this verse lie w . 195-6, which Kohlwes also regards as the start of the diird part of the poem. See Kohlwes 1979 (n. 1), p. 190.

p o w e r is defined s o m e w h a t tritely, n a m e l y with the idea that it is H e w h o makes t h e sun shine a f t e r the rain ( w . 89-91). T h e p o w e r of p r a y e r is s h o w n by three biblical e x a m p l e s ( w . 9 2 - 3 quanta precum virtus ... doceat): luctu servata Mneve36 (v. 93), Moysi prece victus Amalec (v. 94), Aman sanctae prece perditus Esther (v. 95) 3 7 , f r o m , respectively, J o n a h 3, E x o d u s 17 (viz. 8-16), a n d E s t h e r 7 b u t also 4,15ff. a n d 14,Iff. T h i s is the second m e n t i o n of Moses, w h o r e a p p e a r s regularly t h r o u g h o u t Carm. 26. O n l y in c o n n e c t i o n with the third exemplum does o n e detail receive f u r t h e r e l a b o r a t i o n 3 8 . Vv. 99ff. a t t a c h to t h e examples a n u m b e r of reflections o n the fact that the faithful m u s t rely o n the L o r d . N o t e fides innixa deo (v. 99) a n d confisa deo (v. 101 ). Let the e n e m y trust their walls a n d legions, w e are s t r e n g t h e n e d b y crucis invictae signum (v. 106); a n d f u r t h e r : armati... deo ... non quaenmus arma / corporis ( w . 107-8). A f t e r these t h o u g h t s Paulinus again specifically a n d explicitly directs the faithful a n d his readers to the Bible ( w . 114-118): Recolamus abhinc signata sacratis gesta patrum libris, et perspice qui potiore praesidio fuerint, quos urbs circumdata magnis absque deo muris an quos sine moenibus urbis vallabat socio virtus divina favore 39 . T h e f o r m u l a r y is closely related to t h a t of w . 103ff. a n d at the s a m e time f o r m s the a p p r o p r i a t e a n d direct p r e a m b l e to the t r e a t m e n t of the c o n q u e s t of the walled city of J e r i c h o b y J o s h u a ( w . 1 1 4 / 9 - 1 3 1 ) (cf. J o s h u a 6): v. 119 illam dico urbem quam perdidit acer Iesusw refers directly a n d precisely to urbs circumdata magnis / absque deo muris. J o s h u a is called Iesus (cf. a l r e a d y Acts 7,45 a n d H e b r . 4,8) a n d Paulinus in v. 120 expressly draws attention to this. Like the p a s c h a 36

See for the use o f luctus Benedict., Regula 2 5 , 6 in paenitentiae luctu.

37

"The power of prayers ... is the lesson we must learn from Nineveh saved by its grief, from Amalek overcome by the devoted prayer of aged Moses, from ... Haman destroyed by the supplication of holy Esther. " 38 Viz. that of the wood of the cross which Aman had destined for the servant of God and on which he himself was hanged. Paulinus writes crux where the Vulgate and the Vetus Itala (ed. Sabatier) have lignum in Esther 7,9. Crux is a significant word throughout this poem. Cf. R.P.H. Green, The Poetry of Paulinus of Nola. A Study of his Ladnity (Bruxelles, 1971), p. 70-1: in connection with the cross Paulinus in his poetry uses the terms lignum, arbor ligni, lignum crucis, etc. 39

"Let us hereafter recall the deeds of our ancestors recorded in the consecrated books. Observe who had the better protection—those enclosed in a city girt by great walls but without God, or those defended by God's strength and friendly support but without city walls." 40 "I refer to the city destroyed by the eager Joshua, ..."

this event is also set in a christological perspective 4 1 . W i t h a slight mistake in the presentation of the details c o n c e r n i n g J o s h u a 6 4 2 , Paulinus points o u t h o w the latter achieved victory ope divina (v. 123) a n d nuvmi virtute potentis (v. 127), t h e r e b y indicating the p o w e r of the sacred n u m b e r 7 4 3 . T h e i n h a b i t a n t s of J e r i c h o perished with t h e exception of R a h a b . In w . 132ff. Paulinus dwells o n the role a n d the fate of the meretrix (v. 132 a n d v. 143) ( w . 132-149), w h o w a s fraude bonafallax (v. 137) a n d w h o pietate dei meritum pietatis adepta est (v. 134). R a h a b too proves that pietas m e a n s salvation: cf. besides v. 134 also v. 136 pie, a n d f u r t h e r salutem in v. 146 a n d salvabat in v. 149. 111 keeping with the t h e n c u r r e n t exegesis Paulinus sees a mystic b o n d between the sign that she gave the Israelites with a puniceo ... vellere (v. 145) 44 a n d the red e m p t i v e role of Christ's blood ( w . 148-9) 45 : Hinc cape quantum ipse cruor valeat, cuius salvabat imago. 46 T h i s is a n explicit a r g u m e n t a minore ad maius47 ; in v. 4 3 et ficto Christi iam sanguine victor, in c o n n e c t i o n with the J e w i s h p a s c h a , the s a m e type of r e a s o n i n g is in fact implicitly present. As in the case of the p a r e n thesis w . 45ff. K o h l w e s again overlooks the f u n c t i o n of w . 147ff. 48 : we are again dealing with o n e of a long series of references to Christ, the p o i n t of reference of all sancti a n d sanctae. In v. 148 crucis invictae signum of v. 106 reappears. Paulinus of N o l a as a rule does n o t offer m a n y narrative details of a n y biblical story, b u t emphatically elaborates the significant core d a t a in varied wordings a n d t h e n a t t a c h e s to t h e m the lessons to sustain the faithful 4 9 . By w a y of two generalizing considerations in w . 150 ff. (with confidere Christo a n d credere cuncta deo virtutum) Paulinus

41

See Daniélou 1958 (η. 25). See Walsh 1975 (η. 1), ad loc. (p. 404, n. 15). 43 On the power of the number 7, see Walsh 1975 (η. 1), p. 404, n. 16. 44 In Jos. 2,18 the Vulgate has coccineus. 45 See Daniélou, Sacramentianfiitun(Paris, 1950), pp. 217-232, and also Kohlwes 1979 (η. 1), p. 187, n. 11. 46 "Grasp from this the great power of Christ's blood, seeing that its representadon brought such safety." 47 See Kohlwes 1979 (η. 1), p. 187. 48 Kohlwes 1979 (η. 1), p. 190. 49 Kohlwes 1979 (η. 1), p. 188, points to Paulinus' free rendering of the biblical story of Hezekiah (= Ezechias). 42

c o n d u c t s us to f o u r exempla w h i c h unlike t h e f o r t u n e s of J o s h u a a n d R a h a b are only briefly recalled: David a n d Goliath (cf. 1 S a m u e l 17) 50 , t h e crossing of the R e d Sea (Exodus 14), a n d t h e n , in the wake of R a h a b a n d via the i n t r o d u c t o r y p h r a s e femineas quoque personas virtute virili / induit alma fides'] ( w . 159-60), D e b o r a h J u d g e s 4) 52 a n d J u d i t h (Judith 13). After the general p r o n o u n c e m e n t v. 166 nuda fides armata deo est, Paulinus again presents a m o r e e l a b o r a t e d exemplum, t h a t of H e z e k i a h (= Ezechias) w h o v a n q u i s h e d his o p p o n e n t virtute fidei (v. 166) a n d una ... prece ( w . 178-9) ( w . 166b-194) (cf. 2 K i n g s 18-19). Paulinus recalls h o w a large n u m b e r of soldiers of the p o w e r f u l e n e m y ' s great a r m y was miraculously felled at night, t h r o u g h t h e intervention of a n angel of t h e L o r d . Paulinus a n d his fellows will surely h a v e wished that the s a m e w o u l d h a p p e n to Alaric! Like the biblical tale of D a v i d a n d Goliath (viz. 1 S a m u e l 17,45 & 47), t h e story of H e z e k i a h (viz. 2 K i n g s 18,22 & 30) also contains several general statements o n the p o w e r of the L o r d a n d the i m p o r t a n c e of faith in G o d , statements t h a t actually express the m a i n t h e m e of the Carmen w e are currently discussing. In w . 195-6, the b e g i n n i n g of the third p a r t of Carm. 26, Paulinus switches to the present: Tunc velut Ezechiae fuit interventor Esaias, ad dominum nobis isto sit tempore Felix 53 . J u s t as t h e intervention of Esaias (= Isaias) was decisive for H e z e k i a h (= Ezechias), so Felix m u s t n o w plead N o l a ' s cause before G o d . Strangely e n o u g h Esaias is n o t even m e n t i o n e d in Paulinus' version of t h e story as told in w . 166-194 5 4 ! Felix assumes the b u r d e n of m a n as Christ did ( w . 200íf.). In this c o n n e c t i o n Christ's cross is explicitly m e n t i o n e d ( w . 201-2): besides w o r d s such as pietas a n d salus, crux is a n o t h e r crucial t e r m in Carm. 26 5 5 . Let us seek refuge in Felix, o u r p a t r o n (v. 211).

50

Formally a direct link is laid between the general consideration and the first

exemplum through talis / tali ( w . 152-3). ‫כ‬

' "A holy faith has endowed women's character with the strength of men, ..." Kohlwes 1979 (n. 1), p. 187, speaks ofjael. 53 "At that time Isaias was mediator for Hezekiah. Likewise let Felix now be our go-between to the Lord." 54 See Kohlwes 1979 (n. 1), p. 188, n. 13. 55 Here too Kohlwes 1979 (n. 1), p. 191, speaks of an "excursus". 52

F o r t h a t m a t t e r , the saints' c o n c e r n for h u m a n sinners is n o t h i n g n e w (v. 216). C o m p a r e (again) the biblical past. As in w . 92ff. Paulinus again points emphatically to the p o w e r of p r a y e r b y w a y of t h r e e briefly e l a b o r a t e d exempla56 : in a parallel m a n n e r it is s h o w n h o w t h r o u g h p r a y e r Moses (Exodus 32), Lot (Gen. 19) a n d Elias (1 K i n g s 17) saved sinners: populus, Segor a n d terrae respectively. T h e parallelism is expressed in precatum (v. 219), prece (v. 223) a n d precibus (v. 227). T h e section is c o n c l u d e d with ( w . 230-2): Ut quondam hos habuit vêtus aetas, sic modo nostra Felicem sortita salus petat omne quod audet quodque cupit tali speret confisa patrono 5 7 . Vv. 195-232 thus m a k e a n e m p h a t i c link b e t w e e n the sancti of the O l d T e s t a m e n t a n d St. Felix, the p a t r o n of Nola. H a v i n g thus explicitly established this c o n n e c t i o n , Paulinus t u r n s to Felix in p r a y e r in w . 233ff. 5 8 . T h i s p r a y e r , t o g e t h e r with w . 195-232, h a s a pivotal f u n c t i o n . G r a d u a l l y the e m p h a s i s is shifted f r o m the sancti of the O T to Felix, b u t with r e p e a t e d references to the O T . T o t h e very e n d Paulinus will keep alluding to the convincing great deeds of G o d in the O T . Paulinus' r e p e a t e d allusions to the O T a n d his c o n t i n u o u s d r a w i n g of parallels, even after h e h a s shifted f r o m the great m o m e n t s of the distant past to Felix, is a f u n d a m e n t a l f e a t u r e of this p o e m a n d is c o n n e c t e d , I think, with the fact t h a t it is n o t easy f o r Paulinus to convince the faithful that Felix possesses the s a m e p o w e r a n d offers the s a m e p r o t e c t i o n as his predecessors f r o m the O l d T e s t a m e n t . T h e p r a y e r to Felix c o m m e n c e s as follows ( w . 233-6): Sancte deo dilecte, dei tu dextera, Felix, esto, precor, nobis tu munitissima turns. Nam deus Abraham deus est tuus et deus Isac et deus Israel tuus est deus ...59 T h e G o d of Felix is also the G o d of A b r a h a m , Isaac a n d J a c o b .

56

Kohlwes 1979 (n. 1), p. 169 also makes the link with w . 92ff. "Such were the men whom those of ancient days had as their support, and likewise we have Felix for our salvation. Our confidence in such a patron must lead us to ask for all we dare, and to hope for all we desire." 58 Härtel 1894 (η. 1) and Ruggiero 1990 (n. 3) righdy start a new paragraph with v. 233; otherwise Walsh 1975 (η. 1). 59 "Holy Felix, loved by God, God's right hand, I pray you, be our impregnable tower. The God of Abraham, Isaac, and Israel is your God also." 57

C o m p a r e e.g. E x o d u s 3,6 a n d 4,5 6 0 . T h i s is e m p h a s i z e d extremely forcefully with the aid of t h e repetitions deus est tuus, tuus est dens, a n d ipse tuus deus est, ipse tuus deus est. T h i s is f u n d a m e n t a l . T h e G o d of Felix, o u r G o d , is the m i g h t y G o d of the O T . In m y view, the f o r m u l a e are u n d e n i a b l y linked to similar f o r m u l a t i o n s in the song of victory the Israelites sang a f t e r they h a d traversed the R e d Sea (Exod u s 15,2). T h e exempla f r o m the O T c a n raise c o n f i d e n c e only if o n e fully accepts t h a t w e are dealing with the s a m e G o d , t h e G o d w h o again a n d again led the Israelites to victory. Praying to St. Felix, Paulinus in w . 236ff. first surveys G o d ' s m i g h t y deeds r e p o r t e d in E x o d u s (13, 14, 16, 17) a n d j o s u a h (10). I n w . 2 4 9 - 2 5 4 the a u t h o r t h e n implores Felix to take care of R o m e 6 1 . T h e p h r a s i n g of this request is based o n J o s u a h ' s m i r a c u l o u s intervention recalled just before. In w . 255ff. Felix is linked with D a n i e l in the lions' d e n (Dan. 6 a n d 14) a n d with the y o u t h s in the fiery f u r n a c e (Dan. 3). J u s t as D a n i e l o v e r c a m e the wild lions t h r o u g h p r a y e r , so Felix, with t h e help of Christ, will t a m e the wild b a r b a r i a n s (v. 257 effera barbaries). As the three youths, singing h y m n s , o v e r c a m e the flames, so Felix, with G o d ' s help, will extinguish t h e fires of w a r (v. 272 bellorum ... ignes) m e n a c i n g Italy. Notice h o w Paulinus speaks of the e n e m y a n d of w a r in terms t h a t constitute a direct link with the tales of D a n i e l a n d of the three y o u t h s in t h e f u r n a c e 6 2 . Paulinus knows t h a t , b y u r g i n g Felix to such rescuing intercession in these terms, he m i g h t well a p p e a r insipiens a n d a rudis hospes (v. 276) 6 3 : indeed Felix n e e d n o t b e r e m i n d e d of the great deeds d o n e by his predecessors, for in recent years h e h a s shown t h a t h e t o o c a n be a p o w e r f u l saviour. In w . 2 7 6 - 3 0 6 Paulinus tries to e m p h a s i z e , t h r o u g h repetition a n d forceful f o r m u l a e , t h a t Felix is i n d e e d the e q u a l of the p a t r i a r c h s a n d apostles. T o Felix h e says ( w . 280-2): Sat mihi sunt, Felix, virtutum exempla tuarum, nec tibi pauperior Christus caelestia fundit munera quam patribus, quorum generosa propago es 64 .

60

See further Kohlwes 1979 (n. 1), p. 195, n. 27. In the first verse of the passage we find Romani, in the last Romana. 62 See also Kohlwes 1979 (n. 1), p. 196. 63 I do not think Kohlwes 1979 (n. 1), pp. 198-9 has assessed the passage in question correcdy. 64 "I have witnessed sufficient examples of your powers, Felix; Christ pours out his heavenly gifts no less richly on you than on those ancestors whose noble progeny you 61

A n d f u r t h e r ( w . 287-9): nec, si species operum tibi dispar, non similis virtus; diversa est gratia vobis, gloria par, ...65 R e f e r r i n g to the ferae defied by Daniel a n d to the ignes o v e r c o m e b y the three youths, Paulinus vigorously argues that the p o w e r of Felix, w h o is able to defeat devils, is at least e q u a l to t h a t of his predecessors. His m i g h t is in n o w a y inferior to t h a t of his great forebears. T o p r o v e this Paulinus a d d u c e s in w . 307ff. the story of a single great feat of Felix (de multis unum, v. 307 b 6 ), a n exorcism. T h e story p r o p e r is brief ( w . 309-323, b u t see also w . 348b-353), the c o m m e n tary r a t h e r extensive ( w . 321-394). Paulinus presents the possessed as even m o r e voracious t h a n the O v i d i a n Erysichthon, 6 7 w h o is n o t n a m e d . Surely, continues Paulinus, you w h o have witnessed the curing of this person possessed, d o you n o t think exorcizing a devil is a stronger feat t h a n a victory over wild a n i m a l s a n d fire? Notice feras a n d flammantibus in v. 305 a n d v. 327 a n d the e m p h a t i c repetition of nonne feras ignesque domaf'8 (v. 3 2 5 a n d v. 329). O f Felix's action Paulinus f u r t h e r m o r e says ( w . 343-5): Par hoc operi est opus illi, quo merram tristem sacri dulcedine ligni in populi potus crucis inmutavit imago" 9 . Paulinus herewith refers to a n episode in E x o d u s already alluded to earlier in the p o e m (Exodus 15). Crux is the key w o r d , referring to the past as well as to the present: see crucis in v. 345 a n d v. 347 7 0 . Felix, v. 346 pietate potens, has c u r e d the possessed t h r o u g h the p o w e r of t h e cross, j u s t as bitter w a t e r was f o r m e r l y altered t h r o u g h the p o w e r of w o o d , t h e préfiguration of the cross. O f the m a n Paulinus says that

65

"Even if the appearance of your achievements is not the same, your powers are like theirs. Your charism differs, but your fame is equal ..." 66 See Klaus Thraede, "Untersuchungen zum Ursprung und zur Geschichte der christlichen Poesie I", JbAC, 4 (1961), pp. 117 ff. in connection with pauca e multis. 67 Ov. Met. 8,738-878. 68 "Does he not master beasts and flames ...?" 69 5^‫ ךך״‬achievement was as great as that achieved by the type of the cross when through the sweetness of its sacred wood it transformed the harsh and bitter liquid into drinking water for God's people." 70 Virga in v. 338 in connection with Felix's activity must refer to the cross; Paulinus uses this word, already thinking of the biblical events to follow in w . 343ff. and w . 354ff. Note crucis imago in v. 345 and v. 356.

he, like the water, n o w dulce sapit (v. 353). Polens returns in c o n n e c t i o n with Felix in v. 355, v. 361 a n d v. 395. C o m p a r e also v. 3 0 3 a n d v. 338. Paulinus f u r t h e r likens Felix's activity to t h a t of Moses whose virga (v. 356) 71 d e v o u r e d the snakes of the magi (Exodus 7). C o m p a r e virga in w . 157, 338, 3 7 4 a n d 377; virga refers w i t h o u t a n y d o u b t to crux. H e r e too the basic equality is stressed ( w . 357-61): Cernimus ecce pares domini caelestis adesse ad meritum Felicis opes, operum quoque formas congruere et quaecumque patres in corpore sancti ediderint documenta dei sine corpore vivum in Christo Felicem agere etc.72 C o m p a r e cemite in v. 370 with cernimus. T h i s basic equality between w h a t h a p p e n e d in the O T t h r o u g h G o d ' s intervention, a n d w h a t Felix h a s d o n e n o w , also finds expression in w . 366-9: Omnes quisque suo radiabunt lumine sancti dissimili fulgore pares nec iudice Christo alter in alterius meriti dispendia crescent; Christus erit cunctis regnum lux vita corona. 73 It should b y n o w b e clear t h a t the d e m o n s t r a t i o n of this equality is the key p o i n t of Paulinus' p o e m . H e argues, h e w a n t s to prove, with every possible m e a n s a n d emphasis, t h a t G o d c a n exercise t h r o u g h Felix the s a m e victorious p o w e r as in the O T . It could p e r h a p s b e objected t h a t Paulinus often varies t h e m e s a n d w o r d s repetitively, in o t h e r words, that it is m o r e a m a t t e r of style t h a n of substance. But in the case of Carm. 26 I h a r b o u r n o t the slightest d o u b t : Paulinus does his u t m o s t to restore the d a m a g e d confidence in the powers of Felix a n d Christ. T h e r e are n o t only the repetitions; there is also the conception itself of the entire p o e m . Paulinus first points to the exempla f r o m the biblical past. T h e n h e says t h a t t h e s a m e p o w e r is active in Felix a n d h e stresses t h a t this is d u e to the s a m e G o d . N e x t h e relates

71

Exodus 7,12 is about the staff of Aaron! Cf. Kohlwes 1979 (n. 1), p. 203, n. 40. "We can observe how the heavenly Lord makes resources as great as those of ancient days attend on Felix' merit, how even the shape of his deeds is in accord, how all that the patriarchs performed in the flesh, as proofs of the holy God, Felix achieves not in the flesh but through his life in Christ." 73 "All the saints will have their own brightness, different in each case, yet equal. Christ's judgment will not advance one at the expense of another's deserving merit. All will have Christ as their kingdom, light, life, and crown." 72

a great d e e d of Felix, repeating again a n d again the link with G o d ' s m a j o r interventions in the O T . F o r the feats of the past as well as for those of the present h e continuously states t h a t we are dealing with the s a m e G o d , a n d the christological perspective is regularly indicated. W e will see below t h a t Paulinus, o n the level of the f o r m u l a tion, perseveres with this c o n t i n u o u s coupling of the c u r r e n t situation with t h e great a n d persuasive exempla f r o m the O T to the very e n d of the p o e m . In v. 374, a m i d allusions to already m e n t i o n e d exempla, there is o n e wholly n e w reference to the N T , isolated b u t p r e p a r e d by w . 370-1: distinctes actu sed honore iugatos testamentorum veterisque novique magistros 74 ; in c o n n e c t i o n with the differences b e t w e e n G o d ' s m e n b u t also their essential equality Paulinus says t h a t Peter, unlike Moses, did n o t split the waters with a virga, while Moses, unlike Peter, did n o t walk o n the w a t e r (cf. M a t h . 14). T h e passage in question is c o n c l u d e d ( w . 378-9): qui deus est veterum in sanctis, deus ipse novorum; quo data lex domino est, ex ipso gratia venit 75 . V . 379 is based o n J o h n 1,17 Quia lex per Moysen data est, gratia et ventas per Iesum Christum facta est76. As a c o n t i n u a t i o n of w . 233ff. we r e a d again ( w . 380-2): ille deus Danielis et ille trium puerorum Felicis deus ipse deus nec se minor ipse est in sancto Felice deus, ...77 All c a n testify to this: testes in v. 384 a n d testantes in v. 390; cf. testes in v. 3 2 4 a n d f u r t h e r cernimus a n d cernite, cited above. W e can see this with o u r o w n eyes. All these reflections are tied to Paulinus' t r e a t m e n t of just o n e great feat of Felix, the unum e multis h e a n n o u n c e d . H o w e v e r , Paulinus p r o c e e d s with w . 395-6:

74

"Note how the teachers of the Old and New Testament differ in their deeds but are paired in glory, ..." See also already v. 284! 75 "The God of the saints of old is also the God of the new. Grace has sprung from that Lord who issued the Law." 76 See Ruggiero 1990 (n.3), ad loc. 77 "The God of Daniel and of the three boys is also the God of Felix, and He is no less God in holy Felix ..."

Praeterita ut taceam menti documenta potentis, novimus experti etc. to a second w o n d r o u s feat of the m i g h t y Felix, w h e r e b y experti continues testes a n d testarì of the p r e c e d i n g verses, as does vidimus v. 401 for cernimus v. 387. Paulinus relates h o w Felix kept a fire a w a y f r o m his sanctuary. T h i s tale is p r e l u d e d b y Felicis mentis et aquas et cedere flammas in v. 394. It is the second testimony {documenta, v. 395; cf. documenta in v. 360) to Felix's power.™ After this section ( w . 395-412), with a second m i r a c u l o u s act of Felix, Paulinus n o w (v. 413) f o r m u l a t e s his c o n c l u d i n g p r a y e r to the saint 7 9 : Consimili modo nos, Felix, ope solve periclis etc.80 Longe in v. 4 1 5 of the conclusion recalls longe in v. 6 of the i n t r o d u c tion. In f o r m u l a t i n g his final p r a y e r Paulinus refers to yet a third w o n d r o u s deed: h e r e m i n d s his readers h o w Felix diverted the w a t e r of a m o u n t a i n stream a n d so saved N o l a f r o m a flood. Longinquo in v. 4 2 4 c o r r e s p o n d s with longe in v. 415. C o m p a r e male in v. 417 of the conclusion with male in v. 22 of the i n t r o d u c t i o n . I n a lengthy c o m parison h e prays to Felix to keep t h e stream of e n e m i e s a w a y f r o m N o l a , n o w (modo, v. 425; cf. modo in v. 413), just as in the past. T h e p h r a s i n g of the final verses ( w . 426-9) o n c e again repeats several elements of w h a t has g o n e before 8 1 : Manus inpia sacris finibus absistat, quibus est tua gratia vallum, atque tuam timeant hostes quasi daemones aulam, nec cruor haec violet quae flamma vel unda refugit 82 . Felix's merciful action is for N o l a like a vallum - cf. turns above in w . 113 a n d 2 3 4 a n d murus in v. 114; Paulinus h o p e s t h a t t h e e n e m y will

78

Heim 1992 (η. 20), pp. 30Iff., esp. p. 306, sees in Paulinus' argumentation three stages: (1) The Bible teaches us that God more than once intervened as a saviour for his people; (2) Felix's god is the God of the Bible; (3) Felix himself has already shown he can bring on God's saving intervention. 79 This prayer in my opinion forms the brief finale of Carm. 26; Kohlwes 1979 (n. 1), p. 181 would have the conclusion commence at v. 384. 80 . "Felix, you must deliver us from our dangers by offering similar help." 81 Cf. Kohlwes 1979 (n. 1), p. 208. 82 "May wicked violence eschew this consecrated territory, which has your grace as its rampart. May the enemy emulate the demons, and fear your church; may no bloodshed pollute this shrine from which fire and stream have fled."

fear his s a n c t u a r y as the devils d o - see the story of the m a n possessed - a n d t h a t n o blood will soil w h a t c h a s e d a w a y w a t e r a n d fire - see Felix's second a n d third miracles. Let us conclude. I n d e e d a well-wrought p o e m a n d a well-constructed a r g u m e n t 8 3 . C e l e b r a t i o n of the dies natalis of St. Felix in the w a r t i m e circumstances of the year 401-2 was n o t easy for the faithful. Did the C h u r c h n o t say t h a t u n d e r Christian e m p e r o r s the R o m a n e m p i r e e n j o y e d G o d ' s protection? H o w to explain, t h e n , the presence of Alaric a n d his troops in Italy? I n this situation Paulinus of N o l a t u r n s emphatically to the O T , w h e r e h e finds convincing examples of the s u p p o r t G o d offers his people in its struggle against the e n e m y , e x a m pies of G o d ' s m i g h t y actions to the a d v a n t a g e of those w h o h a v e p u t their faith in H i m . N o w h e r e else in the Carmina natalicia does Paulinus so emphatically a n d continuously invoke the Bible. F o r in these p o e m s the figure of St. Felix a n d the miracles h e p e r f o r m e d for those w h o h a d faith in h i m f o r m the focal point. But in the w i n t e r of 401-2 w a r was so i m m i n e n t t h a t Paulinus could n o t p r o d u c e just a n o t h e r Carmen natalicium. H e h a d to take a different a p p r o a c h . T o restore c o n f i d e n c e Paulinus reverts to G o d ' s great deeds in the O T a n d links Felix's feats to t h e m . I n m y o p i n i o n Paulinus did n o t merely have to cope with a general despair b u t also m o r e in particular with considerable d o u b t s c o n c e r n i n g Felix's powers. W h a t c a n t h e faithful expect f r o m Felix, w h o h a d gained a certain r e p u t a t i o n t h r o u g h healings a n d exorcisms? Paulinus tries to p e r s u a d e t h e m t h a t Felix h a s the same p o w e r as t h e sancti of the O T a n d t h a t the G o d of Felix is also the G o d of the O T , the G o d of A b r a h a m , Isaac a n d J a c o b . Paulinus senses that to the i n h a b i t a n t s of N o l a a n d to the pilgrims visiting N o l a w h a t Felix does is n o t really c o m p a r a b l e with w h a t G o d did for Israel. H e therefore does his u t m o s t to stress t h a t we are still dealing with the s a m e G o d a n d t h a t the p o w e r of G o d ' s saints r e m a i n s essentially the same. Passages t h a t reveal the psychological b a c k g r o u n d against w h i c h Paulinus w r o t e his Carmen natalicium f o r t h a t y e a r a r e e.g. Sat mihi sunt, Felix, virtutum exempla tuarum, nec tibi pauperior Christus caelestia fundit munera quam patribus ... (w. 280-2) 83

Walsh 1975 (n. 1), p. 405, n. 41 also voices his appreciation of the concept of Carm. 26. See further Kohlwes 1979 (n. 1), p. 180.

ille deus Danielis et ille trium puerorum Fe1icis deus ipse deus nec se minor ipse est in sancto Felice deus, etc. (w. 380-2)84 Kohlwes 8 5 suggests that Paulinus, at least in rhetorical terms, implicitly p u t s Felix a b o v e the sancti of the O T . But I think Paulinus' first c o n c e r n is to show t h a t Felix is n o t their inferior. W h y such c o n s t a n t reference to the O T ? Because it deals c o n t i n u ously with G o d ' s protection of His chosen people a n d because n o w too G o d ' s people is t h r e a t e n e d . I n the circumstances Paulinus of N o l a , w h o in general refers m o r e to t h e N T t h a n to the O T , has rightly given pride of place to the O T , yet as already n o t e d w i t h o u t neglecting Christ. 8 6 A final r e m a r k . T h e following Carmen natalicium, n o . 9 (Carm. 27), n o longer m e n t i o n s the (passed a n d partly averted) t h r e a t of war. But the i n t r o d u c t o r y p a r t of Carm. 21, w . 1-46 (Carmen natalicium 13) of 407, does refer to a n earlier t h r e a t of hostilities by the G o t h s 8 7 . I list briefly a few points t h a t recall Carm. 26, b u t there are also significant differences. Felix is called h e r e pads ... patronus (v. 6) b u t is in this f u n c t i o n explicitly linked with Peter a n d Paul a n d (the) o t h e r m a r t y r s ( w . 6-8): Felix ... pacis et ipse patronus cum patribus Paulo atque Petro et cum fratribus admis martyribus regem regum exoravit etc. F o r t h a t m a t t e r , in the second half of t h e i n t r o d u c t o r y section ( w . 2 5 f f ) Paulinus says h e will n o longer dwell o n the protection Felix p r o v i d e d against w a r since t h a t was a d e e d p e r f o r m e d n o t specifically a n d exclusively b y him 8 8 ! T h e r e f o r e Paulinus states in v. 4 5 privates ... canam Felicis honores: h e will deal f u r t h e r only with Felix's specific merits. 84

Heim 1992 (η. 20), p. 306 contends that with this explicit argumentation Paulinus is also trying to convince himself. On the other hand, with regard to Paulinus he speaks (p. 301) of "la candide confiance" and "une naiveté toute populaire". Pagan criticism of the Christians' reliance on the help of God and His saints in the struggle against the invading barbarians is found in Claudian, Carm. min. 50; see on this poem J. Vanderspoel, "Claudian, Christ and the Cult of the Saints", Classical Quarterly, 36 (1986), pp. 244-255. 85 Kohlwes 1979 (n. 1), pp. 200ff. 86 See also in connection with O T and N T in this poem Heim 1992 (η. 20), p. 324. 87 See Kohlwes 1979 (η. 1), p. 182, n. 3 and Walsh 1975 (η. 1), pp. 385-6. On Carm. 21 see also Heim 1992 (η. 20), pp. 310-3. 88 See Kohlwes 1979 (η. 1), p. 201, n. 36.

In Carm. 2 6 , 2 4 9 - 2 5 4 Paulinus h a d asked Felix to take u p the cause of R o m e ; h e r e it is said (21,6-12), as already indicated, that h e i n d e e d p r a y e d , t o g e t h e r with the o t h e r martyrs, f o r the R o m a n cause to the king of kings. As in 26,70ff., it is p o i n t e d o u t that w a r has to d o with G o d ' s ire ( w . 17-8): cum furor accensus divinae motibus irae inmisso Laüis arderet in urbibus hoste89! C o m p a r e inmisso ... hoste with 26,81 inmissis ... bellis. H e r e too we h e a r t h a t victory was achieved virtute dei: c o m p a r e 2 1 , 2 3 with e.g. 26,107 armati deo a n d v. 151 deo virtutum. T e x t Paulinus N o l a n u s , Carmen 26 (ed. D e Härtel): 1

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Ecce dies nobis anno reuoluta peracto inlustrem reuehit Felicis nomine lucem. tempus erat laetis modo promere gaudia uerbis, anxia si laetas paterentur tempora uoces. sed tamen ista dies licet inter proelia nobis laetitiae pacisque dies erit; horrida longe bella fremant, nostris pax libera mentibus adsit. laetitiae dulcem non obliuiscitur usum mens adsueta piis sua soluere pectora uotis et domino festis caste gaudere diebus. quare inportunam quamuis sub tempore maesto pellite tristitiam; bona gaudia, dulcia uerba, omne pium laetumque die Felicis amemus, natali sine fine die, quia natus in ista est perpetuis Felix saeclis, qua corporis aeuum functus ad aeternam migrauit in aethera uitam. ergo metus abeant tristes redeantque refectis gaudia pectoribus; fugiant decet omnia sanctum maesta diem, tanti quem gloria confessoris insignem cunctis per tempora tota diebus elucere facit populisque frequentibus ornat. hunc ego, si Geticis agerem male subditus armis, inter et inmites celebrarem laetus Alanos, et si multiiugae premerent mea colla catenae, captiuis animum membris non iungeret hostis, pectore non uincto calcaret triste superba seruitium pietas. licet inter barbara uincla liber amor placitis caneret mea uota loquellis. nunc igitur quamuis uarias uaga fama per oras

See Kohlwes 1979 (n. 1), p. 185, n. 7.

30 terrificis pauidas feriat rumoribus aures, nos tarnen in domino stabilis fiducia Christo roboret et recto fixis pede mentibus armet, nec pauor ater in hanc obducat nubila lucem, quam deus aetherio Felicis honore serenat. 35 legifer ut quondam Pharii teUure tyranni pascha sacrum Moyses prima sub lege dicauit sanctaque tunc Iudaea, domo licet inpius illos maturare fugam ualida ui cogeret hosds, libertate tarnen deuoti pectoris audax 40 nec turbante metu iussum sollemne reliquit, sed trepidans fugiensque licet diuina peregit festa, salutifero laeds epulatus in agno coetibus et ficto Christi iam sanguine uictor, duxit ouans laetas uicto Pharaone choreas 45 (inde fugae memores etiam nunc azyma sumunt Iudaei solo retinentes nomine gentem, infermentatis pulsi quia panibus olim Aegypto fecere fugam; paribus modo signis per patrios, sed iam per inania sabbata, ritus 50 antiqui recolunt uestigia grata timoris;

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nam frustra ueterem uacua sub imagine legem exercent, uerum nobis quia pascha repleuit unus pro cunctis patri datus hostia Christus, et quia corpus adest uitae, perit umbra figurae): sic igitur modo nos turbato in tempore laeti, mente pia festum dilecti martyris omnes conlatis hilarae studiis pietatis agamus. forte magis pietas nobis dabit ista salutem, si nostras ideo libeat deponere curas, ut confessori laetantia corda feramus, cuius honore deus gaudet, quia martyr honorem contempsit proprium domini pro nomine Christi, uilior ipse sibi, ut Christo pretiosior esset, propterea tali placeat gaudere patrono natalemque diem sopiti pace beata martyris expositis laetantes ducere curis. hoc quoque deuotis aderit, si fortior extet nunc ad laetitiam affectus quam causa timoris ad consternandas obdueto pectore mentes. crédité non armis neque uiribus esse timendos allophylum populos, quos propter crimina nostra offensi mouet ira dei, ut formidine mortis excitet ad curam uitae torpentia corda, ergo deum mitem saeuo timeamus in hoste, absit ut hoste metus, quem formidare meremur non metuendo deum; placida quem pace remissi

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neglegimus saltem ui conpellente tremamus, placemus maerore humiles quem laeta ferentem spernimus ex ipsa mox prosperitate superbi. prisca retractemus sanctorum exempla parentum, qui mérita inmissis tolerantes uerbera bellis, non armis sibi nec muris capienda putabant praesidia. humanis opibus sperare salutem nulla sailus. nec enim mortem mortalia pellent. ergo quibus curae tempus sit cura precandi caelestem dominum, quo maesta aut laeta parantur, qui solus praestare potest dicione superna, rursus ut exactis renouentur gaudia curis. hoc etenim regit et uariat deus arbiter usu res hominum, ut semper succédant nubila sudis atque iterum fugiant imbres redeunte sereno. quanta precum uirtus, quae sit medicina parenti flere deo, doceat luctu seruata Nineue et senis inpensa Moysi prece uictus Amalec et maledictus Aman sanctae prece perditus Esther, qui bene poenarum uersa uice quae mala sanctis miscuerat solus bibit inpius et cruce iusta, quam famulo domini praefixerat, ipse pependit. ergo fides innixa deo trepidantia firmet pectora et in maesto securum tempore tempus praesumat confisa deo, quia non metuendi causa timere deum, quem quisquis non timet unum omnia iure timet, fidant legionibus illi perfugioque parent reparatis moenia muris, nulla salutiferi quibus est fiducia Christi; nos crucis inuictae signum et confessio munit, armatique deo mentem non quaerimus arma corporis; et quamquam membris uideamur inermes, arma tamen gerimus, quibus et sub pace Serena contra incorporeos animis decernimus hostes. nunc opus adiutore deo, solusque timendus, quo sine et arma cadunt, per quem firmantur et arma; ipse intra muros turris tibi, qui sine muris murus erit. recolamus abhinc signata sacratis gesta patrum libris, et perspice qui potiore praesidio fuerint, quos urbs circumdata magnis absque deo muris an quos sine moenibus urbis uallabat socio uirtus diuina fauore. iham dico urbem quam perdidit acer Iesus, mutatus proprium uirtutis nomine nomen, quam non militiae solito de more subegit, ut solitum est, longa dux obsidione laborans; uerum ope diuina sacra per mysteria uibrans

tela nec exercens tacitis exercitus armis 125 1ustrauit cessante manu septemque diebus septenos iterans sibi circa moenia gyros, obtinuit captos numeri uirtute potentis atque sacerdotum 1ituis clangore tremendo fulmineos superae tonitrus imitantibus irae. 130 tunc qui diuitiis populus fidebat et urbe, interiit mixtìs inter sua tecta sepulchris. sola Rahab meretrix, castam quae gessit iniqua gente fidem, non fréta suis euadere muris, sed pietate dei meritum pietatis adepta est, 135 qua famulis domini tuto fuit hospita tecto celatisque pie ciues inlusit iniquos, fraude bona fallax, animo mentita fideli. hospitibus quia fida piis, infida profanis ciuibus extiterat, uitam patriamque domumque 140 praelato contempta deo mox cuncta benigno repperit in domino; quae si posuisset in urbe praesidium, patriis cecidisset mixta ruinis indefensa deo; meretrix sed mystica Christum prouida pollutas empturum sanguine gentes, 145 puniceo proprium signauit uellere tectum excepitque suam patria pereunte salutem, significans illos mundo labente tegendos, quos crucis inuictae signât cruor. hinc cape quantum ipse cruor ualeat, cuius saluabat imago. 150 semper in omne bonum ualuit confidere Christo, credere cuncta deo uirtutum, ponere solum omnia summa deum; talis super omnia semper arma fides ualuit; tali puer ille pusillus robore grandis erat, qui spretis fortior armis 155 perculit armatum silicis uirtute gigantem. arma fide semper, numquam cognouimus armis indiguisse fidem. rupit mare uirga fidelis, quod uacua arma fide cum principe mersit iniquo. femineas quoque personas uirtute uirili 160 induit alma fides, mulier qua sancta peremit terribilem Sisaram transfixum tempora palo; terrentem magnos late populos Holofernem arte pudicitiae deceptum callida Iudith risit, in inpuro quae non polluta cubili 165 barbara truncato uictrix duce castra fugauit. nuda fides armata deo est; uirtute fidei fortior Ezechias paucis quam milibus ille Sennacherib, cuius Babylon et opima Nineue regnum erat. Assyrias uires et Medica regna 170 mouerat et magnis legionibus omnia circum

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regna terens sacram domini tendebat ad urbem atque unam tota bellorum mole petebat. dum parat hoc bellis retinentibus inpia uota inpediente deo, praemisit scripta superbis dura minis, quae sumpta dolens altaria coram intulit Ezechias domino, lacrimisque profusis dum récitât fera uerba lauans prostratus et orans atrata cum plebe, deum permouit, et una tarn grauis exitii uictor prece perculit absens Assyrios pugnante deo, conpendia tanta promeritus, ne nosset eum quem uinceret hostem. nam post Ezechiae querulos trans sidera fletus et de corde humili missas super astra querellas uoce pia inpulsis summi patris auribus, altae ut patuere fores caeli, delabitur ales angelus halantem qua labitur aëra ducens, armatus uerbi gladio ferit inpia castra et sopitorum taciturna strage triumphans centum octoginta dedit uno milia leto, et nox una fuit tarn magni conscia belli. mane minax rex surgit adhuc, et mox miser armis milite deleto uacuis fugit agmine raro, Ezechiam fugiens alio procul orbe diremptum, cui modo praesenti fuerat sua uincla minatus. tunc uelut Ezechiae fuit interuentor Esaias, ad dominum nobis isto sit tempore Felix, iactemus nostras et transfundamus in istum curas atque metus. leuis illi sarcina nostrum pondus erit, quia quod paruis onus hoc leue magnis. sic deus ipse hominum gessit peccata nec hausit, et mortem passus non pertulit in cruce culpam. perdidit ille meam repararet ut in cruce uitam; ille reus factus, ne sim reus; inter iniquos condemnatus obit, nos ut discernât iniquis. morte pia dominus mihi mortuus, ut sibi uiuam et merear semper uiuentis uiuere uitam. sie potiora eius uenerando in corpore membra martyres, e quibus est insigni robore Felix inter diuini capitis sacra lumina fulgens, iure deo ualidi, quia Christo proxima passi.

concurramus ad hune spe conspirante patronum; suseipiet nostras placida pietate querellas, et dum natalem ipsius celebramus ouantes, ille preces nostras meritis pius adseret altis 215 inque uicem flebit nobis, quia mente dicata nos laetamur ei. non est cura haec noua sanetis exorare deum pro peccatoribus aegris

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uique boni menti meritum superare sinistrum. sic legimus Moysen populo peccante precatum extinxisse graues aeterni uindicis iras, et cum Pentapolim perfunderet igneus imber, exiguam Segor Sodomis discernit iniquis Lot fugiens castaque potens prece libérât urbem electamque domo sumit, quia sede pudica integer incestae permanserat incola terrae, permixtus Sodomae tectis sed moribus exter. quid loquar Eliae precibus clusum atque reclusum caelum et sanctiloquo sublimis in ore prophetae terrarum mansisse famem, rediisse salutem? ut quondam hos habuit uetus aetas, sic modo nostra Felicem sortita salus petat omne quod audet quodque cupit tali speret confisa patrono. sancte deo dilecte, dei tu dextera, Felix, esto, precor, nobis tu munitissima turris. nam deus Abraham deus est tuus et deus Isac et deus Israel tuus est deus; ille Rubentis diuisor pelagi et dulcator fonds amari, ille dator mannae caelo, dator ortygis austro et sitientis humi percussa rupe rigator, ipse tuus deus est, qui per deserta sequentem praecessit populum et praetentam nocte dieque temporis alterna mutauit lege columnam quique quater denos inter deserta per annos, angelico plebem de caelis pane cibauit et rupta in fluuios sitientem cote refecit. posce, precor, placidum nostris accedere Christum partibus; ipse tuus deus est, quo fords Iesus stare suis iussit solem lunamque triumphis, et tibi cum dominus Romani prospéra regni adnuerit, famulis elementis praecipe, Felix, ad nostrum seruire bonum; procedat et astris stantibus aucta dies; stet sol tibi lunaque concors haereat obfixo suspendens sidera cursu, dum Romana suum capiat uictoria finem. sicut in Assyria Daniel Babylone leones effusa domuit uictor prece, sie tibi, Felix, efiera barbaries Christo frangente dometur et tua captiui iaceant uestigia circum. sic aliquando ferae circum iacuere prophetam orantisque pedes linguis mulsere benignis, naturam mutante deo, ut damnaret acerba mente feros homines humana pace ferarum. sie et crudelem confudit flamma tyrannum sanetis spectantem pueris seruire caminos

265 atque suos cantare reos, ardere ministros. quonam se miseri poterunt defendere reges, qui tarn dégénérés humanae mentis in illos saeuierint, quibus et feritas et flamma pepercit? sed uelut aeternos pueris recinentibus hymnos 270 roscidus accensos discussit spiritus ignes, sic nobis placido Felicis gratia flatu adspirante deo bellorum temperet ignes ortaque Romuleis reprimens incendia terris sollicitos placida iam pace refrigeret aestus 275 fessaque restinetis absoluat pectora curis. sed cur insipiens, tamquam tibi sim rudis hospes oblitusque tui, ueterum te posco parentum exemplis, ut opem tribuas in rebus egenis, quam tibi dante deo facies tu cedere nobis? 280 sat mihi sunt, Felix, uirtutum exempla tuarum, nec tibi pauperior Christus caelestia fundit munera quam patribus, quorum generosa propago es. nam patriarcharum, Felix, et filius aeque stirpis apostolicae es, tanti non degener heres 285 seminis; ut sanetae legis simul atque fidei confessor patriis uirtutibus aemula sanetus signa geris, nec, si species operum tibi dispar, non similis uirtus; diuersa est gratia uobis, gloria par, quoniam sanetis fons omnibus unus 290 et regnum commune dei; non una prophetis martyribusque sacris opera, ut diuersa fuerunt tempora, nec coeunt signis distantia causis gesta; dei per dona sibi caelestia distant aequales meritis. si non eadem omnia Felix 295 quae Daniel gessit uel pertulit et lacus istum non habuit nec terribiles cinxere leones: nec Daniel eadem pro nomine passus erili est, uerbera uincla metus et noctem carceris atri, quae Felix horrenda tulit. qui rostra ferarum 300 clausit adoranti faciens mansueta prophetae, qui fecit gelidos pueris orantibus ignes umidaque in mediis dedit indumenta caminis, ipse dedit celso Felicem iure potentem pestiferis Satanae legionibus inperitare, 305 in quibus iste feras omnes conpescit et ignes. nam quae non serpens, quae non hac belua turba est? denique de multis unum loquar, ut sit ab uno discere daemoniis sensus constare ferinos. quidam homo, non longum tempus, tam prodigiali 310 daemone distentus fuit, ut iam non modo notos ille cibos hominum, uel si congesta daretur

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multa mensa dape, in facili consumeret haustu, uerum et galiinas habitantum limine raptas, mox ut sustulerat, rabido discerperet ore et pluma incoctas non suffocante uoraret. quin et funeream saniem sitiebat et ossa lambebat, pecudum proiecta cadauera mandens, obscenus conuiua canum. hic modo daemone tanto sobrius ecce procul conductum exercet agellum et curante deo sancta Felicis in aula redditus ipse sibi claro satis indice monstrat Felicem mentis et Christi nomine fortem inmanes domitare feras et uincere flammas. dicite qui testes operum Felicis adestis, nonne feras ignesque domat, cum daemonas urget, qui uitiis animas et morbis corpora frangunt, qui desideriis hominem flammantibus urunt peccatisque uorant? istos cruciansque fugansque nonne feras ignesque domat? frémit igneus ultor agminis igniferi Felix flammamque nocentem opprimit igne dei; tenebrarum uincitur ignis luminis igne pio; daemon fugit, et deus intrat; et fit homo bene uersa domus, felicior aula, possessore deo taetrum infitiata colonum. Candidus et medicans ignis dens; hoc meus igne feruet, ut incensum restinguat daemona, Felix laxatumque hominem flagrante refrigeret hoste, mira manus et uirga potens et celsa potestas intra unum mixtis inimico foedere corpus spiritibus Felix interuenit inter operta pectoris et tenues dirimit subtilior auras, daemone discernens animam, quo libera pulso mens hominem recipit. par hoc operi est opus 1111, quo merram tristem sacri dulcedine ligni in populi potus crucis inmutauit imago, sic Felix pietate potens, quia nobilis altae confessor crucis est, ipsum quasi tristia merrae pocla hominem mutat. qui nunc inflatus acerbo daemone uipereum per spumea labra saporem, concussu laterum et singultu gutturis ampli saepius adsiliens flatus ructabat amaros, iam totus uel solus homo in sua iura reuersus dulce sapit, sanum spirat placidumque profatur. ergo et Felicem uirtutis dextera cingit. inde potens uarias tenebrosi principis artes deuorat ut magicos Moseia uirga dracones. cernimus ecce pares domini caelestis adesse ad meritum Felicis opes, operum quoque formas

congruere et quaecumque patres in corpore sancti 360 ediderint documenta dei sine corpore uiuum in Christo Felicem agere insignique potentem mente animam, posiri dum corporis ossa quiescunt, ante diem reditus claris praetendere signis, qualem pro meritis sit gestatura coronam, 365 cum steterit toto rediuiuus corpore Felix, omnes quisque suo radiabunt lumine sancti dissimili fulgore pares nec iudice Christo alter in alterius meriti dispendia crescent; Christus erit cunctis regnum lux uita corona. 370 cernite distinctos actu sed honore iugatos testamentorum ueterisque nouique magistros, in quibus una dedit geminas sapientia leges, atque ita uirtutes uarias par gloria pensât, non Petrus inrupit uirga mare, sed neque Moyses 375 aequoris incessit liquido; tamen unus utrique fulget honos, unus quoniam fuit auctor utrique scindere aquas uirga, pedibus calcare fluenta, qui deus est ueterum in sanctis, deus ipse nouorum; quo data lex domino est, ex ipso gratia uenit; 380 ille deus Danielis et ille trium puerorum Felicis deus ipse deus nec se minor ipse est. in sancto Felice deus, per quem bona dona et medicas exercet opes terraque marique. omni namque die testes sumus undique crebris 385 coetibus aut sanos gratantia reddere uota aut aegros uarias petere ac sentire medellas. cernimus et multos peregrino a litore uectos ante sacram sancti prostratos martyris aulam, dum referunt grates, tolerata referre pericla, 390 testantes ualidis conlisa naue procellis se raptos miserante deo Felicis et ipsa educente manu maris emersisse profundo et desperatam placidos cepisse salutem, Felicis meritis et aquas et cedere flammas. 395 praeterita ut taceam meriti documenta potentis, nouimus experti, pauor e terrore recenti uibrat adhuc memores animos, recolentibus ilia quae tulimus paene absumptis incendia tectis; quamlibet extinctae recalent uestigia flammae 400 mentibus et magni cumulant Felicis amorem, quem prope corporeo praesentem uidimus actu obiectare manus flammis et nostra tueri limina iuncta suis, quae tamquam territa sancti obstantis facie prope tangens flamma pauebat 405 pulsaque de nostri rapiendo culmine tecti,

410

415

420

425

comminus in tuguri uicina strage perarsit. mira loquar, stetit inmotus sine flatibus aether nec nemorum foliis ullum dédit aura tremorem, ne posset rapidus procedere longius ignis per contexta uolans sociarum tìgna domorum, sed uentìs deserta cadentibus ire negaret flamma et consumpto moreretur 1anguida pastu. consimili modo nos, Felix, ope solue periclis, nec domibus nostris propient mala, pulsaque per te horrida sanguineo longe sonet ira flagello. illam etiam uirtutem arcendis indue bellis, qua male labentem uicinis montibus amnem, qui subitis aucto pluuiis torrente redundans, sic tua praecipitans in limina saepe ruebat, ut tectis coniuncta tuis habitacula uastis quassaret uiolentus aquis, ita flumine uerso fecisti mutare uias, ut nunc nouus illum alueus insolita ducat regione furentem nostraque longinquo uitantem tecta meatu: sic modo bellisono uenientes flumine pugnas de nostris auerte locis. manus inpia sacris finibus absistat, quibus est tua gratia uallum, atque tuam timeant hostes quasi daemones aulam, nec cruor haec uiolet quae flamma uel unda refugit.

'DEUS AGRICOLAM CONFIRMAT'. L'ÉLABORATION

DE

LA PARABOLE D U S E M E U R DANS LES LIVRES

CONTRE

SYMMAQUE

DE

PRUDENCE*

G. Partoens

1.

Introduction

C é l è b r e est le d é b a t c o n c e r n a n t Vara Victoriae q u i e u t lieu e n 3 8 4 . ' L e s a n t a g o n i s t e s d e c e t t e a f f a i r e f u r e n t S y m m a q u e , o r a t e u r r e n o m m é et m e m b r e é m i n e n t d e l ' a r i s t o c r a t i e p a ï e n n e , et A m b r o i s e , é v ê q u e d e M i l a n . D i x - h u i t a n s a p r è s c e t t e q u e r e l l e , le p o è t e P r u d e n c e r e p r i t l e u r d i s c u s s i o n d a n s s o n d e u x i è m e Livre contre Symmaque, r é f u t e r les a r g u m e n t s les p l u s f o n d a m e n t a u x d u

oeuvre visant à sénateur

païen.2

Q u o i q u e c e d e u x i è m e livre c o n t i e n n e d e s p a r a p h r a s e s p o é t i q u e s d e la * Nous aimerions remercier les personnes qui ont contribué à cet article. Nous remercions plus particulièrement le Prof. Dr. W. Evenepoel de ses bons conseils, ainsi que la famille Debroe-Blanche de sa traduction. ' Pour de la littérature récente sur la signification de cette afTaire, voir A. Dihle, "Zum Streit u m den Altar der Viktoria", Romanitas et Christianitas. Studio Iano Henrico

Waszink oblata, éds. W. Den Boer-P.G. Van der Nat (Amsterdam-London, 1973), pp. 81-97; Κ. Rosen, "Fides contra dissimulationem. Ambrosius und Symmachus im Kampf um den Victoriaaltar", JbAC 37 (1994), pp. 29-36; M. Fuhrmann, Rom in der Spätantike. Porträt einer Epoche (Darmstadt, 1994), pp. 59-80, 397. Pour un commentaire historique sur la relatio de Symmaque de 384, voir D. Vera, Commente storico aile Relationes di Quinta Aurelio Simmaco (Pisa, 1981), pp. 12-53. La relatio de Symmaque et les lettres 17, 18 et 57 d'Ambroise furent éditées, traduites et pourvues d'une introduction et d'un commentaire dans R. Klein, Der Streit um den VictoriaalUir. Die dritte Relatio des Symmachus und die Briefe 17, 18 und 57 des Mailänder Bischofs Ambrosius (Texte zur Forschung, 7; Darmstadt, 1972); J. Wytzes, Der letzte Kampf des Heidentums in Rom (.Études préliminaires aux religions orientales dans l'empire romain, 56; Leiden, 1977). 2 Pour des textes initiant le lecteur dans les Livres contre Symmaque et fournissant de plus amples informations bibliographiques, voir W. Steidle, "Die dichterische Konzeption des Prudentius und das Gedicht Contra Symmachum", Vigiliae Christianae 25 (1971), pp. 241-281; S. Döpp, 2.4,32, "Prudentius' Gedicht gegen Symmachus. Anlass und Struktur", JbAC 23 (1980), pp. 65-81; S. Döpp, "Prudentius' Contra Symmachum eine Einheit ?", Vigiliae Christianae 40 (1986), pp. 66-82; A. Baldini, "Il Contra Symmachum di Prudenzio e la conversione del senato",

RSA 17-18 (1987-1988), pp. 115-157; M . K a h , 'Die Welt der Römer mit der Seele suchend ...‫ י‬Die Religiosität des Prudentius im Spannungsfeld zwischen 'pietas christiana' und 'pietas Romana' (Hereditas: Studien zur alten Kirchengeschichte, 3; Bonn, 1990), passim, Ch. Gnilka,

"Prudentius über die Statue der Viktoria im Senat", FMS 25 (1991), pp. 40-4; L. Rivero Garcia, La poesia de Prudendo (Cáceres, 1996), pp. 102-28.

d i x - h u i t i è m e l e t t r e d ' A m b r o i s e c o n t r e S y m m a q u e d a t a n t d e 3 8 4 , il faut néanmoins reconnaître une grande indépendance de Prudence v i s - à - v i s d e c e t t e l e t t r e . N o t r e i n t e n t i o n est d ' i l l u s t r e r c e t t e p o s i t i o n i n d é p e n d a n t e à l'aide d ' u n des rares extraits de cette oeuvre apologét i q u e o ù P r u d e n c e se r é f è r e à l a B i b l e . Il s ' a g i t d e s o n é l a b o r a t i o n d e l a p a r a b o l e d u s e m e u r d a n s les v e r s 1 0 2 0 - 1 0 6 3 d u l i v r e . 3 E n utilisant u n a r g u m e n t antichrétien populaire, S y m m a q u e , d a n s s a t r o i s i è m e relatio, a v a i t r é d u i t l a g r a n d e f a m i n e d e 3 8 3 a u x m e s u r e s antipaïennes de l ' e m p e r e u r Gratien d e 382.4 O u t r e l'enlèvement de Vara Victoriae d e l a c u r i e r o m a i n e , c e s m e s u r e s e n g l o b a i e n t é g a l e m e n t l'arrêt des subsides d e l ' E t a t a u x cultes p a ï e n s d e la Ville et à leurs collèges s a c e r d o t a u x .

D e plus, ceux-ci f u r e n t e m p ê c h é s

d'acquérir

d e s t e r r e s p a r le b i a i s d ' h é r i t a g e s . E n r é p o n s e à l ' a r g u m e n t d e S y m m a q u e , A m b r o i s e i n s é r a d a n s sa d i x - h u i t i è m e lettre u n e r é f u t a t i o n r a t i o n a l i s a n t e (Ep. 18, 17-21) 5 p r é c é d é e d ' u n e c o n f r o n t a t i o n d é v e l o p p é e des vierges et d e s p r ê t r e s c h r é t i e n s d ' u n e p a r t , et d e s vierges et p r ê t r e s p a ï e n s d ' a u t r e p a r t (Ep. 18, 11-16). 6 V e r s la f i n d e s Livres contre 3

Outre les deux préfaces, ce passage est le plus important des Livres contre Symmaque à être inspiré par la Bible. Pour la présence de la Bible dans l'oeuvre de Prudence, voir J.L. Charlet, "Prudence et la Bible", Ree Aug 18 (1983), pp. 3-149. 4 Voir Ret. 3, 15-16. Pour cette famine, voir Vera, Commenta storico, pp. 49-50. Le lien causal entre des catastrophes naturelles et des cas de religio neglecta revient traditionnellement dans la littérature classique et constituait un argument antichrétien important. Voir également Tert., Apol. 40-41; Cypr., Dernet. 2; Arn. 1, 3; 3, 11; 4, 24; Symm., Ep. 2, 6, 2; 7, 3; P. Courcelle, "Anti-Christian Arguments and Christian Platonism: from Arnobius to St. Ambrose", The Conflict between Paganism and Christianity in the Fourth Century, éd. A. Momigliano (Oxford, 1963), pp. 151-152, 166-168; W. Speyer, "Religiös-sittliches und frevelhaftes Verhalten in seiner Auswirkung auf die Naturgewalten. Zur Kontinuität einer volkstümlichen Vorstellung in Antike und Christentum", JbAC 22 (1979), pp. 30-39; Ε. Heck, ΜΗ ΘΕΟΜΑΧΕΙΝ oder: Die Bestrafung des Gottesverächters (Studien zur klassischen Philologie, 24; Frankfurt am Main-

Bern-New York, 1987), passim; H.P. Kohns, "Hungersnot", RAC 16 (Stuttgart, 1994), cc. 884-890. 5 Ambroise y traite des famines précédant l'avènement du christianisme et les mesures de Gratien, de même que des récoltes abondantes dans certaines provinces en 383 et la récolte réussie de 384 (pour ce mode de réfutation, voir Tert., Apol. 40, 3ss; Arn. 1, 3; 4, 24). 6 A plusieurs reprises, nous retrouvons une attaque contre les vierges et les prêtres païens dans la littérature paléochrétienne. Les prédécesseurs les plus importants du texte de Prudence sont Äthan., Sur la virginité, pp. 65-67 (cette lettre conservée fut éditée et traduite par L.-Th. Lefort, Saint Athanase: Sur la virginité, Le Muséon 42 (1929), pp. 197-264); Ambr., Virgmib. 1,15 (CSLP); Virgin. 13 (CSLP); Am. 4, 35 (CSEL 4). Voir aussi R. Schilling, "Vestales et vierges chrétiennes dans la Rome antique", Revue des sciences religieuses 35 (1961), pp. 113-129; C. Leveleux., Des prêtresses déchues: l'image des Vestales chez les Pères de l'Église latine (fin Ile-début Ve s.) (Travaux et recherches Pantheon-Assas (Paris II). Droit-économie-sciences sociales-, Paris, 1995).

Symmaque, P r u d e n c e s'est laissé inspirer p a r cette réponse d ' A m b r o i s e , d ' a b o r d p a r sa réfutation rationalisante d u lien causal entre les événem e n t s d e 382 et ceux de 383, ensuite p a r sa c o n f r o n t a t i o n des religieuses chrétiennes et païennes. Ici, la r é f u t a t i o n (v. 917-1054) préc è d e la c o n f r o n t a t i o n (v. 1055-1113) et les d e u x parties sont h a b i l e m e n t reliées p a r les vers ci-traités (v. 1020-1063). L a réfutation p r u d e n t i e n n e de l ' a r g u m e n t antichrétien de S y m m a q u e p e u t être subdivisée en trois parties: (a) constatation e m p i r i q u e d e l ' a p p r o v i s i o n n e m e n t en blé à R o m e se d é r o u l a n t à p a r t i r des plus i m p o r t a n t s greniers d e la Ville (v. 917-954); (b) réfutation rationalisante d e l ' a r g u m e n t q u e des m e s u r e s a n t i p a ï e n n e s a u r a i e n t eu p o u r c o n s é q u e n c e d e mauvaises récoltes (v. 955-1000) 7 ; (c) p r o g r a m m e d ' u n e vie c h r é t i e n n e à la c a m p a g n e (v. 1001-1054). C e t t e troisième partie est introduite p a r la question ironique d e savoir s'il n ' e u t p a s été plus juste q u e les dieux aient f r a p p é u n i q u e m e n t les c h a m p s des agriculteurs chrétiens (v. 1001-1004). 8 C e p e n d a n t , constäte P r u d e n c e , les chrétiens disposent é g a l e m e n t d ' u n e récolte satisfaisante (v. 1005-1006a). M ê m e les a t t a q u e s chrétiennes c o n t r e les sanctuaires de c a m p a g n e païens n ' o n t p a s eu de c o n s é q u e n c e s néfastes p o u r la récolte (v. 1006b-1014). D'ailleurs, les chrétiens qui espèr e n t la vie éternelle, n ' o n t pas besoin de récolte a b o n d a n t e (v. 10151019). 9 A u x vers 1001-1019, d e u x éléments a n n o n c e n t le t h è m e des vers 1020-1054: d ' a b o r d la m e n t i o n d u travail m a n u e l (ratione colendi / exercere manum non paenitet, v. 1005b-1006a); puis la relativisation d e la spes t r a d i t i o n n e l l e m e n t associée à Yagricola et ce d u p o i n t de vue d e la spes c h r é t i e n n e (v. 1015-1019). 1 " Ainsi P r u d e n c e crée u n p r o g r a m m e de vie c h r é t i e n n e à la c a m p a g n e , reflété d a n s le j e u de m o t s christicolum ... agelli en 1003. C e p r o g r a m m e d e v i e n d r a la pensée dom i n a n t e d a n s les vers suivants, où P r u d e n c e clôture en climax sa r é f u t a t i o n de S y m m a q u e p a r l'élaboration d e la p a r a b o l e évangélique d u s e m e u r (Matth. 13, 1-23; M e . 4, 1-20; Le. 8, 4-15). Ces vers f o n c t i o n n e n t é g a l e m e n t c o m m e transition vers la c o n f r o n t a t i o n des

7

Cf. v. 9 5 5 sq. Sit fortasse aliquis paulo infecundior annus,/ nil mirum nec in orbe novum etc.

8

Comparer 1003 avec Tert., Apol. 41, 1; Arn. 1,19; Ambr., Ep. 18, 18. Comparer avec Tertullien Apol. 41, 5.

9

10 Voir Ambr., Ep. 18, 17 (spem rusticae plebis)·, LCS (= Libri contra Symmachum) 2, 963-964 (Inrita vota / agricolae). Pour Yagricola comme illustration de la spes, voir aussi

Ménandre fr. 641 Kock (vol. Ill, p. 190); Tib. 2, 6, 21-22; Anth. Lat. 415, 51-56.

vierges chrétiennes et p a ï e n n e s (v. 1055-1113). Les vers 1020-1054 p e u v e n t , c o m m e n o u s verrons, être lus en fonction de cette transition.

2. Texte et traduction11 1020

1025

1030

'Semina cum sulcis committitis, arva cavete Dura lapillorum macie, ne décidât illic, Q u o d seritur, primo quoniam praefertile germen Luxuriat, suco m o x déficiente sub aestu Sideris igniferi sitiens torretur et aret, N e u e in spinosos incurrant semina vepres, Aspera nam segetem surgentem vincula texunt Ac fragiles calamos nodis rubus artat acutis, Et ne iacta viae spargantur in aggere grana, H a e c avibus quia nuda patent passimque vorantur inmundisque iacent foeda ad ludibria corvis'.

1035

His D e u s agricolam confirmât legibus; ille lus caeleste Patris n o n s u m m a intellegit aure, Sed simul et cordis segetem disponit et agri, N e minus interno niteant praecordia cultu, Q u a m cum laeta suas ostentant iugera messes.

1040

Extirpamus enim sentos de pectore vepres, N e vitiosa necent germen vitale flagella, N e frugem segetemque animae spinosa malorum Inpediat sentix scelerum peccamine crebro, Glarea ne tenuis ieiunis siccet harenis Marcentem sub corde fidem, ne pectoris aestus Flagret et effetis urat charismata venis, D e n i q u e ne iecoris detrita in parte relinquat Vilis cura D e u m , ne spem, qua vescimur intus, Deserat obscenisque avibus permittat e d e n d a m

1045

11

Ο felix nimium, sapiens et rusticus idem, Qui terras a n i m u m q u e colens inpendit utrisque Curam pervigilem, quales, quos inbuit auctor Christus et adsumptis dédit haec praecepta colonis:

Comme édition nous avons utilisé celle de J. Bergman (Aurelii Prudentii Clementis carmina. Recensuit et prolegomenis, commentario critico, indicibus instruxit J. Bergman (CSEL 61 ; Vindobonae-Lipsiae, 1926), pp. 284-285). La traduction française est presque entièrement basée sur celle de M. Lavarenne (Prudence. Tome 3. Psychomachie. Contre Symmaque. Texte établi et traduit par M. Lavarenne (CUF\ Paris 19632), pp. 192-194).

1050

Et proiecta fides hosti sit praeda volucri. Talis nostrorum sollertia centiplicatos Agrorum rediget fructus, quibus acrius instat, N e c metuit, ne congestum populetur acervum Curculio vel nigra cavis formica recondat.

1055

Sunt et virginibus pulcherrima praemia nostris: Et pudor et sancto tectus velamine vultus Et privatus honos nec nota et publica forma Et rarae tenuesque epulae et mens sobria semper Lexque pudicitiae vitae cum fine peracta. Hinc decies deni rediguntur in horrea fructus, Horrea nocturno non u m q u a m obnoxia furi, N a m caelum fur nullus adit, caelestia numquam Fraude resignantur; fraus terris volvitur imis.

1060

Ο trop heureux l'homme qui vit à la fois en sage et en paysan, qui cultive ses terres et son âme, qui consacre aux unes et à l'autre un soin vigilant, c o m m e ceux que le Christ a imprégnés de sa parole, qu'il a pris pour ses métayers en leur donnant ces préceptes: 'Quand vous confiez les graines aux sillons, prenez garde aux champs que durcit l'aridité des pierres; n'y laissez pas tomber la semence, parce que, si d'abord l'embryon merveilleusement fertile pousse avec exubérance, bientôt la sève vient à manquer sous la chaleur torride de l'astre enflammé; le voilà altéré, grillé, desséché. Q u e les graines n'aillent pas non plus tomber dans les buissons épineux, car leurs liens rugueux entrelacent le blé qui lève, et la ronce étouffe de ses noeuds piquants les tiges fragiles. En jetant les grains, ne les répandez pas sur la chaussée de la route, parce qu'ils sont exposés, à découvert, aux oiseaux, sont dévorés de tous côtés, et gisent à l'abandon, honteusement livrés au bon plaisir des corbaux immondes.' Tels sont les préceptes par lesquels D i e u encourage l'agriculteur. Celuici ne prête pas à la loi céleste du Père une oreille distraite, mais il prépare la moisson de son âme en m ê m e temps que celle de son champ, de crainte que son coeur cultivé par une culture intérieure ne resplendisse moins que ses riches arpents étalant leurs moissons. Oui, nous extirpons de notre coeur les buissons épineux, pour que les branches mauvaises ne tuent pas le germe de vie, pour que la ronce piquante du mal n'empêche pas, par la fréquence des péchés criminels, la production, la moisson de l'âme; pour qu'un gravier pauvre ne dessèche pas dans son sable aride la foi qui se flétrirait dans le coeur; pour que l'ardeur des passions ne s'enflamme pas et ne brûle pas dans les veines épuisées les dons de la grâce; enfin, pour qu'une basse négligence ne laisse pas Dieu dans un coin du coeur trop foulé par les pas des soucis, de peur que cette négligence n'abandonne l'Espérance, qui est notre nourriture intérieure, ne l'offre en pâture aux oiseaux sinistres, et

que la Foi délaissée ne devienne la proie de l'ennemi ailé. Telle est l'habileté qui fera fructifier nos champs au centuple; elle s'y applique avec ardeur, sans craindre que les tas de grain ne soient ravagés par le charançon, ni que la noire fourmi ne les emporte dans ses trous. N o s vierges, elles aussi, possèdent de magnifiques mérites: leur pudeur, leur visage couvert d'un saint voile, l'honneur privé, leur beauté qui ne s'affiche pas en public, leurs repas rares et frugaux, leur esprit toujours sobre, leur règle de chasteté qui ne prend fin qu'avec leur vie. Voilà ce qui fait rentrer des moissons centuplées dans leurs greniers: et ces greniers ne sont jamais exposés aux voleurs nocturnes: car aucun voleur n'entre au ciel, le sceau des choses célestes n'est jamais rompu par la fraude: c'est sur la terre en bas que la fraude rampe.

3. Contexte et structure D a n s l ' é v a n g i l e , la p a r a b o l e d u s e m e u r ( M a t t h .

13, 3 - 9 ) est s u i v i e

d ' u n e i n t e r p r é t a t i o n é m i s e p a r le C h r i s t e n p e r s o n n e ( M a t t h . 13, 1823). 1 2 L a p a r a b o l e est p r é c é d é e d ' u n e d e s c r i p t i o n d e la s i t u a t i o n o ù le C h r i s t la p r o n o n ç a e n p u b l i c ( M a t t h . 13, 1-3). L ' i n t e r p r é t a t i o n est à s o n t o u r p r é c é d é e d ' u n e r é f l e x i o n s u r la n a t u r e d e s p a r a b o l e s ( M a t t h . 13, 10-17). U n e s t r u c t u r e s i m i l a i r e se m a n i f e s t e c h e z P r u d e n c e : sa v e r s i o n d e la p a r a b o l e (v. 1 0 2 4 - 1 0 3 4 ) est s u i v i e d ' u n e i n t e r p r é t a t i o n (v. 1 0 4 0 - 1 0 5 4 ) . T o u t c o m m e d a n s l ' é v a n g i l e , les v e r s p r é c é d a n t la p a r a b o l e (v. 1 0 2 0 - 1 0 2 3 ) t r a i t e n t d u C h r i s t e t d e s o n a u d i t o i r e , q u i , c e t t e fois-ci, n e se c o m p o s e p a s d ' u n e m a s s e p e u d é f i n i e , m a i s b i e n d e coloni.

Les

vers

1035-1039

précédant

l'interprétation

parlent

du

colonus q u i a c o m p r i s les p a r o l e s d u C h r i s t . M ê m e si P r u d e n c e

ne

s ' a t t a r d e p a s d a v a n t a g e s u r la n a t u r e d e s p a r a b o l e s , les m o t s

non

summa

... aure (v. 1 0 3 6 ) f o n t r é f é r e n c e à M a t t h . 13, 9 - 1 7 . 1 3 L e s v e r s

12

h est probable que dans sa paraphrase, Prudence vise en même temps les versions de Matth., Me. et Le. Seul dans les versions fort similaires de Matth, et Me., nous trouvons, tout comme chez Prudence, une descriprion de l'activité brûlante du soleil. D'autre part, le mot detrìta (v. 1047) ne renvoie qu'à la version de Le. (8, 4-15). Par ailleurs, Prudence ne respecte pas l'ordre présent dans les textes évangéliques. Ceci pourrait suggérer que Prudence cite de mémoire. Voir Charlet, "Prudence et la Bible", pp. 63-64. Dans ce qui suit, nous adopterons Matth. 13, 1-23 comme point de référence. 13 Matth. 13, 10-17 est une réflexion à partir de Audite audientes et nolite intellegere et videte visionem et nolite cognoscere (Is. 6, 9), et est anticipée par Matth. 13, 9: Qui habet aures

audiendi, audiat. A partir d'entre autres Matth. 13, 9, les auteurs chrétiens ont développé l'image des aures mentis. Voir la paraphrase que donne Iuvencus de ce vers évangélique: Audiat haec, aures mentis qui gestat apertas (2, 754; C S E L 24). Comparer

Hier., Comm. in Es. 14, 50, 4-7 (CCSL 73, pars 1, 2a); Paul.-Nol., Carm. 31, 227

p r é c é d a n t la p a r a b o l e et son interprétation (v. 1020-1023 et 10351039) o n t u n c o n t e n u fort a n a l o g u e , ce qui n'est pas le cas d a n s l'évangile, et e n c a d r e n t la p a r a b o l e d ' u n e référence à u n e vie faite de la c o m b i n a i s o n d'agriculture et de foi chrétienne ( Qui, terras animumque colens, inpendit utrisque / curam pewigilem, v. 1021 ; Sed simul et cordis segetem disponit et agri, v. 1037). P r u d e n c e considère d o n c la p a r a b o l e d u sem e u r c o m m e base biblique d ' u n e version chrétienne d u sapiens rusticus classique. 14 Afin q u e la p a r a b o l e devienne le f o n d e m e n t de ce double projet déjà mis en cause a v a n t 1020, P r u d e n c e la d é f o r m e en u n e série de conseils p o u r les semailles (praecepta, v. 1023) adressés p a r u n m a î t r e (auctor / Christus, v. 1022-1023) 1 5 à u n public cible d,agricolae semeurs. Ainsi, P r u d e n c e établit u n glissement vis-à-vis de la version évangélique de la parabole: le public cible lui-même devient le sem e u r , tandis q u e l'interprétation d u Christ d a n s l'évangile d é m o n t r e clairement q u e les terres, et n o n le semeur, devaient être assimilées a u public cible. P o u r le lecteur chrétien, il est c e p e n d a n t fort clair qu'il s'agit ici d ' u n e p a r a p h r a s e d ' u n e p a r a b o l e biblique. D e plus, divers éléments d a n s les vers 1020-1039 a c c e n t u e n t que, outre u n e (CSEL 30); Aug., Conf. 1, 5, 5; 4, 15, 27 (CCSL 27); Sern. 17, 1 (CCSL 41). Pour l'image des aures mentis, voir E. Curtius, Europäische Literatur und Lateinisches Mittelalter

(Bern-München, 1967''), pp. 146-147. Prudence ne fait qu'une petite allusion au contenu de Matth. 13, 10-17: ille / lus caeleste Patris non summa intellegit aure (v. 1035-

1036). L'expression summa ... aure apparaît chez Virgile et Stace, où elle signifie la pointe de l'oreille (voir Am. 9, 417; Theb. 11, 252). Iuvencus emploie la même expression avec le même sens que Prudence et dans le même contexte biblique: Quisque meum verbum summas dimittit in aures, / Mec sensus recepit stabili praecepta vigore, /

Enpit illius totum de pectore daemon (2, 776-778). Pour l'éventuelle influence de Iuvencus sur Prudence, voir Charlet, "Prudence et la Bible", pp. 117ss. 14 Les vers qui précèdent 1020 contiennent déjà une allusion au thème du bonheur du paysan philosophe. Celui-ci se contente du strict nécessaire. Avec le vers 1020, ils nous font penser au traitement horatien du même thème dans Sat. 2, 2, 1ss: Quae virtus et quanta, boni, sit vivere parvo / (nec meus hic sermo est, sed quae praecepit Ofellus / rusticus, abnormis sapiens crassaque Minerva), / disdte ... Prudence renforce cette réminis-

cence horatienne à l'aide de deux emprunts à Virgile. Dans Georg. 2, nous lisons: 0 fortunatos nimium, sua si bona noml, / agùcolas ... (458-459). C e s mots y introduisent une

éloge de la simplicité de la vie à la campagne et témoignent par conséquent du bonheur du sapiens rusticus. Plus loin, nous lisons dans le même passage: Felix qui potuit rerum cognoscere causas (490). Chez Prudence, le philosophe heureux de Virgile est remplacé par le colonus qui se sait instruit par Dieu lui-même (auctor / Christus, 10221023). Pour ces emprunts horatiens et virgiliens, voir J. Fontaine, "Valeurs antiques et valeurs chrétiennes dans la spiritualité des grands propriétaires terriens à la fin du IVe siècle occidental", Epektasis. Mélanges patristiques offerts au Cardinal J. Daniélou, éds.

J. Fontaine-Ch. Kannengiesser (Paris, 1972), p. 591. Vj Auctor ne renvoie pas au Christ comme Créateur, mais bien à son rôle de praeceptor. Les mots auctor inbuit évoquent l'expression fréquente auctor et magister, pour indiquer un maître exemplaire.

attention p o u r l'activité productive d u l a b e u r quotidien sur les c h a m p s , P r u d e n c e a surtout en vue u n e signification spirituelle des conseils d u Christ. 1 6 Ainsi, la p a r a b o l e f o n c t i o n n e c o m m e base bibliq u e d ' u n e lecture symbolique d e ce travail quotidien. D a n s sa version de la p a r a b o l e (v. 1024-1034), P r u d e n c e s'est déjà fait guider p a r l'interprétation p a r é n é t i q u e qu'il en fera d a n s les vers 1040-1054. A u lieu d ' u n récit conté p a r le Christ (Matth. 13, 3-9), nous retrouvons ici u n e série d e praecepta (v. 1023) qui conseillent u n i q u e m e n t de n e p a s semer sur des terres incultes. D e la sorte, nous obtenons, a u lieu de la structure q u a d r u p l e d a n s l'évangile, u n e triple structure négative, 1 7 qui p r é p a r e l'interprétation selon laquelle le fruit d e la terre fertile n'est q u e le résultat (v. 1051-1054) d ' u n e lutte contre u n e triple m e n a c e (v. 1040-1050). P a r le biais de cette transition vers u n e triple structure, P r u d e n c e a d a p t e sa p a r a b o l e a u t h è m e de la lutte intérieure q u e doit m e n e r tout chrétien contre sa p r o p r e n a t u r e peccable. A partir de son interprétation de la p a r a b o l e (v. 1040-1054), Prudence s'éloigne de la perspective étroite des vers 1020-1039. Dès 16

Plusieurs éléments dans les vers 1020-1039 démontrent que les conseils du Christ doivent être interprétés dans un sens symbolique et spirituelle: la combinaison de Vanimi et de la terrae cultura (v. 1021; 1037); des mots à résonance biblique comme adsumere (v. 1023) et confirmare (v. 1035); les mots ius caeleste Patris (v. 1036), qui font du Christ le médiateur entre Dieu et l'homme (comparer Hier., Comm. in Matth. 2, 13, 3; CCSL 77); la présence dans les vers 1030-1031 de l'image des vincula et des nodi voluptatum, et de celle des corvi dans les vers 1032-1034 (les corvi, absents dans les versions évangéliques de la parabole, étaient identifiés aux démons. Voir Per. 5, 436; Tit. 11; 192. Pour cette identification chez les auteurs chrétiens et son origine biblique, voir F. Sühling, Die Taube als religiöses Symbol im christlichen Altertum (Freiburg,

1930) pp. 19-21, 92-93, 106-109, 138, 189, 218). 17 Par cette structure triplement négative, les vers de Prudence deviennent un petit catalogue de menaces pour les récoltes, comme il y en a deux chez Ovide (Fast. 1, 681ss; Met. 5, 477ss). Quelques indices suggèrent que Prudence a écrit ces vers en faisant référence à Virgile et à Ovide: semina ... sulcis committitis (v. 1024) peut renvoyer à l'expression sulcis committas semina, utilisée par Virgile dans une série de conseils pour les semailles (Georg. 1, 223); les mots ana cavete sont une imitation probable de rura cavete chez Ovide dans le catalogue de menaces pour les récoltes mentionné ci-dessus (Fast. 1, 683) et dont Prudence avait déjà imité quelques vers dans 2, 976-978 (Fast. 1, 687-692). Dans le même catalogue ovidien se trouve également la phrase suivante: Et neque deficiat [seges] mode neque pinguior aequo / Divitiis pereat

luxuriosa suis (Fast. 1, 689-690). Les vers prudentiens suivant l'expression arva cavete contiennent une possible imitation de cette phrase: Dura lapillorum made, ne décidât illic, / Quod seritur, primo quoniam praefertile germen / Luxuriat, suco mox déficiente sub aestu / Sideris igniferi sitiens torretur et aret (1025-1028). En outre, les mots fiagiles calamos (v.

1031) et viae ... in aggere (v. 1032) sont des emprunts possibles à Virgile Georg. 1, 76 et Aen. 5, 273.

m a i n t e n a n t , le public cible n'est plus limité a u x seuls coloni a u sens littéral. D o r é n a v a n t P r u d e n c e parle d e l'agriculture spirituelle c o m m e lutte intérieure m e n é e p a r tous les chrétiens (extirpamus, v. 1040; spem, qua vescimur intus, v. 1048; nostrorum ... agrorum, v. 10511052). D e plus, il semble q u ' à p a r t i r d e 1040, le public cible n'est plus identifié a u semeur. L à où d a n s la version p r u d e n t i e n n e de la p a r a bole, le colonus est en m ê m e t e m p s s e m e u r et cultivateur, d a n s son interprétation il n'est q u e le cultivateur d ' u n e terre où Dieu sèmera. E n effet, c'est la t â c h e d u sapiens d e p r o t é g e r p a r l'agriculture spirituelle le germen vitale, les firux segesque animae, la fides et la spes c o n t r e la p r o p r e n a t u r e peccable. Ceux-ci sont résumés p a r le t e r m e charismata, u n m o t t y p i q u e m e n t chrétien qui a c c e n t u e le fait q u ' o n dispose des semences grâce à u n d o n divin. 1 8 Ainsi, u n e certaine scission est à constater entre la p a r a b o l e (v. 1024-1034) et son i n t e r p r é t a t i o n (v. 1040-1054). Si n o u s c o m p a r o n s l'interprétation p r u d e n t i e n n e (v. 1040-1054) avec celle d u Christ (Matth. 13, 18-23), n o u s distinguerons q u e l q u e s petites différences. N o t r e p o è t e r e p r e n d l'essentiel de l'interprétation d u Christ: l ' h o m m e est u n e terre où D i e u r é p a n d le semis de sa Parole. L a signification des oiseaux n e c h a n g e pas n o n plus d ' u n e i n t e r p r é t a t i o n à l'autre: t a n t P r u d e n c e q u e le Christ les considèrent c o m m e symboles d u diable (v. 1047-1050; M a t t h . 13, 19).19 A la fin d e la série des m e n a c e s , n o t r e poète r e m p l a c e les f o r m e s plurielles cwibus, corvis (v. 1033-1034), avibus (v. 1048) p a r le singulier hosti volucri (v. 1050). Il se p e u t q u ' o u t r e u n renvoi a u diable ( c o m p a r e r le singulier d a n s M a t t h . 13, 19), il s'agisse ici é g a l e m e n t d ' u n renvoi à la déesse Victoria, q u e P r u d e n c e m ê m e caractérise a u d é b u t d u d e u x i è m e livre c o m m e 'puella p i n n i g e r a ' (2, 33) ou f e m m e oiseau de m a u v a i s a u g u r e . Il s'y o f f u s q u e à plusieurs reprises de ce qu'elle soit représentée c o m m e u n être ailé. 20 Les Spinae, symboles évangéliques des soucis d u m o n d e et des tentations d e richesse (Matth. 13, 22), sont d e v e n u e s symboles de la d é p r a v a t i o n h u m a i n e en général, conf o r m é m e n t à l'utilisation f r é q u e n t e de l'image des Spinae p a r Pru18

Voir ThLL, 3, c. 995, r. 76-c. 996, r. 36. Prudence pourvoit les aves de Fépithète obscenae (v. 1049) et obtient ainsi une expression courante pour des oiseaux de mauvais augure.Voir Verg., Aen. 3, 241; 262; Ovid., Am. 2, 6, 51-52; Sen., Med. 731-732; Gell. 13, 14, 6. Pour une explicadon étymologique de Fadjectif obscenus basée sur cette connotation sinistre, voir Varr., Ling. Lat. 7, 97. 20 Voir 2, 28-9; 33; 59-60; Gnilka, "Prudentius über die Statue der Viktoria", pp. 29ss. 19

d e n c e et d'autres. 2 1 C e qui f r a p p e , c'est c e p e n d a n t la d é f o r m a t i o n de l'interprétation évangélique d u semis éparpillé entre les cailloux. Ici aussi, il est possible de n o t e r u n e scission e n t r e la p a r a b o l e de P r u d e n c e et le sens qu'il y attribue. L à où n o t r e poète suit fidèlement la Bible d a n s sa version de la p a r a b o l e (v. 1024-1028), d a n s son interprétation, p a r contre, il délaisse l'interprétation évangélique d u sol p i e r r e u x c o m m e u n e terre o ù n e p e u t exister q u ' u n e foi superficielle q u i p e r d c o u r a g e dès la p r e m i è r e persécution symbolisée p a r la c h a leur d u soleil (Matth. 13, 20-21). Ainsi le soleil torride n e symbolise plus u n e é p r e u v e extérieure, q u e le chrétien n e maîtrise p a s et d o n t il n'est d o n c p a s c o u p a b l e , mais bien la volupté qu'il doit maîtriser. 2 2 C e glissement d ' u n e m e n a c e extérieure vers u n e m e n a c e intérieure d a n s l'interprétation d u soleil reyient é g a l e m e n t à d ' a u t r e s endroits d a n s la littérature p a l é o c h r é t i e n n e . N o u s p e n s o n s p a r e x e m p l e a u x m o t s suivants de P s e u d o - A m b r o i s e adressés à u n e vierge apostate: S e m i n a v i secus viam, seminavi in spinis, seminavi in petrosa; aut e n i m e x corde tuo verba m e a volucres, id est, d a e m o n e s rapuerunt, aut malis tuis cogitadonibus suffocata sunt, aut aruerunt n i m i o aestu libidinis. 2 3

C o n t r a i r e m e n t à ce qui est le cas d a n s l'évangile, ce n'est q u e d a n s l'interprétation de la p a r a b o l e q u e P r u d e n c e fait m e n t i o n d u fruit c e n t u p l e en tant q u e c o n s é q u e n c e d ' u n l a b e u r c o n t i n u sur le c h a m p de l ' â m e . Il o m e t la référence évangélique a u x autres fruits d u sol fertile (soixante, trente). T a n t d a n s l'évangile q u e d a n s la tradition exégétique, ces fruits avaient u n e signification eschatologique. Afin d e r e n f o r c e r ce sens, P r u d e n c e relie ici l'image d u fruit centuple à u n e a u t r e i m a g e agraire à sens eschatologique, à savoir le stockage de la récolte d a n s u n horreum, i m a g e qui p o u r r a i t avoir été e m p r u n t é e à la p a r a b o l e d u blé et de l'ivraie (Matth. 13, 24-30). 2 4 D e plus, les vers 21

Pour la valeur symbolique des épines dans la littérature chrétienne, voir les riches pages de P. Courcelle, "Saint Benoît, le merle et le buisson d'épines", Journal des savants (1967), pp. 154-161; V. Buchheit, "Ovis spinosa (Prud. Cath. 8, 33-40)", Philologus 134 (1990), pp. 57-61. 22 Ejfetis venis lie deux significations de l'adjecrif ejfetus. D'une part ejfetus s'emploie pour désigner des terres stériles et épuisées (voir Colum. 2, 4, 11; Verg., Georg. 1,81; Sen., Ben. 1, 1 , 2 ; Plin., Nat. hist. 18, 27), d'autre part l'adjectif peut désigner l'épuisement sexuel (voir Cic., Sen. 29; Ovid., Am. 3, 7, 6; Ambr., Exp. de psalm. 118, 19, 19; CSEL 62). Dans Per. 2, 215 ejfetus s'emploie dans le même sens que dans les Livres contre Symmaque. 23

Voir Ps.-Ambr., Laps. 7, 29 (PL, 16). Voir aussi Matth. 3, 12; Le. 3, 17. Pour l'horreum comme image du Règne futur, ThLL, vol. 6, c. 2988, r. 55-79. 24

1051-1054 sont u n e c o m b i n a i s o n de M a t t h . 13, 23 et de M a t t h . 6, 20 2 5 , remis en vers de style virgilien. 26 C h e z d ' a u t r e s a u t e u r s chrétiens, M a t t h . 6, 20 est é g a l e m e n t lié a u x images agraires et, plus spécifiquement, a u c o n c e p t d e l'agricultura spiritalis.'27 N o u s voilà arrivés à la fin de la r é p o n s e de P r u d e n c e à l ' a r g u m e n t antichrétien q u e les mesures a n t i p a ï e n n e s a u r a i e n t p r o v o q u é des famines. N o t r e p o è t e réalise toutefois u n e transition très s p o n t a n é e vers la p r o c h a i n e partie de son livre, à savoir le portrait contrasté de vierges c h r é t i e n n e s et p a ï e n n e s (v. 1055-113). N o u s disions q u ' à p a r tir de 1040, P r u d e n c e a b a n d o n n e la seule orientation d e la p a r a b o l e vers u n public c o m p o s é de rustici et considère c h a q u e chrétien c o m m e destinataire. Ceci est c o n f i r m é p a r les vers 1055-1063. Partiellement basés sur la dix-huitième lettre d'Ambroise, 2 8 ils m e t t e n t en évidence q u e les vers 1040-1054 n e doivent p a s seulement être lus en fonction de ce qui p r é c è d e et n e sont d o n c pas u n i q u e m e n t mis en relation avec le projet d u sapiens rnsticus, mais qu'ils doivent également être interprétés c o m m e u n e description de l'ascèse c h r é t i e n n e en général. Il est en effet évident q u e les vers 1055-1063 sont parallèles a u x vers 1040-1054. T o u t d ' a b o r d , les vers finaux des d e u x g r o u p e s n e p a r l e n t q u e d u fruit centuple, c o n t r a i r e m e n t à M a t t h . 13, 8; 23 et M e . 4, 8; 20., o ù il est é g a l e m e n t question d e soixante et trente fruits. 25

Tkesaunzate autem vobis thesauros in caelo, ubi neque aerugo neque tinea demolitur, et ubi jures non ejfodiunt nec furantur. 26

Pour la combinaison de Matth. 13, 1-23 et de Matth. 6, 20, voir Augustin Conf. 13, 19, 24 (CCSL 27). Dans un catalogue de toutes sortes de vermine dans Georg. 1, Virgile parle entre autres du charançon du blé (curculio) et de la fourmi [formica): ... saepe exiguus mus / sub terris posuitque domos atque horrea fecit, / aut oculis capûfodere cubilia talpae, / inventusque cavis bufo et quae phmma terrae / monstra ferunt, populatque ingentem farris acervom / curculio atque inopi metuens formica senectae (v. 1, 181-186). Virgile lui-même imitait ces vers dans A en. 4, 402-405: ac velut ingentem formicae farris acervom / cum populant hiemis memores tectoque reponunt, / it nigrum campis agmen praedamque per herbas / convectant calle angusto ... Pour les nombreuses références à ces vers dans l'Antiquité, voir P. Courcelle, Lecteurs païens et lecteurs chrétiens de l'Énéide (Paris, 1984), pp. 340-341. Prudence imite ici (1053-1054) les vers des Georg:. Nec metuit ne congestum populetur acervum / Curculio, vel nigra cavis formica recondat. (Prudence préfère la forme déponente

populaù à la forme populäre de Virgile. Pour l'emploi virgilien de la forme active, voir le commentaire de Servius, Arn. 4, 403: Antique dixit: nam hoc verbum apud veteres activum fuit, nunc tantum deponens est). 27

Matth. 6, 20 et Le. 12, 33 font partie d'un exposé qui confronte les richesses de la terre à celles du ciel, tout comme le font les vers de Prudence. Une différence avec le contexte prudentien est l'accent que mettent les phrases évangéliques sur la charité. Pour l'utilisation de Matth. 6, 20 dans un langage figuré emprunté à la vie agraire, voir Cypr., Hab. virg. 11 (CSEL 3, 1); Ambr., Nab. 7, 37 (CSEL 32, 2); Petr. Chrys., Serm. 7, 6 (CCSL 24, 1). 28 Comparer le petit catalogue de vertus en 1056-1059 avec le début de Ep. 18, 12.

Cela est tout à fait n o r m a l p o u r les vers 1055-1063, vu q u ' à la fin d u q u a t r i è m e siècle, le fruit c e n t u p l e f u t considéré c o m m e symbole d e la r é c o m p e n s e céleste destinée a u x vierges. 29 P a r c o n t r e , p o u r les vers 1040-1054, il est m o i n s évident q u e s e u l e m e n t le fruit centuple y soit m e n t i o n n é , étant d o n n é q u e le caractère de l'ascèse n ' y est pas déterm i n é . Il se p e u t q u e P r u d e n c e n ' y envisage q u ' u n e expression généraie de la vie étemelle, t o u t c o m m e l'évangéliste L u c (Le. 8, 8) et d ' a u t r e s a u t e u r s paléochrétiens n e désignent p a r le fruit centuple q u e la vie é t e m e l l e en général. 3 0 Ensuite, d a n s les vers 1061-1063, M a t t h . 6, 20 est à n o u v e a u relié a u x images agraires. C e t t e fois-ci, la m e n a c e p o u r la moisson stockée d a n s les horrea n e provient pas de v e r m i n e , c o m m e à 1053-1054, mais bien d ' u n voleur. E n M a t t h . 6, 20, t a n t la v e r m i n e q u e les voleurs sont appelés u n e m e n a c e p o u r la moisson, de sorte q u e n o u s p o u v o n s dire q u e P r u d e n c e a éparpillé ce passage évangélique sur les vers 1053-1054 et 1061-1063. Le d o u b l e parallèle entre 1051-1054 et 1060-1063 n o u s suggère de n e pas seulement lire 1040-1054 à p a r t i r de ce qui p r é c è d e , mais aussi p a r t a n t des vers suivants, qui n e traitent plus d u p r o j e t d ' u n e vie c h r é t i e n n e à la c a m p a g n e , mais bien d e la virginité chrétienne. Il n'est d'ailleurs p a s é t o n n a n t q u e les vers 1040-1054 puissent é g a l e m e n t être lus à p a r t i r des vers 1055-1063, vu q u e n o u s r e n c o n t r o n s aussi ailleurs l'application d e l'image de Yagricultura spiritalis a u m o d e d e vie des vierges

29

Les éditions de A. Dressel (Aurelii Prudentii Clementis quae exstant carmina. Ad vaticc. aliorumque codicum et optimarum editionum fidem recensuit, lectionum varietate illustravit, notis explicavit A. Dressel (Lipsiae, 1860), p. 296) et M.P. Cunningham (Aurelii Prudentii Clementis carmina. Cura et studio M.P. Cunningham (CCSL 126; Turnholti, 1966), p. 248) nous offrent la lecture decies seni pour le vers 1060, tandis que celles de J. Bergman (Aurelii Prudentii Clementis carmina, p. 285) et M. Lavarenne (Prudence. Tome 3. Psychomachie. Contre Symmaque, p. 194) nous offrent la lecture decies déni. Cunningham défend sa lecture en faisant référence à Per. 14, 121, où Prudence utilisait la vieille exégèse de Matth. 13, 8 et 23 (les trente fruits reviennent au fidèle ordinaire, les soixante aux vierges et les cent aux martyrs). Mais Athanase et Jérôme introduisaient une autre exégèse de ces vers évangéliques (les trente fruits reviennent aux mariées, les soixante aux veuves, les cent aux vierges). Nous préférons la lecture decies déni à cause de l'analogie avec centuplicatos fructus dans les vers 1051-1052. De plus, la raison pour laquelle Prudence utilisait la vieille exégèse en Per. 14, 121 était déterminée par le contexte spécifique de ce poème. Dans une éloge d'une martyre vierge, l'utilisation de la vieille exégèse est quasiment requise. Comparer Per. 14, 121 avec Cyprien, Ep. 76, 6, l'origine probable de ce vers Prudentien. V o i r A. Quacquarelli, Il tnplice frutto délia vita cristiana: 100, 60 e 30 (Matteo XIII, 8 nelle diverse interpretazioni) ( R o m a , 1953), p. 31. 30

Voir Juvencus, 2, 753, 793; Paul.-Nol., Ep. 34, 8.

chrétiennes. 3 1 P r u d e n c e a d o n c a p p l i q u é l'image d e Yagricultura spintalis successivement a u x agriculteurs chrétiens (v. 1020-1039), a u x chrétiens en général (v. 1040-1054) et a u x vierges chrétiennes (v. 1055-1063). Ainsi, les vers 1020-1063 o n t créé u n e transition souple vers l'élaboration de l'opposition des vierges chrétiennes et des Vestales à p a r t i r de 1055. C o m p t e t e n u de cette fonction charnière, n o u s hésitons à croire q u e P r u d e n c e ait eu l'intention d ' e x p r i m e r d a n s les vers 1020-1039 u n m o d e de vie p e r s o n n e l l e m e n t préféré. U n e telle i n t e r p r e t a t i o n a r r a c h e , c o m m e n o u s le verrons, ces vers de leur contexte spécifique.

4. L'image de l' 'animi cultura' L a p a r a b o l e d u s e m e u r poursuit u n e n s e m b l e d ' i m a g e s q u ' o n retrouve t a n t bien ailleurs d a n s la Bible q u e d a n s la littérature classique. D a n s la p a r a b o l e biblique, les i m a g e s des semailles p a r l'agricult e u r et de l'absorption des s e m e n c e s p a r les terres t h é m a t i s e n t la d é p e n d a n c e r é c i p r o q u e d e la Parole divine et d e la disposition m o raie d e son destinataire. L ' a c t e d e s e m e r représente la prédication et la divulgation d e la Parole. D a n s son i n t e r p r é t a t i o n d e la p a r a b o l e , le Christ n'explicite p a s l'identité d u s e m e u r , tandis q u e d a n s la littérature biblique et patristique, l'image d u s e m e u r s'appliquait a u Christ l u i - m ê m e 3 2 , a u x a p ô t r e s missionnaires et à leurs successeurs. 3 3 L ' i m a g e d u c h a m p s'appliquait à l ' h u m a n i t é en général, 3 4 à l'Église, 35 ou à l ' â m e individuelle, et il était cultivé p a r D i e u lui-même, 3 6 p a r les

31

Voir Method., Symp. 9, 251 (SC 95); Ambr. Virginib. 3, 16-17 (CSLP); Ps.-Ambr.,

Laps. 7, 2 9 (PL 16); Greg. Tur., Glor. conf. 3 4 (Unde non immmto Georgia nuncupata est, quae sic exercuit mentem cultura spiritali, ut adepto virginitatis sexagesimifructus proventu, egrediens de saeculo, coelestibus honoraretur exsequiis\ PL, 71 ). 32 V o i r Matth. 13, 37 (qui seminat bonum semen est Filius hominis)·, Hier., Comm. in Matth.

2, 13, 3 (CCSL 77). 33 Voir LCS, Fr. 1,1-4 (Paulus ... Christum ... seminans)·, Paul.-Nol., Ep. 10, 2-3 (CSEL 29). F. T h é l a m o n (Païens et chrétiens au IVe siècle. L'apport de l"Histoire ecclésiastique' de Rufin d'Aquilée (Études Augustiniennes. Série Antiquité, 86; Paris, 1981 ), pp. 58-60) traite des

semina fidei prima, semés par les apôtres et leurs successeurs à propos de Euseb./ Rufin., Hut. eccles. 5, 10, 2-3 (GCS, 9, 1). 34 Voir Matth. 13, 38 (ager autem est mtmdus); Ambr., Exp. evang. sec. Luc. 8, 52 (CCSL 14); Petr. Chrys., Serm. 164, 3 (CCSL 24b). 35 Voir Ambr., Vid. 14, 83 (PL, 16); Cassiod., Exp. Psalm. 49, 11 (CCSL 97). 36 Voir 1 Cor. 3, 9 (Dei agricultura estu)• Chromat., Serm. 2, 2-3 (CCSL 9a).

a p ô t r e s et leurs successeurs, 3 7 o u p a r l'individu lui-même. 3 8 D a n s ce d e r n i e r cas, l'individu était c h a m p en m ê m e t e m p s q u e cultivateur, ce qui est aussi le cas d a n s les vers 1020-1054. Il n o u s semble p o u r t a n t justifié d e c o n f r o n t e r les vers ci-traités à des exemples classiques et païens d e l'image d e Yanimi cultura. Les Livres contre Symmaque sont, en effet, u n e oeuvre apologétique visant selon toute probabilité le public de l'aristocratie r o m a i n e et de n o m breuses indications révèlent qu'il doit s'agir d ' u n public censé disposer d ' u n e g r a n d e connaissance de la littérature c h r é t i e n n e et classiq u e . E n outre, cette c o n f r o n t a t i o n n o u s semble nécessaire, vu q u e n o u s n e p o u v o n s être d ' a c c o r d avec la position d e M . K a h , à savoir q u e , d a n s ce passage, P r u d e n c e "subit l'attraction q u a s i m e n t magiq u e q u e les projets p h i l o s o p h i q u e s classiques exerçaient sur lui." 3 9 D a n s ce qui suit, n o u s espérons d é m o n t r e r q u e , c o n f o r m é m e n t à u n e p r a t i q u e bien diffusée chez les a u t e u r s paléochrétiens, P r u d e n c e utilise la tradition littéraire classique sans p o u r a u t a n t p e r d r e de vue ce qui l'en sépare. L ' i m a g e classique d e Yanimi cultura fait partie d ' u n e imagerie e m p r u n t é e à l'agriculture p o u r décrire le processus où u n animus est introduit d a n s u n e discipline et y fait des progrès. D a n s le c i n q u i è m e livre de ses Institutiones oratoriae Quintilien cite la c o m p a r a i s o n de l'exercice d e l ' â m e à la culture de la terre: ...ut, si animum dicas excolendum, similitudine utaris terrae, quae neglecta sentes ac dumos, culta fructus créât 40 . D a n s le h u i t i è m e livre, il cite la m ê m e c o m p a r a i s o n et suppose qu'il s'agit d ' u n e c o m p a r a i s o n c o n n u e de tous: Illa vulgaria videri possunt et utilia tantum ad conciliandam fidem: 'ut terram cultu, sic animum disciplinis meliorem uberioremque fieri' et 'ut medici ... '.41 D a n s le d e u x i è m e livre de son De oratore, C i c é r o n utilise l'image p o u r i n d i q u e r le processus vers la m a t u r i t é artistique:

37

Voir Ambr., Vid. 14, 83 (PL 16); Hier., Ep. 129, 2 (CSEL 66); Caes. Arel., Senti. 1, 5-6 (SC 175). 38 Voir Ps.-Clem., Recogn. 6, 3 (PG 1, 1347-1348); Ambroise, Enan. in psalm. 36, 12 (CSEL 64); Hier., In Hierem. Proph. 1, 70-71 (CSEL 59); Paul.-Nol., Ep. 34, 8 (CSEL 29). 39

V o i r K a h , Die Welt der Römer mit der Seele suchend, p. 307.

40

Voir 5, 11, 24. Voir 8, 3, 75.

41

Subacto mihi ingenio opus est, ut agro non semel arato, sed et novato et iterato, quo meliores fetus possit et grandiores edere. Subactio autem est usus, audido, lectio, litterae. 42 N o u s r e t r o u v o n s u n é c h o d e cette cultura c i c é r o n i e n n e chez Pline le J e u n e . D a n s u n e lettre adressée à J u l i u s Nason 4 3 , il m e n t i o n n e u n m a n q u e de ressources p r o v e n a n t de ses terres toscanes et t r a n s p a d a nés, tandis q u e seul son d o m a i n e laurentin lui p r o c u r e des bénéfices. P o u r t a n t il affirme n ' y posséder q u ' u n e m a i s o n et u n m o d e s t e j a r d i n . Les bénéfices n e p r o v i e n n e n t en effet p a s d e la terrae, mais bien de Yanimi cultura: Ibi enim plurimum scribo, nec agrum, quem non habeo, sed ipsum me studiis excolo; ac iam possum tibi ut aliis in locis horreum plenum sic ibi scrinium ostendere. 44 Les textes de C i c é r o n et Pline le J e u n e cités d a n s l'alinéa p r é c é d a n t traitent de fruits extérieurs, à savoir des discours et des lettres, et se r a c c o r d e n t ainsi à l'image des textes qui poussent sur le c h a m p de Yingenium.45 C e p e n d a n t , des f o r m e s d , animi cultura n e visant pas de tels fruits extérieurs, mais bien des fruits intérieurs sont plus i m p o r t a n t e s p o u r n o t r e objectif. Il s'agit ici d ' u n e élaboration p h i l o s o p h i q u e de l'image, c o n t r a i r e m e n t à cette é l a b o r a t i o n rhétorique. 4 6 L ' e x e m p l e le plus a n c i e n et le plus c o n n u d e la littérature latine se trouve d a n s le d e u x i è m e livre des Tusculanae cicéroniennes. 4 7 C i c é r o n y utilise l'image p o u r e x p r i m e r q u e la philosophie n e p e u t p r o d u i r e le m ê m e effet sur c h a c u n . L a s e m e n c e de la philosophie atteint u n meilleur résultat sur u n e b o n n e terre, d o n t p a r ailleurs b e a u c o u p d e philoso42

Voir 2, 30, 131 Voir PIR2, 4, 437. 44 Voir 4, 6, 2. Comparer cette lettre avec Ep. 7, 9 destinée à Cn. Pedanius Fuscus Salinator (PIR1, 3, 144). Celle-ci commence comme suit: Quaeris, quemadmodum in 43

secessu, quo iam diu frueris, putem te studere oportere. En guise de réponse Pline offre

d'abord une série d'exercices littéraires très divers et ajoute: Ut enim terrae vanis mutatisque seminibus, ita ingénia nostra nunc hac, nunc ilia meditatione recoluntur (7, 9, 7).

Quintilien parle de ces exercices dans le même sens: Smbendum ergo quam diligentissime et quam plurimum. Nam ut terra alte reJossa generandis alendisque seminibusfecundior, sic profectus non a summo pehtus studiorum fructus et fundit ubenus et fidelius continet (10, 3, 2). 4‫נ‬ C o m p a r e r avec Cic., Brut. 4, 16 (modo idem noster animus efficere possit quod ager, qui quam multos annos quievit, ubenores efferrefruges solety, Tac., Dial. 6, 6 (Nam in ingenio quoque, sicut in agro, quamquam alia diu serantur atque elaborentur, gratiora tarnen quae sua sponte nascuntur). 46 Pour une confrontation d'une telle ingenii cultura rhétorique et Yanimi cultura philosophique, voir Sénèque Ep. 108, 23. 47 Voir A. Novara, "Cultura: Cicéron et l'origine de la métaphore latine", BAGB (1986), pp. 51-66 51-66, plus particulièrement 52-55.

p h e s ne disposent pas. L , i m a g e e x p r i m e d o n c l'idée q u e tant la n a ture q u e la philosophie sont nécessaires p o u r a t t e i n d r e le fruit d e la vertu. S a n s u n sol a d é q u a t , le l a b o u r a g e et les semailles n e servent à rien, de m ê m e q u ' u n e b o n n e terre n'est p a s p r o d u c t i v e sans labourage ni semailles: Nam ut agri non omnes frugiferi sunt qui coluntur, falsumque illud Accii: Probae etsi in segetem sunt deteriorem datae Fruges, tamen ipsae suapte natura enitent, sic animi non omnes culti fructum ferunt. Atque, ut in eodem simili verser, ut ager quamvis fertüis sine cultura fructuosus esse non potest, sic sine doctrina animus; ita est utraque res sine altera debilis. Cultura autem animi philosophia est; haec extrahit vitia radicitus et praeparat animos ad satus accipiendos eaque mandat iis et, ut ita dicam, serit, quae adulta fructus uberrimos ferant. 48 Plus tard, l'image cicéronienne sera répétée à d o u b l e reprise p a r H o r a c e . T o u t d ' a b o r d , il y a sa lettre 1, 14 adressée à son vilicus, o ù H o r a c e o p p o s e la terrae cultura d e celui-ci à sa p r o p r e animi cultura: Vilice silvarum et mihi me reddentis agelli, / ... / certemus, spinas animone ego fortius an tu evellas agro, et melior sit Horatius an res.49 L a suite d e la lettre 1 , 1 4 fait s u p p o s e r q u ' H o r a c e , tout c o m m e Pline d a n s la lettre traitée ci-avant, relie son animi cultura à l ' a m o u r d e la vie c a m p a g n a r d e . V o y e z à cet effet l'expression mihi me reddentis agelli. L ' a u t o c o n n a i s s a n c e et la santé m o r a l e d ' H o r a c e sont la récolte d ' u n e animi cultura d e v e n u e possible à la c a m p a g n e . L ' i m a g e revient u n e seconde fois d a n s Ep. 1, 1 adressée à M é c è n e . Après avoir déclaré qu'il est d e v e n u t r o p âgé p o u r la rédaction d e p o è m e s lyriques et qu'il n e veut plus q u e s ' a p p l i q u e r a u bien m o r a l (v. 10-19), et après avoir posé q u e le progrès et p a s la perfection m o r a l e est son b u t (v. 28-32), H o r a c e conseille de p r ê t e r u n e oreille attentive à la philosophie, c a r c'est d'elle q u e d é p e n d ce progrès: Invidus, iracundus, iners, vinosus, amator: nemo adeo férus est, ut non mitescere possit, si modo culturae patientem commodet aurem. 50

48 49

50

Voir Tusc. 2, 5, 13. Ep. 1, 14, 1-5. Ep. 1, 1, 38-40.

D a n s les d e m i e r s vers horatiens, où il n'est plus question d ' u n e c o m binaison d e Yanimi cultura avec la vie c a m p a g n a r d e , l'image reçoit u n e fonction p a r é n é t i q u e . Il en est de m ê m e p o u r la conclusion égalem e n t p a r é n é t i q u e de la lettre 73 d e S é n è q u e . L à aussi, l'image est d é v e l o p p é e en relation avec le t h è m e d u progrès moral 5 1 et nous p e n s o n s q u ' u n e x a m e n plus détaillé d e l'élaboration de l'image p a r S é n è q u e p e u t clarifier la relation d e l'usage p r u d e n t i e n p a r r a p p o r t à la tradition classique. Il s'agit des m o t s suivants: Non sunt di fasddiosi, non invidi; admittunt et ascendentibus manum porrigunt. Miraris hominem ad deos ire? Deus ad homines venit, immo quod est propius, in homines venit; nulla sine deo mens bona est. Semina in corporibus humanis divina dispersa sunt, quae si bonus cultor excipit, similia origini prodeunt et paria iis, ex quibus orta sunt, surgunt; si malus, non aliter quam humus sterilis ac palustris necat ac deinde créât purgamenta pro frugibus. Vale. 52 D a n s l'esprit d u p r e m i e r f r a g m e n t h o r a t i e n , l'individu est ici considéré e n m ê m e t e m p s c o m m e le l a b o u r é et le l a b o u r e u r (Semina in corponbus humanis divina dispersa sunt, quae si bonus cultor excipit).53 C e p e n d a n t , il n'est p a s semeur. P a r c e q u e les semences sont innées d a n s l ' â m e , elles n e sont pas semées p a r après p a r la philosophie, c o m m e c'est le cas d a n s l'exemple cicéronien. 5 4 C o n t r a i r e m e n t a u texte cité des Tusculanae, l'image d e Yanimi cultura est ici en effet r a t t a c h é e à la théorie stoïcienne des semina virtutum.55 Le p o i n t d e d é p a r t de cette théorie est l'idée q u e la virtus n'est pas innée d a n s l ' h o m m e , mais qu'il est c o n f o r m e à la n a t u r e h u m a i n e de la développer. C h a q u e pers o n n e a en soi des semences p o u v a n t se d é v e l o p p e r en virtus, m o y e n -

51

Pour l'exposé suivant, nous avons utilisé I. Hadot, Seneca und die griechisch-römische

Tradition der Seelenleitung (Quellen und Studien zur Geschichte der Philosophie, 13; Berlin,

1969), pp. 147ss; L. Alfonsi, "Potuit esse verus Dei cultor ... (Lattanzio, Div. Inst. VI, 24, 13): Sestio, Seneca e i vangeli", Athenaeum N.S. 54 (1976), pp. 175-176; M. Scarpat-Bellincioni, Studi senecani e altri scritti (Brescia, 1986), pp. 16-33; M. ArmisenMarchetti, Sapientiae faciès. Étude sur les images de Sénèque (Collection d'études anciennes, 58;

Paris, 1989), pp. 233-246. 52 Voir Ep. 73, 15-16. 53 Voir M. Armisen-Marchetri, Sapientiae faciès, pp. 235-236. 54 Contrairement à Cic., Tusc. 2, 5, 13 et Sen., Ep. 38, 2, où la semence n'est pas identique aux semina virtutum, mais aux doctrines philosophiques. Dans ces textes, la fonction de la semence est comparable à celle de la semence dans la parabole du semeur. 55 Pour la théorie des semina virtutum, voir Cic., Fin. 5, 18; Germ. Caes. Arat. 134; Quint. 2, 20, 6; Gell. 12, 5, 7; I. Hadot, Seneca und die griechisch-römische Tradition der Seelenleitung, p. 148.

n a n t 1'attenrion et les soins nécessaires. L ' h o m m e n'est d o n c pas n é avec la vertu, mais bien avec la capacité de la développer. Cela i m p l i q u e q u e la vertu présente d a n s l ' e n f a n t d e façon potentielle sera t o u j o u r s m e n a c é e p a r des influences externes, contraires à la n a t u r e h u m a i n e (par e x e m p l e l'influence d ' u n e m a u v a i s e éducation). 5 6 C'est p o u r q u o i S é n è q u e dit q u e p e r s o n n e , m ê m e pas les savants, n e p e u t rester à l'abri de ces influences et q u e t e m p o r e l l e m e n t la prise a u piège p a r les vitia p r é c è d e la virtus. Q u o i q u e les vitia n e p e u v e n t en a u c u n cas être appelés primaires, l'impact d e ces influences maléfiq u e s est si g r a n d q u e le d é v e l o p p e m e n t d ' u n e vertu parfaite devient u n processus infini. L'aspiration d e d é v e l o p p e r les semina virtutum et la lutte c o n t r e les vitia secondaires sont représentées chez S é n è q u e p a r l'image de Y animi cultura. L a philosophie n o u s enseigne c o m m e n t n o u s d e v o n s veiller à n o t r e 'sol' (à savoir n o t r e animus) o ù les semina virtutum p e u v e n t croître et p o r t e r des fruits (à savoir la virtus). C e l a i m p l i q u e u n e lutte intérieure, é g a l e m e n t thématisée plus t a r d p a r les a u t e u r s chrétiens. E n outre, les semina virtutum sont chez S é n è q u e identiques à la présence d a n s l ' h o m m e d u P n e u m a divin. L ' i m a g e d e Y animi cultura croise ainsi u n a u t r e t h è m e sénéquien, à savoir celui d u deus internus. C h e z lui, l'orientation vers le bien p a r la présence des semina virtutum est plus d ' u n e fois assimilée à la présence d u divin d a n s l ' h o m m e , 5 7 ou, c o m m e d a n s le passage ci-discuté, d a n s le corps h u main. 5 8 Voilà p o u r q u o i S é n è q u e dit d a n s ce passage q u e p e r s o n n e n e p e u t a t t e i n d r e la vertu sans D i e u (nulla sine deo mens bona est). Les lecteurs influencés p a r le christianisme doivent bien réaliser qu'il n'est en a u c u n cas question d ' u n e sorte d e grâce d o n n é e p a r u n dieu personnel. L a présence d e D i e u se limite à la présence d a n s l ' h o m m e des semina virtutum. P a r t a n t de cette présence, le processus de Y animi cultura d e v r a f i n a l e m e n t c u l m i n e r en u n e élévation d e l ' h o m m e à u n statut divin: Dédit [natura] tibi ilia [semina] quae si non deserueris, par deo surges.59 C e t t e discussion d e Y animi cultura d a n s la tradition classique doit n o u s p e r m e t t r e d'offrir u n e estimation correcte de ce q u e P r u d e n c e

56

Voir Ep. 50, 8. D'où l'origine différente des semina vitiorum (Ep. 123, 8) et des

semina virtutum (Ep. 94, 29; 73, 16; 108, 8). 57 58 59

Voir Ep. 41, 2. Voir Ep. 31, 11; 66, 12. Voir Ep. 31, 9. Comparer avec Ep. 92, 30; 124, 23; 48, 11; 18, 12; 31, 11;

Bellincioni, Studi senecani, p. 28.

veut dire lorsqu'il utilise des expressions telles q u e animum colere (v. 1021), cordis segetem disponere (v. 1037) et cultus internus (v. 1038). N o u s souhaitons y p r o c é d e r p a r u n e référence a u concept de Vusus iustus développé p a r C h . Gnilka. 6 0 L ' a v a n t a g e de ce concept est qu'il n o u s incite à a d o p t e r u n e attitude critique c h a q u e fois qu'est suggérée u n e t r o p large d é p e n d a n c e d ' u n a u t e u r paléochrétien p a r r a p p o r t à des exemples païens. C'est ce q u e r é c e m m e n t M . K a h a fait à p a r t i r d u passage ci-traité. Elle c o n c e n t r e son interprétation de l'expression animum colere (v. 1021) surtout sur la m a n i è r e d o n t P r u d e n c e p a r a p h r a s e la p a r a b o l e (v. 1020-1039). O r , d a n s cette p a r a p h r a s e , l'expression semina cum sulcis committitis (v. 1024) forme, c o m m e n o u s l'avons vu, u n e d é f o r m a t i o n d e la p a r a b o l e évangélique. Et p a r t a n t de cette d é f o r m a t i o n , M . K a h r é s u m e ainsi l'essentiel de la version p r u d e n t i e n n e de la parabole: "Sie selbst sind es also, die die Rolle des S ä m a n n s ü b e r n e h m e n , u n d es ist ihr eigenes H e r z , in das sie das Saat der christlichen L e h r e ausstreuen." 6 1 A cause de ce glissement, les vers de P r u d e n c e ont, t o u j o u r s selon M . K a h , p e r d u l'aspect social et c o m m u n i c a t i f d u message de leur m o d è l e évangélique 6 2 : " D a s Heil d e r eigenen Seele rückt ins Z e n t r u m . D e r soziale Aspekt interessiert k a u m m e h r ; die E i n b i n d u n g in eine ü b e r g e o r d n e t e G e m e i n s c h a f t u n d d e r Bezug zu ihr w e r d e n zweitrangig u n d sind in G e f a h r , verloren zu gehen." 6 3 Ensuite elle répète la constatation de J . F o n taine q u e l'expression animum colere (v. 1021) rejoint plus u n e formulation traditionnelle et classique (,animi cultura) q u ' u n e f o r m u l a t i o n chrétienne (cordis cultura),M et tout en a c c e n t u a n t le rôle q u e j o u e la volonté individuelle d a n s les vers 1020-1054, 6 5 elle conclue: " D a s alles m a c h t deutlich, dass P r u d e n t i u s mit seiner ' R e a l - U t o p i e ' eines asketischen L e b e n s ... der n a h e z u m a g i s c h e n Anziehungskraft erlegen ist, die die klassischen Philosophieentwürfe auf ihn ausübten." 6 6

60

Voir Ch. Gnilka, Der Begriff des 'rechten Gebrauchs' (ΧΡΗΣ1Σ. Die Methode der Kirchenväter im Umgang mit der antiken Kultur, 1 ; Basel-Stuttgart, 1984). 61 Voir K a h , Die Welt der Römer mit der Seek suchend, p. 306. 62

Kah résume l'essentiel de la parabole évangélique comme suit: "Es gehört in den Zusammenhang des Missionierungsauftrags an die Jünger und ist auf die Sammlung einer 'ecclesia' hin orientiert; das Bild hat so einen stark sozial-kommunikativen Charakter." (voir Die Welt der Römer mit der Seek suchend, p. 304) 63 Cf. K a h , Die Welt der Römer mit der Seele suchend, p. 306. 64 V o i r K a h , Die Welt der Römer mit der Seek suchend, p. 307; Fontaine, "Valeurs

antiques et valeurs chrétiennes", p. 591. 65 66

Voir K a h , Die Welt der Römer mit der Seek suchend, p. 306. V o i r K a h , Dk Welt der Römer mit der Seek suchend, p. 307.

P o u r t a n t elle estime q u e P r u d e n c e va également au-delà de ce cadre einem païen-philosophique: "Wenn aber der 'secessus' 67 ' E r g r i f f e n w e r d e n ' d u r c h Christus folgt [un p r o p o s qu'elle justifie à l'aide de l'expression adsumptis colonis d a n s 1023], d a n n wird er sich bei aller d u r c h die Situation vorgegebenen Autarkie in einer letzten Abhängigkeit v o n seinem G o t t wissen." 6 8 T o u t d ' a b o r d , Y animi cultura est tant chez S é n è q u e (et H o r a c e ) q u e chez P r u d e n c e u n e image de la lutte intérieure des proficientes stoïcien et chrétien. U n e c o m p a r a i s o n de n o t r e texte à d ' i n n o m b r a b l e s autres descriptions de Y animi cultura c h r é t i e n n e révèle u n e certaine absence d ' é l é m e n t s bibliques d a n s la description q u e fait P r u d e n c e de la cultura elle-même 6 9 , et l'accent qu'il m e t sur la responsabilité et les efforts de la volonté h u m a i n e d a n s ce processus. C o n s i d é r o n s p a r exemple la description suivante fournie p a r saint Paulin de Noie: Si [anima tua] vasta peccatis quasi dumis sordeat neque propheticis aut apostolicis nubibus compluatur, in aridam solitudinem gratia deserente damnabitur. Si vero sui diligens orationibus crebris semet excolat et sacris litteris opimetur et intimum cordi aratrum crucis inprimat et rastro divini timoris spinas suas eruat ignitoque dei verbo uratur in culpis, luminetur in sensibus: tune necesse est ut spatiari in tuo corde patrem familias et omnes animae tuae regiones peragrare delectet ...7° J u s q u ' i c i n o u s p o u v o n s n o u s rallier à la position de M . K a h et a d m e t tre l ' i m p o r t a n c e de la responsabilité personnelle d a n s les vers de Prudence. C e p e n d a n t , outre le fait q u e F o n t a i n e a n u a n c é sa constatation en observant q u e P r u d e n c e emploie également la f o r m u l e plus biblique cordis segetem disponit (v. 1037) 7 1 , nous estimons q u e les vers 1020-1034 n e p e u v e n t se lire s é p a r é m e n t de l'interprétation d o n n é e

67

Kah interprète les vers 1020-1039 en présupposant que Prudence parle ici du

secessus in villam aristocrarique (voir Die Welt der Römer mit der Seele suchend, p. 302-309). 68 V o i r K a h , Die Welt der Römer mit der Seele suchend, p. 308. 69

Nous parlons ici du seul acte de cultivation et pas des éléments qui l'entourent et forment un ensemble avec lui. 70 Voir Ep. 39, 3. Cette description est pleine d'éléments d'origine biblique, tels que apostolicae nubes, orationes crebrae, sacrae litterae, aratrum crucis, rostrum divini timoris. C e s

éléments reviennent également dans plusieurs descriptions paléochrétiennes de Y animi cultura. Voir Ambr., Enarr. in psalm. 36, 12 ( C S E L 64); Exp. evang. sec. Luc. 8, 4 3

(CCSL 14); Chromat., Serm. 2, 2-3 (CCSL 9a); Rufin., Bened. patr. 2, 13 (CCSL 20); Paul.-Nol., Ep. 24, 11 (CSEL 29). Pour la pluie céleste, voir Hebr. 6, 7-8; Is. 55, 1011. Pour Y aratrum crucis, voir J. Daniélou, Les symboles chrétiens primitifs (Paris, 1961 ), pp.

101ss. 71 Voir Fontaine, "Valeurs antiques et valeurs chrétiennes", p. 591.

p a r P r u d e n c e l u i - m ê m e en 1040-1054. V u la scission constatée plus h a u t entre la version p r u d e n t i e n n e de la p a r a b o l e et l'interprétation qu'il en d o n n a , les conclusions q u e M . K a h a tiré à partir d u seul vers 1024, n o u s semblent très dangereuses. 7 2 D e plus, les vers 1040-1050 p r o u v e n t é g a l e m e n t qu'il est f a u x d e p a r l e r d e d e u x t e n d a n c e s a u sein d u texte p r u d e n t i e n (autarchie vs grâce). C e s vers n o u s m o n trent, en effet, d a n s queUe m e s u r e n o t r e poète considère la p r o p r e responsabilité d a n s le processus de perfection c o m m e liée à l'aide divine. N o u s r e m a r q u i o n s d é j à q u e p o u r S é n è q u e , l'aide et la présence divines d a n s ce processus se limitaient à la présence innée des semina virtutum d a n s la n a t u r e de l ' â m e h u m a i n e . O r , c'est précisém e n t la d é p e n d a n c e de l ' h o m m e d ' u n e aide divine extérieure qui, chez P r u d e n c e , est e x p r i m é e p a r l'image des semences à protéger: fides (v. 1045), Deum, spem qua vescimur intus (v. 1047),fides (v. 1050) sont résumés p a r le m o t charismata (v. 1046). L a m e n a c e d e cette s e m e n c e est à son t o u r présentée à l'aide de f o r m u l a t i o n s t y p i q u e m e n t chrétiennes: le m o t peccamen (v. 1043) 73 et l'image des épines (passim)74 sont en effet d'origine c h r é t i e n n e et suggèrent l'objet spécifique de l'ascèse c h r é t i e n n e i n d i q u é e p a r l'image d e Yanimi cultura. Le stoïcien doit e x t e r m i n e r le m a l présent en lui, mais vu q u e le m a l n'est q u e secondaire, il dispose en principe de m o y e n s p o u r e n t a m e r la lutte et d é p l o y e r sa n a t u r e divine (semina virtutum). Le chrétien, p a r contre, doit livrer u n c o m b a t avec u n m a l d ' u n caractère différent. C'est p o u r q u o i n o u s devons a c c o r d e r toute son i m p o r t a n c e à l'emploi d u m o t peccamen. L'ascèse c h r é t i e n n e n'est pas u n c o m b a t q u e m è n e l ' h o m m e à l'aide d e son p r o p r e intellect et d e sa p r o p r e volonté

72 Nous voulons quand même remarquer que les auteurs chrétiens disposaient également d'une image des semailles dans le propre coeur, qui ne contredisait pas le contenu de la parabole du semeur. Ceci est illustré par les mots suivants dans Hier.,

Comm. in Matth. 2, 13, 32 ( C C S L 77) à propos de Matth. 13, 32 (simile est regnum coelorum grano sinapis, quod acdpiens homo seminamt in agro sud): Homo qui seminat in agro suo, a plerisque Salvator intellegitur, quod in animis credentium seminet. Ab aliis, ipse homo seminans in agro suo, hoc est, in semetipso et in corde suo. Quis est iste qui seminat, nisi sensus noster et animus, qui suscipiens granum praedicahonis, et fiovens sementem humore fidei, fiacit in agro sui pectoris pullulate? 73

Voir peccamen, in: ThLL, vol. 10, c. 879, r. 69. Selon Courcelle ("Saint Benoît, le merle et le buisson d'épines", pp. 154-161), la littérature païenne n'a pas connu cette image. Buchheit ("Ovis spinosa (Prud. Cath. 8, 33-40)", pp. 56-61) considère Horace Ep. 1, 14, 3 et Ep. 2, 2, 212 comme des cas isolés. Selon lui, quelques passages bibliques sont à la base de l'emploi fréquent de l'image dans la littérature chrétienne: Gen. 3, 18; Cant. cant. 2, 2; Me. 15, 17; Joh. 19, 2 et 5. 74

c o n t r e ce qui est s e u l e m e n t secondaire, mais bien u n e lutte e n t a m é e en pleine d é p e n d a n c e d e D i e u c o n t r e la p r o p r e n a t u r e peccable. 7 5

5. Prudence et le secessus in villam aristocratique Les textes d e Pline et d ' H o r a c e cités plus h a u t traitaient d ' u n e c o m binaison d e la vie à la c a m p a g n e (secessus in villam) et de Vanimi cultura. L a cultura cicéronienne devait é g a l e m e n t être placée d a n s le d é c o r c a m p a g n a r d des Tusculanae. C e s textes reflètent l'idéal de vie aristoc r a t i q u e d u secessus in villam, q u e J . F o n t a i n e a typé c o m m e " u n otium d o u b l e m e n t negotiosum" o ù "le triple exercice ... des t r a v a u x c h a m p ê très, d u b â t i m e n t et de la chasse (ou la pêche) ... alterne avec l'exercice plus intellectuel d e la lecture et d e la composition littéraires." 71 ' C e t idéal a é g a l e m e n t exercé u n e attirance considérable sur b o n n o m b r e d ' a u t e u r s chrétiens. P e n s o n s seulement a u x mois q u ' A u g u s tin a passé à Cassiciacum. 7 7 J . F o n t a i n e a traité la présence de ce t h è m e d a n s les oeuvres d ' A u s o n e , de Paulin d e N o i e et de P r u d e n c e , et estima r e t r o u v e r d a n s les vers 1020-1039 l'attirance d ' u n tel secessus in villam christianisé. 7 8 R é c e m m e n t M . K a h et E. C o l o m b i l'ont suivi d a n s cette o p i n i o n 7 9 . N o u s s o u h a i t o n s c o m p l é t e r n o t r e é t u d e p a r q u e l q u e s questions critiques à p r o p o s d e cet avis. N o u s y p r o c é d e r o n s p a r le biais d ' u n e c o n f r o n t a t i o n de n o t r e texte avec la lettre 39 d e saint Paulin de Noie, d a n s laquelle il n o u s offre u n e description d e cette animi cultura aristocratique et c h r é t i e n n e à la c a m p a g n e . 75 Pour une confrontation des ascèses stoïcienne et chrérienne, voir M. Spanneut, Permanence du stoïcisme: de Zfnon à Malraux (Gembloux, 1973), pp. 135ss, 151 ss; A. Jagu 1989, "La morale d'Épictète et le christianisme", ANRW, 2, 36, 3 (Berlin-New York, 1989), pp. 2184-2185, 2190-2192. Fontaine ("Valeurs antiques et valeurs chrétiennés", p. 586) oppose également 1,animi cultura chrétienne à l'idéal philosophique païen. 76 Voir Fontaine, "Valeurs antiques et valeurs chrétiennes", pp. 576-577. 77 Voir Contr. acad. 1, 15; 2, 10; D. E. Trout, "Augustine at Cassiciacum: otium and the social dimensions of conversion", Vigiliae Christianae 42 (1988), p. 137; R. A. Markus, The End of Ancient Christianity (Cambridge-...-Sydney, 1990), pp. 73-74. 78 Voir Fontaine, "Valeurs antiques et valeurs chrétiennes", passim·, Ε. Colombi, "Rustidtas e vita in villa nella Gallia tardoantica: tra realtà e letteratura", Athenaeum 84 (1996), pp. 405-431. Pour la présence du thème dans les beaux-arts, voir C. Lafon, "Images du paysan et de la société rurale dans l'occident chrétien à la fin de l'antiquité (IVe-VIe siècles). La confrontation des sources littéraires et iconographiques", Caesarodunum 23 (1988), pp. 125-134. 79

Voir K a h , Die Welt der Römer mit der Seele suchend, p. 302-309; C o l o m b i , "Rustic!tas

e vita in villa nella Gallia tardoantica", p. 418.

N o u s r e p r e n o n s ici d o n c le p r o b l è m e de la coprésence de Pagriculture matérieUe et spiritueUe d a n s les vers 1020-1039. T o u t c o m m e H e r z o g , o n p e u t a f f i r m e r q u e l'accent mis sur l'agriculture matérielle est exigé p a r le contexte actuel des Livres contre Symmaque, d é t e r m i n é p a r u n e p r o b l é m a t i q u e économico-religieuse. Selon nous, cette constatation est correcte, mais o n n e p e u t p a s p o u r a u t a n t p e r d r e d e v u e q u e p o u r P r u d e n c e et ses c o n t e m p o r a i n s chrétiens, l'agriculture était plus q u ' u n e activité é c o n o m i q u e . P o u r eux, ce travail productif avait é g a l e m e n t u n sens spirituel, c o n f o r m é m e n t à la lecture symbolique qu'ils faisaient de la n a t u r e en général. 8 0 U n e telle lecture symbolique d u travail matériel est faite d a n s la lettre 39 d e Paulin de N o i e adressée à A p e r et A m a n d a 8 1 , d a n s laquelle il veut s u p p r i m e r u n e opinion e r r o n é e , existant chez ses amis. D a n s u n e lettre à Paulin et T h é r a s i a , ils s'étaient plaints de devoir s ' o c c u p e r de leurs possessions terrestres, tandis q u ' e n fait ils aspiraient a u x choses célestes. E n réponse, Paulin souhaite leur m o n t r e r q u e ces soins sont orientés vers le perfectionnem e n t de leurs foi et vertu, c o n f o r m é m e n t a u plan de Dieu. 8 2 Paulin estime en effet q u e la n a t u r e n'est pas seulement utile à l ' h o m m e a u niveau physique, mais é g a l e m e n t a u niveau spirituel: Quis ambigat in omni loco mundi, in omni parte naturae utilitates humano paratas, e quibus non solum carnalia emolumenta capiamus, sed multo magis spiritalia perlegamus? A p e r et A m a n d a doivent d o n c déchiffrer le message q u e D i e u a c a c h é d a n s la vie rurale. Q u e celle-ci n o u s offre u n message spirituel n e relève d'ailleurs p a s d ' u n e i n t e r p r é t a t i o n arbitraire q u ' o n fait d u l a b e u r p o u r des raisons rhétoriques ( c o m p a r e r les exemples d e Q u i n tilien). C e t t e activité a en effet u n sens voulu p a r le C r é a t e u r luimême: Propterea dicit per Salomonem ipsa rerum opifex Sapientia, quae disponit omnia suaviter, ab Altissimo creatam rusticadonem 8 3 , ut eam non corporali tantum sed etiam spiritali studio colas. 80 Pour un exposé détaillé de la lecture symbolique que faisaient les chrétiens de la nature, voir Ch. Gnilka, "Die Natursymbolik in den Tagesliedern des Prudentius",

Pietas. Festschriftftir Bernhard Kötting, éd. Κ. S. Frank (JbAC. Ergänzungsband, 8; Münster,

1980), pp. 411-446; V. Buchheit, "Ovis spinosa (Prud. Cath. 8, 33-40)", pp. 54-55. 81

Pour ces personnes, voir P. Fabre, Essai sur la chronologie de l'oeuvre de saint Paulin de Noie (Publications de la faculté des lettres de Strasbourg, 109; Paris, 1948), pp. 75ss. 82

Nous résumons ici le contenu de Ep. 39, 2-3 (CSEL 29). Carm. 28, 258-313 (CSEL 30) contient une argumentation fort similaire. 83 Voir Eccles. 7, 16.

P o u r cette raison, le Christ aussi a e m p r u n t é b e a u c o u p d ' é l é m e n t s à la vie c a m p a g n a r d e d a n s ses paraboles, p a r e x e m p l e d a n s celle d u semeur: Itaque nos agrum suum dixit seque ipsum ostendit in nobis vitae nostrae satorem, et animarum discrimina variis terrarum expressit ingeniis, ne sterilis sit caveamus, nos quoque ipsos ad fecunditatem deo debitam et nobis utilem contends in lege domini studiis excolamus. C ' e s t p o u r q u o i les propriétaires fonciers chrétiens doivent voir d a n s le travail de leurs fermiers u n e i m a g e d e la p r o p r e animi cultura. L a citation suivante n o u s é v o q u e sans plus le souvenir d e la c o n f r o n t a tion d ' H o r a c e d e la p r o p r e animi cultura avec la terrae cultura de son vilicus: Igitur cum in agro es et rus tuum spectas, te quoque ipsum Christi agrum esse cogita et in te sicut in agrum tuum respice. Qualem agri tui speciem fieri a vilico tuo postulas, talem deo domino cordis tui redde culturam et intellege, quicquid in agro tuo tibi displiceat aut placeat, idem in anima tua placere Christo aut displicere. 84 Paulin se sert d e la relation d u dominus avec son vilicus afin d'illustrer la relation d e D i e u avec A p e r et avec l ' h o m m e en général. 8 5 L a relation c o m p a r a b l e est e m p l o y é e p a r P r u d e n c e p o u r r e p r é s e n t e r le r a p p o r t d e D i e u avec son p e u p l e (adsumptis ... colonis, v. 1023). L a différence entre les d e u x a u t e u r s se situe c e p e n d a n t d a n s le fait q u e , d a n s les vers 1020-1039, P r u d e n c e n e lit p a s la n a t u r e d u point de v u e d u propriétaire foncier, mais bien de celui d u p a y s a n en général et, plus p a r t i c u l i è r e m e n t , d u colonus. D ' a b o r d , la p r e m i è r e p e r s o n n e plurielle d a n s les vers 1001-1006a et 1015-1019 (utimur, 1005; solvimur, exultamus, 1017) i n d i q u e la possibilité q u e P r u d e n c e se représente c o m m e faisant partie des agriculteurs d o n t il i n d i q u e à la fois le travail m a n u e l et la foi chrétienne. E n outre, p a r la relativisation de la valeur des p r o d u i t s matériels d u p o i n t de vue de la spes c h r é t i e n n e , il n o u s offre u n e version c h r é t i e n n e d u parvo vivere h o r a t i e n , u n idéal qui est reflété d a n s l'emploi d u m o t agelli (v. 1003; 1012) et d a n s la p r o b a b l e réminiscence h o r a t i e n n e sapiens et

84

Comparer avec Caes. Arel, Serm. 6, 5 (SC 175). En ce qui concerne la relation dominus-vilicus, voir aussi Le. 16, 1-2. Comparer avec Leo Magn., Serm. 14, 1 (CCSL 138); Caes. Arel., Serm. 6, 5 (SC 175). 85

rusticus (v. 102()).8,‫ י‬Le choix des coloni c o m m e public cible des praecepta d u Christ (v. 1023) rejoint cette représentation des vers 1001-1006a et 1015-1019. N o u s p o u v o n s d o n c conclure q u e P r u d e n c e s'y présente a u moins c o m m e sapiens rusticus horatien et chrétien. Toutefois, il ne dit nulle p a r t q u e la p r e m i è r e p e r s o n n e plurielle renvoie a u g r o u p e des propriétaires fonciers et rien n ' e m p ê c h e qu'il parle des paysans en général. P a r contre, d a n s les vers 1006b-1014, n o t r e poète m o n t r e p a r le renvoi a u x rites païens populaires u n souci de la foi d e la plebs rusticana, qu'il p a r t a g e avec plusieurs de ses cont e m p o r a i n s chrétiens. Plus d ' u n texte d e la fin d u q u a t r i è m e et d u d é b u t d u c i n q u i è m e siècles t é m o i g n e d ' u n e p r é o c c u p a t i o n d u salut des rustici et des coloni de la p a r t des autorités ecclésiastiques. Surtout la forte présence de sanctuaires païens sur les latifundia de propriétaires fonciers chrétiens était insupportable p o u r de n o m b r e u x dirigéants chrétiens. 8 7 O r , puisque les vers 1001-1019 opposent la foi de l'agriculteur chrétien (v. 1001-1006a; 1015-1019) à la superstition de l'agriculteur païen (ν. 1006b-1014), il est bien possible q u e l'éloge d u sapiens rusticus en 1020-1039 doive être interprété c o m m e u n e sorte d ' e x h o r t a t i o n à la vie chrétienne adressée a u x paysans en général ou, plus particulièrement, a u x petits coloni (v. 1023). 88 Si cette interprétation est correcte, P r u d e n c e a t r a n s f o r m é la p a r a b o l e d u s e m e u r en u n e série de praecepta adressés à des coloni p o u r en faire la base bibliq u e d e leur n o u v e a u style de vie. A travers la p a r a b o l e d u semeur, il 86

Voir Hor., Sat. 2, 2, lss, (cf. n. 14); Fontaine, "Valeurs antiques et valeurs chrétiennes", p. 591 n. 90 ("Comparer chez Prudence 'sapiens et rusticus idem' avec la présentation d'Ofellus, archétype horatien de la frugalité ('vivere parvo') et modèle de sagesse pour les petits propriétaires terriens ('metato in agello': rapprocher dans Prudence ... : 'christicolum agellos'), dans Sat. 2, 2, 3."). 87 Dans ces textes est souvent traité le problème de la présence de sanctuaires païens sur les champs de propriétaires fonciers chrétiens vivant souvent en ville. Ceux-ci ont le devoir, selon beaucoup de Pères chrétiens, de veiller à la religiosité de leurs coloni. Voir Joh. Chrys., In Act. Apost. 18, 4-5 (PG, 60); Max. Taur., Serm. 91 (CCSL 23); Gaudent., Tract. 13, 28 (CSEL 68); Aug., Serm. 62, 17-18 (PL, 38). Pour cette problématique, voir également F.J. Dölger, "Christliche Grundbesitzer und heidnische Landarbeiter. Ein Ausschnitt aus der religiösen Auseinandersetzung des vierten und fünften Jahrhunderts", Antike und Christentum. Kultur- und Religionsgeschichtliche Studien 6 (Münster, 1950), pp. 297-320; R. MacMullen, Christianizing the Roman Empire (A.D. 100-400)

( N e w H ä v e n - L o n d o n , 1984), pp. 64-67,

147-148. 88 Cette interprétation est impliquée dans la paraphrase que Dölger a offerte des vers 1006b-1023. Voir "Chrisdiche Grundbesitzer und heidnische Landarbeiter", p. 300. D'ailleurs, le renvoi aux coloni en 1023 fait penser au choix de saint Félix pour la vie de simple métayer (colonus) à la fin du seizième chant de Paulin de Noie (v. 284ff; CSEL 30)

l e u r c o n s e i l l e d e lire d a n s l e u r p r o p r e t r a v a i l s u r les c h a m p s le m e s s a g e q u e D i e u y a c a c h é . P a r s o n a t t e n t i o n p o u r le l a b e u r d u

colonus,

P r u d e n c e p a r t a g e a v e c P a u l i n et d ' a u t r e s a u t e u r s la f a s c i n a t i o n p o u r l a vie r u r a l e . L a vie q u ' i l d é c r i t d a n s 1 0 2 0 - 1 0 3 9 est c e p e n d a n t p r e m i e r h e u celle d u p a y s a n e n g é n é r a l e t p a s d i r e c t e m e n t doublement

negotiosum

qui

caractérise

l'aristocratique

en

Yotium

secessus

in

villam.89

89

Nous allons plus loin que W. Evenepoel ("Prudence et la conversion des aristocrates romains", Augustinianum 30 (1990), p. 32: "Tout aussi indémontrable est une hypothèse de J. Fontaine; cet auteur veut voir dans Prudence un propriétaire foncier, qui aurait transformé l'idéal antique du secessus in villam dans un sens chrétien. Si dans Symm. 2, 1020 ss. Prudence se montre enthousiaste à propos d'une vie qui unit agri cultura et animi cultura, il ne reste pas moins que dans le passage de Y Hymnus

matutinus déjà cité, il oppose son nouveau genre de vie e.a. à celui du rusticus [Cath. 2, 43].") et affirmons que la combinaison prudentienne de agn et animi cultura ne renvoie pas nécessairement au secessus in villam aristocratique. Un texte où la combinaison de Yagricultura et de Yanimi cultura a la même fonction que chez Prudence, est le sixième sermon de Césaire d'Arles. Ce sermon est adressé à un public d'agriculteurs grands et petits, et les incite à ne pas uniquement labourer leur champ, mais également leur âme. Ici aussi, la coprésence des deux thèmes ne désigne pas nécessairement une vie aristocratique composée du double negotium dont parle J. Fontaine.

CYRIL O F ALEXANDRIA'S FIRST EPISCOPAL YEARS A. Davids*

Cyril and Nestorius N o t very m u c h is k n o w n a b o u t Cyril of A l e x a n d r i a (ca. 378-444), f o u n d e r of classical Christology, p r i o r to 428, in w h i c h y e a r Nestorius, A r c h b i s h o p of C o n s t a n t i n o p l e , b e c a m e his rival in Christological matters. In particular, t h e Councils of E p h e s u s (431) a n d C h a l c e d o n (451) are linked with his n a m e . Later, Cyril's theological views were h o n o u r e d by the Councils of C o n s t a n t i n o p l e in 5 5 3 a n d 680-81. W h e n Nestorius' ideas a b o u t Christ as b o t h G o d a n d m a n r e a c h e d Egypt, they w e r e soon disputed b y the desert m o n k s . Cyril was u r g e d to act a n d , in the spring of 429, w r o t e a long letter "to the priests a n d d e a c o n s , to the fathers a m o n g the m o n k s a n d to those leading a solitary life" in Egypt. 1 I n this letter h e p o i n t e d out t h a t the anti-Arian f o r m u l a of faith of the C o u n c i l of N i c a e a (325) implied that M a r y was to be called " M o t h e r of G o d " (Θεοτόκος), a t e r m w h i c h Nestorius h a d refused to use. Instead, h e insisted o n calling M a r y " M o t h e r of C h r i s t " (Χριστοτόκος). I n this, Cyril saw a revival of Arianism, w h i c h h e h a d b e e n attacking since a b o u t 423-25. 2 Cyril's a r g u m e n t s are m a i n l y d r a w n f r o m the anti-Arian works of A t h a n a s i u s (295-373), his predecessor at the See of Alexandria, w h o h a d m o s t strongly o p p o s e d Arianism in the f o u r t h century. Cyril's first anti-Nestorian reaction w a s directed at the c h u r c h e s a n d m o n a s t e r i e s within the b o u n d a r i e s of his o w n ecclesiastical territory a n d was m o d e r a t e : Nestorius is n o t even m e n t i o n e d b y n a m e . But t h e whole issue w o u l d soon escalate. Both Nestorius a n d Cyril tried to gain s u p p o r t f r o m P o p e Celestine of R o m e . Cyril w o n a n d , with the backing of R o m e , h e finally w r o t e a (third) letter to

* I would like to thank Mrs. A. Lentz-Michaelis for the correction of my English text. 1 Cyr. Alex., Ep. 1, ACO I, I, 1, pp. 10-23. 2 G. Jouassard, "Cyrill v. Alexandrien", RAC 3, 499-516, here c. 508.

Nestorius, in w h i c h he called his t e a c h i n g b l a s p h e m o u s a n d in which h e s u m m o n e d Nestorius to disavow his "heresy": Consequently you must confess in writing and on oath that you anathematise your foul and profane teachings and that you hold and teach what w e all do, the bishops and teachers and leaders of the people throughout the West and East. 3

T h i s t h r e a t e n i n g letter w o u l d b e c o m e a central issue of Christological d e b a t e in t h e East. N o t w i t h s t a n d i n g C y r i l l wishes, it was n o t c a n o n ized by t h e C o u n c i l of E p h e s u s in 431. Rivalry b e t w e e n the great Sees of the C h u r c h also played a n imp o r t a n t role. Cyril h a d every interest in evoking the C o u n c i l of N i c a e a . In the y e a r 325, the fathers of the C o u n c i l h a d defined the a u t h o r i t y of the Bishop of A l e x a n d r i a over Egypt, Libya a n d P e n t a polis "since a similar c u s t o m exists with reference to the Bishop of R o m e " . 4 A n t i o c h was only m e n t i o n e d a f t e r A l e x a n d r i a a n d C o n s t a n tinople h a d n o t yet b e e n f o u n d e d . O n l y in 381 at the C o u n c i l of C o n s t a n t i n o p l e was the See of C o n s t a n t i n o p l e placed a f t e r the See of R o m e in the official hierarchy, as " t h e n e w R o m e " . 5 In A t h a n a s i u s ' time, there h a d b e e n a great deal of friction b e t w e e n A l e x a n d r i a a n d the imperial city. Cyril's i m m e d i a t e predecessor, his uncle T h e o philus (385-412), h a d succeeded in h a v i n g the A n t i o c h e n e J o h n C h r y s o s t o m , A r c h b i s h o p of C o n s t a n t i n o p l e since 398, r e m o v e d f r o m his See d u r i n g the S y n o d of the O a k in 403. Cyril h a d a c c o m p a n i e d his uncle o n t h a t occasion a n d h a d b e e n p r e s e n t at the trial, after w h i c h T h e o p h i l u s only n a r r o w l y escaped f r o m a furious m o b which d e m o n s t r a t e d in J o h n ' s favour. 6 I n Cyril's view, Nestorius was a n A n t i o c h e n e - C o n s t a n t i n o p o l i t a n rival w h o h a d d a r e d to h a v e different ideas, was s t u b b o r n , a n d h a d to s u b m i t o r be ousted. Cyril's letter of 4 2 9 to t h e m o n k s of Egypt e n d s with a r e b u k e of J e w s a n d h e a t h e n s : Worship him [Christ] as one and do not divide him into two after the union [of the natures]. T h e n the insane J e w shall mock in vain, for only 3

Cyr. Alex., Ep. 17, 2, ACO I, I, 1, p. 34, trans. J.A. McGuckin, St. Cyril of

Alexandria: The Christological Controversy. Its History, Theology, and Texts, Supplements to

Vigiliae Christianae, 23 (Leiden, 1994), p. 267. 4 Council of Nicaea (325), c. 6, Decrees of the Ecumenical Councils, I, ed. N.P. Tanner (London - Washington, 1990), pp. 8-9. 5 Council of Constantinople (381), c. 3, Demes (η. 4), p. 32. 6 Sozomenus, Hist. Eccl. VIII, 19, PG 67, 1565 A and Cyr. Alex., Ep. 33, 4 (from 432), ACO I, I, 7, p. 147; trans. McGuckin (n. 3), p. 338. John Chrysostom's name would be inserted in the diptychs of Alexandria as late as the year 418.

then indeed shall he be convicted of having sinned not against a m a n like us, but against G o d himself, the Saviour of all. T h e n let him hear this: 'Woe sinful race, people full of sin, evil lineage and lawless children. Y o u have abandoned the Lord and angered the H o l y O n e of Israel' (Isa. 1, 4). Likewise, the children of the Greeks will in n o way be able to ridicule the faith of the Christians, for w e have not worshipped a mere man, G o d forbid, but rather G o d by nature, because we recognised his glory even though he c a m e as we are while remaining what he was, that is God. 7

Criticism of J e w s a n d Greeks is, of course, c o m m o n in early Christian apologetics a n d especially in Cyril's early works. Already in his first Festal Letters, w h i c h d a t e f r o m his first episcopal years, Cyril den o u n c e d the fault of d o u b l e - m i n d e d n e s s (διψυχία), m e a n i n g the r a t h e r equivocal attitude of Christians in A l e x a n d r i a t o w a r d s p a g a n rites. T h e p r o b l e m c o n t i n u e d to interest h i m because in later years he even w r o t e a b o o k against the p a g a n revival by the f o u r t h - c e n t u r y E m p e r o r J u l i a n the Apostate." H o w Cyril dealt with J u d a i s m in his first Festal Letters will be e x a m i n e d briefly in the following. His attit u d e t o w a r d s J u d a i s m a n d the O l d T e s t a m e n t h a s been carefully studied b y A. K e r r i g a n a n d R . L . Wilken, 9 b u t neither a u t h o r has used Cyril's Festal Letters systematically. 1 0

Cyril's education and first episcopal years W h a t is k n o w n of Cyril's y o u t h stems m a i n l y f r o m later sources." Cyril m u s t h a v e b e e n b e t w e e n five a n d ten years old w h e n his uncle T h e o p h i l u s b e c a m e Bishop of A l e x a n d r i a in 385. T h e o p h i l u s took his sister, Cyril's m o t h e r , a n d Cyril into his h o u s e h o l d . T h e n T h e o p h i l u s 7

Cyr. Alex., Ep. 1, 27, ACO I, I, 1, p. 23, trans. McGuckin (n. 3), p. 261. Jouassard, "Cyrill v. Alexandrien" (η. 2), c. 505 comments on Cyril's anti-pagan polemics: "Das ganze Material müsste gesammelt werden (...),‫י‬. A part of Cyril's work against Julian is now available in Sources Chrétiennes (vol. 322): Cyrille d'Alexandrie, Contre Julien, I, Livres I et II, eds. P. Burguière and P. Évieux (Paris, 1985). 8

9 A. Kerrigan, St. Cynt ofi Alexandria: Interpreter of the Old Testament, Analecta Biblica, 2 ( R o m e , 1952); R.L. Wilken, Judaism and the Early Christian Mind: A Study of Cyril of

Alexandria's Exegesis and Theology (New Haven - London, 1971). 10 The first ten Festal Letters (PG 77, 401 if.) have been published in Sources Chrétiennes: Cyrille d'Alexandrie, Lettres Festales I-VI,

Introduction générale par P.

Évieux, introduction critique, texte grec par W.H. Burns, traduction et annotation par L. Arragon et al., SC 372 (Paris, 1991); Tome II: Lettres Festales VII-XI, sous la direction de P. Évieux, texte grec par W.H. Bums, traduction et annotation par L. Arragon, P. Évieux, R. Monier, SC 392 (Paris, 1993). 11 See Évieux in SC 372, p. 11 ff.

sent his n e p h e w to the m o n k s of Nitria, w h e r e , a c c o r d i n g to the t e n t h - c e n t u r y source of Severus ibn al M o q a f f a , Cyril spent five years. At t h e C o u n c i l of Ephesus, Cyril said a b o u t those early years: " F r o m a n early age we h a v e learned the holy Scriptures a n d h a v e b e e n t a u g h t by the o r t h o d o x a n d holy fathers". 1 2 Pierre Évieux suggests t h a t b y these "fathers", Cyril m e a n t his uncle T h e o p h i l u s , the learned D i d y m u s the Blind (died 398) a n d the A l e x a n d r i a n teachers (διδάσκαλοι) w h o regularly gave catechetic instruction. 1 3 But Cyril could also h a v e h a d in m i n d the holy m o n k s w h o lived in the N i t r i a n desert a n d in the Kellia at the time that he was there: M a c a r i u s of Alexandria, Evagrius of Pontus, A m m o n i u s a n d his brothers. Back at his uncle's house, Cyril assisted h i m as private secretary. W i t h i n a few days of T h e o p h i l u s ' d e a t h in O c t o b e r 412, h e b e c a m e his succèssor, n o t w i t h s t a n d i n g the opposition of the rival a r c h d e a c o n , T i m o thy, w h o was backed b y the imperial c o m m a n d e r , A b u n d a n t i u s . 1 4 I m m e d i a t e l y a f t e r his election as Bishop of A l e x a n d r i a , Cyril gave p r o o f of his intolerance t o w a r d s o t h e r confessions a n d beliefs. As Socrates, a c o n t e m p o r a r y of Cyril's, relates in his Ecclesiastical History, 1 5 h e m a n a g e d to close the c h u r c h e s of the N o v a t i a n s at Alexandria a n d h a v e their treasures confiscated. Socrates also writes a b o u t three o t h e r incidents f r o m Cyril's early episcopal years in Alexandria, where the (...) public is more delighted with tumult than any other people: and if at any time it should find a pretext, breaks forth into the most intolerable excesses; for it never ceases from its turbulence without bloodshed. 16

At certain festivities d a n c e r s gave p e r f o r m a n c e s at the theatre, which 12

ACO I, I, 3, p. 22, 8-10. Évieux in SC 372, p. 13. 14 Socrates, Hist. Eccl. VII, 7, PG 67, 749 C: "Whereupon on the third day after the death of Theophilus, Cyril came into possession of the episcopate, with greater power than Theophilus had ever exercised", trans. A.C. Zenos in Socrates, Sozomenus: Church Histories, A Select Library of Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, II, 2 (Edinburgh, repr. 1989), p. 156. On Socrates' antipathy towards Theophilus see G.F. 13

Chesnut, The First Christian Histories: Eusebius, Socrates, Sozomen, Theodoret, and Evagrius,

Théologie historique, 46 (Paris, 1977), p. 170; and p. 179 on his relationship with the pagan teachers who after the anti-Christian riots at Alexandria in 389 had fled to Constantinople. 15

Socr., ibid.; H.J. V o g t , Coetus Sanctorum: Der Kirchenbegriff des Novation und die

Geschichte seiner Sonderkirche, Theophaneia, 20 (Bonn, 1968), pp. 264-265 mentions the episode en passant. For Socrates' sympathy for the Novatians see Chesnut, First Christian Histories (n. 14), p. 176. 16

Socr., Hist. Eccl. VII, 13, PG 67, 761 A, trans. Zenos, p. 159.

often provoked quarrels between the different parties, especially between J e w s a n d Christians. T h e n e w prefect, Orestes, 1 7 tried to gain control of this situation a n d issued n e w regulations. O n c e , a certain Hierax, teacher in the e l e m e n t a r y school (γραμματικός) a n d enthusiastic a t t e n d a n t of Cyril's sermons, showed u p in the theatre, was recognised by the J e w s a n d accused of having c o m e to m a k e trouble. Orestes suspected Cyril of sending H i e r a x to spy on him. H e h a d H i e r a x arrested a n d publicly tortured in the theatre, w h e r e u p o n Cyril t h r e a t e n e d the Jewish leaders with severe retribution if they c o n t i n u e d to molest the Christians. T h e J e w s felt unnecessarily p r o voked a n d p l a n n e d to lure the Christians into a trap. At night they r a n into the streets shouting that the " c h u r c h of A l e x a n d e r " was o n fire. M a n y Christians w h o left their houses in o r d e r to extinguish the fire were killed. N e x t m o r n i n g , Cyril m a d e his a p p e a r a n c e ; with " a n i m m e n s e c r o w d " he took possession of the Jewish synagogues a n d h a d t h e m p l u n d e r e d . Socrates tells of the expulsion of the Jews: Thus the Jews w h o had inhabited the city from the time of Alexander the Macedonian were expelled from it, stripped of all they possessed and dispersed, some in one direction and some in another. 18

T h e year in which this h a p p e n e d is usually given as 4 1 4 o r 415. 1 9 It is, however, h a r d to believe that all the J e w s f r o m the whole city h a d to leave. It m a y be that the J e w s were expelled f r o m the centre of the city. Orestes a p p e a l e d to the E m p e r o r , as too did Cyril. Cyril was urged by his people to try to m a k e p e a c e with the prefect, b u t the humiliated Orestes refused all negotiations. T h e animosity between the two m e n r e m a i n e d . O n a n o t h e r occasion, Cyril h a d invited some 5 0 0 m o n k s f r o m the desert to c o m e to Alexandria in o r d e r to support his claim to a u t h o r ity in the city. W h e n they saw Orestes passing by in his chariot, they started shouting at h i m a n d calling h i m a n idolatrous p a g a n . Orestes tried in vain to explain t h a t he was baptised a Christian by Bishop Atticus of Constantinople. His b o d y g u a r d s fled a n d Orestes was hit 17

Orestes was praefectus Augustalis at Alexandria from 412 to 415/416, see art. "Orestes" [11], RE 35, 1, 1011-1012; J.R. Martindale, The Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire, II (Cambridge, 1980), p. 810 has only: 415. 18 Socr., Hist. Eccl. VII, 13, trans. Zenos, p. 159. 19 See Évieux in SC 372, p. 51, n. 2: with a preference for the year 415. E. Stein, Histoire du Bas-Empire, I, 1 (Paris - Bruges, 1959), p. 276 does not give a date. A. D e m a n d t , Die Spätantike: Römische Geschichte von Diocletian bis Justinian 284-565

η. Chr.,

Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft, III, VI (Munich, 1989) has on p. 165 the year 415 and on p. 433 the year 414. Wilken, Judaism (n. 9), p. 56: "perhaps in A.D. 414".

o n the h e a d by a stone t h r o w n by the m o n k A m m o n i u s . Finally, citizens of the town succeeded in rescuing the prefect a n d driving the furious m o n k s back. A m m o n i u s was arrested a n d so badly p u n i s h e d that he died. Cyril struck back by giving A m m o n i u s a solemn burial a n d p u t t i n g him o n the list of martyrs u n d e r the n a m e of T h a u m a s i o s ("the Admirable"). People of Cyril's c h u r c h did n o t a p p r o v e of this gesture a n d veneration of the n e w " m a r t y r " was soon d r o p p e d . 2 0 T h e next disastrous provocation was the m u r d e r of H y p a t i a , a most distinguished philosopher, w h o h a d close relations with Orestes. H e r e , Socrates m e n t i o n s the year: it h a p p e n e d in M a r c h , d u r i n g Lent, in the fourth year of Cyril's episcopate, u n d e r the tenth consulate of the E m p e r o r H o n o r i u s a n d the sixth of the E m p e r o r T h e o d o s i u s II. 21 A c c o r d i n g to E. Stein, w h o follows O . Seeck, it was the y e a r 4 1 5 o r 416. 2 2 It was said of H y p a t i a that she h a d prevented the i m p r o v e m e n t of relations between Cyril a n d Orestes. In a n y case, she was d r a g g e d f r o m h e r carriage by a m o b of Christians lead by a certain Peter, 2 3 taken to the c h u r c h called C a e s a r e u m , stripped a n d torn a p a r t ; h e r limbs were b u r n t at a place called C i n a r o n . 2 4 In h o w far Cyril was responsible for this cruel event is disputed a m o n g historians. Socrates' c o m m e n t o n this sad event says e n o u g h : A n d surely nothing can be farther from the spirit of Christianity than the allowance of massacres, fights, and transactions of that sort.

Alexandria's n a m e as "noble centre of Hellenism", as the E m p e r o r J u l i a n (the "Apostate") h a d liked to call the city, 25 was d a m a g e d 20

Socr., Hist. Eccl. VII, 14, PG 67, 765 A-768 A.

21

Socr., Hist. Eccl. VII, 15, PG 67, 769 A

22

Stein, Histoire (η. 19), p. 277; Demandt, Spätantike (η. 19), pp. 165, 427: the year 415; alsoj. Rougé, "La politique de Cyrille d'Alexandrie et le meurtre d'Hypatie", Cristianesimo nella storia, 11 (1990), pp. 485-504, here p. 485. 23 The mob must have consisted of parabolani/παραβολάνοι. See on these sicknurses/bodyguards at the disposal of the Alexandrian bishop: Évieux in SC 372, pp. 57-61 with comments on J. Rougé, "Les débuts de l'Épiscopat de Cyrille d'Alexandrie et le Code Théodosien", ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΙΝΑ· Hellénisme, judaïsme et christianisme à Alexandrie. Mélanges offerts au P. Claude Mondésert (Paris, 1987), pp. 339-

349. Besides from the Codex Theodosianus, the parabalani are also known from the council of Chalcedon, A C O II, I, p. 179, 28: oi μονάζοντες ... και oi παραβαλανεΐς. 24 Socr., Hist. Eccl. VII, 15, PG 67, 768 A-769 A. 25

Jul., Ep. 10 (nr. 60), L'empereur Julien: Oeuvres complètes, ed. J. Bidez, I, 2 (Paris, 2d

ed., 1960), p. 72, 2-4. According to M. Dzielska, Hypatia of Alexandria (Cambridge, Mass.-London, 1995), p. 97 Cyril was "a chief instigator of the campaign of defamation against Hypatia, fomenting prejudice and animosity against the woman philosopher, rousing fear about the consequences of her alleged black-magic spells on the prefect, the faithful of the Christian community, and indeed the whole city."

forever. In all this, Cyril was a 'worthy' successor to his uncle T h e o p h i l u s , u n d e r whose episcopate the f a m o u s Serapeion h a d been destroyed in the early nineties of the f o u r t h century. 2 6 T h e Museion of Alexandria vanished together with the Serapeion; according to the S u d a (tenth century), H y p a t i a ' s father, the m a t h e m a t i c i a n T h e o n , h a d been the last m e m b e r of the Museion in Alexandria.

War to the Jews: Cjnl's first Festal Letters T h e start of Cyril's episcopal career is also generally t h o u g h t to be the b e g i n n i n g of his literary activity a n d the years 4 2 8 / 4 2 9 , which b r o u g h t the first c o n f r o n t a t i o n s with Nestorius, are always taken to be a t u r n i n g point in Cyril's literary career. 2 7 Cyril's first books are exclusively dedicated to the exegesis of the Pentateuch: his De adoratione et cultu in spiritu et veritate a n d the c o m p l e m e n t to it, the Glaphyra in Pentateuchum. F u r t h e r , extensive c o m m e n t a r i e s on the Twelve M i n o r Prophets a n d on Isaiah have been preserved. O n l y after 4 2 0 did he t u r n to the explanation of the N e w T e s t a m e n t (a c o m m e n t a r y on the Gospel of St. J o h n ) a n d to anti-Arian polemics. Immediately after b e c o m i n g Bishop, Cyril continued the traditional Alexandrian custom of writing Heortastikai epistolai, Festal Letters, in which, as h e a d of the Egyptian C h u r c h , he annually i n f o r m e d the bishops a n d m o n k s in Egypt a b o u t the date on which Easter was to be celebrated. T h e s e letters also gave h i m the o p p o r t u n i t y of dealing with different kinds of urgent ecclesiastical a n d religious affairs. Cyril is the first Alexandrian c h u r c h leader of w h o m a n almost c o m plete set of letters for all the years he was in function has been preserved: twenty-nine Festal Letters for the years 4 1 4 until 442. 2 8 26

Stein, Histoire (η. 19), p. 209. Cod. Theod. XVI, 10, 11 (16 June 391) forbids all pagan cult in Egypt. 27 See G. Jouassard, "L'activité littéraire de Saint Cyrille d'Alexandrie jusqu'à 428", Mélanges I. Podechard (Lyon, 1945), pp. 159-174, here p. 170, and id., "Cyrill v. Alexandrien" (η. 2), c. 500 and the criticism by J. Liébaert, La doctrine christologique de saint Cyrille d'Alexandrie avant la querelle nestorienne, M é m o i r e s et travaux publiés par des

professeurs des Facultés Catholiques de Lille, 58 (Lille, 1951), pp. 12-16: Cyril's Commentary on St. John would be his first exegetical work. Cp. H. du Manoir, "Cyrille d'Alexandrie", Dictionnaire de Spiritualité 2, 2672-2683, here col. 2674 and E.R. Hardy, 'Cyrillus von Alexandrien', Theologische Realenzyklopädie 8, 254-260, pp. 256-257. 28 These Festal Letters [F.L.] are traditionally numbered as nrs. 1-30; there is no nr. 3 in the series (SC 372, p. 113). See also n. 10.

In his first Festal L e t t e r — a b o u t the date of Easter for the year 414—Cyril introduces himself as successor to T h e o p h i l u s a n d as the new p r e a c h e r of the Gospel a n d quotes f r o m the Bible: "You shall speak a n d n o longer be dumb 5 ' (Ezech. 24, 27). H e sets the tone by attacking the Jews, w h o celebrate their Passover ostentatiously on the fourteenth of Nissan. T h e r e are m a n y O l d T e s t a m e n t texts to prove that the Jews have deserted G o d , such as Hos. 4, 6: Because you have rejected knowledge, I wül also reject thee, that thou shalt not minister as priest to me; and as thou hast forgotten the law of thy God, I also wifl forget thy children. 29 T o be excluded f r o m the service of the Lord is the worst possible punishment; the m e m o r y (μνήμη) that G o d h a d of Israel has been badly d a m a g e d . Also a m o n g the texts of the O l d T e s t a m e n t is J e r . 7, 16-18: Therefore pray not thou for this people, and intercede not for them to be pitied, yea, pray not, and approach me not for them: for I will not hearken unto thee (...).3‫יי‬ F r o m J e r . 9, 17-18 he quotes: Call ye the mourning women and let them come, and send to the wise women, and let them utter their voice; and let them take up a lamentation for you; a n d Cyril adds: "because the flock of the Lord is sorely bruised". 3 1 Also remarkable in the same context is the quotation of L a m . 4, 18-19: Our time has drawn nigh, our days are fulfilled, our end32 is come. Our pursuers were swifter than the eagles of the sky.33 Such words will easily have stirred u p the feelings of Cyril's followers, in particular people like Hierax a n d A m m o n i u s . This Festal Letter was read in all the churches a n d monasteries in Egypt at the begin29

Hos. 4, 6 L X X , trans. L.C.L. Brenton, The Septuagint with Apocrypha: Greek and

English (London, 1851, repr. Grand Rapids, Mich., 1982). In fact, Cyril reads in his text of the Septuagint not "that thou shalt not minister as priest" (του μή ίερατευειν), but "I shall reject you from being a priest to me" (του ίερατευειν), Cyr. Alex., F.L. I, 6, 80 f., SC 372, p. 178. 30 F.L. I, 6, 68 ff., SC 372, p. 178. 51 F.L. I, 6, 104-107, SC 372, p. 180. The last added words are from Jer. 13, 17, which can be added to the apparatus in the edition of SC. 32 Cyril reads τό πέρας, the LXX has ό καιρός. 33 F.L. I, 6, 110-112, SC 372, p. 180.

n i n g of 414; it m u s t therefore h a v e b e e n c o m p o s e d by the e n d of the y e a r 4 1 3 a n d it m a y h a v e served as the first step that led to the expulsion of the J e w s f r o m A l e x a n d r i a as r e c o r d e d by the c h u r c h historian Socrates. T h e Festal Letter for the next y e a r (415) could hint at the sad events of 414. Cyril begins b y stating t h a t h e did n o t w a n t to be o u t d o n e by t h e J e w s , w h o take pride in the letter of the Law, w h i c h is m e r e s h a d o w of the (Christian) t r u t h , a n d w h o proclaim their holy days with t r u m p e t s (cf. Ps. 80, 6). T h e n h e continues: When I examine everything that happened (τα γεγονότα), a great many things appear which it would be very reproachable to conceal. H e t h a n k s G o d f o r his benefactions. 3 4 By " t h e events", Cyril could h a v e h a d the conflict with the J e w s in m i n d . If this is the case, t h e n t h e expulsion of the J e w s can be d a t e d m o r e precisely as h a v i n g h a p p e n e d in t h e later p a r t (summer?) of t h e year 414.

The Old Testament " T h e L a w a n d t h e P r o p h e t s " (the O l d T e s t a m e n t ) is called by Cyril the letter (γράμμα), i m a g e (είκών), a p p e a r a n c e (σχήμα), s h a d o w (σκιά), a n d , m o s t often, figure (τύπος). T h e N e w T e s t a m e n t offers t r u t h (αλήθεια), p o w e r (δύναμις) a n d m o r a l perfection (κατόρθωμα). C o n t e m p l a t i o n (θεωρία) establishes the link between the two T e s t a m e n t s a n d their real m e a n i n g . 3 5 T h e c o n t e m p l a t e d , allegorical realities a r e called θ ε ω ρ ή μ α τ α . O f t h e biblical figures, A b r a h a m a n d Moses are very often m e n tioned. It is because of the o b e d i e n c e of the " r i g h t e o u s " a n d "blessed" (μακάριος) A b r a h a m , t h e f a t h e r of the H e b r e w people, t h a t the people c a m e to e m b r a c e godly fear (ευλάβεια) a n d the true cult. T h i s c h a n g e (μετάθεσις) a n d the c o m i n g to the knowledge of G o d m a d e , as it were, a n e w people, distinct f r o m all o t h e r nations. But 34 35

F.L. II, 2, 1-4, SC 372, p. 194. See B. de Margerie, Introduction à l'histoire de l'exégèse, I: Les Pères grecs et orientaux

(Paris, 1980), pp. 273-275; Wilken, Judaism (n. 9), pp. 69-92 and esp. the monograph of Kerrigan, St. Cyril (n. 9), p. 116: "St. Cyril's favourite expression θεωρία seems to have been derived from the Platonic tradirion", with a reference to H.N. Bate, "Some technical terms of Greek exegesis", Joum. ofTheol. Stud., 24 (1922-23); p. 61; on p. 385 Kerrigan writes: "St. Cyril's spiritual interpretarions reveal a strong andJewish bias."

t h r o u g h neglect of the t r u e belief, t h e H e b r e w s subsequently fell back into their f o r m e r atheistic state; besides that, they did n o t believe in Christ a n d b e c a m e u n f a i t h f u l (ασέβεια), w h i c h was also said by H o s . 7, 13: Woe to them! For they have started aside from me: they are cowards; for they have sinned against me (ήσέβησαν εις έμέ).36 T h e fact t h a t A b r a h a m h a d a child f r o m his wife S a r a a n d f r o m the Egyptian slave H a g a r (Gen. 16), h a s n o t h i n g to d o with voluptuousness o r pleasure-seeking. 3 7 A c c o r d i n g to Cyril, H a g a r , b e i n g superfluous, fled after the birth of Isaac; t h e n a n angel told h e r to r e t u r n to S a r a a n d to s u b m i t to her. Cyril t h u s c o m b i n e s two passages f r o m G e n . : G e n . 16, 8 ( H a g a r flees before Ismael's birth) a n d G e n . 21, 8 - 2 0 ( H a g a r is sent a w a y a f t e r Ismael's birth a n d does n o t return). In his view, this is a n allegory of the two covenants, as Paul also stated in Gal. 4, 22-26: the c o v e n a n t at Sinai (Hagar) a n d the c o v e n a n t of t h e heavenly J e r u s a l e m (Sara). But Cyril also p u t s f o r w a r d a n o t h e r t h o u g h t : in A b r a h a m h e sees the old α ι ώ ν , the times of old (ό γέρων χρόνος), a n d in S a r a the whole of h u m a n n a t u r e with its fertility, birth a n d maturity. T h e c o h a b i t a t i o n of the h u m a n race with the α ι ώ ν is as in a cosmic bridal r o o m u n d e r the vast firmament.38 T h i s m a r r i a g e long r e m a i n e d childless a n d was p u t to the test. S a r a welcorned the illegitimate offspring of A b r a h a m , b u t Ismael was b o r n f r o m the Egyptian, dark, "so-called" w i s d o m of the world, w h i c h is a servant of pseudo-gods. Finally, Isaac was b o r n as a symbol (τύπος) of Christ a n d h a s m a d e foolish the w i s d o m of t h e world (cf. 1 C o r . 1, 20). Cyril notes that h e is following a r a t h e r free allegory of the history. H e m a k e s use of a Philonic i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , already taken over f r o m Philo before h i m by C l e m e n t of Alexandria: H a g a r stands for secular culture, S a r a for real wisdom; secular philosophy is the serva n t of t r u t h . Isaac b e c o m e s the f o r e f a t h e r of a whole n a t i o n , with w h o m the L o r d makes a n e w covenant. 3 9 Moses, t h e "lawgiver", the "blessed" (μακάριος), a n d , in imitation of 36

F.L. IV, 4, 50-51, SC 372, p. 258. F.L. V, 3, SC 372, pp. 292-300. 38 F.L V, 3, 7-8, SC 372, p. 300. 39 Clem. Alex., Strom. I, V, 30, SC 30, p. 67. See also the important note in SC 372, p. 294. Cp. for "the new covenant": Jer. 31, 31 L X X and Hebr. 8. On the Hagar and Sarah motif : A. van den Hoek, Clement of Alexandria and his Use of Philo in 37

the Stromateis: An Early Christian Reshaping of a Jewish Model, Supplements to Vigiliae

Christianae, 3 (Leiden, 1988), pp. 23-47, esp. pp. 34-35.

Philo a n d C l e m e n t of Alexandria, also called " t e a c h e r of sacred t r u t h s " (ίεροφάντης), is Cyril's o w n rhetorical model. As newly consecrated bishop, he appeals to Moses' dilatory attitude to G o d ' s call: "I a m weak in speech, a n d slow-tongued" (Exod. 4, 10). H e feels himself the least of all (έλάχιστος), q u o t i n g J e r . 1, 7: " O Lord, T h o u that art s u p r e m e Lord, behold, I know not h o w to speak, for I a m a child." 4 0 Moses' rod, cast on the g r o u n d , b e c a m e a serpent, a n d , taken u p , t u r n e d again into a rod (Exod. 4, 2-4). 41 T h i s rod is a symbol for the conversion of m a n k i n d . False Egyptian doctrines entangle m a n in sin a n d the passions of the flesh (the poisonous serpent), but he is able to regain his original state. T h i s idea of μεταμόρφωσις has been recognised by R . Wilken as the central t h e m e of Cyril's spiritual message. 42

Jewish rituals Jewish rituals, such as fasting, circumcision a n d keeping the S a b b a t h , are often targeted in the first Festal Letters. J e w s d o not really fast, a l t h o u g h they are p r o u d of following the rules a b o u t it. Does n o t Christ in the Gospels speak a b o u t the Pharisee, w h o says: God, I thank thee that I am not like other men, extortioners, unjust, adulterers, or even like this tax collector. I fast twice a week, I give tithes of aU that I get (Luke 18, 11-12)?43 Fasting is n o t only abstaining f r o m food a n d drink; o n e m u s t also resist vice. J e w s d o not follow the real m e a n i n g of the proscriptions; they are unclean a n d live in fornication a n d prostitution. T h i s was already k n o w n f r o m the O l d T e s t a m e n t , because the L o r d said (to K i n g Josias): 40 F.L. I, 2, 24-27, SC 372, p. 148. Origen deals with Moses' words of Exod. 4, 10 in his third homily on Exod., but according to him God opens the mouth of Moses and the prophets, not the mouth of the user of the biblical sentence (as Cyril does), see the text in Origine: Homélies sur l'Exode, eds. P. Forder and H. de Lubac, SC 16 (Paris, 1947), pp. 102-104. Gregory of Nyssa does not use the text of Exod. 4, 10 in his Life of Moses. On Moses see B. Botte, "Das Leben des Moses bei Philo" andj. Daniélou, "Moses bei Gregor von Nyssa: Vorbild und Gestalt", Moses in Schuft und Überlieferung (Düsseldorf, 1963), pp. 173-181 and pp. 289-306. 41 F.L. II, 8, 1-11, SC 372, p. 226 and note. Cyril's explanation also, and more developped in his De odor. II, PG 68, 244 A-245 A. 42 Wilken, Judaism (n. 9), esp. p. 92. The term does not appear in the index of Wilken's book. 43 F.L. I, 5, 13-16, SC 372, p. 170.

Hast thou seen what things the House of Israel has done to me? T h e y have gone 4 4 on every high mountain, and under every shady tree, and have committed fornication there. And I said after she had committed all these acts of fornication, Turn again to me. Yet she returned not. (Jer. 3, 6-7)

Circumcision is merely of the flesh. Cyril places circumcision in a context of traditional Christian A l e x a n d r i a n anthropology: the h u m a n m i n d (νους) contains the seeds of virtue, which it has b e e n given by the creator. But oblivion (λήθη) b e c a m e like a cover a n d a fog b a n k over it a n d m a n s u c c u m b e d to earthly m a t t e r s a n d uncleanliness. T h i s cover, however, c a n be t h r o w n off, sin can be a b j u r e d a n d the i n n o c e n t state of paradise regained. A d a m ' s original confidence in G o d (παρρησία) c a n be regained t h r o u g h this t r a n s f o r m a t i o n (μεταστοιχείωσις). 4 5 Circumcision is only valuable if u n d e r g o n e spiritually, t h a t m e a n s for G o d , as J e r . 4, 4 says: "Circumcise yourselves to y o u r G o d , a n d circumcise y o u r hardness of heart." 4 6 A c c o r d i n g to Cyril, St. Paul m e a n s the s a m e in 1 C o r . 7, 19 a n d in R o m . 2, 25-27: circumcision is utterly u n i m p o r t a n t ; it is only of value for those w h o follow the L a w of the C o v e n a n t . A b r a h a m practised circumcision as a seal of his justification b y G o d . T h i s seal (σφραγίς) is a sign of the f o r m u l a of faith at baptism. 4 7 A c c o r d i n g to Cyril, fleshly circumcision is even ridiculous. It is n o t practised by a n y o t h e r living creature. W h y should m a n , the highest creature, m a d e in the image of G o d , have his b o d y mutilated, a n d that at the o r g a n which serves for procreation? 4 8 T h e keeping of the S a b b a t h is also belied by n a t u r e , which does n o t k n o w a weekly d a y of rest. Cyril h a s two explanations of the institution of the S a b b a t h in Exod. 20, 11 ("For in six days the L o r d m a d e the h e a v e n a n d the e a r t h , a n d the sea a n d all things in t h e m , a n d rested o n the seventh day; therefore the L o r d blessed the seventh day, a n d hallowed it."). Historically, according to the letter of the

44

F.L. I, 6, 45-49, SC 372, p. 176. Cyril reads έπορεύθη instead of έπορεύθησαν of the Septuagint. Both Cyril and LXX have for "they committed ... fornication" the plural έπόρευσαν. 45 F.L. VI, 8, SC 372, pp. 368-372. 46 Jer. 4, 4 with var., F.L. VI, 8, 67, SC 372, p. 374. 47 F.L. VI, 8, 77-86, SC 372, pp. 374-376. « F.L VI, 7, 1-42, SC 372, pp. 364-368. Origen had called circumcision "illsounding" (κακέμφατον), a word which Rufmus has taken over in Greek in his Latin translation of Origen's Horn, in Gen. Ill, 6, see Origène: Homélies sur la Genèse, S C 7 bis

(Paris, 1976), p. 139, n. 2.

Scriptures, the S a b b a t h was i n t r o d u c e d to recognise G o d as c r e a t o r of the universe. By following Egyptian idolatry a n d a d o r i n g h e a v e n , e a r t h , sun, m o o n a n d stars as gods, the H e b r e w people apostasised a n d h a d to learn again t h a t G o d was the m a k e r of all things; therefore a particular d a y h a d to be consecrated to His divinity. Spiritually — w h i c h only Christians c a n u n d e r s t a n d — t h e S a b b a t h m e a n s the rest of the faithful in H e a v e n a f t e r the final j u d g m e n t at the e n d of time. T h e σ α β β α τ ι σ μ ό ς as exposed in H e b r . 4, 9 m e a n s this rest of the saints in r e w a r d of their good deeds in their earthly life—a rest w h i c h will be final a n d eternal a n d in w h i c h n o assault of the Devil or of sin occurs, because by t h e n the Devil is p u n i s h e d in Hell a n d sin is dead. 4 9 T h e O l d T e s t a m e n t h a s a relative significance. It was given to the H e b r e w s ; b u t n o t w i t h s t a n d i n g their pedagogical m e a n s , Moses a n d t h e p r o p h e t s could n o t raise the cover f r o m their minds. People did n o t listen to t h e m (cf. J e r . 7, 25). Finally G o d sent His Son, b o m of the H o l y Virgin, 5 0 in o r d e r to m a k e a n e n d to this apostasy. I n Christ the final renewal in the history of m a n k i n d has a p p e a r e d .

A final remark T h i s renewal is called άνανέωσις, μεταποίησις, καινοτομία, μεταστοιχείωσις, άναγέννησις. T h e s e terms, w h i c h also o c c u r "with u n c o m m o n f r e q u e n c y " in Cyril's o t h e r works, express the deepest m e a n i n g of his spiritual message. F.L. Cross h a s p o i n t e d o u t that Cyril m a k e s a n a b u n d a n t use of c o m p o u n d s with prepositions: " T h e material in o u r files h a s disclosed t h a t Cyril coined a highly distinctive v o c a b u l a r y . T h e r e are well over 1,000 w o r d s w h i c h o c c u r either in Cyril alone o r in Cyril f o r the first t i m e o r in Cyril m o r e f r e q u e n t l y t h a n in the whole of G r e e k literature taken together. T h e s e Cyrilline w o r d s are c o m p o u n d s of c o m m o n w o r d s o r verbal elements with prepositional prefixes. Characteristic instances are ά ν α φ ο ι τ ά ω , γ ρ α ο π ρ ε π ή ς , κατωθέω, π ρ ο α ν α θ ρ έ ω . Especially f r e q u e n t are c o m p o u n d s with κ α τ α - a n d συν-, in e a c h case n u m b e r i n g b e t w e e n 100 a n d 150. T h e s e w o r d s are so characteristic t h a t their o c c u r r e n c e is a

49

F.L. VI, 11, 72-95, SC 372, pp. 388-390. The Holy Virgin is, of course, not yet called Θεοτόκος in these early years of Cyril's episcopate. 50

sure test of Cyrilline authorship.' 5 5 1 R . L . Wilken has insisted o n the technical m e a n i n g of c o m p o u n d s with ά ν α - a n d μετά-. F u r t h e r , h e draws attention to the use of the verbs δ ι α π λ ά τ τ ω , έ π ι χ ρ ω μ α τ ί ζ ω , μεθίστημι, μ ε τ α π λ ά τ τ ω , μ ε τ α χ α ρ ά τ τ ω , μ ε τ α χ ρ ω μ α τ ί ζ ω , ά ν α μ ο ρ φ ό ω , π α ρ α φ έ ρ ω . As yet, little f u r t h e r research has b e e n d o n e in this field.52

Conclusion O f Cyril of A l e x a n d r i a ' s early works only his Festal Letters c a n be d a t e d exactly. T h e y p r e s e n t a p o w e r f u l spiritual message on the renewal of life t h r o u g h Christ. E l e m e n t s of this message are also to b e f o u n d in Cyril's o t h e r early works, such as De adoratione et cultu, Glaphyra, a n d his C o m m e n t a r i e s o n the Twelve M i n o r P r o p h e t s a n d o n Isaiah. Cyril's view o n the m e a n i n g of t h e O l d T e s t a m e n t is closely linked with his anti-Jewish feelings. In the polemics against the Jews, f o r w h i c h his yearly encyclicals (Festal Letters) offer a m p l e o p p o r t u n i t y , he yields in almost n o t h i n g to J o h n C h r y s o s t o m in his s e r m o n s against t h e j e w s p r e a c h e d in A n t i o c h in 3 8 6 / 3 8 7 . 5 3 J o h n C h r y s o s t o m is usually r e g a r d e d as the m o s t ferocious polemicist against J u d a i s m a m o n g the C h u r c h Fathers, 5 4 b u t Cyril has the inglorious h o n o u r of 51

F.L. Cross, "The projected Lexicon of Patristic Greek", Actes du Vie congrès international d'Études byzantines (Paris, 1950), pp. 389-392 as quoted by Wilken, Judaism (η. 9). See also A. Vaccari, "La grecità di S. Cirillo d'Alessandria", Studi P. Ubaldi (Milan, 1937), pp. 27-39. 52 Hardy, "Cyrillus" (η. 27), p. 257 has a few Unes on Cyril's style: "Kyrill schreibt unterschiedlich - präzise, weitschweifig oder schlicht, und dabei durchaus nicht ohne Reiz - für unterschiedliche Zielgruppen (...)". 53

Johannes Chrysostomus, Acht Reden gegen Juden,

eingeleitet u n d erläutert von R.

Brändle, übersetzt von V. Jegher-Bucher, Bibliothek der griechischen Literatur, 41 (Stuttgart, 1995), p. 38. Further: A.M. Ritter, "Erwägungen zum Antisemitismus in der Alten Kirche: Joannes Chrysostomos, 'Acht Reden wider die Juden"', Blähendes im Wandel der Kirchengeschichte: Kirchenhistorische Studien, eds. B. Moeller and G. R u h b a c h (Tübingen, 1973), pp. 71-91 and R.L. Wilken, John Chrysostom and thejews: Rhetoric and

Reality in the Late 4th Century (Los Angeles - London, 1983). And on the legislation about the Jews from 383 tot 438: M. Avi-Yonah, The Jews under Roman and Byzantine Rule (Jerusalem, 1984), pp. 213-220 and more generally F. Millar, "The Jews of the Graeco-Roman diaspora between paganism and Christianity, AD 312-438", Thejews among Pagans and Christians in the Roman Empire, eds. J. Lieu, J. North and T . Rajak

(London - New York, 1992), pp. 97-123. 54

e.g. M . Simon, Verus Israel: Étude sur les relations entre chrétiens et Juifs dans l'Empire

Romain (135-435) (Paris, 1964), p. 256: "le maître de l'imprécation anti-juive (...) Cet antisémitisme transparaît dans toute oeuvre". Cyril of Alexandria is only mentioned

s h a r i n g t h e s a m e feelings in A l e x a n d r i a s o m e 2 5 y e a r s l a t e r — s u r e l y a sign t h a t in A l e x a n d r i a too, J e w i s h

rituals

(as w e l l a s p a g a n o n e s ) h a d

n o t lost t h e i r a p p e a l a m o n g t h e C h r i s t i a n p o p u l a t i o n . T h e

relation-

ship between J o h n ' s a n d Cyril's polemics should be investigated m o r e closely. T h e r e is n o u n a n i m i t y a s t o t h e e x a c t y e a r ( 4 1 4 o r 4 1 5 ) o f C y r i l ' s e x p u l s i o n o f t h e J e w s f r o m A l e x a n d r i a . It s e e m s , h o w e v e r , t h a t t h e first t w o Festal L e t t e r s a l l o w us t o fix t h e e v e n t in t h e l a t e r

part

(summer?) of the y e a r 414.

by Simon on p. 264 in connection with the expulsion of the Jews from Alexandria in 414: "le cas le plus net" of pogroms in early Christian times. H. Schreckenberg, Die christlichen Adversus-Judaeos-Texte

und ihr literarisches und historisches Umfeld (l.-ll.

Jh.),

Europäische Hochschulschriften, XXIII, 172 (Frankfurt am Main, 3d ed., 1995), p. 327 on John's sermons: "Da äussert sich in der Tat blanker Hass, und die Polarisierung von Christentum und Judentum erreicht einen Grad, der kaum noch steigerungsfahig erscheint." Schreckenberg's judgment on Cyril, p. 373: "Das antijüdische Verhalten des Erzbischofs, das zu dem ersten 'Pogrom' in der Geschichte der chrisdich-jüdischen Beziehungen führte, hat eine gewisse Entsprechung in den Aussagen zum Judenthema in seinen Schriften, doch vermeidet er gewöhnlich verbale Aggressionen in der Art des Johannes Chrysostomos." Kirche und Synagoge: Handbuch zur Geschichte von Christen und Juden, eds. K . H . Rengstorf and S.

von Kortzfleisch, I (Stuttgart, 1968), pp. 170-180 and R.R. Ruether, Faith and Fratncide: The Theological Roots ofAnti-Semitism (London, 1975), pp. 158-165 do not deal with Cyril of Alexandria's anti-Judaism.

t

ΕΥΧΗ D I S T I N G U É D E ΠΡΟΣΕΥΧΗ: U N ESSAI D E P R É C I S I O N T E R M I N O L O G I Q U E C H E Z LES PÈRES G R E C S E T LES ÉCRIVAINS BYZANTINS' P. V a n D e u n

T o u t le m o n d e sait q u e la prière j o u e u n rôle très i m p o r t a n t d a n s l'Ancien et le N o u v e a u T e s t a m e n t , et cela v a u t t a n t p o u r la prière s p o n t a n é e q u e p o u r la prière q u i p a r t d ' u n texte fixé p a r la tradition. U n simple c o u p d ' œ i l d a n s u n e c o n c o r d a n c e des Septante p e r m e t de constater q u e les les n o t i o n s ε υ χ ή / ε ύ χ ο μ α ι et π ρ ο σ ε υ χ ή / π ρ ο σ ε ύ χ ο μ α ι s'équilibrent plus ou moins: o n c o m p t e respectivement 176 et 216 attestations. D a n s le N o u v e a u T e s t a m e n t , t o u t a c h a n g é : o n n ' y retrouve q u e dix fois ε ύ χ ή / ε ύ χ ο μ α ι , tandis q u e π ρ ο σ ε υ χ ή / π ρ ο σ ε ύ χ ο μ α ι a pris le dessus avec 123 loci. Le couple ε ύ χ ή / ε ύ χ ο μ α ι est plus ancien q u e les m o t s π ρ ο σ ε υ χ ή / π ρ ο σ ε ύ χ ο μ α ι ; il se retrouve d é j à d a n s l ' œ u v r e d ' H o m è r e 2 ; chez le poète, la signification d e base 3 , qui, selon la p l u p a r t des auteurs, est " e x p r i m e r q u e l q u e chose à h a u t e voix, avec insistance, d ' u n e m a nière solennelle", " p r é t e n d r e q u e l q u e chose", sens q u e le grec a re-

1

Nous remercions Mr. Jacques Noret qui a bien voulu relire notre article. - Pour une introduction générale à la prière, tant païenne que paléo-chrétienne, consulter la discussion des mots εύχομαι, εύχή / προσεύχομαι, προσευχή dans le lexique de G. Kittel, Theologisches Wörterbuch zum Neuen Testament, II (Stuttgart, 1935), pp. 774-808 (les pp. 774-782 et 799-808 reviennent à H. Greeven, les pp. 782-799 à J. Herrmann), ainsi que la notice "Gebet I" d ' E . von Severus, parue dans le RAC, VIII (Stuttgart, 1972), cc. 1134-1258. 2 On y trouve ces mots à côté d'autres termes, tels εύχωλή, λίσσομαι, αίτέω / αίτέομαι, ικετεύω et προσκυνέω. Le développement de la prière dans l'Antiquité païenne a été esquissé dans le livre d ' A . Corlu, Recherches sur les mots relatifs à l'idée de prière, d'Homère aux tragiques (Études et commentaires 64; Paris, 1966). Pour Homère, on citera également A.W.H. Adkins, "Εύχομαι, εύχωλή and εύχος", The Classical Quarterly N.S. 19 (1969), pp. 20-33, ainsi que l'article de J.-L. Perjnllou, "La signification du verbe εύχομαι dans l'épopée", dans Mélanges de linguistique et de philologie grecques offerts à P. Chantraine (Études et commentaires 79; Paris, 1972), pp. 169-82. 3 On se dispute souvent sur la signification fondamentale du mot; ainsi, J.-L. Perpillou, "Signification...", pp. 169-82, dit, contre l'opinion commune, que le mot εύχομαι signifie originalement "proclamer une juste prétention".

p r i s d e l ' i n d o - e u r o p é e n 4 , t e n d à se s p é c i a l i s e r d a n s le s e n s d e " p r o m e t t r e q u e l q u e c h o s e " et " d e m a n d e r q u e l q u e c h o s e à h a u t e

voix

d a n s u n e prière", "prier p o u r quelque chose dans u n e situation d'urg e n c e " 5 . O n v o i t la

richesse

d e n u a n c e s q u e p e u t v é h i c u l e r le m o t

ευχή. P l u s t a r d , a u x é p o q u e s c l a s s i q u e , h e l l é n i s t i q u e et r o m a i n e , o n v o i t q u e , p a r la r é f l e x i o n p h i l o s o p h i q u e , l a n u a n c e " p r i e r p o u r

quelque

chose d o n t o n n e dispose pas encore actuellement" disparaît lentem e n t e n f a v e u r d e l ' i d é e q u e l a p r i è r e est u n e n t r e t i e n p e r s o n n e l e t i n t i m e avec u n dieu sur q u e l q u e chose d'actuel; c'est u n entretien o ù l ' h o m m e p a r l e e t o ù l a d i v i n i t é é c o u t e . D a n s la l i t t é r a t u r e c h r é t i e n n e , m e n t i o n n o n s le t é m o i g n a g e d e C l é m e n t d ' A l e x a n d r i e q u i d é v e l o p p e c e t t e i d é e d ' ο μ ι λ ί α d a n s ses Stromatesβ,

idée reprise p a r u n e longue

s é r i e d ' a u t e u r s , tels O r i g è n e d a n s s o n T r a i t é s u r la p r i è r e 7 , J e a n C a s s i e n d a n s ses Conlationes8,

G r é g o i r e d e N y s s e d a n s s o n De oratione

dominiccP, J e a n C h r y s o s t o m e d a n s s o n c o m m e n t a i r e s u r la G e n è s e 1 0 ,

4 À ce propos, consulter l'article de Zs. Ritoôk, "Εύχομαι", Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 3 (1955), pp. 287-99, mais surtout le livre d ' A . Corlu, Recherches..., pp. 17-8, ainsi que le dictionnaire de P. Chantraine, Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue grecque. Histoire des mots, I (Paris, 1968), s.v. εύχομαι, et la contribution de J.L. Perp‫ש‬ou, "Signification...", pp. 181-2. 5 Cf. A. Corlu, Recherches..., pp. 207-15, qui, à l'intérieur de 1' εύχομαι, distingue six nuances: vœu-promesse, offrande votive, prière, vœu-souhait adressé aux dieux, souhait, vœu pieux. 6 Lire par exemple Strom. 7, 39, 6 (ομιλία πρός τον θεόν ή εύχή) et 7, 40, 3 (δι' εύχής συνεΐναι μεν σπεύδων θεώ). Clément se rendant parfaitement compte du fait que ce contact intime avec Dieu pourrait choquer, il introduit ce passage avec les mots ώς ειπείν τολμηρότερον, "pour parler plus hardiment". Sur la notion d'εύχή comme entretien avec Dieu, voir l'article d ' A . Méhat, "Sur deux définitions de la

prière", dans Origeniana Sexta. Origène et la Bible. Actes du Colloquium Origenianum Sextum.

Chantilly, 30 août - 3 septembre 1993 (Bibliotheca Ephemeridum Theologicarum Lovaniensium 118; Leuven, 1995), pp. 115-20: pour l'auteur, l'idée de la prière comme ομιλία est d'origine stoïcienne. 7 Cf. Origène, De oratione 9, 2 (p. 318, 26-32 et p. 319, 4-8 de l'édition de P. Koetschau, Origenes Werke, II, Buch V-VIII gegen Celsus. Die Schrift vom Gebet, G C S ;

Leipzig, 1899); on remarquera surtout le verbe όμιλείν (p. 318, 31) et les mots και έν αύτω γινομένη (p. 319, 6). 8

Cf. Conlationes, I X , 18, p. 55, 7-9 de l'édition d ' E . Pichery, Jean Cassien. Confiren-

ces VIII-XVH (SC 54; Paris, 1958): "... mens ... deo velut patri proprio peculiari pietate conloquitur." 9 Homilia I, p. 8, 30: Προσευχή θεού ομιλία. Nous avons consulté l'œuvre (CPG 3160) dans l'édition de J. F. Callahan, Gregorii Nysseni De oratione dominica, De

beatitudinibus (Gregorii Nysseni Opera VII, 2; Leiden - New York - Köln, 1992). 10 Lire, à titre d' exemple, ses Homiliae in Genesim, PG 53, 280, 43: ‫ י‬H ... εύχή διάλεξίς έστι ττρός τόν θεόν.

N i l d ' A n c y r e d a n s ses L e t t r e s " , É v a g r e le P o n t i q u e d a n s s o n 12

oratione , J e a n C l i m a q u e d a n s s a Scala ParadisP

e t le c o n t e m p o r a i n d e

c e d e r n i e r , A n t i o c h o s le m o i n e d a n s ses PandectesH, Théolepte, métropolite de Philadelphie au X I V

e

plus tard enfin,

siècle 1 5 .

M a i s , a u d é p a r t , la s i g n i f i c a t i o n la p l u s c o u r a n t e d ' ε ύ χ ή cependant

"demande",

"prière

pour

De

recevoir

quelque

était

chose",

" α ί τ η σ ι ς " ; à t i t r e d e p r e u v e , o n p o u r r a i t c i t e r ici P l a t o n et P h i l o n d'Alexandrie16. L a Bible h é b r a ï q u e n e c o n t i e n t a u c u n t e r m e qui rec o u v r e t o u t e s les n u a n c e s d e s m o t s g r e c s ε ύ χ ή / ε ύ χ ο μ α ι e t d e s f o r m e s q u i e n d é r i v e n t ; p a r c o n t r e , il y a b e a u c o u p d ' a u t r e s t e r m e s q u i s i g n i f i e n t " p l e u r e r " , " l o u e r " , " b é n i r " , " s a c r i f i e r " , " j u b i l e r " et q u i e n m ê m e t e m p s r e n f e r m e n t la n u a n c e d e "prier"17. À p a r t i r d ' E s c h y l e 1 8 , " Pour Nil, nous n'avons exploité que ses lettres; en effet, on le sait, beaucoup d'autres œuvres qu'on attribuait jadis à Nil d'Ancyre, reviennent à d'autres auteurs, comme par ex. Évagre le Pondque. On retrouve la nodon d'ομιλία notamment dans les Lettres I, 50, II, 96, III, 307 et IV, 25: PG 79, 105A7 (... συνομιλήσαι αύτω δια της εύχής), 244Β12-14 (Πού ή απερίσπαστος των εύχών, καΐ αμέριμνος προς θεόν ομιλία;), 533C8-9 (... στήναι εις προσευχήν, και προσομιλείν τω τά πάντα κτίσαντι θεώ ...) et 561Β8-10 (... προσδιαλεγόμενοι δΓ εύχής ... τω τών όλων δεσπότη Χριστώ). À ce propos, on consultera avec profit l'article de V. Wamach, "Zur Theologie des Gebetes bei Nilus von Ankyra", dans Perennitas. Beiträge zur christlichen Archäologie und Kunst, zur Geschichte der Literatur, der Liturgie und des Mönchtums sowie zur Philosophie des Rechts und zur politischen Philosophie. P. Th. Michels ... zum 70. Geburtstag

(Beiträge zur Geschichte des alten Mönchtums und des Benediktinerordens. Supplementband 2; Münster, 1963), pp. 65-90, plus particulièrement 85-90. 12 En effet, la définition de Clément a été reprise - ou retrouvée - presque telle quelle par Évagre le Pontique dans son De oratione. PG 79, 1168C9 ( Ή προσευχή ομιλία έστι νού πρός Θεόν); à ce passage, on ajoutera également 1173D7-9 (... έν τή προσευχή• τί γαρ άνώτερον τού τω Θεώ προσομιλείν, καΐ τή προ [pour πρός] αύτόν συνουσία περισπάσθαι;). 13 Cf. PG 88, 1129Α8-9: Προσευχή έστι κατά μεν τήν αύτής ποιότητα συνουσία και ένωσις άνθρωπου και Θεού. À ce propos, voir également le livre de T. Špid1ík, La spiritualité de l'Orient Chrétien, II, La prière (Orientalia Christiana Analecta 230;

Rome, 1988), p. 46. 14 CPG 7843. Voir Vhomilia CVI (De oratione), PG 89, 1756C9-10: Ή προσευχή ομιλία έστι πρός τον θεόν. 16

γαρ

D a n s son ouvrage De abscondita operatione in Christo et profectu in vita monastica I, 17:

Προσευχή δέ έσπ διαλογή διανοίας πρός κύριον, ρήματα δεήσεως διανύουσα μετά τής τού νού πρός τόν θεόν ολικής άτενίσεως (édition de R.E. Sinkewicz, Theoleptos of Philadelpheia. The Monastic Discourses, Studies and Texts 111; Toronto, 1992, p. 96, 1. 196-7). 16 Voir Platon, Leges (801a9: εύχαι παρά θεών αιτήσεις είσίν); Politikos (290dl-2: παρά ... εκείνων ήμίν εύχαΐς κτήσιν αγαθών αίτήσασθαι); Definitiones, attribuées à tort à Platon, semble-t-il (415b2: εύχή αίτησις άνθρώποις αγαθών ... παρά θεών). Philon, Deus immutabilis (87: εύχή μεν αίτησις αγαθών παρά θεού). 17 À ce propos, voir le lexique de G. Kittel, Theologisches Wörterbuch..., pp. 782-7, ainsi que la notice d ' E . von Severus, "Gebet...", cc. 1162-9. 18 Pour προσεύχομαι à l'époque classique, voir A. Corlu, Recherches..., pp. 234-40.

qui est le p r e m i e r à utiliser la composition προσεύχομαι, nous trouvons quelquefois π ρ ο σ ε υ χ ή / π ρ ο σ ε ύ χ ο μ α ι a u lieu d ' ε ύ χ ή / εύχομαι; la f r é q u e n c e de π ρ ο σ ε υ χ ή / π ρ ο σ ε ύ χ ο μ α ι a u g m e n t e sans cesse p o u r a b o u t i r à u n e situation d a n s laquelle les m o t s ε ύ χ ή / εύχομαι risquent de disparaître totalement: c'est le cas, n o u s l'avons dit, d a n s le N o u veau T e s t a m e n t . Cette disparition est peut-être d u e a u fait que, p o u r les auteurs d u N o u v e a u T e s t a m e n t , le couple ε ύ χ ή / εύχομαι était t r o p lié à la religion p a ï e n n e . D a n s le texte des Septante, nous l'avons dit aussi, les d e u x couples sont attestés d e m a n i è r e assez équilibrée. T a n t ε ύ χ ή q u e π ρ ο σ ε υ χ ή y ont toutes les significations q u e ces m o t s avaient d a n s l'Antiquité païenne; ainsi, tant ε ύ χ ή q u e π ρ ο σ ε υ χ ή peuvent désigner "prière", mais également " p r o m e s s e " et " o f f r a n d e " 1 9 . D a n s le N o u v e a u T e s t a m e n t 2 0 , o n n e p e u t pas découvrir de distinction claire entre ε ύ χ ή / ε ύ χ ο μ α ι et π ρ ο σ ε υ χ ή / προσεύχομαι; mais la différence semble résider d a n s le fait q u e Γ ε ύ χ ή est presque toujours u n e prière concrète, u n e d e m a n d e p o u r recevoir quelque chose 2 1 , tandis q u e la π ρ ο σ ε υ χ ή désigne la prière en soi, la prière c o m m e h a b i t u d e , l'acte m ê m e de prier 2 2 , et m ê m e le lieu de la prière ou la r é u n i o n de prière 2 3 , plutôt q u ' u n e d e m a n d e particulière p o u r recevoir q u e l q u e chose 2 4 . D e plus, nulle part, ni d a n s l'Ancien, ni d a n s le N o u v e a u T e s t a m e n t , on n ' a b o r d e explicitement l'opposition entre ε ύ χ ή et π ρ ο σ ε υ χ ή , m ê m e pas d a n s la p r e m i è r e Épître à T i m o t h é e (2, 1), où S. Paul exhorte la c o m m u n a u t é chrétienne d ' É p h è s e à faire des d e m a n d e s (δεήσεις), des prières (προσευχαί), des requêtes (έντεύξεις) et des actions de grâces (εύχαριστίαι) p o u r tous les h o m m e s . D a n s le passé, 19

Pour l'utilisation d' εύχή et de προσευχή dans les Septante, on consultera le lexique de J. Lust - E. Eynikel - K. Hauspie, A Greek-English Lexicon of the Septuagint, I, AT (Stuttgart, 1992), p. 191, s.v. εύχή et εύχομαι, et Π, K- W (Stuttgart, 1996), p. 401, s.v. προσευχή et προσεύχομαι. Là, on retrouve une bibliographie succincte (à ce propos, voir surtout les études de M. Cimosa). 20 A ce propos, voir G. Kittel, Theologisches Wörterbuch..., pp. 805-8, et E. von Severus, "Gebet...", cc. 1169-88, plus particulièrement cc. 1169-71. 21 Lire par exemple Act. 21, 23 et 27, 29, et lac. 5, 16. 22 Lire par exemple Le. 22, 45 ou Rom. 1, 10. Pour cette signification, voir F. Vattioni, "Appunti suila vita primitiva cristiana", Augustinianum 9 (1969), pp. 455-9, ainsi que M. Hengel, "Proseuche und Synagoge. Jüdische Gemeinde, Gotteshaus und Gottesdienst in der Diaspora und in Palästina", dans Tradition und Glaube. Festschrift K.G. Kuhn (Göttingen, 1971), pp. 157-84. 23 Lire par exemple Act. 16, 13 et 16. 24 Par exemple Le. 22, 42 ou II Thess. 1, 11. Dans le Nouveau Testament on trouve encore d'autres termes pour désigner la prière, tels αίτέω, αίτέομαι, δέομαι, προσκυνέω, γονυπετέω, εύλογέω, εύχαριστέω et αίνέω.

b e a u c o u p d'érudits o n t voulu voir d a n s ce passage la trace d ' u n e théorie sur la prière, l'accent s e m b l a n t mis sur u n e division de la prière en q u a t r e étapes. A u j o u r d ' h u i , tout le m o n d e accepte q u e tel n'était p a s le b u t de l'apôtre: en m e n t i o n n a n t ces q u a t r e termes et en alignant plutôt de simples synonymes 2 5 , S. Paul a voulu é n u m é r e r tous les aspects de la prière chrétienne et affirmer l'unité de la prière, afin d e p r o m o u v o i r le b o n d é r o u l e m e n t d u culte à É p h èse. N o u s avons attiré l'attention sur ce passage, parce q u e quelques auteurs - et d ' a b o r d O r i g è n e - l'ont utilisé p o u r d é t e r m i n e r la distinction théori-

que entre εύχή et προσευχή. E n fait, l'opposition explicite entre ε ύ χ ή et π ρ ο σ ε υ χ ή est u n t h è m e assez rare d a n s la littérature des é p o q u e s patristique et byzantine. S u r ce point, YExpositio orationis dominicae ( C P G 7691) de M a x i m e le Confesseur (580-662) est c e r t a i n e m e n t u n des textes les plus i m p o r tants. C e t t e œ u v r e , écrite p r o b a b l e m e n t entre 6 2 8 et 6 3 0 en Afrique et éditée p a r nos soins en 1991 26 , est u n ouvrage exégétique qui a c o n n u b e a u c o u p de succès: l ' a b o n d a n c e des manuscrits (une q u a r a n taine) et les n o m b r e u s e s citations d a n s les chaînes, les florilèges et les auteurs byzantins en t é m o i g n e n t ; e x t r a o r d i n a i r e m e n t synthétique, M a x i m e n o u s y laisse u n e sorte de s o m m e de sa pensée théologique, qui, à la fois, rappelle encore les d é v e l o p p e m e n t s patristiques et ann o n c e déjà ceux de l ' é p o q u e byzantine; en effet, tous les t h è m e s chers à l ' a u t e u r y o n t été intégrés: p a r exemple ses conceptions d e la T r i nité, de la christologie, de la cosmologie, de l'anthropologie, de la théorie de la connaissance, de l'ascèse enfin et d e la mystique. La plus g r a n d e partie d u Prologue de ce c o m m e n t a i r e est consacrée à u n e introduction générale à la Prière Dominicale: les d e m a n des d u Pater sont rattachées a u x sept p r i n c i p a u x mystères d u salut: la 25

Notons que ni les auteurs patristiques et byzantins, ni les commentaires bibliques modernes n'ont réussi à faire une distinction bien nette entre ces quatre notions pauliniennes. Prenons, à titre d'exemples, les commentaires modernes suivants: G. Wohlenberg, Die Pastoralbriefe (der erste Timotheus-, der Titus- und der zweite TimotheusbrieJ)

(Kommentar zum Neuen Testament XIII; Leipzig, 1906), pp. 102-4; Ν. Brox, Die Pastoralbriefe. Vierte, völlig neu bearbeitete Auflage (Regensburger Neues Testament 7, 2; Regensburg, 1969), pp. 122-4; The Expositor's Bible Commentary with the New International Version of the Holy Bible, X I (Ephesians - Philemon) (Grand Rapids [Michi-

gan], 1978), pp. 356-7; L. Oberlinner, Die Pastoralbriefe, erste Folge, Kommentar zum ersten Timotheusbrief (Herders Theologischer Kommentar zum Neuen Testament XI, 2; Freiburg - Basel - Wien, 1994), pp. 64-8. A ce propos, on consultera également le livre de W . Gessel, Die Theologie des Gebetes nach '.De Oratione' von Origenes (München -

Paderborn - Wien, 1975), p. 86. 26 Maximi Confessoris Opuscula exegetica duo (CCSG 23; Turnhout - Leuven, 1991).

théologie, la filiation p a r grâce, l'égalité des h o m m e s avec les anges, la participation à la vie éternelle, la restauration de la n a t u r e impassible renouvelée en p r o f o n d e u r , la libération d e la loi d u p é c h é et la suppression d e la tyrannie d u m a l (ou d u Diable). Les d e u x p r e m i e r s mystères c o r r e s p o n d e n t à l'Évangile d e M a t t h i e u 6, 9 - 1 0 a ("Notre Père qui es a u x cieux, q u e t o n n o m soit sanctifié; q u e t o n règne vienne"), le troisième à M t . 6, 10b ("que ta volonté soit faite sur la terre c o m m e a u ciel"), le q u a t r i è m e à M t . 6, 11 ( " D o n n e - n o u s a u j o u r d ' h u i n o t r e p a i n quotidien"), le c i n q u i è m e à M t . 6, 12 ("pard o n n e - n o u s nos offenses, c o m m e n o u s aussi n o u s p a r d o n n o n s à c e u x q u i n o u s o n t offensés"), le sixième à M t . 6, 13a ("ne n o u s induis p a s en tentation") et le septième et d e r n i e r à M t . 6, 13b ("mais délivren o u s d u m a l [ou d u Diable]"). A p r è s avoir exposé les sept mystères révélés d a n s la prière d u N o t r e Père, M a x i m e insère u n interlude terminologique a v a n t d ' a b o r d e r le c o m m e n t a i r e p r o p r e m e n t dit; p o u r cet i n t e r m è d e , il se base sur ce q u e des θεόττνευστοι π α τ έ ρ ε ς , des Pères inspirés p a r Dieu, o n t dit sur ce sujet 2 7 . C e passage se ht 28 : (196) Δια τούτο προσευχήν, οΐμαι, ταύτην κέκληκε την διδασκαλίαν ό λόγος, ώς αΐτησιν έχουσαν τών άνθρώποις κατά χάριν έκ θεού διδομένων δώρων· ούτω γαρ oi θεόπνευστοι πατέρες ημών οριστικώς περί. της προσευχής (200) διεξήλθον, φήσαντες είναι την προσευχήν αΐτησιν ών θεός πρεπόντως έαυτώ δωρείσθαι πέφυκεν άνθρώποις, ώσπερ και την εύχήν ύπόσχεσιν ήγουν έπαγγελίαν ών γνησίως λατρεύοντες θεώ προσκομίζουσιν άνθρωποι, την Γραφήν μαρτυρούσαν τ ω οίκείω λόγω πολλαχώς (205) παραστήσαντες, ώς το Εΰξασθε και άπόδοτε κυρίω τω θεώ ήμών και "Οσα ηύξάμην, αποδώσω σοι σωτήρί μου τω κυρίω περι τής εύχής είρημένον, και αύθις περί προσευχής, ώς το Και προσηύξατο "Αννα προς κύριον λέγουσα· «Κύριε, Ά δ ω ν α ΐ , Έ λ ω ΐ Σαβαώθ, έάν (210) είσακούσης τής δούλης σου και δώς μοι καρπόν κοιλίας» και Προσηύξατο Έζεκίας βασιλεύς 'Ιούδα και ' Η σ α ΐ α ς υιός Ά μ ώ ς ό προφήτης προς κύριον και το "Οταν ύμεΐς προσεύχησθε, λέγετε· «Πάτερ ήμών ό έν τοις ούρανοΐς» παρά τού κυρίου τοις μαθηταΐς (215) είρημένον, ώς είναι δύνασθαι την μεν εύχήν εντολών τήρησιν, κατά γνώμη ν πράξει τού ηύγμένου κεκυρωμένην, την δε προσευχήν τής προς τα ρηθέντα καλά τού τετηρηκότος μεταποιήσεως αΐτησιν, ή μάλλον, την μεν εύχήν αρετής άθλον, ο δη μάλιστα προσφιλώς δέχεται θεός (220) προσκομιζόμενος τήν δε προσευχήν αρετής επαθλον, ô δη μάλιστα χαίρων θεός άντιδίδωσιν.

27 28

Voir la ligne 199 de ce texte remarquable. II s'agit des lignes 196-226 de notre édition (pp. 38-40).

Ούκούν, επειδή δέδεικται των ύπό τού Λόγου σαρκωθέντος αύτουργηθέντων αγαθών αΐτησιν είναι την προσευχήν, αύτόν προστησάμενοι του λόγου τής προσευχής (225) τον διδάσκαλον, θαρρούντες έπέλθωμεν, επιμελώς έκαστου ρητού γυμνάζοντες, ώς οΐόν τε, θεωρία την εννοιαν. L , Écriture, je pense, a appelé προσευχή cet enseignement, pour le motif qu'il comporte la demande des dons que Dieu donne aux hommes par grâce. C'est ainsi en effet que nos Pères inspirés par Dieu ont expliqué et défini la προσευχή, disant que la προσευχή est une demande des dons que Dieu, conformément à ce qu'il est, a l'habitude de donner aux hommes; de même qu'ils ont défini Γ εύχή comme un engagement ou une promesse de ce qu'apportent à Dieu les hommes qui lui rendent le culte authentique. Il ont fréquemment montré que l'Écriture témoigne en faveur de leur exégèse, comme: 'Faites des voeux et des offrandes au Seigneur notre Dieu' (Ps. 75, 12) et 'Tout ce dont j'ai fait vœu, je t'en ferai offrande, Seigneur mon Sauveur' (Ion. 2, 10 et Od. 6, 10). Voilà qui est dit pour Γ εύχή; et pour la προσευχή: 'Anne pria disant au Seigneur: «Seigneur Adonaï, Éloi Sabaoth, si tu daignes exaucer ta servante et donner un fruit à mes entrailles»' (I Reg. 1, 10-11 et Gen. 30, 2 ou Ps. 131, 11 ou Lam. 2, 20 ou Mich. 6, 7 ou Le. 1, 42), et 'Ézéchias, roi de Juda, ainsi que le prophète Isaïe, fils d'Amos, prièrent vers le Seigneur' (II Par. 32, 20 et 24), et aussi ce que dit le Seigneur à ses disciples: ' Q u a n d vous priez, dites: «Notre Père qui es aux deux»' (Le. 11, 2). Ainsi 1' εύχή peut être le fait de garder les commandements dans sa volonté, ratifié par l'exécution de ce qui a fait l'objet de Γ εύχή; et la προσευχή, une demande que soit changé celui qui a gardé (les commandements) conformément aux biens promis; ou mieux, Γ εύχή, c'est le combat de la vertu, offrande que Dieu accepte avec la plus grande bienveillance, et la προσευχή, la récompense de la vertu, que Dieu donne en échange avec la plus grande joie. Puisque nous avons donc fait voir que la προσευχή est une demande des bienfaits réalisés par le Verbe incarné, mettant notre exposé sous la protection du Maître même, avançons avec confiance, mettant soigneusement à nu par la contemplation, autant que possible, le sens de chaque mot. C o m m e O r i g è n e , mais m o i n s souvent il est vrai, M a x i m e a p p r o f o n dit les questions d e s é m a n t i q u e , de g r a m m a i r e ou de style qui surgissent à l'occasion de certains passages bibliques; ces d é v e l o p p e m e n t s d e v i e n n e n t ainsi le p o i n t d e d é p a r t p o u r des spéculations théologiques et spirituelles 29 . L'opposition explicite qu'il fait entre 1' ε ύ χ ή et la

προσευχή, en est un bel exemple. 29

Cf. P.M. Blowers, Exegesis and Spiritual Pedagogy in Maximus the Confessor. An Investigation of the Quaestiones ad Thalassium (Christianity and Judaism in Antiquity 7; Notre Dame [Indiana], 1991), pp. 219-21.

Parce que, d a n s les paroles qui introduissent le N o t r e Père (cf. M t . 6, 5-7 et 9), le Christ n'utilise q u e le verbe προσεύχομαι, M a x i m e 3 0 ne se sert q u e des mots π ρ ο σ ε ύ χ ο μ α ι et π ρ ο σ ε υ χ ή , et évite ici εύχομαι et ε ύ χ ή qui, dit-il, désignent plutôt u n v œ u ou u n e promesse. A u d é p a r t se situe Γ εύχή: o n s'engage envers Dieu à g a r d e r les c o m m a n d e m e n t s , à lutter p o u r la vertu et à consacrer p i e u s e m e n t sa vie à D i e u n o t r e Seigneur; si o n se tient à cet e n g a g e m e n t , o n obtient la liberté de parole, la π α ρ ρ η σ ί α d e v a n t Dieu; c'est seulement à ce m o m e n t q u ' o n p e u t s'adresser à Dieu d a n s u n e προσευχή, d a n s u n e prière, et lui d e m a n d e r certains biens c o m m e α ν τ ί δ ω ρ α (dons en retour) p o u r la vie vertueuse q u ' o n a menée 3 1 . Ainsi, M a x i m e soulig n e q u e Γ ε ύ χ ή et la π ρ ο σ ε υ χ ή j o u e n t u n rôle i m p o r t a n t d a n s l'ascension spirituelle de l ' h o m m e et d a n s l'orientation chrétienne d ' u n e vie. Bien q u e M a x i m e ait repris ce chapitre terminologique à ce q u e des prédécesseurs avaient déjà dit à ce sujet, c o m m e n o u s le m o n t r e rons, le passage s'intègre très bien d a n s son c o m m e n t a i r e sur le N o t r e Père, car cette prière, dit M a x i m e d a n s ce qui suit, exige u n changem e n t de vie radical de tous ceux qui veulent prier sincèrement 3 2 . C o m m e n t a-t-il défini les expressions ε ύ χ ή et προσευχή? D a n s la p r e m i è r e partie d u passage cité, il identifie Γ ε ύ χ ή avec u n e n g a g e m e n t , u n e promesse, u n e ύ π ό σ χ ε σ ι ς ή γ ο υ ν ε π α γ γ ε λ ί α ω ν γνησίως λατρεύοντες θ ε ώ προσκομίζουσιν ά ν θ ρ ω π ο ι (11. 2 0 2 - 2 0 3 d u texte), tandis q u e la π ρ ο σ ε υ χ ή est définie c o m m e u n e d e m a n d e des dons divins, u n e αίτησις τ ώ ν ά ν θ ρ ώ π ο ι ς κ α τ ά χ ά ρ ι ν έκ θ ε ο ύ διδομένων δώρων (11. 197-198), u n e définition reprise a u x lignes 200201 (... α ΐ τ η σ ι ν ώ ν θεός π ρ ε π ό ν τ ω ς έ α υ τ ώ δωρείσθαι π έ φ υ κ ε ν ά ν θ ρ ώ π ο ι ς ...). M a x i m e essaie d ' é t a y e r cette distinction à l'aide d ' u n certain n o m b r e de passages bibliques. D a n s la seconde partie d u texte, M a x i m e essaie encore p a r d e u x fois de définir de m a n i è r e plus précise les d e u x notions, sans oublier toutefois leur lien mutuel; Ι' ε ύ χ ή est p o u r lui le fait de g a r d e r les 30

Pour la notion maximienne de la prière, voir l'excellent ouvrage de W. Völker,

Maximus Confessor als Meister des geistlichen Lebens (Wiesbaden, 1965), pp. 450-60. 31 32

Cf. Völker, Maximus Confessor..., pp. 450-2. A ce sujet, voir la thèse de J.N. Madden, Christology and Anthropology in the

Spirituality of Maximus the Confessor. With special reference to the Expositio Orationis Dominicae

(Durham, 1982), p. 493. Dans les actes du Colloque centré sur S. Maxime (1980), le même auteur avait mis en valeur la structure bien réfléchie de cette œuvre, "The Commentary on the Pater Noster: an Example of the Structural Mediodology of M a x i m u s the Confessor", dans Actes du Symposium sur Maxime le Confesseur. Fnbourg, 2-

5 septembre 1980 (Paradosis. Études de littérature et de théologie anciennes 27; Fribourg, 1982), pp. 147-55.

c o m m a n d e m e n t s , ratifié p a r l'exécution de ce qui a fait l'objet de Γ ε ύ χ ή , Γ ε ν τ ο λ ώ ν τήρησις κ α τ ά γνώμην, πράξει τ ο ύ ηύγμένου κεκυρωμένη (11. 215-216); la π ρ ο σ ε υ χ ή p a r contre est u n e d e m a n d e p o u r acquérir les biens p r o m i s (11. 216-218). Finalement, Γ ε ύ χ ή est caractérisée c o m m e la lutte p o u r la vertu (1' ά ρ ε τ ή ς αθλον, δ δ ή μάλιστα π ρ ο σ φ ι λ ώ ς δέχεται θ ε ό ς π ρ ο σ κ ο μ ι ζ ό μ ε ν ο ς 11. 218-220) et la π ρ ο σ ε υ χ ή c o m m e u n e r é c o m p e n s e p o u r cette lutte p o u r la vertu, u n e r é c o m p e n s e q u e l ' h o m m e reçoit c o m m e u n d o n en retour (1' ά ρ ε τ ή ς ε π α θ λ ο ν , ô δ ή μάλιστα χ α ί ρ ω ν θεός άντιδίδωσιν, 11. 220-221). C o m m e o n a p u le constater, M a x i m e a p p u i e sa distinction entre 1' ε ύ χ ή et la π ρ ο σ ε υ χ ή sur plusieurs passages bibliques, d o n t u n b o n n o m b r e se Usent également chez d ' a u t r e s auteurs. R e m a r q u o n s seulem e n t q u e les 11. 208-211, où le Confesseur cite le p r e m i e r livre des Rois (1, 10-11), o n t été m a l choisies c o m m e exemple de la π ρ ο σ ε υ χ ή . E n effet, c o m m e l'a déjà r e m a r q u é François Combefis, qui a établi l'édition princeps d u texte 3 3 , les m o t s cités en I Reg. 1, 11 n e vont pas avec le π ρ ο σ η ύ ξ α τ ο d u verset 10, mais, a u contraire, avec les mots η ύ ξ α τ ο ε ύ χ ή ν d u verset 11 ; ce passage biblique a d o n c m a l été choisi p o u r a p p u y e r la distinction q u e veut p r o m o u v o i r M a x i m e . U n e distinction similaire entre Γ ε ύ χ ή et la π ρ ο σ ε υ χ ή se Ut égalem e n t aiUeurs chez S. M a x i m e , p a r ex. 34 , d a n s la c i n q u a n t i è m e , particuUèrement i m p o r t a n t e des Quaestiones ad Thalassium, œ u v r e p r o b a b l e m e n t rédigée en Afrique entre les a n n é e s 6 3 0 et 6 3 4 et construite selon le principe bien c o n n u des questions et réponses; d a n s la quaestio qui nous c o n c e r n e ici, M a x i m e réfléchit sur le passage bibUque d a n s lequel le roi Ezéchias et le p r o p h è t e Isaïe prient et c l a m e n t vers le ciel (II Par. 32, 20-21). A u x lignes 87-93, o n lit le texte suivant qui est très p r o c h e de celui de Y Expositio orationis dominicae:

33

S. Maximi Confessons, Graecorum theologi eximiique philosophi, operum tomus primus (secundus) ex probatissimis quaeque mss. codicibus, Regiis, Card. Mazarini, Seguierianis, Vaticanis, Barberinis, Magni Ducis Florentinis, Veneris, etc., nova Versione subacta, Notisque

illustrata, I (Paris, 1675), p. 695 n. 8. Repris comme la note h dans la PG 90, 881-2. 34

D e Maxime, on pourrait citer encore: Quaestiones ad Thalassium X X V , 81-82 (...

προσευχόμενος ... τουτέστι τών αρετών έξαιτούμενος λόγους), XXV, schal. 54-55 (Προσευχήν ... την τών αρετών αϊτησιν), deux passages qui révèlent la signification de la προσευχή, et LVII, 10-14 (... εύχής γαρ και δεήσεως ύπόστασις ή δια τών αρετών ύπάρχει προδήλως έκπλήρωσις, καθ' ην ίσχυράν και πάντα δυναμένην ό δίκαιος εχει τήν δέησιν, ένεργουμένην ταις έντολαΐς ...), un passage qui traite de Γ εύχή. Nous avons consulté cet ouvrage dans l'édition de C. Laga - C. Steel, Maximi Confessoris Quaestiones ad Thalassium, I et II (CCSG 7 et 22; Turnhout - Leuven, 1980

et 1990).

Προσευχή δε έ σ π ν αίτησις ώ ν πέφυκε θεός άνθρώποις δωρείσθαι προς σωτηρίαν. Και μ ό λ α γε είκότως. E i γ α ρ εύχή έ σ π ν ύπόσχεσις των έξ ανθρώπων θεώ κατ' έπαγγελίαν προσαγομένων καλών, προσευχή κατά τον εικότα λ ό γ ο ν εσται σ α φ ώ ς ή τών έκ θεού π ρ ο ς σωτηρίαν χορηγουμένων τοις άνθρώποις α γ α θ ώ ν έξαίτησις, άντίδοσιν φέρουσα τής τών προηυγμένων καλής διαθέσεως. La προσευχή est une demande des choses que D i e u a l'habitude d'offrir aux h o m m e s pour leur salut; et à très juste titre, car si Γ εύχή est la promesse de ces dons que les h o m m e s offrent à Dieu sur base d'un engagement, la προσευχή très normalement, sera clairement la demande des biens que D i e u accorde aux h o m m e s pour leur salut, une demande entraînant un don en retour pour la bonne attitude de vie de ceux qui auparavant ont fait une εύχή.

E x a m i n o n s m a i n t e n a n t sur quels θεόττνευστοι π α τ έ ρ ε ς , sur quelles sources S. M a x i m e s'est basé. M a x i m e s'est clairement inspiré d u traité d ' O r i g è n e sur la prière. E n 233-234, O r i g è n e reçut, p r o b a b l e m e n t à Césarée, u n e lettre d ' u n ancien élève, a m i et m é c è n e ; celui-ci, qui s'appelait Ambroise, lui d e m a n d a i t , également a u n o m d ' u n e certaine T a t i a n a , de d o n n e r son opinion sur le p r o b l è m e suivant: est-ce q u e prier a encore u n sens, puisque Dieu connaît déjà tous nos besoins et désirs et q u e tout est prédestiné p a r Lui depuis l'éternité? A y a n t rejeté cette thèse, O r i gène a p p r o f o n d i t l'origine, la f o r m e et le c o n t e n u de la prière en général, et d u N o t r e Père en particulier 3 5 . Suivant les b o n n e s habitudes philologiques qui faisaient le r e n o m d'Alexandrie, O r i g è n e c o m m e n c e son traité p a r u n chapitre terminologique 3 6 . I m m é d i a t e m e n t , il pose q u e 1' ε ύ χ ή et la π ρ ο σ ε υ χ ή sont d e u x choses différentes 3 7 . D a n s le chapitre 3, 2-4 38 , il traite d e la signification p r o f a n e d u m o t ε ύ χ ή . Il constate q u e ce t e r m e p e u t signifier aussi bien "promesse" 3 9 q u e "prière", " d e m a n d e p o u r o b t e n i r q u e l q u e chose", d e u x significations q u ' o n rencontre d'ailleurs aussi d a n s le N o u v e a u T e s t a m e n t , 35

Pour Origène, la prière occupe une place centrale dans la religion, alors que Clément d'Alexandrie considérait la prière comme étant une manière d'atteindre la γνώσις, la connaissance qui procure le salut. 36 Ce passage terminologique a été étudié à fond par W. Gessel, Die Theologie des Gebetes..., pp. 85-104. Voir également E. von Severus, "Gebet...", cc. 1217-9 et 1235-

8.

37

De oratione 3, 2, p. 304, 17: (τής εύχής) πολλαχοΰ ετέρας παρά την προσευχήν. Ρ. 304, 16 - ρ. 307, 3. 39 Cf. 3, 2, ρ. 304, 16-18: ... τό όνομα τής εϋχής παρελήφθη ... έπι του μετά εύχής έπαγγελλομένου τάδε τινά ποιήσειν, εί τύχοι άπό θεού τώνδε. 38

mais qui ne p e u v e n t pas t o u j o u r s être bien distinguées l'une de l'autre, dit O r i g è n e ; c o m m e preuve de ce sens a m b i g u d u m o t et de l'usage souvent p e u exact q u ' o n fait d ' ε ύ χ ή , O r i g è n e cite u n b o n n o m b r e de passages bibliques 4 0 . T o u j o u r s selon O r i g è n e , de son temps, le m o t était encore employé d a n s les d e u x sens. Puis, d a n s le q u a t r i è m e chapitre, 1-2 41 , il e x a m i n e l'évolution d e 1' ε ύ χ ή j u s q u ' à la προσευχή. Le m o t π ρ ο σ ε υ χ ή reçoit, à côté de sa signification c o u r a n t e d e "prière", " d e m a n d e p o u r quelque chose", aussi celle de "promesse" 4 2 . P o u r O r i g è n e d o n c , t a n t 1' ε ύ χ ή q u e la π ρ ο σ ε υ χ ή o n t u n double sens 43 ; u n e distinction nette entre ces d e u x m o t s n'est pas possible, lorsqu'on e x a m i n e leur usage d a n s les textes 44 . Mais, O r i g è n e plaide p o u r u n usage u n i v o q u e et propose de n'utiliser désormais le m o t π ρ ο σ ε υ χ ή q u e p o u r e x p r i m e r la notion de "prière", " d e m a n d e p o u r q u e l q u e chose" et le m o t ε ύ χ ή q u e p o u r désigner " u n v œ u " , " u n e p r o m e s s e " . R e m a r q u o n s encore q u ' O r i g è n e cite ici le passage de la p r e m i è r e Épître à T i m o t h é e déjà m e n t i o n n é (2, l) 45 ; il se base sur ce texte p o u r distinguer q u a t r e f o r m e s de la prière 4 6 ; mais cette division et définition précise des q u a t r e f o r m e s n'est pas tâche facile, O r i g è n e le sait 47 ; c h a q u e f o r m e est a p p u y é e p a r des passages bibliques 4 8 , qui, très souvent, ne m o n t r e n t pas clairement la différence entre les q u a t r e mots 4 9 . O r i g è n e a d o n c assez m a l réussi, lui aussi, d a n s son essai p o u r 40

Ces passages proviennent presque tous de l'Ancien Testament, plus particulièrement de l'Exode (surtout le chapitre 8, 8). 41 P. 307, 4 - p. 308, 2. 42 P. 307, 6-9. 43 Cf. 4, 1, p. 307, 5-6: της εύχής δύο σημαινούσης, ομοίως δέ και τής προσευχής. 44 Ce qui ressort d'ailleurs également lorsqu'on examine les lemmes εύχή et προσευχή dans le dictionnaire de Lampe. 43 De oratione 14, 2-6, p. 330, 21 - p. 333, 25, pour la citation, voir plus particulièrement 14, 2, p. 331, 2-4. 4 ‫ יי‬II est remarquable qu'il ne cite ici que ce verset unique de S. Paul (il termine sa citation avec les mots και τα έξης) et qu'il ne fait aucune attention à la motivation de l'appel de I Tim. 2, 1, motivation qui ne suit que dans le deuxième verset du deuxième chapitre; il ne se concentre pas sur la signification profonde de ce lieu biblique (S. Paul affirme l'unité de la prière chrétienne, destinée à tout le monde). 47 Origène se rend compte de cette difficulté, car il introduit ce qu'il dit, avec les mots "je pense" (14, 2, p. 331, 4: ηγούμαι...); par ailleurs, en d'autres endroits, il ne se tient pas aux définitions strictes d'εύχή et de προσευχή. 4s Pris tant à l'Ancien Testament qu'au Nouveau Testament. 49 Pour la δέησις, il s'agit d'Ex. 32, 11, de Deut. 9, 18 et d'Esth. 4, 17; pour la προσευχή, il renvoie à Dan. 3, 24, à Tob. 3, 1-2, à I Reg. 1, 10-11, à Hab. 3, 1-2 et à Ion. 2, 2-4; pour 1' εντευξις, il cite Ios. 10, 12 et Iudic. 16, 30; pour Γ εύχαριστία, il utilise Mt. 11, 25 et Le. 10, 21.

distinguer les q u a t r e subdivisions de la prière: les mots restent en q u e l q u e sorte des synonymes. C o n t r a i r e m e n t à d ' a u t r e s a u t e u r s postérieurs, c o m m e Évagre le P o n t i q u e ou le Pseudo-Denys, O r i g è n e n'absolutise pas l'échellonage de la prière, ni ne l'accentue excessivement, d u m o i n s si o n p e u t en croire la p l u p a r t des spécialistes d'Origène 5 0 . A Césarée, en Palestine, la doctrine d ' O r i g è n e passe n o t a m m e n t à Eusèbe. Il n ' y a d o n c rien d ' é t o n n a n t à ce q u e ce dernier aussi oppose ε ύ χ ή et προσευχή; en effet, d a n s son c o m m e n t a i r e sur le P s a u m e 64, verset 3 ("είσάκουσον π ρ ο σ ε υ χ ή ς μου"), il écrit: ' Ακριβώς δ ‫ י‬ε ν τ α ύ θ α προσευχής, άλλ ' ούκ ε ύ χ ή ς είρηται· ή μεν γ α ρ έπαγγελίαν έδήλου, ή δε προσευχή δέησιν και ίκετηρίαν, ήν το Πνεύμα το αγιον ύ π έ ρ ήμών έποιεΐτο, πρέπουσαν ίκετηρίαν π ρ ο σ α γ α γ ό ν τ ω θεώ και λέγον "είσάκουσον προσευχής" 5 1 . Ici on dit correctement προσευχή, et non εύχή en effet, ce dernier mot signifie 'promesse', προσευχή, par contre, 'demande' et 'supplication', ce que le Saint Esprit faisait pour nous, offrant à Dieu une supplication appropriée et disant: 'Exauce la προσευχή'.

L'opposition terminologique entre ε ύ χ ή et π ρ ο σ ε υ χ ή a également été développée d a n s la d e u x i è m e homélie sur le N o t r e Père de Grégoire de Nysse 52 . L ' ε ύ χ ή est p o u r lui u n e ε π α γ γ ε λ ί α τινός τ ώ ν κ α τ ' εύσέβειαν άφιερουμένων 5 3 ou une χ α ρ ι σ τ ή ριος δωροφορίας 54 έπαγγελία , tandis qu'il définit la π ρ ο σ ε υ χ ή c o m m e u n e α ί τ η σ ι ς α γ α θ ώ ν μετά ΐκετηρίας π ρ ο σ α γ ο μ έ ν η θεώ 5 5 ou c o m m e u n e π ρ ό σ ο δ ο ς μ ε τ ά τ η ν έκπλήρωσιν τ ή ς έ π α γ γ ε λ ί α ς τ ω θ ε ώ γινομένη 5 6 . C'est p o u r 50 W . Völker, Das Vollkommenheitsideal des Origenes. Eine Untersuchung zur Geschichte der Frömmigkeit und zu den Anfängen christlicher Mystik (Beiträge zur historischen Theologie 7;

Tübingen, 1931), pp. 202-15, est un défenseur de la thèse des quatre étapes dans la prière (à l'intérieur de la prière, on va de la δέησις, par intermédiaire de la προσευχή, à Γ εύχαριστία). H. Koch, "Kennt Origenes Gebetsstufen?", Theologische Quartalschrift 87 (1905), pp. 592-6, est un des premiers d'avoir vu le problème (selon cet érudit, on trouve chez Origène un début, modeste il est vrai, d'une gradation dans la prière); W. Gessel, Theologie des Gebetes..., pp. 91-104, par contre, a nié, sur base d'arguments convaincants me semble-t-il, l'existence d'étapes successives à l'intérieur de la prière. 51 PG 23, 628B12-C2. Le commentaire sur les Psaumes d'Eusèbe est répertorié dans la CPG sous le numéro 3467. 52 P. 21, 15 - p. 22, 15 (dans l'édition critique de J. F. Callahan). Pour le rôle que joue la prière dans la théologie de Grégoire, consulter le livre de W. Völker, Gregor von Nyssa als Mystiker (Wiesbaden, 1955), pp. 264-6. 53 Voir la p. 21, 20-21. 54 Cf. p. 22, 4 55 Cf. p. 21, 21-22. 56 Cf. p. 22, 5-6.

cela, dit Grégoire, q u e les évangélistes M a t t h i e u et L u c (respectivem e n t 6, 9 et 1 1 , 2 ) ont e m p l o y é le m o t π ρ ο σ ε ύ χ ο μ α ι p o u r introduire le Π ά τ ε ρ ή μ ώ ν , u n e pensée q u ' o n retrouvera, o n le sait déjà, chez M a x i m e le Confesseur. D a n s le m ê m e passage, Grégoire, tout c o m m e M a x i m e , souligne q u e Γ εύχομαι p r é c è d e le π ρ ο σ ε ύ χ ο μ α ι en effet, avant q u ' o n puisse s'adresser à Dieu d a n s u n e π ρ ο σ ε υ χ ή , on doit, p a r Γ ε ύ χ ή s'engager d a n s u n e vie pieuse 5 7 . R e m a r q u o n s enfin q u e la m ê m e opposition entre ε ύ χ ή et π ρ ο σ ε υ χ ή se lit également d a n s l'introduction a u x Psaumes, attribuée à Hippolyte ( C P G 1882); il s'agit en fait d ' u n e compilation tardive c o n t e n a n t des f r a g m e n t s d ' a u t e u r s divers. O n y ht: εστι δέ π ρ ο σ ε υ χ ή ίκετηρία περί τίνος τ ώ ν συμφερόντων π ρ ο σ α γ ο μ έ ν η τ ω θ ε ώ , ε ύ χ ή δέ ύπόσχεσις' 8 . C e passage s'inspire m a n i f e s t e m e n t de ce q u e d ' a u t r e s auteurs (par exemple Grégoire d e Nysse) o n t dit. L a m ê m e définition de la π ρ ο σ ε υ χ ή se r e n c o n t r e encore ailleurs, sans q u ' a u c u n e allusion soit faite a u m o t ε ύ χ ή . T e l est le cas, d ' a b o r d , d a n s l ' œ u v r e de cet autre g r a n d Père c a p p a d o c i e n qu'est Basile de Césarée. D a n s son homélie dédiée à la m a r t y r e Julitte, à p r o p o s d ' u n passage de la p r e m i è r e Épître a u x Thessaloniciens, il écrit: Π ρ ο σ ε υ χ ή έ σ π ν αίτησις α γ α θ ο ύ π α ρ ά τ ώ ν ε ύ σ ε β ώ ν ε ι ς θεόν γινομένη 5 9 . Il en va 57

À ce sujet, lire, dans le même ouvrage, p. 21, 17-19 (Ούκ είπεν, '"Οταν εύχησθε', άλλ', '‫״‬Οταν ττροσεύχησθε', ώς τού κατά την εύχήν ήδη προκατορθωθήναι προσήκοντος πριν δια τής προσευχής τω θεώ προσεγγίσαι), ρ. 21, 22-26 (έπει ούν παρρησίας ήμΐν χρεία όταν προσίωμεν θεώ τάς ύπέρ τών λυσιτελούντων ίκετηρίας ποιούμενοι, άναγκαίως τό κατά τήν εύχήν προηγήσεται ϊνα τό παρ' έαυτών έκτελέσαντες ούτως θαρσοΰντες τό παρά τού θεού άντιλαβείν άξιώσωμεν) et ρ. 22, 6-15 (διδάσκει ούν ήμάς ό λόγος μή πρότερον αίτεΐσθαί τι παρά τού θεού πριν αύτω τι τών κεχαρισμένων δωροφορήσαι. Εύξασθαι γαρ δει πρότερον, είτα προσεύξασθαι, ώς εϊ ης λέγοι προηγεΐσθαι τήν σποράν τής επικαρπίας. Ούκούν χρή καταβαλείν πρότερον τής εύχής τα σπέρματα και ούτως αύξηθεΐσαν τήν καταβολήν τών σπερμάτων καρπώσασθαι δια τής προσευχής τήν χάριν άντιλαμβάνοντα. ‫ י‬Ως ούν ούκ έσομένης έν παρρησία τής έντεύξεως εί μή έπι προληφθείση εύχή τινι και δωροφορία ή πρόσοδος γένοιτο, άναγκαίως ή εύχή τής προσευχής προηγήσεται). Remarquons que Grégoire cite ici, tout comme Maxime, le Psaume 75, 12 (p. 22, 1). Dans d'autres œuvres également, on retrouve la même pensée; voir par exemple son In inscriptionspsalmorum II, 3, p. 76, 19-22 dans l'édition de J. M e D o n o u g h et P. Alexander, Gregorii Nysseni In inscriptiones psalmorum, In sextum

psalmum, In Ecclesiasten homiliae (Gregorii Nysseni Opera V; Leiden, 1962): ... ή ... προσευχή ... ύποτίθεται πρότερον περί. τον βίον σπουδάζειν ... καί τότε προσιέναι δια προσευχής τω θεώ. 58

C P G 1882. Cf. Η. Achelis, Hippolyt's kleinere exegetische und. homiletische Schriften

(GCS; Leipzig, 1897), fragment XVI (p. 144, 16-17). 59 PG 31, 244A4-5 (CPG 2849). À ce propos, consulter le livre de T. Špid1ík, La spiritualité.., p. 47.

d e m ê m e p o u r u n a u t r e c o n t e m p o r a i n d e G r é g o i r e d e Nysse et d e Basile, D i d y m e l ' A v e u g l e . D a n s s o n c é l è b r e c o m m e n t a i r e d e s P s a u m e s c o n s e r v é s u r p a p y r u s , o n lit, à p l u s i e u r s r e p r i s e s , la d é f i n i t i o n d e la π ρ ο σ ε υ χ ή c o m m e u n e α ί τ η σ ι ς α γ α θ ώ ν π α ρ ά θεού60. P o u r ce q u i est d e 1' ε ύ χ ή , o n

retrouve

sa d é f i n i t i o n , isolée, c h e z

Evagre

le

P o n t i q u e , d o n t o n sait q u ' i l a b e a u c o u p i n f l u e n c é la s p i r i t u a l i t é et le v o c a b u l a i r e t e c h n i q u e d e S. M a x i m e 6 1 . D a n s ses Capita gnostica o n h t q u e Γ ε ύ χ ή est " u n e p r o m e s s e d e b i e n s p r o v e n a n t d ' u n b o n c h o i x d e la volonté"62. C o m m e s o u r c e s d e S. M a x i m e , o n p o u r r a i t é g a l e m e n t c i t e r d e u x c o m m e n t a i r e s s u r l ' E c c l é s i a s t e , r é d i g é s a u V I e siècle. D a n s les c o m m e n t a i r e s d e c e livre, o n t r o u v e e n e f f e t p a r f o i s , à p r o p o s d u c h a p i t r e 5, versets 3-4, l ' o p p o s i t i o n e n t r e ε ύ χ ή et π ρ ο σ ε υ χ ή . L e p r e m i e r est c e l u i d ' O l y m p i o d o r e , d'Alexandrie au début du VI

e

qui fut diacre de

l'Église

siècle; e n r é a l i t é , c e c o m m e n t a i r e se

p r é s e n t e p l u t ô t c o m m e u n e sorte d e c h a î n e o ù sont cités d e

60

nom-

À propos du Psaume 33, 2 (CPG 2550): cf. Didymos der Blinde. Psalmenkommentar

(Tura-Papyrus),

Teil III: Kommentar zu Psalm 29-34

in Verbindung mit A. Gesché

herausgegeben und übersetzt von M. Gronewald (Papyrologische Texte und Abhandlungen 8; Bonn, 1969), 189, 8-9 (p. 222). On lit un texte identique dans son commentaire sur le Psaume 34, 13, en 213, 7-8 (p. 346 du même volume); une pensée similaire se lit à l'occasion du Psaume 38, 13, en 279, 29-33 (p. 252 d'un autre volume, Didymos der Blinde. Psalmenkommentar (Τ!ira-Papyrus), Teil IV, Kommentar

zu Psalm 35-39 herausgegeben und übersetzt von M. Gronewald [Papyrologische Texte und Abhandlungen 6; Bonn, 1969]). 61 A ce sujet, on consultera par exemple: M. Viller, "Aux sources de la spiritualité de S. Maxime. Les œuvres d'Évagre le Pontique", Revue d'ascétique et de mystique 11 (1930), pp. 156-84, 239-68 et 331-6, plus particulièrement 250-4 (chez Maxime, cet auteur voit partout l'influence d'Évagre); I.-H. Dalmais, "L'héritage évagrien dans la synthèse de saint Maxime le Confesseur", dans SP VIII (TU 93; Berlin, 1966), pp. 356-62 (Dalmais a nuancé la thèse de Viller); Griet Van der Herten, De taal van Evagrius Ponticus en Maximus

Confessor. Lexicografische en stilistische vergelijking van 'De

oratione' met 'De caritate', (Leuven, 1984); G.C. Berthold, "History and Exegesis in Evagrius and Maximus", dans Origeniana Quarta. Die Referate des 4. Internationalen

Origeneskongresses (Innsbruck, 2.-6. September 1985) (Innsbrucker theologische Studien 19; Innsbruck - Wien, 1987), pp. 390-404. 62 CPG 2432. Cf. W. Frankenberg, Euagrius Ponticus (Abhandlungen der königlichen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen. Philologisch-historische Klasse, Neue Folge, XIII, 2; Berlin, 1912), p. 455, n° 32: Εύχή έσπν επαγγελία αγαθών άγαθή προαιρέσει γενομένη. On sait que les Capita gnostica, abstraction faite de quelques fragments, n'ont été conservés qu'en syriaque, en arménien et en arabe; la définition grecque de Γ εύχή, est donc ici le résultat d'une rétroversion à partir du syriaque. Il est toutefois remarquable que dans le célèbre traité évagrien sur la prière, on ne retrouve pas les deux définitions connues, ni celle de 1' εύχή ni celle de la προσευχή.

b r e u x a u t e u r s plus anciens. O n y lit: Π ρ ο σ ε υ χ ή έστιν αίτησις α γ α θ ώ ν π α ρ ά θεοΰ, ε ύ χ ή δέ ή έπαγγελία 6 3 . T r è s p r o c h e d e ce c o m m e n t a i r e d ' O l y m p i o d o r e 6 4 , est la chaîne conservée d a n s le m a n u s c r i t Vaticanus, Barberinianus gr. 388, d u XIII e X I V e siècle 65 . D a n s ce texte caténique 6 6 , o n trouve des scholies proven a n t d ' œ u v r e s d O r i g è n e , de Grégoire le T h a u m a t u r g e , de Grégoire de Nysse, de Nil d ' A n c y r e et surtout d ' O l y m p i o d o r e . O n ne s'étonn e r a d o n c pas d ' y lire la distinction entre Γ ε ύ χ ή et la π ρ ο σ ε υ χ ή q u ' o n a déjà a v a n c é e p o u r O l y m p i o d o r e 6 7 . A y a n t ainsi e x a m i n é les sources d u passage terminologique de S. M a x i m e , voyons m a i n t e n a n t si l'antithèse ε ύ χ ή - π ρ ο σ ε υ χ ή ou la définition c o n n u e d ' u n des d e u x mots s'est p e r p é t u é e à l ' é p o q u e byzantine. T o u t d ' a b o r d , o n citera le florilège d o g m a t i q u e c o n n u sous le n o m de Doctnna Patrum. Cette anthologie, rédigée avant 726 p a r q u e l q u ' u n qui était engagé d a n s les m o u v e m e n t s a n t i - m o n o p h y s i t e et antimonothélite, contient 143 citations bibliques, ainsi q u e 751 f r a g m e n t s tirés des Pères ou des collections conciliaires. A u chapitre 33, on ht toute u n e série de définitions de Γ ε ύ χ ή , sans q u e ce t e r m e y soit opposé à la π ρ ο σ ε υ χ ή ; toutes ces définitions sont reprises des auteurs patristiques déjà e x a m i n é s ci-dessus, et Γ ε ύ χ ή est d o n c caractérisée c o m m e " u n v œ u " ou " u n e promesse" 6 8 . 63

PG 93, 540C3-4; cette œuvre a été répertoriée dans la CPG sous les numéros 7454 et C 103. 64 Sur les sources de la catena Barberiniana, voir. S. Lucà, Anonymus in Ecclesiasten Commentarius qui dicitur Catena trium patrum ( C C S G 11 ; T u r n h o u t - Leuven, 1983), p. X X I I I n. 61, ainsi que A. Labate, Catena Hauniensis in Ecclesiasten in qua saepe exegesis

servatur Dionysii Alexandrini (CCSG 24; Turnhout - Leuven, 1992), p. XXXVII. 65 CPG C 104. 66 Qu'on date du sixième siècle; voir S. Lucà, Anonymus..., pp. XXIII-XXIV. 67 Pour le texte grec, consulter le livre du feu S. Leanza, L'esegesi di Origene al Libro dell'Ecclesiaste (Reggio Calabria, 1975), p. 17, 1. 3-4: εστί γαρ προσευχή μέν αίτησις αγαθών παρά θεοΰ, εύχή δε επαγγελία. L'opposidon entre les deux termes se retrouve dans un passage (f. 49v-51v du Barberinianus) qui suit une partie de la scholie sur laquelle les érudits se disputent; S. Leanza, l'éditeur de la chaîne (L'esegesi... , pp. 168) et bien d'autres rattachent la première partie de la scholie à Origène, tandis que P. Géhin, Évagre le Pontique. Scholies à l'Ecclésiaste (SC 397; Paris, 1993), pp. 47 et 120-

4, dit que la scholie fait partie du commentaire d'Évagre sur l'Ecclesiastes. Mais nous n'entrerons pas dans les détails de cette controverse. 68

Voir Doctrina Patrum de incamatione Verbi. Ein griechisches Florilegium aus der Wende des

7. und 8. Jahrhunderts. Zum ersten Male vollständig herausgegeben und untersucht von F. Diekamp. 2. Auflage mit Korrekturen und Nachträgen von B. Phanourgakis, herausgegeben von E. Chrysos (Münster, 1981), p. 257. Le texte dit: Εύχή έσην επαγγελία τινός τών κατ' εύσέβειαν αφιερωμένων (ρ. 257, 1. 17-18), une citation

O n citera également l ' a n o n y m e Catena trium Patrum in Ecclesiastenb9, éditée en 1983 p a r S a n t o Lucà 7 0 et appelée ainsi parce q u e ce c o m m e n t a i r e utilise la pensée de trois auteurs, Grégoire de Nysse, G r é goire le T h a u m a t u r g e et M a x i m e le Confesseur (ou u n élève de celuici); l'éditeur date la chaîne d ' e n t r e 662, date de la m o r t de S. M a x i m e , et le o n z i è m e siècle 71 . D a n s le c o m m e n t a i r e d'Ecclesiastes 5, 34 72 ‫־‬, on retrouve la définition de Γ ε ύ χ ή déjà relevée d a n s VExpositio orationis dominicae de S. Maxime 7 3 . C e c o m m e n t a i r e de S. M a x i m e , cette fois les 11. 200 (είναι) - 2 0 3 (άνθρωποι) et 215 (είναι) - 221 (άντιδίδωσιν), qui m e n t i o n n e n t l'opposition entre Γ ε ύ χ ή et la π ρ ο σ ε υ χ ή , a également été cité d a n s u n florilège conservé d a n s le seul Atkous, Dionysiou 180, d u X I V ' siècle; cette anthologie est constituée exclusivement de f r a g m e n t s maximiens 7 4 . L'opposition explicite entre ε ύ χ ή et π ρ ο σ ε υ χ ή se r e n c o n t r e égalem e n t d a n s le c o m m e n t a i r e sur l'Évangile de M a t t h i e u rédigé p a r T h é o p h y l a c t e , a r c h e v ê q u e de Bulgarie (ΧΡ-ΧΙΓ' siècle); à p r o p o s de M t . 6,9, on lit: Εύχή άλλο και προσευχή άλλο. Εύχή μεν γάρ έσπν ύπόσχεσις προς θεόν, ώς όταν ύπισχνήταί π ς άποσχέσθαι οϊνου ή άλλου πνός· προσευχή δε αγαθών αίτησις. L' εύχή est une chose et la προσευχή une autre. L' εύχή est une promesse à Dieu, c o m m e lorsqu'on promet de s'abstenir de vin ou de quelque chose d'autre; la π ρ ο σ ε υ χ ή est une demande de biens. prise à l'homélie de Grégoire de Nysse sur le Notre Père (p. 21, 20-21 de l'édition de Grégoire); εύχή έσπν ύπόσχεσις έξιλάσματος (p. 257, 1. 19), provenant des Carmina moralia de Grégoire de Nazianze (PG 37, 955A12: Εύχήν δ' ύπόσχεσίν τιν' έξιλάσματος); εύχή έσπν ύπόσχεσις τών έξ ανθρώπων θεώ κατ' έπαγγελίαν προσαγομένων καλών (ρ. 257, 1. 21-22), tiré des Quaestiones ad Thalassium de S. Maxime (Quaestio L, 89-90); εύχή έσπν ύπόσχεσις αγαθών έκούσιος (ρ. 257, 1. 23), une définition que nous n'avons pas retrouvée telle quelle, mais qui est apparentée aux précédentes. 69 CPG C 100. 70 A propos de cette chaîne et des fragments de S. Maxime cités, on consultera avec beaucoup de profit deux articles de S. Lucà, "La Catena dei 3 Padri sull' Ecclesiaste", dans Studi in onore di A. Ardizzoni (Roma, 1978), pp. 557-82; "Gli scolii sull' Ecclesiaste del Vallicelliano greco E 21", Augustinianum 19 (1979), pp. 287-96. 71 Cf. pp. XI-XII et XXIV de l'édition de S. Lucà. 72 Dans l'édition de la Catena tnum patrum, il s'agit de V, 25-27. 73 Dans la chaîne, le texte se lit: εύχή γάρ έσπν ύπόσχεσις ών θεώ προσκομίζουσιν άνθρωποι γνησίως τούτω λατρεύοντες, ce qui reprend presque littéralement les 1. 202-203 de VExpositio orationis dominicae de S. Maxime. A ce sujet, lire S. Lucà, Anonymus..., pp. XXV-XXXIX, plus particulièrement XXVII et XXIX. On consultera également P. Van Deun, Opuscula..., pp. CXLV-CXLVI. 74 Cf. P. Van Deun, Opuscula..., pp. LXXIII-LXXIV et surtout CLIII.

D e plus, u n b o n n o m b r e d , Etymologica byzantins r e p r e n n e n t la m ê m e opposition. Ainsi la Suda, rédigée vers 1000 à C o n s t a n t i n o p l e , semble-t-il 75 , qui cite la d e u x i è m e homélie sur le Pater de Grégoire de Nysse 76 . L ‫ י‬Etymologicum Gudianum, qui date de l'année 1100 environ, recopie la Suda11. Citons encore, p o u r terminer, le lexique attribué jadis à J e a n Z o n a r a s , mais d o n t o n sait m a i n t e n a n t qu'il revient à u n certain N i c é p h o r e ; il date d ' e n t r e 1204 et 1253 et provient de C o n s tantinople; o n y lit u n e p a r a p h r a s e de la définition de Γ ε ύ χ ή telle q u ' o n la lit chez Grégoire d e Nysse 78 . V e n o n s - e n m a i n t e n a n t à quelques florilèges sacro-profanes; u n e compilation, q u ' o n appelle Hiera ou Sacra parallela, se trouverait à la base de tous ces florilèges et daterait d u VIII e siècle; cette anthologie, rédigée p r o b a b l e m e n t en Palestine, circule parfois sous le n o m de J e a n D a m a s c è n e ; d a n s a u c u n t é m o i n , elle n'est conservée intégralem e n t . D a n s plusieurs recensions de ce florilège original, o n lit l'opposition entre ε ύ χ ή et π ρ ο σ ε υ χ ή . Le texte cité est celui des Quaestiones ad Thalassium de S. M a x i m e , mais le c o m p i l a t e u r a c h a n g é l'ordre des définitions; en effet, d a n s le florilège, o n lit quaestio L, 89 (εύχή) - 90 (καλών), 87 (Προσευχή) - 8 8 (είκότως), 9 0 (προσευχή), 91 (έσται) et 91 (ή) - 9 3 (διαθέσεως). C e f r a g m e n t tiré des Quaestiones ad Thalassium est t o u j o u r s suivi i m m é d i a t e m e n t des 11. 198 (oi) - 221 (άνπδίδωσιν) de YExpositio orationis dominicae d u m ê m e a u t e u r 7 9 . E x a m i n o n s b r i è v e m e n t les diverses recensions des Sacra parallela qui nous intéressent ici. T o u t d ' a b o r d , il s'agit d u Flonlegium Coislinianum secundum alphabeti litteras dispositum, d o n t le t é m o i n le plus ancien date d u IX e -X e siècle et 75

Cf. Suidae Lexicon edidit Ada Adler, pars II (Lexicographi Graeci I. Sammlung wissenschafdicher Kommentare; Leipzig, 1931 = Stuttgart, 1967), n° 3819 (p. 480): Εύχή γάρ έπαγγελία θεώ τών κατ' εύσέβειαν άφιερουμένων, προσευχή δέ δέησις μετά ϊκετηρίας τω θεώ προσαγομένη. 76 Dans l'édition de J.F. Callahan, Gregorii..., p. 21, 1. 20 (εύχή) - 1. 22 (θεώ). Remarquons seulement que Γ αίτησις du texte de Grégoire est devenue, dans la Suda, δέησις. 77

Cf. Etymologicum Gudianum quod vocatur ed. A. de Stefani, II (Stuttgart, 1920 =

Amsterdam, 1965), p. 567: εύχή και προσευχή διαφέρει. Εύχή λέγεται έπαγγελία τινών τών κατ ' εύσέβειαν αφιερωμένων θεώ, προσευχή δε δέησις μετά ίκετηρίας τω θεώ προσαγομένη. 78 Cf. Iohannis gonarae Lexicon ed. Joh.A.H. Tittmann, I (Leipzig, 1808 = Amsterdam, 1967), col. 913: Εύχή έπαγγελία και ύπόσχεσις, ώς έξ ανθρώπου θεού (pour θεώ) άφιερουμένη· ή σύστασις δώρου προς θεόν, ή παρά τών δούλων αύτού γινομένη έκούσιος (an legendum έκουσίως?)· εύχή ή τού εύ εχειν αίτησις. 79 Cf. P. Van Deun, Opuscuta.., pp. CLV-CLVII; voir également C. Laga - C. Steel, Thalassium..., II, pp. XLII-XLV.

qui a été conservé lui m ê m e en trois recensions différentes; c'est le t é m o i n u n i q u e de la p r e m i è r e recension, u n manuscrit de la collection Coislin, qui a d o n n é son n o m à tout le florilège. O n y retrouve la c o m b i n a i s o n des d e u x sections m a x i m i e n n e s , qui ont reçu c h a c u n e u n titre spécial 80 . Cette m ê m e combinaison se lit d a n s u n e autre recension des Hiera, le Florilegium Hierosolymitanum81, désigné ainsi d ' a p r è s son témoin le plus i m p o r t a n t , le codex Hierosolymitanus, Sancti Sepulai 15, d u X ' - X P siècle 82 . La p a r e n t é avec le Florilegium Coislinianum est claire: les Quaestiones ad Thalassium sont cités de la m ê m e m a n i è r e , les d e u x sections et leurs titres respectifs se retrouvent intacts 8 3 ; en voici le texte: ‫״‬Ορος εύχής, Μαξίμου μοναχού Εύχή έσπν ύπόσχεσις τών έξ ανθρώπων θεώ κατ' έπαγγελίαν προσαγομένων καλών. Προσευχή έσπν αίτησις ών πέφυκεν ό θεός άνθρώποις δωρεΐσθαι προς σωτηρίαν. Και μόλα γε είκότως· προσευχή έσπν ή τών έκ θεού προς σωτηρίαν χορηγουμένων τοίς άνθρώποις αγαθών έξαίτησις, άντίδοσιν φέρουσα τής τών προηυγμένων καλής διαθέσεως. C e f r a g m e n t est pris, o n s'en souvient, à la quaestio L ad Thalassium, 89 (εύχή) - 90 (καλών); 87 ( Π ρ ο σ ε υ χ ή ) 8 8 ‫־‬ (είκότως); 9 0 (προσευχή), 91 (εσται) et 91 (ή) - 9 3 (διαθέσεως). Τί διαφέρει ε ύ χ ή π ρ ο σ ε υ χ ή ς ; Ο ί θεόπνευστοι π α τ έ ρ ε ς ή μ ώ ν οριστικώς ... άντίδοσιν = orationis dominicae de S. M a x i m e , 11. 198-221.

Expositio

Sous u n titre analogue, à savoir τ ο ύ άγίου Μαξίμου ό ρ ο ς ε ύ χ ή ς σύντομος, o n retrouve encore le f r a g m e n t cité des Quaestiones ad

80 Respectivement ορσς εύχής σύντομος, Μαξίμου μοναχού et τί διαφέρει εύχή προσευχής; 81 A ce propos, consulter l'étude magistrale de M. Richard, "Florilèges spirituels grecs", dans Dictionnaire de spiritualité, V (Paris, 1962-1964), coll. 483-4, reprise dans M. Richard, Opera minora, I (Turnhout - Leuven, 1976), no I. 82 Pour une description du manuscrit, voir A. Papadopoulos-Kerameus, ‫ י‬Ιεροσολυμιτική βιβλιοθήκη ήτοι κατάλογος τών έν ταΐς βιβλιοθήκαις τού άγιωτάτου αποστολικού τε και καθολικού ορθοδόξου πατριαρχικού θρόνου τών ' Ιεροσολύμων και πάσης Παλαιστίνης άποκειμένων έλληνικών κωδίκων, I (SaintPétersbourg, 1891), pp. 65-8. 83 Au f. 3 4 0 ‫ ״‬.

Thalassium, d a n s u n m a n u s c r i t de mélanges, le Parisinus gr. 969, d u XIV'' siècle 84 , de n o u v e a u d a n s l'ordre spécial qui p r o u v e clairement sa relation avec les recensions déjà m e n t i o n n é e s des Hiera; en voici le texte: Εύχή έστιν ύπόσχησις τών έξ ανθρώπων θεώ κατ' έπαγγελίαν προσαγομένων καλών. Προσευχή δέ έστιν αίτησις ών πέφυκε θεός άνθρώποις δωρεισθαι. Και μάλα γε είκότως· προσευχή έστιν ή τών έκ θεού προς σωτηρίαν χορηγουμένων τοις άνθρώποις αγαθών έξαίτησις, άντίδοσιν φέρουσα τής τών προηγουμένων (sic) καλής διαθέσεως. L a m ê m e séquence de ces d e u x f r a g m e n t s tirés, l'un, des Quaestiones ad Thalassium et l'autre, de VExpositio orationis dominicae de S. M a x i m e se r e n c o n t r e également ailleurs. Selon le catalogue d ' H e n r i O m o n t 8 5 , o n lit d a n s le Parisinus gr. 1076 u n 'tractatus de o r a t i o n e ' de M a x i m e le Confesseur, introduit p a r les m o t s τ ο ύ άγίου Μαξίμου π ε ρ ι π ρ ο σ ε υ χ ή ς κ α ι ε ύ χ ή ς ; en réalité, il s'agit d ' u n e petite compilation qui n ' o c c u p e q u e les 11. 16-27 d u f. 282 v ; u n c o m p i l a t e u r a n o n y m e a cité, sans a u c u n e transition, quelques définitions de Γ ε ύ χ ή et d e la π ρ ο σ ε υ χ ή , tirées de différents auteurs; cet opuscule se lit également a u f. 67r‫־‬v de VAthous, Dionysiou 626, manuscrit tardif d u X V I I e siècle 86 . E n voici l'édition: Διαφέρει δε εύχή προσευχής. Εύχή μεν87 έστιν ύπόσχεσις τών έξ ανθρώπων θεώ κατ' έπαγγελίαν προσαγομένων· και ίνα σαφέστερον εΐπω, εύχή μέν έστιν εντολών τήρησις κατά γνώμην πράξει τού εύξαμένου κεκυρωμένη, προσευχή δέ τής προς τα ρηθέντα καλά τού τετηρηκότος μεταποιήσεως αίτησις. Εύχή 8 8 μέν έσην εύχαρισιηρίου δωροφορίας επαγγελία, προσευχή δέ ή μετά τήν έκπλήρωσιν τής έπαγγελίας τω θεώ γινομένη πρόσοδος. Εύχή μέν89 έστιν έπαγγελία τινός τών κατ ' εύσέβειαν άφιερουμένων, προσευχή δέ αίτησις αγαθών

84

Pour une description succincte de ce manuscrit, voir H. Omont, Inventaire som-

maire des manuscrits grecs de la Bibliothèque nationale et des autres bibliothèques de Paris et des

départements, I (Paris, 1886), p. 188. Le fragment se trouve au f. 320v. 85 Inventaire sommaire.., p. 216. Nous préparons une description détaillée de ce manuscrit, sous le titre "Le Parisinus gr. 1076: un recueil ascétique du XTVe siècle". 86 Sur ce manuscrit, on consultera la description sommaire d'Euthymios Dionysiatis, Συμπληρωματικός κατάλογος ελληνικών χειρογράφων 'Ιεράς Μονής Διονυσίου Ά γ ί ο υ "Ορους, Έπετηρις ' Εταιρείας Βυζανηνών Σπουδών 27 (1957), ρ. 241; nous préparons une description plus détaillée de ce codex, laquelle paraîtra dans notre édition critique du Liber Asceticus de Maxime le Confesseur (dans la Series Graeca du Corpus Christianorum). 87

μέν] μέν γ ά ρ Athous.

88

Εύχή] και εύχή Athous.

89

μέν] omisit Athous.

μεθ' ίκετηρίας προσαγομένη τώ"° θεώ. Διδάσκει ούν ό λόγος μή πρότερον αίτεΐσθαι τί παρά του θεοΰ, πριν α ύ τ ώ τί τών κεχαρισμένων δωροφορήσαι· εϋξασθαι γάρ ! " πρότερον, είτα προσεύξασθαι. C o n t r a i r e m e n t à ce q u O m o n t semble p r é t e n d r e , ce petit florilège n e va p a s j u s q u ' a u f. 284 v ; très p r o b a b l e m e n t , il n ' a pas r e m a r q u é , a u b a s d u f. 282 v , le n o u v e a u l e m m e Γεροντικού. L a p r e m i è r e définition d e Γ ε ύ χ ή ( Ε ύ χ ή ‫ ־‬π ρ ο σ α γ ο μ έ ν ω ν ) est reprise a u x (Quaestiones ad Thalassium d e M a x i m e le C o n f e s s e u r 9 2 , tandis q u e l'antithèse e n t r e ε ύ χ ή e t π ρ ο σ ε υ χ ή qui suit (εύχή - μ ε τ α π ο ι ή σ ε ω ς αίτησις) p r o v i e n t d e VExpositio orationis dominicae d u m ê m e auteur 9 3 . Le florilège p o u r s u i t avec la m ê m e opposition, tirée cette fois d e la d e u x i è m e h o m é l i e sur le N o t r e Père d e G r é g o i r e d e Nysse 9 4 ; c'est d e ce m ê m e o u v r a g e q u e provient é g a l e m e n t tout ce qui suit 9 5 . Il est évident é g a l e m e n t q u e ce petit texte est a p p a r e n t é à celui q u ' o n ht p a r e x e m p l e d a n s le Florilegium Coislinianum. T r è s p r o b a b l e m e n t , o n p e u t e n c o r e établir le h e n qui unit ce texte à la c h a î n e sur l'Évangile d e S. M a t t h i e u d e N i c é t a s d ' H é r a c l é e 9 6 . E n effet, les d e u x f r a g m e n t s d e S. M a x i m e o n t é g a l e m e n t été c o m b i n é s p a r le célèbre caténiste N i c é t a s d ' H é r a c l é e d a n s sa c h a î n e sur l'Évangile d e M a t t h i e u ( C P G C 113); cette c h a î n e , c o m p i l é e e n t r e 1105 et 1112 o u 1 1 16 9 7 , cite surtout J e a n C h r y s o s t o m e ; p a r m i les a u t r e s a u t e u r s cités, ne m e n t i o n n o n s q u e Cyrille, Basile, Isidore, G r é goire d e N a z i a n z e et M a x i m e le C o n f e s s e u r , lequel a été utilisé 97 fois 98 . O n y lit 99 u n f r a g m e n t u n p e u plus c o u r t pris a u x Quaestiones ad 90 91

τώ] omisit Atkous. γ α ρ ] χ ρ ή τό addid.it Atkous.

92

Quaestio L, 89-90. Lignes 215-218. 94 Dans l'édition de J.F. Callahan, on retrouve cette opposition à la p. 22, 1. 3 (εύχή) - 6 (πρόσοδον). 93 Cf. J.F. Callahan, Gregoni..,. p. 21, 1. 20 (εύχή) - 1. 22 (θεώ) et p. 22, 1. 6 (διδάσκει) -1. 8 / 9 (προσεύξασθαι). Cf. P. Van Deun, Opuscula ... , pp. CLII-III. 96 Cf. P. Van Deun, Opuscula..., pp. CLII-III. 97 Pour la datation, voir notre article "Les Diversa Capita du Pseudo-Maxime (CPG 7715) et la chaîne de Nicétas d'Héraclée sur l'Évangile de Matthieu (CPG C 113)", Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinistik 45 (1995), pp. 19-24. 98 Récemment, nous avons répertorié tous les fragments de S. Maxime cités dans cette chaîne: "Les extraits de Maxime le Confesseur contenus dans les chaînes sur 93

l'Évangile de Matthieu", dans Philohistôr. Miscellanea in honorem C. Laga septuagenam

(Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 60; Leuven, 1994), pp. 297-316. 951 Dans une section intitulée Διαφέρει εύχή προσευχής ou Τί διαφέρει εύχή προσευχής;, et attribuée à Μακάριος, à Μάρκος ou à Μάξιμος, selon les différents témoins de la chaîne.

Thalassium L, 87-90, avec l'ordre des lignes inversé 1 0 0 , suivi des 11. 215-221 de VExpositio orationis dominicaem . P o u r finir, n o t o n s encore q u e les 11. 200 (είναι) - 2 0 3 (άνθρωποι) de VExpositio orationis dominicae se retrouvent également d a n s le Vaticanus gr. 349, codex d u X I I e siècle, d a n s lequel le texte des q u a t r e évangiles a été expliqué à l'aide de scholies dispersées, p r i n c i p a l e m e n t prises à des œ u v r e s d u Confesseur 1 0 2 . Le c o m p i l a t e u r de ce c o m m e n t a i r e a souvent utilisé celui de Nicétas, mais ce n'est pas le cas ici, car Nicétas, o n se souvient, n ' a p a s cité les 11. 2 0 0 - 2 0 3 de VExpositio orationis dominicaem. ****

N o t r e recherche des attestations de l'opposition explicite entre ε ύ χ ή et π ρ ο σ ε υ χ ή a été plus fructueuse q u ' o n n ' a u r a i t p u le prévoir: l'opposition p e u t être suivie à partir d ' O r i g è n e j u s q u ' à l ' é p o q u e tardive de l'histoire byzantine. D e plus, la définition de 1' ε ύ χ ή c o m m e ύ π ό σ χ η σ ι ς ou έ π α γ γ ε λ ί α se r e n c o n t r e souvent aussi sans q u ' o n explicite l'opposition à la notion de προσευχή; cela vaut également p o u r la définition de la π ρ ο σ ε υ χ ή c o m m e αίτησις; l'origine de ces définitions respectives, vouées elles aussi à u n e longue fortune, est plus ancienne: o n en trouve les traces d a n s la Bible et d a n s des œ u v r e s de l'Antiquité païenne. Mais répétons encore u n e fois q u e la connaissance de la signification exacte de ces d e u x m o t s n ' a toutefois pas e m p ê c h é les auteurs patristiques et byzantins de les utiliser d a n s leur sens imprécis. Sans l'avoir cherché, nous avons p u constater u n e fois d e plus le caractère répétitif et souvent p u r e m e n t t h é o r i q u e de l'érudition byzantine; cela c o n t r i b u a s û r e m e n t à la d é c a d e n c e de Byzance.

100 On y lit: Quaestiones ad Thalassium L, 89 (εύχή - 90 (καλών); 87 (Προσευχή) - 88 (σωτηρίαν). 101 Cf. P. Van Deun, Opuscula..., pp. CXLVII-CLIII. 102 Qf p y a n j ) e u n ‫ ־‬Opuscula.., pp. CXLVI-VII. Ce commentaire est répertorié dans la CPG sous les numéros C 116, 126.2 et 147.2. On notera que le compilateur a modifié ses sources. 103 Cf. P. Van Deun, "Extraits...", pp. 316-28.

READER RESPONSE H . Welzen

T h e s o m e w h a t enigmatic title of this p a p e r refers to some i m p o r t a n t d e v e l o p m e n t s in the scholarly research of biblical texts. In the first p a r t of this article I will discuss some of the f u n d a m e n t a l changes in the exegesis of biblical texts which have o c c u r r e d in the last few decades a n d which are still taking place. In the second p a r t I will present a n e x a m p l e of the way, in which a n a u t h o r of the N e w T e s t a m e n t reads a n d explains biblical texts. M o r e specifically, a n e x a m p l e will be given of the fascinating a n d u n i q u e way of dealing with a text as is d o n e in Hebrews.

1. Some recent important developments in the exegesis of biblical texts

1.1. From diachrony to synchrony In the late sixties a n d in the seventies scholarly exegesis of biblical texts, which was based on the historical-critical m e t h o d , c a m e u n d e r fire. Everywhere the principle of d i a c h r o n y was employed: in the historical quest to find out w h e t h e r all the events m e n t i o n e d in the text h a d really h a p p e n e d , in literary criticism, in f o r m criticism a n d in redactional criticism. T e x t s were considered as entities which h a d evolved into their final stage in the course of time. O n e h a d to k n o w a n d even be able to reconstruct the historical d e v e l o p m e n t of the text before o n e could fully u n d e r s t a n d it. In the sixties a n d seventies this obvious starting point was left b e h i n d . T h e principle of d i a c h r o n y was replaced by the principle of synchrony. It was recognized that texts were m e a n i n g f u l outside the history of their d e v e l o p m e n t a n d that it was worth the effort to study texts as unities, existing at a given point in time. Especially F r e n c h structuralism a n d the "école de Paris", of which A.J. G r e i m a s 1 was 1

Cf. among others, A.J. Greimas, Du sens. Essais sémiotiques (Paris, 1970); A.J.

Greimas, Maupassant. La sémiotique du text: exercices pratiques (Paris, 1976); A.J. Greimas,

Sémantique structurale (Paris, 1966); A.J. Greimas; J. Courtes, Dictionnaire raisonné de la théorie du langage (Paris, 1979). Tome 2 (Hachette, 1986).

the f o u n d i n g father, guided these developments in the beginning. T h e semiotic theories of A.J. G r e i m a s have been developed by the G r o u p e d ' Entrevernes 2 into a m o d e l for analysis, which has been f o u n d especially fruitful for the analysis of biblical narratives. In o u r c o u n t r y the study g r o u p of S e m a n e t 3 , a n d the research g r o u p at N i j m e g e n University, which was working o n the parables of the gospel of Luke, 4 a m o n g o t h e r things, c o n c e n t r a t e d o n the semiotic analysis of biblical narratives. In these developments the m e a n i n g of the text was n o longer sought in the history of the text before its final wording, b u t in the text itself. T h e text was seen as a tissue that could be studied as a n i n d e p e n d e n t entity by describing h o w the parts are linked, in their syntagmatic as well as in their p a r a d i g m a t i c dimensions. Already in the b e g i n n i n g of the eighties the t e x t - i m m a n e n t c h a r a c t e r of this a p p r o a c h was criticized. It b e c a m e clear that, besides the syntactic a n d semantic attention, attention for the p r a g m a t i c aspects of the text was also n e e d e d . At that time the research g r o u p of N i j m e g e n University, m e n t i o n e d above, sought ways to p a y attention to the p r a g m a t i c dimensions of the text within the f r a m e w o r k of semiotic analysis.

1.2. Attention for the reader M e a n w h i l e there were some quite different developments which invite us to shift the attention f r o m the a u t h o r - o r i e n t e d research to the reader-oriented investigation. T h u s the periodical S e m e i a 5 devoted some instalments to a reader-oriented exegesis. T h e distinctions 2 Groupe d'Entrevernes, Signes et pataboles. Sémiotiques et texte évangelique (Paris, 1977). Groupe d ' E n t r e v e r n e s , Analyse sémiotique des textes. Introduction, Théorie—pratique (Lyon,

1979). 3

Semanet (edited by G. Lukken), Semiotiek en christelijke uitingsvormen (Hilversum,

1987). K. Joosse and P. de Maat, members of Semanet, produced the translation of the dictionary of A.J. Greimas and J. Courtès, Analytisch woordenboek van de semiotiek

(Tilburg, 1979). There is also a translation in English by L. Crist, D. Patte and others, Semiotic and Language. An analytical Dictionary (Bloomington, 1982). 4 H. Welzen, Lucas, evangelist van gemeenschap. Een onderzoek naar de pragmatische effecten

in Lc 15,1-17,10 (Nijmegen, 1986); B. van Iersel, T. van Schaik, S. van Tilborg, H. Welzen, W . Weren, Parabelverhalen in Lucas. Van semiotiek naar pragmatiek (Tilburg, 1987); E.J. van Wolde, A Semiotic Analysis of Genesis 2-3. A Semiotic Theory and Method of Analysis to the story of the garden of Eden (Assen, 1989). 5 R. Detweiler (ed), Reader Response Approaches to Biblical and Secular Texts (Adanta, 1985) - Semeia Nr. 31; E.V. M c K n i g h t , Reader Perspectives on the New Testament (Adanta, 1989) = Semeia nr. 48.

m a d e by W . Iser1' a n d U . Eco 7 were applied to the exegesis of biblical texts. T h e most i m p o r t a n t starting point is that in a reader-oriented exegesis the focus is n o t on the actual reader, b u t on a " r e a d e r in the text", that is to say the role the actual r e a d e r is supposed to play in giving m e a n i n g to the text. T h e text as it were gives instructions to the reader, w h o constructs a m e a n i n g of the text with the help of these instructions. T h i s r e a d e r w h o is supposed to be in the text, is called " d e r implizite Leser" by W . Iser. It is i m p o r t a n t here to see the e n o r m o u s changes in the presentation of the question. It is not the intention of the a u t h o r which is the central point, n o r the structure of the text, but the interaction between text a n d reader. As far as there is a question of a n a u t h o r in a reader-oriented exegesis, it is an implied a u t h o r , that is to say not the a u t h o r of flesh a n d blood, but the a u t h o r w h o is implicitly present in the text as a participant. T h e role of the n a r r a t o r is a m o r e detailed specification of the implied reader. T o illustrate the distinction between the a u t h o r a n d the readers of flesh a n d blood on the o n e side, a n d the implied a u t h o r a n d the implied r e a d e r o n the o t h e r side, I will use the e x a m p l e of II Nome della Rosa by U m b e r t o E c o 8 . Eco is the a u t h o r in the empirical world, the a u t h o r of flesh a n d blood, w h o f r o m the a u t h o r ' s side is responsible for the empirical process of c o m m u n i c a t i o n . O n the reader's side there are the millions w h o have actually read Eco's book. T h u s on the reader's side it is they, w h o are responsible for the empirical process of c o m m u n i c a t i o n . 111 the book itself there is an agent, viz. the n a r r a t o r , w h o initiates the c o m m u n i c a t i o n within the book. T h i s t e x t - i m m a n e n t participant is Adson, w h o , in his old age, looks back on the a d v e n t u r e s which he experienced as a novice. T h e textual participant addressed by Adson is the fictional, implied reader. Actually in narratives these t e x t - i m m a n e n t participants are often u n n a m e d . T h e distinctions we have m a d e leave o p e n the possibility that the a u t h o r of flesh a n d blood a n d the t e x t - i m m a n e n t n a r r a t o r are the same. But this is not always the case. F r o m the systematical point of view we have to distinguish t h e m . 6

W . Iser, Der implizite Leser. Kommunikationsformen des Romans von Bunyan bis Beckett

(München, 19792); W. Iser, Der Akt des Lesens. Theorie Ästhetischer Wirkung (München, 1976). 7

U . Eco, 7he Role of the Reader. Explorations in the Semiotics of Texts (London, etc.

19832). 8

U . Eco, Il Nome della Rosa (Milano, 1980).

Β. Lategan 9 w o n d e r s w h e t h e r the real point of contact in the interaction between text a n d r e a d e r concerns the implied a u t h o r a n d the implied reader. T h e most usual starting point is S. C h a t m a n ' s 1 0 m o d e l of c o m m u n i c a t i o n , which consists of the following terms: real author

implied author

(narrator)

(narratee) -> implied reader

real reader.

H o w e v e r , B. Lategan thinks it m o r e p r o b a b l e that for the description of the c o m m u n i c a t i o n between the a u t h o r a n d the r e a d e r o n e has to start f r o m two m o v e m e n t s in opposite directions. " T h e real a u t h o r , w h e n writing is reaching o u t for the implied r e a d e r (as n o o t h e r r e a d e r is present at this m o m e n t ) . T h e real reader, w h e n reading, is reaching out for the implied a u t h o r (as n o o t h e r a u t h o r is present)." T h e real a u t h o r can only direct himself to w h o m e v e r h e thinks o r supposes the r e a d e r is. T h e real r e a d e r can only reach the real a u t h o r via the implied a u t h o r , that is to say via the signs a n d the instructions given by the implied a u t h o r . B. v a n Iersel" also p r o p o s e d changes in the c o m m u n i c a t i o n m o d e l of S. C h a t m a n . Put o n the right track by R . M . Fowler 1 2 en P. D a n o v e 1 3 , he actually speaks of two directions as well. T h e implied r e a d e r shows h o w the a u t h o r has visualised his readers, w h e n prod u c i n g the text of the narrative. T h e reader, o n the the o t h e r h a n d , h a s his eye o n the a u t h o r a n d the n a r r a t o r ; a n d this, of course, o n the basis of the d a t a in the text w h i c h are provided by the real a u t h o r . Actually the real r e a d e r has a d o u b l e position. H e is involved in the process of r e a d i n g the written text, b o t h in a receptive a n d in a productive sense. In a receptive sense the r e a d e r is t o u c h e d by the text. In a productive sense the r e a d e r is involved in the process of r e a d i n g w h e n he is attributing m e a n i n g s to the text. O n e of the m e a n i n g s which the r e a d e r c a n generate o n the basis of the signals present in the text, is an impression of the n a r r a t o r a n d the implied a u t h o r . T h e r e is m u c h discussion c o n c e r n i n g the activity of the 9

. B. Lategan, "Coming to Grips with the Reader" in: Semeia (1989) nr 48, pp. 317, especially pp. 10-11. 10 S. Chatman, Story and Discourse, (Ithaca/New York, 1978), p. 151. This model is the starting point for many different models which are used by different authors. " B. van Iersel, "His master's voice. De impliciete Verteiler in Marcus: stem en literaire gestalte" in: Tijdschnfi voor Theologie 34 (1994), pp. 115-127. See also B. Van Iersel, Marcus uitgelegd aan andere lexers (Baarn—Kampen, 1997), especially pp. 19-32. '2. R.M. Fowler, Let the Reader Understand: Reader-Response Criticism and the Gospel of

Mark (Minneapolis, 1991). 13 P. Danove, The End of Mark's Story (Leiden, 1993).

r e a d e r a n d his contribution to the process of p r o d u c i n g m e a n i n g f r o m the text. F r o m the h e r m e n e u t i c a l point of view the opinion that the text, a n d only the text, is the b e a r e r of the m e a n i n g a n d that this m e a n i n g is implied in the text, is n o longer tenable. A n objective a n d value-free r e a d i n g solely d e t e r m i n e d by the text does n o t exist. T h e position at the o t h e r side of the s p e c t r u m is that there is n o text at all, b u t only interpretation. In this opinion there is only the r e a d e r w h o makes a text f r o m the specks of ink o n a sheaf of p a p e r s tied u p with g u m o r string. T h e r e is n o text. S u c h a position is for instance held by Stanly Fish. 14 T h e question h o w it is possible that several people assign m o r e o r less the s a m e m e a n i n g to a text, he answers by pointing to the authority of the interpretative c o m m u n i t i e s to which the readers belong. In this theory, however, it is n o t m a d e clear h o w frequently n e w m e a n i n g s c o m e into being, a n d that not only already existing m e a n i n g s are repeated. Yet the history of interpretation of biblical texts shows us that readers have created meanings, which a d d s o m e t h i n g n e w to already existing meanings. T h e authority of interpretative c o m m u n i t i e s is n o t sufficient to explain this.

1.3. The constructive work of the reader I present the process of m e a n i n g as a circular m o d e l of interaction. O f course the r e a d e r attributes m e a n i n g to the text by the activity of reading, b u t at the same time he is guided by the d a t a in the text. T h e text of the r e a d e r should be distinguished f r o m the text of the author. 1 5 T h e text of the a u t h o r is the text m a d e by the a u t h o r , which has f o u n d its material expression in the written p r o d u c t . T h e text of the r e a d e r is the total of m e a n i n g s constructed by the activity of the r e a d e r on the basis of the instructions given by the text. T h e often used m e t a p h o r of the musical score is illuminating in this respect. T h e score is the music written o n p a p e r . But it is the musician w h o interprets the notes on the p a p e r a n d a d a p t s t h e m to sweet-sounding music. In the s a m e way the text h a s f o u n d a material expression in the written p r o d u c t , a series of instructions for the reader to construct a m e a n i n g f u l whole. 14

Stanley Fish, Is There a Text in This Class? The Authority of Interpretative Communities

(Cambridge, 1980). 15 So for instance already B. van Iersel "De lezer ontcijfert de tekst en vult in" in: Schrift (1980) nr 71, pp. 166-171. He uses the terms 'schrijftekst' and 'leestekst' on pp. 169-171.

T o u n d e r s t a n d the constructive work of the r e a d e r the difference between spoken a n d written text is very i m p o r t a n t . O n a n u m b e r of points a spoken a n d a written text differ essentially. In the case of a spoken text the speaker is always present. T h e c o m m u n i c a t i v e situation in which the text is spoken is also always present. T h e same is true for the persons w h o are directly addressed. T h a t is n o t the case with a written text. In c o m p a r i s o n with the spoken text there has b e e n a d e p a r t u r e of the a u t h o r . T h e a u t h o r is n o longer there. T h e text has b e c o m e i n d e p e n d e n t . I n literary science this has sometimes been called the a u t h o r ' s d e a t h . T h e r e is also a separation f r o m the original context. T h e context is separated f r o m the written text, too. At the s a m e time there is the separation of the addressee f r o m the spoken text. W i t h this threefold separation of a u t h o r , context a n d addressee, 1 6 the text has b e c o m e a n o r p h a n , so to say. A result of all this is that w h e n we are saying s o m e t h i n g a b o u t the intention of the a u t h o r or a b o u t the context in which the text has f u n c t i o n e d , it is always a reconstruction of this intention a n d a reconstruction of this context. I n the case of written texts, intentions of the a u t h o r , a n d context are p r o d u c t s of the reader. T h e texts are, as it were, given back their p a r e n t s by the reader, b u t o n e has to realize that they are only foster parents. T h e alienation of the origin by p u t t i n g the text into writing is also the condition on the basis of which the text can be actualized in o t h e r contexts. T h e separation f r o m a u t h o r , context a n d addressee makes it possible for the text to be read in a n o t h e r context. I n fact people speak of decontextualization a n d recontextualisation. ' 7 T h r o u g h the process of r e a d i n g started by different readers the text is u n d e r s t o o d against different backgrounds. A plurality of m e a n i n g s b e c o m e s possible in this process of decontextualization a n d recontextualisation. W i t h the instructions for r e a d i n g to be f o u n d in the text, the socalled " g a p s " are i m p o r t a n t . G a p s are all the places of i n d e t e r m i n a c y which are present in a text. It has been p o i n t e d out that gaps are especially i m p o r t a n t for narrative texts. G a p s are points in a text w h e r e i n f o r m a t i o n i m p o r t a n t for the structure of a narrative is hardly o r not at all given. T h e s e gaps c o m e into being by a certain m a n n e r of presentation or a certain w a y of n a r r a t i o n which can differ de16

See for this P. Ricoeur, Du texte à V action. Essais d'herméneutique II (Paris, 1986), pp. 183-211, especially, pp. 187-190. 17 So for instance W. Weren, Intertextualiteit en bijbel (Kampen, 1993), pp. 16-17.

p e n d i n g o n the literary genre of the text. T h e y occur for instance at the transition f r o m o n e situation to a n o t h e r . G a p s have a n i m p o r t a n t function in the interaction between the text a n d the reader. T h e y activate the reader's response to the text. T h u s gaps are part of the pragmatics of the text. It is for the r e a d e r to fill u p these gaps. G a p s also have a function w h e n a r e a d e r is forced to m o d i f y the horizon of his expectations a b o u t w h a t is n a r r a t e d , o n the basis of the instructions offered for reading, if these instructions d o not correspond to the reader's expectations. 1 8 G a p s enable the r e a d e r to m a k e n e w reconstructions of the n a r r a t e d world. So not only w h a t is in the text, b u t also w h a t is not in the text d e t e r m i n e s the process of assigning m e a n i n g which takes place while reading. F o r a g o o d interaction between text a n d r e a d e r a well b a l a n c e d quantity of gaps is i m p o r t a n t . If there are few gaps, the d a n g e r exists that the r e a d e r finds the text dull a n d n o t challenging e n o u g h . If there are too m a n y , the events n a r r a t e d in the text b e c o m e vague. T h e r e is too little i n f o r m a t i o n t h e n . T h e effect of gaps makes clear that b o t h the information given a n d the i n f o r m a t i o n not given are i m p o r t a n t for the m e a n i n g to c o m e a b o u t . G a p s have several f u n c tions. By a p p e a r i n g for instance at the transitions between situations they m a r k these transitions a n d link u p necessary connections b y — strangely e n o u g h — g i v i n g n o i n f o r m a t i o n . T h e r e a d e r reconstructs these necessary connections o n the basis of d a t a in the text of which he actually does have i n f o r m a t i o n . T h e imagination a n d the fantasy of the r e a d e r are thus stimulated. A n o t h e r kind of g a p can c o m e a b o u t w h e n the world of the story is presented f r o m different points of view, the point of view of the n a r r a t o r a n d the points of view of various characters. T h e r e a d e r is stimulated to take u p his o w n position in a n d towards the n a r r a t e d world.

1.4. The reader and the critic I m p o r t a n t is also the question w h a t kind of r e a d e r gives m e a n i n g to the text. F o r there are different ways of reading. In literary criticism o n e distinguishes between the c o m m o n r e a d i n g a n d the critical analysis of texts. I n his study a b o u t the gospel of M a r k , R . Fowler 1 9 wrote a b o u t this. First of all it must be said that the c o m m o n reading 18

W. Iser, Der Akt des Lesens. Theorie ästhetischer Wirkung (München, 1976), p. 263.

19

R. Fowler, o.e. pp. 27-31.

a n d the critical analysis c a n n o t b e seen as two totally different things. T h e y partly overlap. If we p u t the r e a d e r a n d the critic in a s p e c t r u m we m a y say that the critic is the j u d g e a n d m a s t e r of the text, w h e r e a s the r e a d e r is the servant to the text. T h e critic so to say steps back f r o m the text to take a pose of critical, objectifying distance, whereas in the c o m m o n r e a d i n g this distance between r e a d e r a n d text is minimalized. It is as if the text allows the r e a d e r to identify with the text. T h e r e a d e r loses himself in the text. O n e can illustrate this by referring to one's own experience. W h e n a r e a d e r is a b s o r b e d in a fascinating book, he is n o longer a w a r e of his e n v i r o n m e n t . T h e time a n d space of his reading situation are replaced by the time a n d space of the story he is reading. T h e r e a d e r is b e i n g read by the text. O r as Fowler p u t it elsewhere in his study: w h a t is read has b e c o m e the here a n d n o w of the reader. A n illustration of the distinction between critic a n d r e a d e r is f o u n d in the difference in dealing with w h a t is usually called the whole a n d its parts. In c o m m o n r e a d i n g o n e c a n n o t really speak a b o u t the whole a n d its parts. At the m o m e n t of r e a d i n g the eye is going a l o n g the text a n d w h a t is being r e a d at this m o m e n t has the attention. T h e text already read is the b a c k g r o u n d . T h e s a m e is true of the expectation of w h a t is to be read. In his fenomenological studies of the process of reading W o l f g a n g Iser makes use of the distinction between " F i g u r " a n d " G r u n d " ; a distinction also used in the psychology of observation. 2 0 " F i g u r " is w h a t is presented as a field within a n outline. " G r u n d " is the field outside a n outline. D e p e n d i n g o n w h a t o n e regards as within or outside the outline, " F i g u r " a n d " G r u n d " interchange. In the process of r e a d i n g there is this relationship of " F i g u r " a n d " G r u n d " between o n the o n e h a n d , the text being r e a d at this m o m e n t , a n d o n the o t h e r h a n d the text already read o r to be read. In the critical analysis there is a c o h e r e n c e of a different type. O n e can rightly call this a c o h e r e n c e of the whole a n d its parts. T h e critic can try to survey the whole t h r o u g h objectifying distance a n d to d e t e r m i n e the relationship between the whole a n d the parts. T o determine this relationship is p a r t of his j o b as a critic. A second point in the distinction between the critic a n d the c o m m o n r e a d e r is that the critic f o r m s opinions a b o u t the text a n d argues a b o u t t h e m . T h e r e a d e r does n o t d o these things, because he is not objectifying the text. F o r the r e a d e r the text a n d the things read in 20

W. Iser, o.e. pp. 155-161.

the text are a real presence which is n o t accessible for a critical a p p r o a c h a n d even resist it. O n e can feel this resistance for e x a m p l e w h e n a r e a d e r is going to analyze a text which is very significant for h i m a n d in which he is quite emotionally involved. T h e critic as well as the c o m m o n r e a d e r have to d o with a series of texts that set a s t a n d a r d . By analyzing texts a n d assessing t h e m a critic makes this s t a n d a r d a n d this series of texts. H e is choosing texts. T h e c o m m o n r e a d e r has a different relation to this series. T h e r e a d e r is n o t choosing texts, b u t there is a kind of c a n o n that forms him. T h e critic prescribes which texts have to be read; he is shaping a c a n o n . But in the process of r e a d i n g the c a n o n of texts is a living entity t h a t shapes the reader. So the s p e c t r u m in which the critic a n d the r e a d e r are m o v i n g consists of two poles. T h e o n e side is the objectifying pole. At this pole the critical experience of r e a d i n g a n d analyzing is very often placed in the history of critical reading. T h e critic has a discussion with o t h e r critics w h o have already f o r m e d a n opinion a b o u t the text. Illuminating for this are the footnotes of " g e r m a n " c o m m e n t a r ies of biblical texts processed in the classical way. T h e o t h e r side is the subjectifying pole in which the individual a n d psychologizing r e a d i n g m u c h m o r e easily takes a place. In p o s t m o d e m a n d deconstructive theories of texts these readings get m u c h attention.

1.5. Instructions for reading F o r the actual reader-oriented analysis of a text, the question w h a t the instructions for r e a d i n g imply, is very i m p o r t a n t . T h e answer to this question is as simple as it is complex: it is the text in its totality. All that the text contains in presenting the text, the course of actions, descriptions of situations, focalizations, internal a n d external évaluations, contributes to the process of giving m e a n i n g to the text, to the process taking place between the text a n d the reader. I n this context the following remarks m a d e by W . V o r s t e r are very clarifying: "It is in this respect t h a t the r e a d e r in the text, the a u t h o r in the text, the n a r r a t o r a n d the n a r r a t e e , the presentation of the story, the e m p l o t m e n t , order, time, events, a n d o t h e r existants in the narrative world b e c o m e i m p o r t a n t . " "Since the structure of a n y text is designed with the r e a d e r in m i n d , traces of the r e a d e r in the text are to be looked for o n all the levels of the structure a n d functions of n a r r a tives. Pro- a n d retrospection, gaps a n d indeterminacy, selection a n d

organization, are signs of the r e a d e r as Iser a n d Eco have indicated. All the narrative features such as plot, characterization, point of view, narrative c o m m e n t a r y , o r d e r of n a r r a t i o n , a n d time a n d space give clues to the actual r e a d e r in his or h e r construction of a n image of the implied reader." 2 1 In a reader-oriented analysis all the elements m e n t i o n e d are n o t a i m e d at the c o m i n g into b e i n g of m e a n i n g in referential o r m i m e t i c sense, b u t m e a n i n g in p r a g m a t i c sense. N o w they are u n d e r s t o o d as instructions to the r e a d e r with the help of which he is bringing a b o u t his reading-text. U s i n g the m e t a p h o r of the musical score again, they are the notes with the help of which the musician voices the music. M e a n i n g originates f r o m the m e e t i n g of text a n d reader. T h e reader-oriented explanation of texts signifies that m e a n i n g is n o longer taken in a n objectivistic sense, n o longer as the intention of the a u t h o r or as a reference to a signified reality. M e a n i n g is d y n a m i c a n d subjective. W i t h that, however, m e a n i n g has not b e c o m e arbitrary.

1.6. Intertextuality In the developments of biblical research of the last few years special attention has been asked for the intertextuality of biblical texts a n d not without results. 22 T h e t e r m "intertextuality" has been i n t r o d u c e d by J.Kristeva. "Every text is built u p as a mosaic of quotations, every text is reception a n d t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of a n o t h e r text. Instead of the notion of intersubjectivity the notion of intertextuality has n o w established itself." 23 T h e awareness of intertextuality p r o d u c e s n e w insights a b o u t the m e a n i n g of a n d a b o u t attributing m e a n i n g to texts. T h i s awareness is based o n the insight that texts are c o n n e c t e d with e a c h other. T e x t s are p a r t of a larger system of language. R e a d i n g texts against the b a c k g r o u n d of this larger system gives a n "extra' 5 21

W. Vorster "The Reader of the Text: Narrative Material" in: Semeia (1989) nr 48, pp. 21-39. The quotations can be found on p. 30 and p. 32. 22

See a.o. J. Bastiaens, Interpretaties van Jes. 53. Een intertextueel onderzoek naar de lijdende dienstknecht in Jes 53 (MT/LXX) en in Lk 22:14-38, Hand 3:12-26 en Hand 4:23-

31 (Tilburg, 1993); S. Draisma (ed.), Intertextuality in Biblical Writings (Kampen, 1989); Β. van Iersel, Intertextualiteit in soorten. Een voorstel tot enkele nieuwe classificaties verhelderd aan Mt 1-2 en Lc 1-2 en experimenteel toegepast op Mc 1,1-13, Afscheidscollege Katholieke

Universiteit (Nijmegen, 1989); E. van Wolde, "Van tekst via tekst naar betekenis: Intertextualiteit en haar implicaties" in: Tijdschrift voor Theologie 30 (1990), pp. 333361; W. Weren, Intertextualiteit en Bijbel (Kampen, 1993). 23

J. Kristeva, Sémeiotikè. Recherche pour une sémanalyse (Paris, 1969), p. 146.

m e a n i n g that would n o t exist without this b a c k g r o u n d . T h i s m e a n s that in the process of r e a d i n g texts, a richer m e a n i n g presents itself if o n e takes into a c c o u n t o t h e r texts that are p a r t of the larger system. T h e aim of intertextual investigation is twofold. O n e wants to describe the relations between the fenotext a n d the architext as precisely as possible a n d then d e t e r m i n e which role these intertextual relations play in the process of m e a n i n g that is enacted in the activity of reading. It is i m p o r t a n t to realize that intertextuality has n o t h i n g to d o with i n t e r d e p e n d e n c e of texts. If that were the case, intertextuality would only be a n e w n a m e for the classical diachronic research. Intertextuality is n o t a b o u t s o m e t h i n g that h a p p e n s in the genesis of texts, b u t in the process of readers giving m e a n i n g to texts. F o r it is the r e a d e r w h o puts the text in the larger language system. T h e r e is a minimalistic a n d a maximalistic u n d e r s t a n d i n g of intertextuality. Minimalistic is the view that only considers as relevant the architexts indicated in the fenotext by indicators. In this case there is only the intertextuality m a r k e d by the text itself. It will be clear that in this opinion only explicitly m a r k e d quotations are reviewed a n d that for the intertextual process of m e a n i n g hardly a n y activity is d e m a n d e d f r o m the reader. T h e text itself has already d o n e the j o b in this respect. All the dimensions of m e a n i n g are lost that might have c o m e u p if the r e a d e r h a d been aware that in the text o t h e r texts are echoing. If the r e a d e r realizes that in the words of welcome of Elisabeth in Luke 1,42: Εύλογημένη συ έν γυναιξίν, there is a n echo of the blessing in J u d g e s 5,24, of Jael, w h o has c o n q u e r e d the e n e m y by driving a tent pin into the h e a d of Sisera, the c o m m a n d e r - i n - c h i e f of the enemies, or if the r e a d e r realizes that J u d i t h is blessed with the same words because she h a d rescued the t o w n of Betulia by b e h e a d i n g H o l o f e r n e s (Judith 13,18), then the m e a n i n g of the text does n o t so quickly acquire the r o m a n t i c a t m o s p h e r e which m a n y people attach to it. In a minimalistic u n d e r s t a n d i n g of intertextuality these u n m a r k e d relationships of texts are not noticed a n d the effects on the m e a n i n g are lost. T h e maximalistic u n d e r s t a n d i n g sees intertextuality as a feature of every utterance. Every u t t e r a n c e has its h o m e in an continually growing language system. Every text a p p e a r s as p a r t of a universal intertext. T h i s u n d e r s t a n d i n g leads to a never e n d i n g process of m e a n i n g by c o n n e c t i n g the fenotext again a n d again to n e w a n d different intertexts. A l t h o u g h he does not use the word

intertextuality, David Flusser in a n article a b o u t Hebrews 3-4 24 offers a nice m e t a p h o r that can be used to describe the maximalistic view on intertextuality. H e c o m p a r e s the relationships texts have with each o t h e r with the mycelium that connects the singular m u s h r o o m s in a n u n d e r g r o u n d network. K n o w l e d g e of these connections a d d s to the m e a n i n g . But just as the mycelium creates a n ever growing circle of m u s h r o o m s , thus in the maximalistic view of intertextuality an always growing network of texts is created, w h i c h in the e n d will enclose o u r total reality. It will be clear that for research the minimalistic view is hardly interesting, w h e r e a s the maximalistic u n d e r s t a n d i n g is u n m a n a g e a b l e because it is a hopeless task. So a kind of position in between is asked for. In this m i d w a y position a description of relationships of texts is possible in terms of t r a n s f o r m a t i o n . If there is n o t r a n s f o r m a t i o n it yields an identity of fenotext a n d architext. E x a m p l e s of this identity are literal quotations w h e t h e r m a r k e d as such o r not. If there are transformations, these can be characterized as addition, deletion, transposition or r e p l a c e m e n t . In the case of allusions there are so m a n y t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s t h a t the reference to the architext is usually only implicitly expressed. But for the intertextual process of m e a n i n g these intertextual relations are n o less interesting t h a n others. T h e description of intertextual relationships in terms of transform a t i o n could be called the syntax of intertextuality. T h e semantics of intertextuality deals with the m e a n i n g a n d the function of these t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s a n d n o n - t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s , w h e r e a s its p r a g m a t i c s deals with the use of intertextuality in the process of c o m m u n i c a t i o n .

2. An example: Psalm 94,7-11

in Hebrews

3,7-4,11

T h e N e w T e s t a m e n t writings have a high intertextual quality. T h i s is especiaUy the case in Hebrews. T h i s writing is characterized by a large quantity of quotations f r o m the Septuaginta. M o r e o v e r there is a lengthy t r e a t m e n t of the explanation a n d actualisation of scriptural d a t a . P e r h a p s this is c o n n e c t e d with the literary genre of Hebrews. In Hebrews itself the writing is indicated as a λ ό γ ο ς τ ή ς π α ρ α κ λ ή σ ε ω ς (.Hebrews 13,22). P e r h a p s this indication h a s to be u n d e r s t o o d both in 24

D. Flusser " 'Today if you will listen to His voice'. Creative Jewish Exegesis in

Hebrews 3-4" in: Journal for the study of the Old Testament Supplement Series 59 (1988), pp.

55-62.

the sense of a w o r d of exhortation a n d in the sense of a w o r d of consolation. 2 5 T h i s e x h o r t a t i o n a n d consolation are reflected in a homily c o m m i t t e d to p a p e r with a n a c c o m p a n y i n g letter. T h e w a y old testamentic d a t a are dealt with in this homily is absolutely fascinating. Different n a m e s have been given to the textual a p p r o a c h as used in Hebrews, such as typology, c o m p a r a t i v e h e r m e n e u t i c , creative rabbinical exegesis, a n d christological concentration. F o r o u r a i m it is n o w i m p o r t a n t to see that the a u t h o r of Hebrews is asking his readers to r e a d the texts of the O l d T e s t a m e n t in a special way. H e n o t only quotes texts f r o m the O l d T e s t a m e n t b u t also explains t h e m , a n d thus he provides insight into the process of reading he advocates.

2.1. Syntaxis J . C . M c C u l l o u g h 2 6 discusses the differences in text between Hebrews 3,7-11 a n d Ps 94,7-11 (LXX). 1. T h e r e are some differences in the verbal forms. Ps 94,9 (LXX) has ε ί δ ο σ α ν , w h e r e a s Hebrews 3,9 has είδον. In Ps 94,10 (LXX) the text is ε ί π α , w h e r e Hebrews 3,10 has ε ί π ο ν . A c c o r d i n g to M c C u l l o u g h this kind of variants is c o m m o n in the manuscripts of the L X X a n d he asserts that o n e can n o longer d e t e r m i n e if the a u t h o r of Hebrews has f o u n d this in his text or that he has c h a n g e d it himself. Although it is not a verbal f o r m , M c C u l l o u g h also m e n t i o n s that some m a n u scripts of the L X X have a different spelling for τ ε σ σ α ρ ά κ ο ν τ α , but he does not say w h a t this different spelling is. 2. Hebrews 3,9 has έν δοκιμασία, whereas Ps 94,9 has έδοκίμασαν. A c c o r d i n g to M c C u l l o u g h the original text in the S e p t u a g i n t a is έδοκίμασεν [με]. H e does not give a r g u m e n t s for the singular. T h e addition [με] can be s u p p o r t e d f r o m the manuscripts. If the version έ δ ο κ ί μ α σ α ν or έδοκίμασεν [με] s o u n d e d strange in the ears of the a u t h o r of Hebrews, the question can be asked w h y he substitutes this for a f o r m u l a which is even m o r e u n u s u a l (in the S e p t u a g i n t a the w o r d δοκιμασία only a p p e a r s in Sirach 6,21 a n d in the N e w Testam e n t only in Hebrews 3,9). S o m e have tried to explain this by saying that n o w h e r e in the S e p t u a g i n t a the v e r b is used in the sense of 25

W . G . Übelacker, Der Hebräerbrief als Appell. 1. Untersuchungen zu exordium, narratio

und postscnptum, Hebr 1-2 und 13,22-25 (Lund, 1989), pp. 36-40. 26 J.C. McCullough, Hebrews and the Old Testament (Diss. Queen's University, 1971);

J.C. McCullough "The Old Testament Quotations in Hebrews" in: New Testament Studies 26 (1980), pp. 363-379.

t e m p t i n g G o d . A n o t h e r opinion is based o n the fact that bemasah in D e u t 33,8 is translated in the S e p t u a g i n t a as έ ν πείρα. T h i s translation w a n t s to m a i n t a i n the m e a n i n g of the t o p o n y m . It is possible that in Hebrews 3,8 έ ν δοκιμασία is also a n a t t e m p t to preserve the m e a n i n g of the n a m e Massa, w h e r e a c c o r d i n g to the O l d T e s t a m e n t traditions of E x o d u s 17,7 a n d 33,8 the t e m p t a t i o n is located. H o w ever, according to M c C u l l o u g h the f o r m u l a is used to prevent a repetition of synonyms with the same m e a n i n g . T h i s would have b e e n the case if έ π ε ί ρ α σ α ν was followed by έδοκίμασαν. T h e transf o r m a t i o n could go back to the text the a u t h o r of Hebrews used, b u t it could also have been inserted by the a u t h o r himself. T h e opinion that Hebrews 3,9 wants to preserve the m e a n i n g of the t o p o n y m M a s s a is attractive because of the context in Hebrews. F o r in the p r e c e d i n g section (3,1-6) the faithfulness of Moses a n d of Jesus has been m e n t i o n e d . In this section J e s u s is the example. T h a t is clear f r o m 3,1 : Κ α τ α ν ο ή σ α τ ε τ ο ν ά π ό σ τ ο λ ο ν κ α ι α ρ χ ι ε ρ έ α τ η ς ομολογίας ή μ ώ ν Ί η σ ο ύ ν . In 3,7-4,11 the generation of the desert is a negative e x a m p l e for the addressees. T h a t a p p e a r s e.g. f r o m 3,12: Βλέπετε, αδελφοί, μήποτε εσται εν τινι ύ μ ώ ν καρδία π ο ν η ρ ά α π ι σ τ ί α ς έν τ ω ά π ο σ τ ή ν α ι α π ό θ ε ο ύ ζ ώ ν τ ο ς . T h e unfaithfulness here m e n t i o n e d is the opposite of the faithfulness of Moses a n d Jesus. T h e r e is a parallel with the c o n d u c t of the generation of the desert, indicated in the quotation by the w o r d δοκιμασία. In such a context it is easily imaginable that the a u t h o r of Hebrews w a n t s to preserve the m e a n i n g of the t o p o n y m Massa a n d n o t so m u c h the n a m e itself. M o r e o v e r by the transformation a parallel between έν δοκιμασία a n d έν τ η έ ρ ή μ ω has been established. 3. In Ps 94,10 (LXX) the text is τ ή γ ε ν ε ά έκείνη, w h e r e a s Hebrews has τ ή γ ε ν ε ά τ α ύ τ η . S o m e manuscripts have έκείνη in Hebrews 3,10. T h i s c a n be explained as influence f r o m the text of the Septuaginta. M a n y c o m m e n t a t o r s say that έκείνη was c h a n g e d to τ α ύ τ η in o r d e r to fit the q u o t a t i o n better in its n e w context. M c C u l l o u g h m e n t i o n s a stylistic reason. T h e f o r m u l a with έκείνη is a h a p a x l e g o m e n o n in the N e w T e s t a m e n t , w h e r e the f o r m u l a with τ α ύ τ η is very c o m m o n . 4. T h e last t r a n s f o r m a t i o n concerns διό in Hebrews 3,10. In the text of the S e p t u a g i n t a it is absent. T h e effect of the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n is farreaching. In the S e p t u a g i n t a the forty years allude to the d u r a t i o n of G o d ' s anger, w h e r e a s in Hebrews they allude to the period in which the Israelites witnessed G o d ' s works. F o r this addition M c C u l l o u g h gives a stylistic reason. I n the H e b r e w text of Ps 94 there is a con-

struction of three elements: "they t e m p t e d m e , they saw m y works, I was angry for forty years." T h e c o n n e c t i o n of the second a n d the third element is asyndetic. T h e S e p t u a g i n t a takes over the asyndetic construction. T h e a u t h o r of Hebrews with his Greek b a c k g r o u n d w a n t s to indicate the n a t u r e of the connection. As b o t h the Massoretic text a n d the S e p t u a g i n t a c o n n e c t the first a n d the second element with " a n d " , the n a t u r a l place for the causal connection indicated by διό is between the second a n d the third element. But in m y view a n o t h e r explanation is possible. Several times in Hebrews q u o t a d o n s are presented as double quotations. T h u s in Hebrews 10,38b καί separates the quotation f r o m H a b 2,3 a n d the o n e of H a b 2,4. In Hebrews 1,8-9 the q u o t a t i o n f r o m Ps 44,7-8 (LXX) is split by καί. O t h e r examples are Hebrews 2,13 w h e r e Isaiah 8,17-18 is presented as two quotations a n d Hebrews 10,30 w h e r e D e u t 32,35-36 is presented as two different quotations. In b o t h places the quotation is interr u p t e d by κ α ι πάλιν. It could be asked if in 3,10 the same p a t t e r n is applied. In that case Hebrews 3,7-11 has to be considered as two quotations. T h e first is i n t r o d u c e d by διό, κ α θ ώ ς λέγει τ ο π ν ε ύ μ α τ ο άγιον. T h e second is likewise i n t r o d u c e d by διό. In the first q u o t a t i o n the c o n d u c t of the people is described, in the second G o d ' s reaction. By putting διό between the two q u o t a t i o n s the c o n d u c t of the people is n o t described as a one-time event in the first q u o t a t i o n , b u t as a c o n d u c t lasting forty years. A n y w a y in the c o m m e n t o n the text it a p p e a r s t h a t G o d ' s reaction is of the same duration. T h u s in Hebrews 3,17 we read: Τίσιν δέ π ρ ο σ ώ χ θ ι σ ε ν τ ε σ σ ε ρ ά κ ο ν τ α ετη;

2.2. Semantics It is best to situate Psalm 95 ( L X X 94) at a pilgrimage to the temple. T h e second p a r t of the psalm is directed at the pilgrims w h o entered the temple with their praises. T h e y are c o n f r o n t e d with a w a r n i n g against the h a r d e n i n g of the heart. H e r e the time of Moses is called to m i n d , in which in spite of the deeds of salvation the people h a d their d o u b t s (Ex 17,1-7; N u m 20,1-15) a n d for which they were p u n i s h e d with the withdrawal of the promise of rest, that is the p r o m ise of C a n a a n . T h e oath, sworn by G o d that n o b o d y is going to enter, is c o n n e c t e d with the words of G o d in N u m 14,21-22, w h e r e H e says that n o b o d y will see the land H e has promised. G o d ' s o a t h is a reaction to the g r u m b l i n g of the people o n a c c o u n t of the reports given by the scouts of the country. T h e p u r p o s e of this p a r t of the

psalm is t h a t the pilgrims m a y c o m e to a self-examination a b o u t their faith or their hardness. T h u s the psalm itself is already a n e x a m p l e of intertextuality. T h e exegesis of Ps 94,7-11 (LXX) in Hebrews 3,7-4,11 is typological by n a t u r e a c c o r d i n g to Friedrich Schräger. 2 7 It is called typological exegesis if single persons, historical events a n d cultic institutes of the O l d T e s t a m e n t are seen as préfigurations of the Christ-related events. T h e typological exegesis starts with historical facts, but t h e n it leaves the historical area a n d explains a n e w testamentic state of affairs with the help of O l d T e s t a m e n t d a t a . T o the p r o p e r n a t u r e of typology in Hebrews belongs the notion of the dignity of the n e w c o v e n a n t above the old one. T h i s dignity is expressed in the elevation of Christ. H e is raised above the angels a n d above Moses. His priesthood is raised above the priesthood of the O l d T e s t a m e n t priests a n d is c o m p a r a b l e to the priesthood of Melchizedek. His sacrifice is m o r e valuable t h a n the sacrifices of the old covenant. His sacrifice establishes a n e w c o v e n a n t that will rem a i n valid for ever a n d therefore a n o t h e r sacrifice is n o longer necessary. T h i s typology is also the presupposition of the exegesis of Ps 9 4 (LXX) in Hebrews. T h i s is especially clear in the w a y the concept of κ α τ ά π α υ σ ι ς is dealt with. T h i s b e c o m e s particularly clear in connection with G e n 2,2 2 8 . It seems that Hebrews 4,3 should not be r e a d in t e r m s of the paulinic opposition between work a n d faith. T h i s opinion of R . Jewett 2 9 leads to a very forced explanation of the text. T h e text itself indicates that the issue is a b o u t the opposition between ε ρ γ α a n d κ α τ ά π α υ σ ι ς . T h e p h r a s e ά π ό κ α τ α β ο λ ή ς κόσμου p r e p a r e s the q u o t a t i o n of G e n 2,2 in verse 4. T h e q u o t a t i o n of G e n 2,2 is i n t r o d u c e d in the characteristic w a y of Hebrews. It is G o d w h o speaks the scripture-word: εΐρηκεν. T h e place w h e r e the scripture-word is to 27

Fr. Schröger, Der Verfasser des Hebräerbriefes als Schriftausleger (Regensburg, 1968). See also Fr. Schröger "Das hermeneutische Instrumentarium des Hebräerbriefes" in: Theologie und Glaube 60 (1970), pp. 344-359; Fr. Schröger "Das hermeneutische Instrumentarium des Hebräerbriefverfassers" in: Schriftauslegung. Beiträge zur Hermeneutik des Neuen Testamentes und im Neuen Testament (München—Paderborn—Wien, 1972), pp.

313-329. 28 See for this especially W. Weren " 'God rustte op de zevende dag\ De functie van Genesis 2,2 in Hebreeën 3,7-4,11" in: C. Verdegaal—W. Weren (eds), Strömen uit Eden. Genesis 1-11 in bijbel, joodse exegese en moderne literatuur. Liber Amicorum voor Prof.

Dr. Niek Poulssen (Boxtel-Brugge, 1992), pp. 126-141. W. Weren, Intertextualiteit en Bijbel(Kampen, 1993), pp. 213-234. 29

R. Jewett, Letter to the Pilgrims. A Commentary on the Epistle to the Hebrews (New York,

1981).

be f o u n d is here indicated in a general way: που. T h e content is also roughly indicated with the words π ε ρ ι τ ή ς έβδομης. T h e n the q u o t a tion follows. In the S e p t u a g i n t a the text is: Κ α ι κ α τ έ π α υ σ ε ν τ ή ή μ έ ρ α τ ή ε β δ ό μ η ά π ό π ά ν τ ω ν τ ώ ν έργων α ύ τ ο ύ . In the text of Hebrews two things are f o r m u l a t e d in a different way. T h e first o n e is that ό θεός is inserted. It can be explained by supposing it was inserted to take a w a y a n y doubts. But it also has a function in the w a y this text is discussed in the following context. T h e rest in Ps 94,11 (LXX) is, as I will show, the rest into which G o d himself has entered too (see verse 9 a n d 10). T h e insertion of ό θεός underscores this. T h e o t h e r transf o r m a t i o n is that τ η ή μ έ ρ α τ ή έ β δ ο μ η is c h a n g e d in έν τ ή ή μ έ ρ α τ ή έ β δ ο μ η . T h i s seems to m e to be a t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of a purely stylistic nature. I n his studies a b o u t the m e a n i n g of G e n 2,2 in the context of Hebrews W i m W e r e n shows that in t h e concept "rest' 5 i m p o r t a n t transformations have been accomplished. 3 0 O n the basis of the rabbinic interpretation rule gezerah sawah two scriptures have been linked which clarify e a c h o t h e r o n the strength of two or m o r e identical words. T h e q u o t a t i o n f r o m G e n 2,2 in verse 3 implies that the rest n o longer m e a n s the p r o m i s e d land, b u t it is a rest available f r o m the beginnings of the world. A n e w aspect is also that G o d ' s sabbatical rest b e c o m e s accessible to the people a n d r e m a i n s accessible to the people. H e r e we see a n o t h e r interpretation rule at work. It is the rule t h a t we m a y conclude f r o m the a p p e a r a n c e of n e w things that the old ones disappear. 3 1 In Hebrews 4,7-8 we see this rule at work w h e r e Hebrews denies outright that J o s h u a ever entered the promised land. If this h a d h a p p e n e d , there would have b e e n n o need, so m a n y years after the generation of the desert, for David to speak again a b o u t the " t o d a y " in which G o d is w a r n i n g against the h a r d e n i n g of the h e a r t that prevents m a n f r o m entering into the rest. T h a t σαββατισμός a n d κ α τ ά π α υ σ ι ς have the same m e a n i n g is clear f r o m the parallel of verse 6 a n d verse 9 w h e r e substantially the s a m e thing is p o i n t e d out. As the κ α τ ά π α υ σ ι ς is m e a n t for the people, so the σαββατισμός is m e a n t for the people. T h e n in verse 10 it b e c o m e s 30

W. Weren, "God rustte op de zevende dag", pp. 136-138; W. Weren, Intertextualiteit, pp. 230-232. 31 This rule is formulated in so many words in Hebrews 8,7 and 8,13: "Had the first covenant been fauldess, there would have been no need to look for a second one in its place." "By speaking of a new covenant, he has pronounced the first one old; and anything that is growing old and ageing will shortly disappear. "

really clear that G o d ' s own rest is m e a n t . In this verse it is explicitly said, at least a c c o r d i n g to the m a j o r i t y of the c o m m e n t a t o r s : "Anyo n e w h o enters G o d ' s rest". In this verse α ύ τ ο ύ relates to G o d . Ait exception is the c o m m e n t a r y of H . B r a u n 3 2 , w h o is of the opinion that it is related to the rest of the o n e w h o enters. H o w e v e r if u n d e r stood as " G o d ' s rest", the rest gets the n a t u r e of eternity, a n d t h e n the parallel of G o d a n d the people of G o d as indicated in verse 10 is m e a n i n g f u l ; viz. the people are resting f r o m their work as G o d is resting f r o m his. T h e reference to G e n 2,2 b e c o m e s significant because with the help of this reference the eternal a n d divine c h a r a c t e r of the rest p r o m i s e d to the people is established. In the context of Hebrews the rest in Ps 9 4 (LXX) is n o longer the p r o m i s e d land; the w o r d n o w indicates a divine reality. T h e rest has n o w b e c o m e the divine destination of the readers Hebrews has in m i n d .

2.3. Pragmatics F o r the p r a g m a t i c dimensions of the intertextuality of Ps 94 (LXX) a n d Hebrews 3,7-4,11 the situation of the readers a n d the rhetorical situation are i m p o r t a n t . T h e rhetorical situation is described by W . Übelacker. 3 3 T h e rhetorical situation does n o t coincide with the actual, historical a n d social situation of the addressees. A rhetorical situation is a situation in which a person is called u p o n o r feels called u p o n to give answers which m i g h t c h a n g e the situation. T h e argumentative potential of the speaker a n d his expectations with regard to the a u d i e n c e play a n i m p o r t a n t role. W . Ü b e l a c k e r gives the following reconstruction of the parenetic parts of Hebrews. In the longer parenetic passage of Hebrews 5,11-6,12 the a u t h o r describes his addressees: they have got dull of hearing. T h o u g h by this time they o u g h t to have b e e n teachers, they still n e e d s o m e o n e to teach t h e m the A B C of the words of G o d . In 13,7.17 there is the exhortation to obey the leaders. T h e y are staying a w a y f r o m the meetings of the c o m m u n i t y (10,25). T h e r e are outlandish teachings (13,9). Typical for the addressees is their lack of faith a n d their d o u b t s a b o u t the effectiveness of the sacrifice of Christ (9,1-10,18). F o r the a u t h o r a n d for the readers the O l d T e s t a m e n t seems to be a n u n d i s p u t a b l e authority, b u t the readers d o h a v e their d o u b t s a b o u t the position of the 32 33

H. Braun, An die Hebräer (Tübingen, 1984). W.G. Übelacker, o.e.

Son. T h e y p u t the visible above the invisible. T h e y also struggle with the p r o b l e m of w h y m a n has to e n d u r e suffering. T h e rhetorical situation is such that f r o m the b e g i n n i n g the a u t h o r has to reckon with some resistance f r o m the readers. T h a t is w h y W . Übelacker in his study investigates the rhetorical strategies the a u t h o r uses to reach his purpose. B. Lindars 3 4 describes the situation of the addressees o n the basis of Hebrews 13. First of all Hebrews is a letter. T h i s is often denied because of the beginning, b u t the e n d points this o u t very clearly. Also 13,19 indicates that the a u t h o r writes f r o m a distance a n d Hebrews is a i m e d to be read aloud. T h e text finishes with the blessing in 13,20-21. T h e a u t h o r adds a n e n d i n g written by himself a n d greetings. H e calls the letter a w o r d of exhortation (13,22). H e makes a last a p p e a l to get his view accepted. H e shows the same concern in 13,819 w h e r e he asks people to p r a y for him. H e will be absent for some time. In 13,17 it is clear t h a t the addressees are a dissident g r o u p in the c o m m u n i t y (cf. also 13,1). It seems that in 13,17 there is a n allusion to the reason why Hebrews was written. T h e leaders have written a b o u t the crisis to the a u t h o r (a well-respected m e m b e r of the community). P e r h a p s they h o p e t h a t he is c o m i n g soon. But this is not possible a n d that is the reason w h y h e is writing the letter. Indications as to the n a t u r e of the crisis are given in 13,7-16. T h e leaders m e n t i o n e d here are the ones w h o have evangelized. T h e y are still k n o w n personally. T h e e x e m p l a r y c h a r a c t e r of their lives is based o n their faith. " F a i t h " does not point to the content of faith, b u t to the quality of their allegiance to the Christian confession. T h e addressees are t e m p t e d to take a p a t h that does n o t agree with the gospel they have received. Hebrews 13,7-16 is difficult for us to interprêt as we d o n o t have a clear idea of the situation, b u t it is obvious that the a u t h o r tries to influence the readers. T h u s he reminds t h e m in 13,8 of the basis of their faith: Jesus Christ. T h i s m a y be a n allusion to the primitive confession: "Jesus is the Christ." Hebrews 13,9 w a r n s against strange teachings a n d food-laws which are useless. O n the o t h e r h a n d in 13,10 a n altar is m e n t i o n e d f r o m which those serving in the tent are n o t allowed to eat. T h e outlandish teaching could refer to the explanations a b o u t the sacrifice of expiation (Hebrews 9). T h e eating could refer to the meals in the synagogues o n 34 B. Lindars, The Theology of the Letter to the Hebrews (Cambridge, 1991). See also B. Lindars "The rhetorical structure of Hebrews" in: New Testament Studies 35 (1989), pp. 382-406.

feast days, i n t e n d e d to strengthen the c o n n e c t i o n with the temple. T h e explanations in Hebrews imply that the ties built u p with the Jewish congregation should be severed. T h i s also implies the e n d u r a n c e of the hostility (13,13) of which Christ is the m o d e l (13,12). I m p o r t a n t is also the participation in the meetings of the Christian community. T h a t m o r e was h o p e d for f r o m the meetings in the synagogues t h a n f r o m the Christian doctrine is c o n n e c t e d with the awareness of sin. T h e underlying question is w h y the Christians have lost their faith in the expiatory d e a t h of Jesus. T h e k e r u g m a the readers received was that of a total expiation of all sins. T h i s expiation took place in the baptism. T h e y expected to stay in grace till the parousia. W h e n the reality of sin arises again, a p r o b l e m comes u p for which the Jewish liturgy finds g o o d solutions, viz. the ritual of the D a y of A t o n e m e n t . N o w the readers have to be convinced that Jesus' d e a t h has expiatory validity for their situation, too. T h a t is w h y there are the explanations a b o u t the ritual of expiation Christ has executed which is valid for all times. T h i s has to be c o m m u n i c a t e d n o t only o n the level of theory, b u t also o n the level of Christian lifestyle. T h a t is w h y Hebrews introduces its concept of faith in t h e sense of fidelity a n d perseverance. It also pertains to the situation of the readers being a w a r e of persecutions (Hebrews 10,32-34 a n d 12,4). Because of these d a t a a b o u t the i n t e n d e d r e a d e r a n eye m u s t always be kept o n the p r a g m a t i c aim a n d the rhetorical n a t u r e of Hebrews. T h e connection of explanation a n d paraenesis typical for Hebrews could be d e n o t e d as p a r a e n e t i c oriented theology o r as theologically f o u n d e d paraenesis. Likewise for the explanation a n d t r e a t m e n t of Ps 94,7-11 (LXX) in Hebrews 3,7-4,11 this situation of the readers a n d the rhetorical task faced by the a u t h o r have consequences. T h i s b e c o m e s especially app a r e n t in the m e a n i n g s of the w o r d " t o d a y " in the context of Hebrews. O n e can distinguish a multiple " t o d a y " . T h e r e is the " t o d a y " of the generation of the desert, a " t o d a y " that is already past. T h a t is the " t o d a y " in the referential m e a n i n g of the psalm. D u r i n g that " t o d a y " the generation of the desert has n o t entered the rest. In 4,6 the a u t h o r explicitly indicates the reason for this is the disobedience of the generation of the desert. T h e n there is the " t o d a y " David speaks of. T h i s " t o d a y " is d e t e r m i n e d again by G o d . T h i s " t o d a y " was n o t realized at the m o m e n t David spoke of it. It is explained as a p r o p h ecy. T h e " t o d a y " is still a n actual possibility for the readers. Accord-

ing to Hebrews 4,6 people can still enter into the rest. T h e " t o d a y " David speaks of, is therefore perceived as a promise a n d possible fulfilment. But that is n o t the only point. In the explanation of the psalm there is also a strong involvement in the actuality of the readers. T h i s involvement a p p e a r s especially in the p a r a e n e t i c verses referring to Psalm 94,7-11 (LXX). T h i s involvement is first of all negative. T h e readers are e x h o r t e d n o t to have a wicked a n d faithless h e a r t leading to apostasy. T h i s negative c o n n e c t i o n between psalm a n d readers is particularly indicated in verse 3,12. But the positive paranesis is also p u t into words. In 4,11 the readers are e x h o r t e d to e n t e r into the rest which is G o d ' s rest itself. T h e " t o d a y " of the psalm m a y even be exceptionally actual. Hebrews is seen to be a written homily. O n e can suppose that this homily was read aloud in a n actual liturgical celebration. It is possible that psalm 94 (LXX) h a d a function in the celebration. In t h a t case it is a b o u t a " t o d a y " the p r o c l a m a t i o n of which is still e c h o i n g in the ears of the readers. After finishing o u r reader-oriented exegesis of the intertextuality between Psalm 94,7-11 a n d Hebrews 3,7-4,11 we find it unsatisfactory to characterize the relationship between the two texts as typological. W e have seen different models of interpretation applied. W e m e n t i o n seven of t h e m : 1. T h e scheme of promise a n d fulfilment is at work w h e r e it is a b o u t the " t o d a y " referred to by David a n d still present for the addressees. 2. In the interpretation of the "rest" the typical typology of Hebrews c a m e to light which brings u p the difference in quality between typos a n d antitypos. T h e text finishes with the m e n t i o n of a divine a n d eternal rest. 3. It is n o t merely a difference in ontological quality as in a typological a p p r o a c h . T h e generation of the desert is r a t h e r a n e x a m p l e that is n o t to be followed. 4. R a b b i n i c rules of interpretation are used, viz. the rule of gezerah sawah. W i t h the help of o n e a n d the s a m e c a t c h w o r d two texts are c o n n e c t e d . T h e divine a n d eternal c h a r a c t e r of the rest can thus c o m e to light t h r o u g h Genesis 2,2. 5. T h e view present in m a n y places in Hebrews, viz. that out of the a p p e a r a n c e of n e w things m a y be c o n c l u d e d the d i s a p p e a r a n c e of the old ones, is at work w h e r e the objection that the people entered the p r o m i s e d land u n d e r J o s h u a is refuted.

6. T h e r e a d i n g of biblical text Hebrews offers its readers, has to d o with the c u r r e n t affairs of those readers. 7. T h e biblical texts the a u t h o r of Hebrews is dealing with, are invested with divine authority. W e saw this in the introduction of the q u o t a t i o n of G e n 2,2 in Hebrews 4,4. In Hebrews, Scripture is G o d ' s word.

COMMUNICATION, ELOQUENCE AND E N T E R T A I N M E N T IN A U G U S T I N E ' S DE DOCTRINA CHRISTIANA' I. Sluiter

1. Introduction T h e f o u r books of Augustine's De doctrina christiana provide instruction in h o w a Christian is to deal with the Bible, the tractatio snipturarum. A correct h a n d l i n g of Scripture is the only w a y to bring a b o u t , b u t also the only relevant evidence a n d criterion of, the perfect paideia, culture a n d education, of the Christian; k n o w i n g h o w to read the Bible a n d h o w to share this knowledge with others ultimately equals a life of s o u n d Christian doctrinal convictions. 2 Both aspects resonate in the title of the work. T h i s explains w h y Augustine, after having provided careful instruction, n o t so m u c h in Christian doctrine, b u t in h o w to extract that doctrine f r o m an often recalcitrant text, can yet p u t the two o n a p a r in r o u n d i n g off his work as follows (ddc I V xxxi 64

§ 166): Ego tamen deo nostro ago gratias quod in his quattuor libris non qualis ego essem, 3 cui multa desunt, sed qualis esse debeat qui in doctrina sana, 1

This is a revised version of a paper on De doctrina christiana read at the Nijmegen conference on "The Bible in Early Christianity", March 1996. A Dutch translation of De doctrina christiana b y j . den Boeft and the author is presendy in press. 2 Cf. Chr. Schäublin, "De doctrina christiana: A Classic of Western Culture?'1, De doctrina christiana. A Classic of Western Culture, eds. Duane Arnold and Pamela Bright (Notre Dame, 1995), pp. 48; 53; for ddc as an ars scripturarum, ibid. 55. Marrou's view (H.-I. Marrou, Saint Augustin et la fin de la culture antique (Paris, 1938), p. 395) that ddc is Augustine's Christian reformation of pagan education is now being modified, and Augustine's own description of his project in ddc is taken more seriously. 3 J.J. O'Donnell, Confessions (3 vols) (Oxford, 1992), p. xliv n. 72, points out that Augustine alludes to Conf 10.4.6 here. He connects Augustine's interruption of the writing of De doctrina christiana (at the end of III xxix 41 § 91) with a writer's block that was only resolved with the writing of the Confessiones. Ch. Kannengiesser, "The Interrupted De doctrina christiana", D e doctrina christiana. A Classic of Western Culture,

eds. Duane Arnold and Pamela Bright (Notre Dame, 1995), pp. 7ff., explains it as the result of Augustine's struggle with the hermeneutics of Tyconius. Only when he had resolved that problem did he resume De doctrina christiana.

id est Christiana, non solum sibi sed etiam aliis laborare studet, 4 quantulacumque potui facultate disserui. But in any case I thank God that in these four books I have been able to discuss, with such ability as I have, not the sort of person that I am— for I have many failings—but the sort of person that those who apply themselves to sound teaching, in other words Christian teaching, on behalf of others as well as themselves, ought to be. (tr. Green) In doctrina sana, ' s o u n d doctrine' o r ' s o u n d teaching', quotes T i t u s 1:9, 5 a n d it is p a r a p h r a s e d so as to allude to the title of Augustine's work, 'Christian doctrine' o r 'Christian teaching' m a k i n g the work c o m e full circle f r o m title to closing sentence. 6 In a sense the difficulties posed by the interpretation of the title are key to a correct u n d e r s t a n d i n g of Augustine's views on the relation between scripture a n d s o u n d Christian doctrine. Scripture is o u r source for that doctrine, b u t the difficulties posed b y Scripture seem to require a preliminary grasp of the doctrines, if o n e is to u n d e r s t a n d the text which conveys t h e m . Augustine's focus o n the tractatio scripturarum places De doctrina Christiana squarely in a long tradition of thinking a b o u t language a n d texts a n d the ways h u m a n beings find m e a n i n g , a n d look for knowledge in both. 7 In this p a p e r I will illustrate some salient aspects of De doctrina Christiana by studying Augustine's views o n c o m m u n i c a t i o n , eloq u e n c e a n d e n t e r t a i n m e n t , three increasingly specialized a n d limited functions of language. Although there are strict limits to the level of insight t h a t can be c o m m u n i c a t e d t h r o u g h h u m a n language a n d teaching, Augustine insists that it is o u r d u t y at least to m a k e the a t t e m p t to share a n y insight we have acquired ourselves (sections 2 a n d 3). T h e rest of the p a p e r concentrates on De doctrina Christiana 4

The division non solum sibi, sed etiam aliis corresponds to the two parts of ddc, books I-III and book IV. 5 The pastoral nature of the letter to Titus obviously makes it more relevant to book IV than to any of the previous ones, and indeed all seven quotations from it occur in book IV. Titus 1:9 occurs in two other places (IV xvi 33 § 92 and IV xxviii 61 § 156). In both, however, the emphasis is on the sequel to in doctrina sana, namely contradicentes redarguere, a justification for Christian eloquence. 6 The first occurrence of the word doctrina after the tide (ddc I ii 2 § 4) confirms the relevance of the tractatio scripturarum·. omnis doctrina vel rerum est vel signorum, sed res per

rigna discuntur. The res of Christianity are primarily accessible through the signa of Scripture. 7 See W. van Bekkum, J. Houben, I. Sluiter, K. Versteegh, The Emergence of Semantics: the Sanskrit, Hebrew, Greek and Arabic Linguistic Traditions (Amsterdam-New York:

John Benjamins, 1997).

itself, in particular o n its exegetical principles (section 4) a n d its attit u d e t o w a r d s rhetoric (section 5). I n the f o u r t h book of De doctrina christiana, Augustine goes into the contributions eloquence has to offer to the transmission of i n f o r m a t i o n a n d wisdom. I will look in particular at Augustine's a d a p t a t i o n of classical stylistic theory (section 6). O n c e the value of eloquence was recognized, it was a relatively small step also to allow the e n t e r t a i n m e n t f u n c t i o n of language as a reinf o r c e m e n t of the didactic process (section 7).

2. Language, knowledge and communication Augustine's first formulation of the p r o b l e m a t i c relationship between language a n d knowledge is in the dialogue De magistro. T h e two most basic functions of language are to transmit knowledge a n d to recall i n f o r m a t i o n . T h e question is h o w it is possible for language to perf o r m these functions. In the first half of the dialogue, it is a r g u e d that o n e c a n n o t learn without signs, a system of transmission, a carrier of i n f o r m a t i o n . But the second half spells out the impasse: h o w does o n e acquire knowledge of the sign system itself? If f r o m o t h e r signs, we are c o n f r o n t e d with a regressus ad infinitum. T h e r e f o r e , we can only learn the signa by m e a n s of the res, n o t the o t h e r w a y a r o u n d (De Mag. X 33). Since we n e e d prior knowledge in o r d e r to l e a m the sign system, it is impossible that language, the system of signs par excellence, can teach us a n y t h i n g essential. T h i s d i l e m m a h a d a long history, its locus classicus being Plato's Cratylus. Augustine's solution is i n f o r m e d by his Christianity: the only true 'learning' is p r o d u c e d , n o t b y a n external teacher, b u t by internal illumination a n d revelation. O u r internal teacher is the W o r d , Christ, w h o teaches by revealing reality to o u r minds, while at the s a m e time providing us with the language we n e e d to codify a n d u n d e r s t a n d that reality. 8 T h i s makes a valuable i n s t r u m e n t available to m a n k i n d , for language helps us to u n d e r s t a n d again a n d again w h a t we know. In that sense it codifies the gift of u n d e r s t a n d i n g , a n d this provides language with a cognitive function. But even t h o u g h i n f o r m a t i o n is laid d o w n in such a notational system, that does n o t m e a n t h a t such i n f o r m a t i o n , let alone a firm a n d insightful grasp of 8

39.

R.A. Markus, "St. Augustine on Signs", Phronesis 2 (1957), p. 69; cf. De Mag. XII

it, can be effectively c o m m u n i c a t e d purely by transmitting the relevant linguistic expressions. W o r d s d o n o t directly reveal thoughts (De Mag. X I I I 44). H o w e v e r , c o m m u n i c a t i o n t h r o u g h language is as close as w e can get to actual 'teaching'. A l t h o u g h w h a t we call teaching does n o t c o m m u n i c a t e the t h o u g h t s of the teacher, it can activate one's own internal sense of T r u t h . T h e r e f o r e , although it is n o t the actual 'teaching' that is responsible for a favourable result, the effort of the teacher r e m a i n s valuable (De Mag. X I V 45f.). T h e relationship between language a n d t h o u g h t is dealt with in De Trìnitate X V χ 17. It is possible to k n o w s o m e t h i n g (in notitia habere) without actually thinking a b o u t it (cogitare), b u t the reverse is impossible: o n e c a n n o t cogitare w i t h o u t in notitia habere.9 Similarly, o n e can think (cogitare) without talking (dicere), b u t n o t the reverse. W h e n speaking, there has to be a t h o u g h t that is being expressed. In fact, although thoughts can also be conceived as visualisations, the pred o m i n a n t m o d e of thinking is discursive a n d consists of a dialogue with oneself, a concept going back to Plato's Sophist (263e3ff). A t h o u g h t can be verbalized in a certain specific language without being uttered, but there is a deeper, m o r e f u n d a m e n t a l level o n which t h o u g h t s are conceived in a higher-order language, prior to a n y natural language (De Trinitate X V χ 19). At this level the t h o u g h t is a verbum that bears c o m p a r i s o n with the verbum par excellence, the W o r d , Christ. C o m m u n i c a t i o n is the e n c o d i n g of t h o u g h t - l a n g u a g e in an audible version (De Trin. X V xi 20), 10 a n d the ensuing decoding of this expression of the ' i n n e r w o r d ' of the sender by the recipient of the message. T h e 'word that sounds outside' activates the ' i n n e r w o r d ' of the recipient, a n d thus language is converted to t h o u g h t again. In the earlier work De doctrina Christiana (I xiii 12 § 26), Augustine describes the process of speech c o m m u n i c a t i o n as follows: Sicuti cum loquimur, ut id quod animo gerimus in audientis animum per aures carneas illabatur, fit sonus verbum quod corde gestamus, et locutio vocatur; nec tamen in eundem sonum cogitatio nostra convertitur, sed apud se manens intégra formam vocis qua se insinuet auribus sine aliqua labe suae mutationis assumit. Ita verbum dei non commutatum caro tamen factum est ut habitaret in nobis.

9

. Cf. also De magistro XI 37, where the priority of in notitia habere to any linguistic expression is stated. In this passage, Augustine proceeds to clarify the distinction between intellegere and σedere\ we believe everything we understand, but again the reverse is not true. 10 Markus, "St. Augustine on Signs", p. 77.

W h e n we speak, the word which we hold in our mind becomes sound in order that what we have in our mind may pass through ears of flesh into the listener's mind: this is called speech. Our thought, however, is not converted into the same sound, but remains intact in its own home, suffering no diminution from its change as it takes on the form of a word in order to make its way into the ears. In the same way the word of G o d suffered no change although it became flesh in order to live in us. (tr. Green)

H u m a n c o m m u n i c a t i o n consists in the transmission of 'what we have in m i n d ' to a n o t h e r m i n d t h r o u g h the t e m p o r a r y physical m e d i u m of s o u n d . " T h e i n n e r word, i.e. the t h o u g h t , r e m a i n s intact a n d c o m plete a n d is u n c h a n g e d — i t does n o t literally travel to the o t h e r person, so that it would n o longer be with the first. In the era of the c o m p u t e r , the obvious analogy is t h a t between the digital version of a text in the c o m p u t e r ' s m e m o r y , a n d the version in readable letters o n the screen, that can be modified w i t h o u t c h a n g i n g the digital original. T h e superior n a t u r e of the ' i n n e r w o r d ' , a n d its i m m u n i t y to c h a n g e are i m p o r t a n t because of a n analogy that is m o r e obviously relevant to Augustine, n a m e l y to the W o r d incarnate. Christ's incarnation in n o w a y detracts f r o m his divinity, just like the hopeless imperfection a n d i n a d e q u a t e n e s s of h u m a n language does n o t detract f r o m the value of the t h o u g h t that is being expressed. I n t e r h u m a n c o m m u n i c a t i o n is a process similar to the revelation of the W o r d . 1 2 In this passage, Augustine is n o t c o n c e r n e d with the possibility or impossibility of teaching a n d the bringing a b o u t of actual u n d e r s t a n d i n g in a n o t h e r person, b u t simply with the m e c h a n i c s of speech c o m m u n i c a t i o n . T h e passage does not, therefore, contradiet the theory of De Magistro.

3. Communication and teaching in D e doctrina christiana In view of Augustine's t h o u g h t s o n i n t e r h u m a n c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d the difficulties involved in teaching, a n u r g e n t preliminary question " Cf. Augustine's description in Conf. I vi 8 of the communicative dilemma of an infans: et voluntatis meas volebam ostendere eis per quos implerentur, et non poteram, quia illae intus erant, foris autem Uli nec ulk suo sensu valebant introire in animam meam. Cf. also the

trinity of the inner and outer man in De Trin. XI ii 2; XI iii 6, cf. Β. Darreil Jackson, "The Theory of Signs in St. Augustine' De Doctrina christiana", Revue des Etudes Augustiniennes 15 (1969), p. 20. 12 For Augustine's view on the inadequateness of human language, particularly in speaking of God, cf. e.g. ddc I vi 6 § 13f.

to the project of De doctrina Christiana is obviously w h e t h e r this doctrina, w h a t e v e r its precise n a t u r e , can actually be b r o u g h t a b o u t b y the teaching activities of a h u m a n being, in casu the a u t h o r himself. Will Augustine's praecepta g u a r a n t e e the transmission of insight, o r does true insight r e m a i n a gift of grace? 1 3 Is Augustine's project d o o m e d to failure if it is impossible to transmit knowledge of a n d insight into the Scriptures f r o m o n e h u m a n being to a n o t h e r ? Augustine deals with this question in the p r o o e m i u m to the work, in which he addresses three groups of people w h o will potentially find fault with his project (prooem. i 2 § 3): those u n a b l e to u n d e r s t a n d Augustine's guidelines; those u n a b l e to apply t h e m ; a n d those w h o claim guidelines are r e d u n d a n t , since they themselves are doing just fine without t h e m , because they derive their results directly f r o m a divinum munus {prooem. i 4 § 7). T h i s third g r o u p of 'charismatici' is obviously the most relevant for o u r question. Augustine offers two good reasons f o r disagreeing with their a p p r o a c h . 1 4 Firstly, the fact that divine grace can confer a n y gift of knowledge does n o t m e a n that it invariably will, a n d that there is n o point to h u m a n exertion. Most people, including the 'charismatici', learn to r e a d a n d write f r o m o t h e r people, even t h o u g h it is b o t h possible to u n d e r s t a n d Scripture while being illiterate (Antony) a n d to learn to r e a d in a flash of divine inspiration {prooem. i 4 § 8). Similarly, m o s t people learn to speak f r o m o t h e r people, a l t h o u g h the Apostles spoke in tongues u n d e r the influence of the H o l y Spirit at Pentecost (i 5 § 9fi). It would be an unlawful t e m p t i n g of G o d to desist f r o m doing w h a t e v e r is within h u m a n p o w e r a n d to insist on waiting until H e gave us w h a t e v e r we w a n t e d (i 5 § 11). Secondly, there are n u m e r o u s biblical parallels of divine injunctions to teach a n d learn per homines (i 6 § 12ff; cf. e.g. i 6 § 13 per homines hominibus). In the first book of De doctrina Christiana, Augustine makes a point t h a t supports the usefulness a n d desirability of h u m a n exertion: Christ's i n c a r n a t i o n a n d the 'foolishness of p r e a c h i n g ' are

13 Cf. C. Mayer, '"Res per signa'. Der Grundgedanke des Prologs in Augusrins Schrift De doctrina Christiana und das Problem seiner Datierung", Revue des Etudes Augustiniennes 20 (1974), pp. 100-12; and against him, H.-J. Sieben, "Die 'res' der Bibel. Eine Analyse von Augustinus, De doctr. christ. I-III", Revue des Etudes Augustiniennes 21 (1975), pp. 72-90. 14 Cf. on this passage P. Brunner, "Charismatische und methodische Schriftauslegung nach Augustins Prolog zu De doctrina Christiana", Kerygma und Dogma 1 (1955), pp. 59-69; 85-103.

divine ways to c o m e to the aid of h u m a n frailty. 15 It is part of G o d ' s divine plan of salvation that people h e a r G o d ' s word t h r o u g h other people. T h e r e f o r e , not only is it reasonable to assume that one can get some kind of result at least some of the time in this way, but o n e also has the m o r a l obligation to m a k e an effort, even t h o u g h the result c a n n o t be guaranteed. 1 6 T h a t Augustine anticipates a n d is resigned to a less t h a n perfect result is a p p a r e n t f r o m his addressing the first two groups of potentially disgruntled readers of his work. T h e r e will be people w h o will simply fail to u n d e r s t a n d what he is saying, a n d there will be people w h o will be unable to get any results in actual Biblical interpretation out of Augustine's guidelines. T h o s e people will have to pray for divine enlightenment, because h u m a n exertion has failed to help t h e m out (prooem. i 3 § 5f.). All of this m e a n s that there is n o discrepancy between Augustine's views in De Magistro a n d those in De doctnna christiana. In both works Augustine acknowledges the limitations of h u m a n language a n d hum a n reason. 1 7 In that respect the o p e n i n g sentences of De doctnna christiana are significant a n d p r o g r a m m a t i c , in spite of their seemingly topical c h a r a c t e r (ddc prooem. i 1): Sunt praecepta quaedam tractandarum scripturarum quae studiosis video non incommode posse tradi, ut non solum legendo alios qui divinarum litterarum operta aperuerunt, sed etiam ipsi aperiendo proficiant. Haec tradere institui volentibus et valentibus discere, si dominus ac deus noster ea quae de hac re cogitand solet suggerere, etiam scribend mihi non deneget. There are certain rules for interpreting the scriptures which, as I am well aware, can usefully be passed on to those with an appetite for such study to make it possible for them to progress not just by reading the work of others w h o have illuminated the obscurities of divine literature, but also by finding illumination for themselves. It is my intention to communicate these rules to those with the will and the wit to learn, if my Lord and G o d does not withhold from me, as I write, those things he regularly supplies as I reflect on these matters, (tr. Green)

15

Per stultitiam praedicationis, ddc I xii 12 § 24f., cf. I Cor. 1:21.

Augustine returns to this matter in ddc IV xvi 33 § 90-95; cf. A. Primmer, "The Function of the genera dicendi in De doctrina christiana 4", D e doctrina christiana. A

Classic of Western Culture, eds. Duane Arnold and Pamela Bright (Notre Dame, 1995), p. 77. 17 Cf. K.-H. Uthemann, "Bemerkungen zu Augustins Auffassung der Predigt. Signal einer kulturellen Wende", Augushnianum 36 (1996), pp. 164ff.

It seems less likely that A u g u s t i n e is afraid t h a t things he used to think a b o u t will n o w slip his m i n d , t h a n t h a t h e fears the w i t h d r a w a l of divine h e l p in translating his t h o u g h t s into u n d e r s t a n d a b l e writing, t h o u g h t - l a n g u a g e into n a t u r a l l a n g u a g e . Interestingly, A u g u s t i n e also illustrates t h e p r o g r a m of De doctrina Christiana as a whole with this s t a t e m e n t , w h i c h c a n b e t a k e n as a description of his o p e r a t i n g p r o c e d u r e as a n a u t h o r : first h e h a d to think o u t his subject (cogitanti), t h e n h e h a d to write it d o w n a n d pass it o n (scribenti). De doctrina Christiana, of course, is divided i n t o two c o r r e s p o n d i n g parts, a c c o r d ing to t h e n a t u r a l division of t h e tractatio scripturarum. T h e first three books deal with the modus inveniendi quae intellegenda sunt (ddc I i 1 § 1), t h e f o u r t h with t h e modus proferendi quae intellects sunt (ibid.). First o n e h a s to 'find w h a t we n e e d to u n d e r s t a n d ' — t h i s c o r r e s p o n d s to t h e activities of the dialectician, o r to w h a t a rhetorician does in his inventio. T h e next stage is to pass o n w h a t it is y o u h a v e u n d e r s t o o d — c o r r e s p o n d i n g with t h e activities of t h e rhetorician. A u g u s t i n e h a s clearly followed his o w n two-tiered m o d e l . In a n y case, b o t h stages a r e crucially d e p e n d e n t o n divine h e l p a n d illumination (si dominus ac deus noster ea quae ... cogitanti solet suggerere, etiam scribenti mihi non deneget).ia

4. D e d o c t r i n a Christiana: the principles of exegesis Before discussing A u g u s t i n e ' s views o n effective c o m m u n i c a t i o n o r C h r i s t i a n e l o q u e n c e in Book I V of De doctrina christiana, let m e briefly s u m m a r i z e t h e c o n t e n t of t h e first three books a n d t h e exegetical principles laid d o w n in t h e m . T h e s e principles a r e inextricably b o u n d u p with the tenets of C h r i s t i a n faith. T h e t h r e e b o o k s d e a l i n g with t h e modus inveniendi successively d e a l with t h e res of Christianity (book I) a n d the signa, w h i c h refer to t h e m a n d b y w h o s e m e a n s t h e res c a n be accessed. 1 9 Book II explains h o w to get a grip o n signa ignota, signs n o t yet k n o w n , b o t h w h e n used literally a n d figuratively. Book III p e r f o r m s t h e s a m e service f o r the signa ambigua, n o n - u n i v o cal signs. T h e res of De doctrina christiana a r e t h e nucleus of C h r i s t i a n 18

Cf. ddc IV XV 32 § 89. On Augusdnian sign theory, see Markus, "St. Augustine on Signs"; Jackson, "The Theory of Signs in St. Augustine' De Doctrina christiana"; M. Baratin, "Les origines stoïciennes de la théorie Augustinienne du signe", Revue des Etudes Latines 59 (1981), pp. 260-8. 19

faith: G o d , Christ, a n d H o l y Spirit (I ν 5 § 1 Off.); the C h u r c h (I xvi 15 § 3 3 f f ) ; life after d e a t h (I xix 18 § 3 6 f f ) . Unlike all the res that h u m a n beings use (utî) in trying to b e c o m e h a p p y (beatus), these are res that actually d o m a k e h u m a n beings h a p p y . W e d o n o t just use t h e m , but r a t h e r we e n j o y (frui) t h e m for their o w n sakes (I iv 4 § 8; xxii 20 § 39). T h e ultimate exegetical principle is that a n y explanation should be compatible with the c o m m a n d to love G o d a n d one's n e i g h b o u r , the régula dilectionis (I xxii 21 § 42; xxxv 39 § 8 4 f f ) . In interpreting a m e t a p h o r i c a l passage, o n e needs to consider it over a n d over again until o n e ' s interpretation is within the d o m a i n of Caritas (ddc III xv 23 § 54). Caritas is the finis praecepti (I xxxvi 41 § 88; I xl 4 4 § 95; cf. I xxxv 39 § 84), a n d the t e r m i n u s of interpretation. It is crucial n o t to decide that o n e has r e a c h e d this t e r m i n u s too early, since in that case o n e would c o m m i t the vital e r r o r of enjoying for its own sake {frui) w h a t should have been used [utî) to reach a n ulterior goal. 20 A l t h o u g h strictly speaking Caritas is the goal of exegesis, in practice it comes to function as a criterion for correct interpretation. T h i s makes Augustine the f a t h e r of the t e r m that designates the h e r m e n e u t i c a l 'principie of charity'. 2 1 Interpretation in this case is based o n a n attitude predicated o n Christian faith. T h e very structure of De doctrina christiana, starting f r o m the res a n d only then discussing the signa, illustrates the h e r m e n e u t i c a l circle which is explicitly being addressed in this work: the res constitute the answers to the exegetical questions raised by the Bible. T h e s e answers are spelled out, before p r o b l e m s of interpretation are dealt with in a n y detail. 22 Augustine points out that in the slow seven-phase ascent f r o m timor dei to the seventh a n d highest stage sapientia, the material of De doctrina christiana belongs to the third stage, that of h u m a n scientia (ddc II viii 12 § 24). Significantly, the stage p r e c e d i n g scientia is that of pietas, which is briefly characterized by the slogan credere et cedere, to believe a n d give w a y (ddc II vii 10 § 19). Scientia presupposes pietas, n o t the o t h e r w a y a r o u n d .

20 Cf. R.A. Markus, "Signs, Communication, and Communities in Augustine's De doctrina christiana", De doctrina christiana. A Classic of Western Culture, eds. Duane Arnold and Pamela Bright (Notre Dame, 1995), pp. 101f. 21 See I. Sluiter, "Metatexts and the Principle of Charity", Metahistonography. Theo-

retical and Methodological Aspects in the Historiography of Linguistics, eds. Peter Schmitter

and M.J. van der Wal (Münster: Nodus Publikationen 1998), pp. 11-27. 22 Cf. Uthemann, "Bemerkungen zu Augustins Auffassung der Predigt. Signal einer kulturellen Wende", pp. 166f.

5. D e doctrina christiana IV: Christian eloquence and pagan rhetoric Obviously, the f o u r t h book of De doctnna christiana, dealing as it does with the modus proferendi, the c o m m u n i c a t i o n of the insights acquired by the speaker or writer, 2 3 is of e m i n e n t interest for Augustine's ideas o n effective h u m a n c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d teaching homines per homines. Augustine defines Christian eloquence against the b a c k d r o p of p a g a n rhetoric, which serves as a foil, 24 b u t he emphatically denies that he is teaching Christian rhetoric here (IV i 2 § 3). His claim is that rhetoric,25 as the theory of eloquence, is d e p e n d e n t o n the existence of eloquent examples to analyse (IV vii 21 § 60), b u t that it is perfectly possible to be eloquent a n d develop a n a t u r a l style without clinging to a n y particular theoretical tenets. M o s t of rhetoric's ideas are just common-sensical a n y w a y — w h i c h m e a n s that c o m m o n - s e n s e practice will just h a p p e n to coincide with the rules of theory (IV iv 6-7 § 14ff., esp. 16). Even t h o u g h rhetoric itself is ultimately n o t a worthwhile object of study, there is n o reason w h y o n e should d e n y Christian discourse the benefits of a good a n d strong style (IV ii 3 § 4):26 Nam cum per artem rhetoricam et vera suadeantur et falsa, quis audeat dicere adversus mendacium in defensoribus suis inermem debere consistere veritatem, ut videlicet illi qui res falsas persuadere conantur, noverint auditorem vel benevolum vel intentum vel docilem proemio facere, isti autem non noverint? Illi falsa breviter, aperte, verisimiliter et isti vera sic narrent ut audire taedeat, intellegere non pateat, credere postremo non libeat? Illi fallacibus argumentis veritatem oppugnent, asserant falsitatem, isti nec vera defendere nec falsa valeant refutare? Illi animos audientium in errorem moventes impellentesque dicendo terreant, contristent, exhilarent, exhortentur ardenter, isti pro veritate lenti frigidi dormitent? Quis ita desipiat ut hoc sapiat? Cum ergo sit in medio posita facultas eloquii, quae ad persuadenda seu prava seu recta valet plurimum, cur non bonorum studio comparatur, ut militet veritati, si earn mali ad obtinendas perversas vanasque causas in usus iniquitatis et erroris usurpant? 27 23 Book IV does not only deal with communication in sermons, but also in other circumstances, cf. IV ix 23 § 63; χ 25 § 67. 24 This goes in particular for Cicero's Orator, the main text engaged by Augustine. Cicero also denies that he is teaching rhetoric in his Orator. Or. 43; 112, cf. 117. 25 This claim is not new. Quintilian points out that the classification of figures of speech is based on observation of actual use (Quint. 8.6.4, cf. ddc III xxix 41 § 91). 26 For the notion that the ideas underlying rhetoric are neutral in the opposition between pagans and Christians, and that their evaluation depends on the use that is being made of them, cf. Chr. Gnilka, ΧΡΗΣΙΣ. Die Methode der Kirchenväter im Umgang

mit der antiken Kultur. I. Der Begriff des rechten Gebrauchs (Basel-Stuttgart, 1984). See also

ddc II xxxvi 54 § 132. 27 Cf. II xxxvi 54 § 132.

Since rhetoric is used to give conviction to both truth and falsehood, w h o could dare maintain that truth, w h i c h depends o n us for its defence, should stand unarmed in the fight against falsehood? T h i s w o u l d m e a n that those w h o are trying to give conviction to their falsehoods would k n o w h o w to use an introduction to make their listeners favourable, interested, and receptive, while w e would not; that they would e x p o u n d falsehoods in descriptions that are succinct, lucid, and convincing, while w e would e x p o u n d the truth in such a way as to bore our listeners, cloud their understanding, and stifle their desire to believe; that they w o u l d assail the truth and advocate falsehood with fallacious arguments, while w e would be too feeble either to defend what is true or refute what is false; that they, pushing and propelling their listeners' minds towards error, would speak so as to inspire fear, sadness, and elation, and issue passionate exhortations, while we, in the n a m e of the truth, can only idle along sounding dull and indifferent. W h o could be so senseless as to find this sensible? N o , oratorical ability, so effective a resource to c o m m e n d either right or wrong, is available to both sides; w h y then is it not acquired by g o o d and zealous Christians to fight for the truth, if the wicked e m p l o y it in the service of iniquity and error, to achieve their perverse and futile purposes? (tr. Green)

T h i s defence of a Christian version of speaking well is* itself eminently rhetorical in n a t u r e , b o t h as a practical sample of persuasive a n d cultivated discourse a n d because it betrays Augustine's familiarity with s t a n d a r d rhetorical t h e o r y — n o t surprising in this f o r m e r professor of rhetoric. 2 8 Its structure is striking because of the series of rhetorical questions structured by the opposition between ilIi a n d isti, the tricola a n d climax-structures, a n d the pervasive military metaphors. 2 9 T h e theory it alludes to is that of the parts of a speech, with their characteristic goals a n d stylistic properties. T h e prooemium serves to m a k e the audience favourably disposed, interested a n d willing to learn (benevolus, attentus, docilis). T h e statement of the facts of the case (narratio) should be concise, clear a n d it should impress the audience as being probable (breviter, aperte, verisimiliter). T h e argumentatio consists of two parts: a positive o n e in which the speaker presents the argum e n t s supporting his case (asserere), a n d a negative one in which he refutes those of his o p p o n e n t s (refiitare). A n d finally, in the peroratio, he will appeal to the emotions of his audience, the m a i n ones being fear, sorrow a n d j o y (teneant, contristent, exhilarent), a n d exhort t h e m to action. 3 0 28 29

30

Cf. Cic. Or. 122. E.g. defensonbus, inermem, oppugnent, defendere, ut militet ventati.

For the theories about the parts of speech and their function and characteristics, cf. H. Lausberg, Handbuch der literarischen Rhetorik (München, 1960), § 263 ff. (1exordium); 289ff. (nanatio)348 , ‫ ׳‬f f . and 430 (argumentatio); 431 ff. (peroratio).

T h e Christian speaker should n o t be denied the benefit of any of these elements, but the crucial point is that formal rhetorical training is n o t the only way to achieve oratorical proficiency. W h a t the Christian speaker needs above all is familiarity with good examples, a n d practice—again Augustine can m a k e use of a distinction with a long tradition: that between ars (theory), ingenium (natural ability), a n d usus/exercitatio (training). 31 Augustine emphasizes a combination of natural ability with immersion in good examples a n d practising to imitate t h e m . T h e structure of the rest of Book IV is in line with this a p p r o a c h . T h e m o r e theoretical passages are relatively short a n d are either p r o m p t e d by, or as soon as possible supplemented a n d replaced with, extensive sample passages f r o m the Bible, b o t h f r o m the O l d a n d N e w T e s t a m e n t s , a n d f r o m non-Biblical Christian authors. Q u o t i n g these passages is an integral p a r t of Augustine's a r g u m e n t a n d m e t h o d , a n d c a n n o t solely be explained as an apologetical trick to legitimize eloquence as a goal for a Christian. 3 2 Most importantly, however, although Augustine is clear that eloq u e n c e can be an i m p o r t a n t e n r i c h m e n t in trying to c o m m u n i c a t e wisdom a n d insight, he is equally clear a b o u t the relative value of eloquence a n d wisdom. Ultimately, eloquence is entirely dispensable, although the c o m b i n a t i o n of wisdom a n d eloquence is always better t h a n wisdom alone, but eloquence without wisdom is an a b o m i n a tion (IV ν 7 § 17ff).

6. Theory of style—functions of discourse—effect on the audience T h e most theoretical p a r t of book IV, which is most obviously ind e b t e d to the classical theory of rhetoric, is Augustine's discussion of the three functions of Christian eloquence: docere, delectare a n d flectere, a n d the three corresponding styles, the genus summissum, genus temperatum a n d genus grande.33 Interestingly, u p to the introduction of 31

Cf. IV iii 4 § 6ÍT.

32

Cf. P. Prestel, Die Rezeption der ciceronischen Rhetorik durch Augustinus in 'de doctrina

christiana' (Frankfurt am Main, 1992), p. 198 against Marrou, Saint Augustin et lafinde la culture antique. 33

From IV xii 27 § 74 onwards. Cf. E. Auerbach, Uteratursprache und Publikum in der lateinischen Spätantike und im Mittelalter (Bern, 1958), p. 29. The first place in book IV where the styles and the corresponding types of stylistic failures are mentioned implicidy is IV ν 7 § 17: cum aliifaciant obtunse, deformiter,Jrigide, alii acute, ornate, vehementer. Cf. Prestel, Die Rezeption der ciceronischen Rhetorik durch Augustinus in 'de doctrina christiana', p. 159; Primmer, "The Function of the genera dicendi in De doctrina christiana 4", p. 78.

these elements f r o m the technical tradition, Augustine h a d treated Christian eloquence as equivalent to teaching (docere),34 the m o d e of c o m m u n i c a t i o n that h a d been at the center of Augustine's linguistic interest in De Magistro a n d De Trinitate as well. 35 But the term docere now acquires a m o r e limited a n d precise m e a n i n g , as o n e part only of the full range of the functions of language, which also include entert a i n m e n t a n d emotional manipulation. T h e analysis of the functions of discourse allows Augustine to strengthen the coherence of De doctrina christiana once more, in that at least initially docere is linked with the res, while the o t h e r two are d e p e n d e n t on o u r m o d e of expression, a n d therefore belong to the level of the signa (IV xii 27 § 74). I n his elaboration of the theory, Augustine will also have to address the stylistic features of the function docere, i.e. its signum level; o n the o t h e r h a n d — a s we will see (section 7)—he will also pay attention to the g r o u n d i n g in extra-linguistic factors of the function delectare. F o r now, it is obvious that delectare in particular has potentially d a n g e r o u s implications, a n d it is striking that Augustine hastens to emphasize the overruling ethical f o u n d a t i o n a n d content of Christian eloquence. 3 6 I will return to this aspect of e n t e r t a i n m e n t in the last p a r t of this paper, but first we must explore the ramifications of the tripartite function that is here ascribed to discourse. In the classical system of rhetoric (as exemplified by Cicero's Orator) the choice of stylistic level was d e t e r m i n e d by the topic of discourse. Is the topic a n everyday one, then the stylistic level should be simple, is the topic grandiose, then the style should be elevated, a n d for a n y t h i n g in between the intermediate style is the right choice (IV xvii 34 § 96). Augustine points out that the f u n d a m e n t a l truths of 34

Cf. Prestel, Die Rezeption der ciceronischen Rhetorik durch Augustinus in 'de doctrina christiana', p. 267. 3:1 For docere as the central function of language, cf. Plat. Crat. 388b 12; 388c6f.; Ar. Rhet. III 2.1404b2f. 36

IV xiv 30 § 8Iff., esp. § 83 iusta, non iniqua libenter audiantur. Quod utique non fieret nisi suaviter dicerentur, xv 32 § 87 noster iste etoquens cum iusta et sancta et bona dicit\ xvii 3 4 § 96 dicendo persuadere quod bonum est, xxviii 61 § 157 veris tarnen rebus. T h e theme is already sounded in IV iv 6 § 14 debet igitur divinarum scripturarum tractator et doctor ...et bona docere et mata dedocere. Cf. also contra Cresc. 1,1,2 eloquentia vero facultas dicendi est congruenter explicans quae sentimus, qua tunc utendum est cum recta sentimus. Fr.

Weissengruber, "Augustins Wertung von Grammatik und Rhetorik im Traktat contra Cresconium", Hermes 105 (1977), p. 115. Again, there is a long tradition in rhetorical theory of the ethical dimension of the true rhetorician, from Plato's Gorgias (e.g. 508c 1-2) to Cato's definition of the orator as a vir bonus dicendi peritm; cf. ad Herenn. 1,2,2 oratoris officium est de iis rebus posse dicere quae res ad usum civilem moribus et legibus consdtutae sunt cum assensione auditorum, quoad eius fieri poterit.

C h r i s t i a n faith are invariably of t h e u t m o s t i m p o r t a n c e , yet h a v e to be disclosed in a n easily c o m p r e h e n s i b l e l a n g u a g e . T h e r e f o r e t h e status of t h e subject m a t t e r c a n n o longer d e t e r m i n e t h e choice of o n e style over a n o t h e r . A c c o r d i n g to Augustine, stylistic level should c o r r e s p o n d to the d o m i n a n t f u n c t i o n of discourse in a n y given passage. 37 If this is to t e a c h , o n e s h o u l d choose t h e simple style, if praise o r b l a m e a r e d o m i n a n t , t h e ' b l e n d e d ' o r m i d d l e style is indicated, 3 8 if t h e p u r p o s e is to b r i n g a b o u t a certain action, the high style is to be applied (IV xix 38 § 104). A u g u s t i n e r e c o m m e n d s m i x i n g the styles (such a m i x e d passage will still be labeled b y the n a m e of t h e d o m i n a n t one) (IV xxii 51 § 134f.) a n d insists t h a t t h e e l o q u e n t speaker will also at all times try to achieve every relevant effect in his a u d i e n c e , t h a t t h e y u n d e r s t a n d w h a t h e says, take pleasure in listening, a n d obey. 3 9 W h e r e a s docere, delectare a n d flectere stress t h e activity of t h e speaker, intelligenter/libenter/oboedienter audiri describe t h e speaker as the object of a certain m o d e of p e r c e p t i o n in t h e a u d i e n c e . At first sight, o n e m i g h t t h i n k t h a t t h e r e should be a p r i m a r y link b e t w e e n docere a n d intelligenter audiri, b e t w e e n delectare a n d libenter audiri, a n d b e t w e e n flectere a n d oboedienter audiri,w b u t j u s t as A u g u s t i n e h a d insisted o n d i s r u p t i n g t h e fixed c o m b i n a t i o n s of s u b j e c t - m a t t e r a n d style, so h e denies t h a t a certain type of effect should exclusively b e b r o u g h t a b o u t by a certain style. R a t h e r , it is i m p o r t a n t to a i m at all three effects of intelligenter, libenter a n d oboedienter audiri, w h i c h e v e r style o n e h a p p e n s to be using (IV xxvi 56 § 145ff). In fact, t h e triad intellegenter, libenter a n d oboedienter audiri masks a C i c e r o n i a n (and older) classification w h i c h is related to, b u t in fact at least originally essentially different f r o m t h a t of docere, delectare a n d 37 Cf. Auerbach, Literatursprache und Publikum in der latrinischen Spätantike und im Mittelalter, p. 33.

38

For laudare and vituperare as the subject matter of discourse with the main func-

d o n of delectare, cf. IV xix 38 § 104: et tamen cum doctor iste debeat rerum dictor esse magnarum, non semper eas debet granditer dicere, sed summisse cum aliquid docetur, temperate cum

aliquid vituperatur sive laudatur, xxiv 54 § 141ff.; xxvi 57 § 149. Praise and blame are

typical of the genre of epideictic rhetoric, which is primarily meant to entertain (cf. Cic. Or. 37). 39 The three effects are introduced in IV xv 32 § 87. Cf. Primmer, "The Function of the genera dicendi in De doctrina christiana 4", p. 75. 40

. Cf. IV xvii 34 § 96 where such a link could be taken to be implicit, but is not in fact made, even though Augustine spells out all the other possible parallelisms in this section. We must assume that the exclusive link was never intended. Its explicit denial follows in IV xxvi 56 § 145.

movere/flectere. Confusingly, two out of the three elements (docere a n d flectere/movere) are designated by the same words, but the third one is called conciliare r a t h e r t h a n delectare. Although the two classifications are easily a n d frequently mixed u p both in ancient a n d m o d e r n interpreters, 4 1 they serve quite different purposes. Docere, delectare a n d flectere/movere (the delectare group) are the m a i n functions of discourse, a n d the m a i n tasks of the orator. As such, they belong in discussions of elocutio. Docere, conciliare a n d movere /flectere (the conciliare group) are the three m a j o r categories of m e a n s of persuasion, which pervade any f o r m of rhetorical discourse. Planning a n d finding these m e a n s of persuasion belongs to the stage of inventio. A speaker or writer is persuasive, either because he uses logical a r g u m e n t s a n d d e m o n s t r a tions (docere), or because he seems a trustworthy person a n d inspires belief (conciliare, 'ethos'), or because he sweeps his audience off their feet by appealing to their emotions (flectere/movere, 'pathos'). 4 2 T h e discrepancy is greatest w h e n o n e c o m p a r e s delectare a n d conciliare: delectare is one of the tasks of the o r a t o r a n d one of the m a i n functions of discourse; it m e a n s that o n e should entertain or delight one's audience a n d give t h e m pleasure by one's use of language, which makes it a function of elocutio. Conciliare is a m e a n s of persuasion; 4 3 it m e a n s that one should m a k e a sympathetic a n d reliable impression on the audience as a person. T h a t the three types of style c a n n o t be m a p p e d on to these three m e a n s of persuasion is clear f r o m Cicero's Orator, where both classifications turn u p side by side. 44 111 fact, Cicero says with so m a n y words that although docere is the m a i n m e a n s of persuasion, the two 41 E.g. in Quint. 12.10.59 delectare and conciliare are simply idenrified with each other. 42

E.g. Cic. De Or. 2, 115 ita omnis ratio dicendi tribus ad persuadendum rebus est nixa: ut probemus vera esse quae defendimus, ut conciliemus eos nobis qui audiunt, ut animos eorum ad quemcumque causa postulabit motum vocamus; 2,310 (Antonius, talking about dispositio): et quoniam ... tribus rebus homines ad nostram sententiam perducimus, aut docendo aut conciliando aut permovendo, una ex tribus his rebus res prae nobis est ferenda, ut nihil aliud nui docere velle videamur, reliquae duae, sicuti sanguis in corporibus, sic illae in perpetuis orationibus fusae esse debebunt,]. Wisse, Ethos and Pathos from Aristotle to Cicero (Amsterdam, 1989), p. 201;

206 with n. 56; cf. also 2,212. The three means of persuasion are already distinguished in Ar. Rhet. I 2.1356aIff. 43 Cf. Cic. De Or. 2.115. Conciliare can also be used more specifically for a function of the prooemium (cf. ddc II xxxvi 54 § 132 and IV iv 6 § 14, on which see below). Lausberg, Handbuch der literarischen Rhetorik, § 271 δ a'; 277 a; 278; 287. 44 Or. 69; 128ff.; Wisse, Ethos and Pathos from Aristotle to Cicero, p. 214. T h e three

functions docere, delectare and movere can be (and are) correlated widi the three styles, cf. Wisse, ibid. p. 212ff. with the table on p. 218.

others should always play a role as well. 45 In o t h e r words, at the level of the persuasive effect o n the audience, the three m e a n s of persuasion should be active t h r o u g h o u t the discourse. T h i s is the very injunction Augustine gives in I V xxvi 56 § 145ff. It seems likely, therefore, that Augustine h a d this c o m p e t i n g classification of the three m e a n s of persuasion in m i n d w h e n he separated style a n d 'effect 5 . T h i s also explains why the discussion there focuses on the relevance of someone's life a n d c o n d u c t for the effectiveness of their teaching, a typical topic to be discussed in the context of the m e a n s of persuasion 'ethos'. 4 6 However, n o n e of this m e a n s that Augustine himself was necessarily entirely aware of the original difference in function a n d theoretical status (as part of inventio a n d p a r t of elocutio) of the two c o m p e t i n g classifications of the delectare g r o u p a n d the conciliare group. Quintilian h a d identified the two (see note 41) a n d Augustine himself used conciliare in a context which seems to suffer f r o m some slippage between the two systems. 47

7. The use of entertainment O n c e docere h a d been replaced with the three functions docere, delectare a n d movere/flectere, Augustine was forced to c o n f r o n t the entertainm e n t function of language, a category that m u s t have looked suspicious to him. 4 8 C o n d e m n a t i o n s of the fucus, the idle a n d vain embel45

De Or. 2,310, see note 40 above. ‫ ״‬IV xxvii 59 § 151. Note that Augustine emphasizes the de facto conduct of life rather than the impression of reliability that is to be created in the context of the 4

speech or sermon. Cf. G.A. K e n n e d y , Classical Rhetoric and Its Christian and Secular Tradition from Ancient to Modem Times (Chapel Hill, 1980), p. 157; G.A. K e n n e d y , A

New History of Classical Rhetoric (Princeton, 1994), p. 269. Quint. 12.1.1-3 equally emphasizes the genuine moral character of the speaker. It seems likely that Augustine is also influenced here by a topos of exegerical literature, namely the relevance of someone's life to his teaching and v.v. Cf. J. Mansfeld, Prolegomena. Questions to be settled before the study of an author or a text (Leiden, 1994), pp. 122ff.; 183; 186 (οίος ό

τρόπος, τοιούτος ό λόγος). For an early example cf. Plato's Laches 188d5ff. 47 I V iv 6 § 14 ‫ מין‬hoc opere sermonis conciliare aziersos, remisses erigere, nescientibus quod agitur quid expectare debeant intimare. T h e phrase in hoc opere sermonis suggests that the

following three elements will be dispersed throughout the whole speech (and are therefore to be identified with the three means of persuasion). But in fact, the sequel makes it likely that Augustine was (also) thinking of the particular function of the prooemium, in which conciliare has a more limited role. 48

Cf. Prestel, Die Rezeption der ciceronischen Rhetorik durch Augustinus in 'de doctrina christiana', p. 173.

lishments of p a g a n sophistry, were a topos in early Christian literature. T h e lingua piscatoria, instantiated by the Bible, should suffice for a Christian, a n d clarity should take precedence, not only over e m p t y showmanship, b u t even over a rigid application of the rules of g r a m mar. 4 9 Indeed, Augustine follows u p the explicit introduction of the three styles (IV xii 27 § 74) by a w a n t i n g a b o u t the dangers of the idle pursuit of beauty a n d the i m p o r t a n c e of m o r a l virtue (IV xiv 30 §8Iff.), 5 0 a n d he does not shrink f r o m illustrating the possible excesses by quoting a Christian a u t h o r , C y p r i a n (IV xiv 31 § 84f.). But although he is vividly aware of the inherent dangers, he h a d in fact already p r e p a r e d for a m o r e favourable reception of this function of discourse in the preceding books of De doctrina christiana, by alerting the reader to the presence in Biblical language of elements that primarily serve to entertain or delight the reader or listener. T h e S o n g of Songs, for instance, with its p r e g n a n t figurative language delectat audientem, m o r e t h a n a direct exposé a b o u t the C h u r c h — s y m b o l i z e d by the bride in the S o n g of Songs—would have d o n e (II vi 7 § 11). T h e symbolic form is suauius (ibid.), a n d the use of similes a n d a certain level of difficulty increase the pleasure of learning (libentius, gratins, II vi 8 § 13).51 L a n g u a g e consisting of signa translata obviously makes use of figures a n d tropes, which is in itself a characteristic of the genus temperatum, the m a i n p r o d u c e r of delectatio.52 W i t h o u t m e n tioning the corresponding stylistic level yet, Augustine describes this effect for instance in book III, while explaining h o w to decide w h e t h e r a text is to be interpreted literally or figuratively. A figurative interpretation is indicated w h e n e v e r the literal one would result in something criminal or scandalous—note how once again the desirable result of the interpretation is laid d o w n in advance. T h i s applies in particular to the description of c o m m u n i o n , eating the b o d y of the

49

Cf. H. Hagendahl, "Piscatorie et non aristotelice. Zu einem Schlagwort bei den

Kirchenvätern", Septentrionalia et Onentalia. Studio B. Karlgren dedicata (Stockholm, 1959),

pp. 184-93; ddc IV χ 24 § 64. 50

Cf. Prestel, Die Rezeption der ciceronischen Rhetorik durch Augustinus in 'de doctrina christiana', p. 161; 173. See already IV ν 8 § 23 perniciosa dulcedo. 51

Other instances where Augustine attributes delectatio to a Biblical text, e.g. IV vii 13 § 36. For the delights of obscuritas, see R. Williams, "Language, Reality and Desire in Augustine's de doctrina", Literature & Theology 3 (1989), p. 142. 52

See e.g. IV vii 15 § 48, where the kick of recognizing and understanding the tropologia of the Old Testament yields this very effect of delectatio. The term used here is dulcescunt. For the omatus of the genus temperatum, see IV vii 17 § 52 luminibus

omatur. Elsewhere the effect is called pulchrum (IV vii 18 § 54; vii 20 § 58).

Son of Man, and drinking His blood (e.g. Joh. 6:53) (ddc III xvi 24 §55): Figura ergo est, praecipiens passioni dominicae esse communicandum et suaviter atque utiliter recondendum in memoria, quod pro nobis caro eius crucifixa et vulnerata sit. and so it is figurative, a c o m m a n d to participate in the Lord's passion and to store in our memory the pleasurable and useful knowledge that his flesh was crucified and wounded for our sake. (tr. Green)

The figurative locution is didactically appropriate in that it is more attractive and appealing to memorize and remember (suaviter). Augustine is clear in his rejection of pagan and Christian misappropriations of the entertainment function of discourse.53 But the crucial point is that in principle this holds for all functions: eloquence (or rhetoric) is good or bad according to the use that is being made of it. This is just the logical conclusion from the statement that the faculty of speech is in itself neutral terrain (see above, ddc IV ii 3 §4).

Therefore, Augustine can feel free to develop the entertainment aspect of discourse in book IV, always emphasizing as the true source of delectatio the unique appropriateness of biblical language (IV χ 28 § 29f.). The temperate style is especially suited to bring about delectatio. Its characteristic use of figures and tropes makes it beautiful,54 and it particularly lends itself to narrating something that is already understood, for the simple pleasure of the narration itself. Therefore, in this case form is more effective than content (IV χ 25 § 69),55 as delectatio is effected by a pleasant use of language (si suaviter loqueris, IV xii 27 § 75). Importantly, delectatio supports and furthers the process of learning, something already stressed in Augustine's analysis of the signa translata of the Song of Songs and the signa ambigua of the description of communion. When one is fascinated and amused, one absorbs information more easily and stays with the subject longer (IV xi 26 § 72ff; xii 27 § 75).56 In a sense, delectatio is a 3‫נ‬

useful and edifying, e.g. in the lies of classical literature (ddc II xxv 39 § 99 quorum mendaciis homines delectantur). 54 I V vii 17 § 52 omatus; vii 18 § 5 4 pulchrum, vii 19 § 55 mirabile decore dicendi; § 57 miro decore; 20 § 58 pulchrum. " Nam delectandi gratia etiam nota dicuntur, ubi non ipsa, sed modus quo dicuntur adtenditur. 56 Ut teneatur ad audiendum, delectandus auditor.

concession to the weaknesses of the audience, 5 7 but as such it is a feature of language a n d discourse that is ultimately dispensable: it is entirely possible that u n d e r s t a n d i n g of an explanation comes a b o u t effectively without the b o n u s of the e n t e r t a i n m e n t factor; similarly, it is possible that the addressee p e r f o r m s whatever action he is urged to p e r f o r m , without the emotional impact of flectere (IV xii 28 § 76f.). T h i s leaves docere as the single most i m p o r t a n t function of discourse. But because m a n y people are u n a b l e to digest truth in an unattractive guise, delectatio has an i m p o r t a n t place in eloquence, even in Christian eloquence (IV xiii 29 § 78). As an illustration of the dictio temperata Augustine quotes a long passage f r o m R o m a n s 12-13, a n d a section f r o m Cyprian (IV xx 40 § 11 Iff.; I V xxi 47 § 1 2 8 f f ) — o n c e again, the emphasis is on good examples, on reading, listening a n d practicing, rather t h a n on technical advice a n d rules (IV xxi 50 § 133), but he soon returns to the fact that in the final analysis, delectare is the least i m p o r t a n t function of discourse (IV xxv 55 § 142). For although it supports a n d reinforces the effects of docere a n d flectere, it is unable to bring a b o u t those effects—the p r i m a r y goals of the s p e a k e r — b y itself in a reliable a n d predictable way (IV xxiv 54 § 141). By h e a r i n g an eloquent speech of praise or b l a m e some people m a y be influenced to actually engage in the behaviour that elicited the praise a n d to avoid the opposite, but this is not always the case. T h i s m e a n s that delectare in the middle style should never be a n e n d in itself. Its only raison d'être is to reinforce a n d facilitate the o t h e r effects, either by m a k i n g those effects c o m e a b o u t faster, or by m a k i n g t h e m last longer (IV xxv 55 § 142). T h e unreliability of the 'external' effects of delectare is d u e precisely to the 'reflexive' a n d self-involved n a t u r e of this function of speech: unlike docere, it focuses o n style, instead of on res. Unlike movere, it has n o direct results in the b e h a v i o u r of the listener, but is indicative of the stylistic achievement of the speaker only. 58 T h i s is b o r n e out by a n analysis of the types of persuasion that are effected by the three functions of discourse (IV xxv 55 § 143): Persuadet autem in summisso genere vera esse quae dicit, persuadet in grandi ut agantur quae agenda esse iam sciuntur nec aguntur, persuadet in genere temperato pulchre ornateque se dicere. 57

I V xi 26 § 73; IV xiii 29 § 78; cf. Prestel, Die Rezeption der ciceronischen Rhetorik durch Augustinus in 'de doctrina christiana', p. 213. See already Ar. Rhet. III 1. 1404a. 38 Cf. IV xii 27 § 74; xiii 2 9 § 79 modus ipse quo dicitur, xxv 55 § 142 ut eloquentia ipsa delectet.

In the restrained style he persuades people that what he says is true; in the grand style he persuades them to do what they knew to be necessary but were not doing; in the mixed style he persuades people that he is speaking attractively or elaborately, (tr. Green) T h i s characteristic of turning in on itself—with its d a n g e r o u s overtones of vanity—could have caused Augustine to w a r n the Christian speaker off this style, if he h a d not emphasized that n o effect (of intelligenter, libenter, oboedienter audiri) is exclusively linked to a n y o n e style. T h e r e f o r e even in the genus temperatum, o n e has to aim for every possible effect in the audience, including u n d e r s t a n d i n g a n d obedience (IV xxvi 57 § 149): Proinde ilia tria, ut intellegant qui audiunt, ut delectentur, ut oboediant, etiam in hoc genere agendum est, ubi tenet delectatio principatum. So these three aims—that the audience understand, delight and obey— must be sought in this style too, where delight is paramount, (tr. Green) N o t only, therefore, does delectatio support the o t h e r two m a i n functions of discourse, it is also r e d e e m e d a n d its dangers are defused, because it allows every m e a n s of persuasion to be mixed in. O n e o t h e r point deserves m e n t i o n : delectatio is not brought a b o u t by linguistic m e a n s only, but also by non-linguistic p h e n o m e n a . T h i s helps explain why a speaker can cause pleasure as a secondary effect while engaged in a didactic passage in the simple style: the perception of truth itself is delightful to the audience. '9 H e n c e , delectare can have a direct relationship to res, instead of its being completely a n d solely inherent in the signa. T h u s , it is a n inevitable a n d desirable byp r o d u c t of successful teaching (cf. section 6; ddc I V xii 27 § 74). But then, obviously, once delectatio h a d been identified as a divine didactic m e t h o d , it was b o u n d to deserve a place in the toolbox of the h u m a n teacher. 6 0 59

I V xxvi 56 § 148 Veritas ... deleciat\ cf. II xxxvii 55 § 135 in his omnibus (= logic) ipsa

spectacula veritatis saepe delectant. This sentiment is generalized for all functions of discourse in IV xxviii 61 § 157 ut Veritas pateat, Veritas placeat, Veritas moveat. here Veritas is substituted for the words of the speaker. Thus, the res rather than the signa cause the desired effect. 60 The one phenomenon that is taken to have a didactic function in the Bible, but that should never be arrogated by a human voice, is obscurity. While this may whet the curiosity and incite people to try and understand it, taking it over would suggest that the interpreter lays claim to an equally special status for his own text as an object of the exegetical efforts of others. Cf. ddc IV viii 22 § 61. Williams, "Language, Reality and Desire in Augustine's de doctrina", p. 142.

8. Conclusion In this p a p e r I looked at several aspects of Augustine's linguistic t h o u g h t . His views on the relation between language a n d knowledge, a n d a b o u t the possibility a n d limitations of h u m a n teaching strongly urge an energetic a p p r o a c h : h u m a n beings have the d u t y to exert themselves, to try to gain insight into the truths they believe, a n d , if they succeed, to try to help others achieve the same u n d e r s t a n d i n g . E l o q u e n c e is a n e n r i c h m e n t of wise a n d insightful discourse. M o r e specifically still, even delight a n d e n t e r t a i n m e n t are not to be scorned. T h e y are a legitimate f u n c t i o n of discourse with good precedents in Biblical didactics, a n d there is every reason to believe that delectatio can contribute significantly to a n y didactic process. 111 Augustine's linguistic t h o u g h t there was a structural corres p o n d e n c e between h u m a n language a n d the divine W o r d , between h u m a n c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d revelation. O n the o t h e r h a n d , clearly there is also a relation of d e p e n d e n c e . Successful h u m a n c o m m u n i c a tion, as well as acquisition a n d transmission of knowledge a n d insight, crucially d e p e n d on divine e n l i g h t e n m e n t , while normally speaking requiring a great deal of h u m a n exertion. Successful exegesis d e p e n d s on a prior u n d e r s t a n d i n g of (and belief in) the correct solutions. T h i s is never lost f r o m sight, not even while recognizing the contributions of g e n u i n e a n d p u r e e l o q u e n c e in book I V of De doctrina christiana. Augustine's terminology m a y serve as an illustration. T h e eloquent Christian is called (noster) eloquens (e.g. I V xv 32 § 87), o r eloquens ecclesiasticus (e.g. IV xiii 29 § 79), o r simply dictor (e.g. I V xxvi 56 § 148), w h e r e a s in Cicero's Orator, the prevalent term is precisely orator,.6‫ י‬Augustine generally avoids this w o r d which in his time would evoke associations of public s h o w m a n s h i p . T h e r e f o r e , w h e n he finally does use the term orator, that w o r d is c h a r g e d with m e a n i n g , a n d it is a ' n e w ' m e a n i n g (IV xv 32 § 87): Et haec [namely effective speech leading to intellegenter, libenter and oboedienter audin] se posse, si potuerit et in quantum potuerit, pietate magis orationum quam oratorum facultate non dubitet, ut orando pro se ac pro illis quos est allocuturus, sit orator antequam dictor.

61 Augusrine uses the word once in the phrase oratoribus gentilium poetisve, pagan orators or poets, IV ν 10 § 29.

H e should be in n o doubt that any ability he has and however m u c h has derives more from his devotion to prayer than his dedication oratory; and so, by praying for himself and for those he is about address, he must b e c o m e a m a n of prayer before b e c o m i n g a m a n words, (tr. Green) 6 2

he to to of

T h i s r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of a w o r d t h a t w a s so centrally a n c h o r e d in the p a g a n r h e t o r i c a l t r a d i t i o n is s y m b o l i c f o r A u g u s t i n e ' s o u t l o o k i n De doctrina christiana.

T h e p a g a n orator, a n d t h e t e c h n i c a l d i s c i p l i n e w h i c h

had created him, had become redundant, because before anything e l s e t h e C h r i s t i a n eloquens is a m a n o f p r a y e r , a n e w k i n d o f orator. Institute for A d v a n c e d

Study

Princeton, NJ 08540

Bibliography E. Auerbach, Literatursprache und Publikum in der lateinischen Spätantike und im Mittelalter

(Bern, 1958). M. Baratin, "Les origines stoïciennes de la théorie Augusdnienne du signe", Revue des Etudes Lahnes 59 (1981), pp. 260-8. W. van Bekkum, J. Houben, I. Sluiter, K. Versteegh, The Emergence of Semantics: the Sanskrit, Hebrew, Greek and Arabic Linguistic Traditions (Amsterdam-New York: J o h n

Benjamins, 1997). P. Brunner, "Charismatische und methodische Schriftauslegung nach Augustins Prolog zu De doctrina christiana", Kerygma und Dogma 1 (1955), pp. 59-69; 85103. Ch. Kannengiesser, "The Interrupted De doctrina christiana", De doctrina christiana. A Classic of Western Culture, eds. Duane Arnold and Pamela Bright (Notre Dame, 1995), pp. 3-13. G.A. Kennedy, Classical Rhetoric and Its Christian and Secular Tradition from Ancient to

Modem Times (Chapel Hill, 1980). G.A. Kennedy, A New History of Classical Rhetoric (Princeton, 1994). Chr. Gnilka, ΧΡΗΣΙΣ. Die Methode der Kirchenväter im Umgang mit der antiken Kultur. I. Der Begriff des rechten Gebrauchs (Basel-Stuttgart, 1984).

H. Hagendahl, "Piscatorie et non aristotelice. Zu einem Schlagwort bei den Kirchenvätern", Septentrionalia et Orientalia. Studio B. Karlgren dedicata (Stockholm,

1959), pp. 184-93. Β. Darreil Jackson, "The Theory of Signs in St. Augustine' De Doctrina christiana", Revue des Etudes Augustiniennes 15 (1969), pp. 9-49.

H. Lausberg, Handbuch der literarischen Rhetorik (München, 1960).

62 For a comparable pun, this time on dictor and dictator, cf. contra Cresc. 3,19,22; Weissengruber, "Augustins Wertung von Grammatik und Rhetorik im Traktat contra Cresconium", p. 113.

J. Mansfeld, Prolegomena. Questions to be settled before the study of an author or a text (Leiden,

1994). R.A. Markus, "St. Augustine on Signs", Phronesis 2 (1957), pp. 60-83. R.A. Markus, "Signs, Communication, and Communities in Augustine's De doctrina christiana", De doctrina christiana. A Classic of Western Culture, eds. Duane Arnold and Pamela Bright (Notre Dame, 1995), pp. 97-108. H.-I. Marrou, Saint Augustin et la fin de la culture antique (Paris, 1949).

C. Mayer, '"Res per signa'. Der Grundgedanke des Prologs in Augustins Schrift De doctrina christiana und das Problem seiner Datierung", Revue des Etudes Augustiniennes 20 (1974), pp. 100-12. J.J. O'Donnell, Confessions. (3 vols) (Oxford, 1992). P. Prestel, Die Rezeption der ciceronischen Rhetorik durch Augustinus in 'de doctrina christiana'

(Frankfurt am Main, 1992). A. Primmer, "The Function of the genera dicendi in De doctrina christiana 4", D e doctrina

christiana. A Classic of Western Culture, eds. Duane Arnold and Pamela Bright (Notre Dame, 1995), pp. 68-86. Chr. Schäublin, "De doctrina christiana: A Classic of Western Culture?", De doctrina christiana. A Classic of Western Culture, eds. Duane Arnold and Pamela Bright (Notre Dame, 1995), pp. 47-67. H.-J. Sieben, "Die 'res' der Bibel. Eine Analyse von Augustinus, De doctr. christ. IIIP', Revue des Etudes Augustiniennes 21 (1975), pp. 72-90.

I. Sluiter, "Metatexts and the Principle of Charity", Metahistoriography. Theoretical and Methodologwal Aspects in the Historiography of Linguistics, eds. Peter Schmitter and

M.J. van der Wal (Münster: Nodus Publikationen 1998), pp. 11-27. K.-H. Uthemann, "Bemerkungen zu Augustins Auffassung der Predigt. Signal einer kulturellen Wende", Augustinianum 36 (1996), pp. 147-81. J. Wisse, Ethos and Pathos from Aristotle to Cicero (Amsterdam, 1989).

Fr. Weissengruber, "Augustins Wertung von Grammatik und Rhetorik im Traktat contra Cresconium", Hermes 105 (1977), pp. 101-24. Rowan Williams, "Language, Reality and Desire in Augustine's de doctrina", Literature & Theology 3 (1989), pp. 138-50.

INDEX L O C O R U M The references to ancient authors and writings collected in this index are divided into three categories: 1. Index of Biblical Passages 2. Index of Christian authors 3. Index of non-Christian authors. The reader who uses the indices should bear in mind that there is some variation in citation in the various essays of this book. Some references in the indices have been streamlined, leading to discrepancies with the method of citation in the text of the article (e.g. not 1. Rg., where 1. Sm. is meant). 1. INDEX OF BIBLICAL PASSAGES Genesis 1:3 2:2 2:7 2:11 2:19 6:4 13 14 16 16:8 18 19 21:8-20 29:14-30:24 30:2

16 238, 239, 243, 244 15 81 15 8 131 n.49 131 n.49 196 196 32 n.21, 131 n.49 143 196 44 208

Exodus 3:6 4:2-4 4:5 4:10 7 7:12 8:8 12 13 14 15 15:2 15:27 16 17 17:1-7

144 197 144 197 146 146 n.71 212 n.40 138 144 142, 144 145 144 130 144 144 237

17:7 17:8-16 20:11 32 32:11 33:8

236 140 198 143 212 n.49 236

Numeri 11:25 14:21-22 20:1-15 24:17

60 237 237 90

Deuteronomium 9:18 21:8 32:35-36 33:8

212 n.49 51 237 236

Iosue 2:18 4:9 6 10 10:12

141 n.44 130 140, 141 144 212 n.49

Iudicum 4 4:1 sqq. 5:24 15:4 sqq. 16:3 16:30

142 139 233 130 81 212 n.49

Psalmi

I Samuhel 1:10-11 1:11 17 17:45 17:47 18:23

208, 210, 212 n.49 210 142 142 142 32 n.23

II Samuhel 5:1-2 19:12 19:13

8 8 9

I Regum 17 17:5 19:14 19:18

143 32 η.22 62 62

II Regum 4:18 sqq. 17:1 18-19 18:22 18:25 18:30

81 139 142 142 68 142

II Paralipomenon 32:20 32:20-21 32:24

208 210 208

8:5 8:6-7 15(16):2 19(20):3 23(24): 7-10 25(26): 12 26(27):9 32(33):3 33(34):2 33(34):9 34(35): 13 38(39): 12 38(39): 13 44(45):7-8 54(55):2 58(59): 13 64(65): 3 69(70):2 75(76): 12 77(78):39 78(79):2 78(79):9 80(81 ):6 84(85):8 94(95): 7-11 94(95):9 94(95): 10 94(95): 11 102(103):3 102( 103): 10 131(132): 11 137(138):8 143( 144):3-4

15 15 53 51 43, 48 138 51 72 n.50 215 n.60 110 215 n.60 15 215 n.60 237 51 75 213 51 208, 214 n.57 8 8 51 195 51 234, 235, 238, 242, 243 235 235, 236 239 75 52 208 51 15

Tobias 3:1-2 4:16

212 η.49 46

Proverbia 4:23 20:6

32 n.24 15

Iudith 13 13:18

142 233

5:3-4

215, 217

Sirach

Hester 4:15 sqq. 4:17 7 14:1 sqq. 14:6

Ecclesiastes

140 212 η.49 140 140 139

6:21 7:16

235 183 n.83

Isaias 1:4 6:9 7:14

189 166 n.13 42

8:17-18 9:6-7 11 11:2-3 40:6

237 43 62,63 60 8

197 198 198 194 199 194 194n.31 44

Lamentationes 2:20 4:18-19

208 194

Hiezecihel 3:1 21:21-22 24:27

128 67 194

Danihel 3 3:24 3:26 sqq. 6 14

144 212 n.49 139 144 144

Osee 6 13 12

194 196 8

Iohel 2:17

51

Ionas 2:2-4 2:10 2:11

3

212 n.49 208 81 140

Micha 6:7

' 3:1-2

237 9‫״‬7 212 n.49

Matthaeus

Hieremi as 1:7 3:6-7 4:4 7:16-18 7:25 9:17-18 13:17 31:15

Habacuc

208

1:23 2:18 3:11 3:12 3:16-17 4:22 5:16 5:18 5:29 5:48 6:5-7 6:9-10 6:9 6:10 6:11 6:12 6:13 6:20 7:14 8:2 10 10:16-25 10:17-23 10:23 10:26-33 10:34-39 11:25 11:30 13:1-23 13:1-3 13:3-9 13:8 13:9 13:9-17 13:10-17 13:18-23 13:19 13:20-21 13:22 13:23 13:24-30 13:37 13:38 14

42 44 119 170 n.24 119 43 45 9 9 76 209 207 209, 214. 207 207 207 207 171, 171 η.27, 172 136 53 25 25 25 25 n.20 25 25 212 n.49 136 163, 171 n.26 166 166, 168 171 166 n.13 166 166 n.13 166, 169 169 170 169 171 170 173 n.32 173 n.34 147

14:1-12 14:10 14:11 14:12 14:13-21 15:29-39 16:24 19:21 19:24 20:29-34 21:1-9 21:12-13 21:18-22 22:37-41 23:27 24:9 25:1-13 26:20-24 26:26-29 26:27-28 26:36-46 27:1-26 27:2 27:4 27:17 27:45

103 103 103 103 103 103 23, 26, 30 27, 30 9 103 107 107 103 46 45 25 107 107 110 107 107 107 112 112 112 11

Marcus 1:20 4:1-20 4:8 4:20 7:8-13 9:40 10:1-12 13:11-13 14:15 14:22-24 15:33 16:17-18

43 163 171 171 14 65 14 25 111 110 12 73

Lucas 1:68-79 1:42 1:70 3:16 3:17 3:21-22 5:11 8:4-15 8:8

43 208, 233 42 119 170 η.24 119 43 163 172

9:23 10 10:1 10:20 10:21 10:25-37 11:2 11:23 12:11-12 12:33 16:1-2 17:21 18:11-12 18:13 21:14-19 22:12 22:19 22:19-20 22:42 23:44-45

23 130 130 74 212 η.49 107 208, 214 65 25 171 η.27 184 η.85 73 197 51 25 111 107 110 205 η.24 12

Johannes 1:1 1:14 1:17 1:18 6:48 sqq. 6:53 9:1-7 11:1-44 13:4-11 13:23 13:25 13:35 19:27

44 42 147 13 57 η.20 17, 262 107 107 107 43 43 74 44

Actus Apostolorum 2 2:6 4:32 4:34-35 6:1 6:11 7:45 7:55 7:58-59 7:60 16:13 16:16 17:28 21:23 27:29

69 68 30 30 44 44 140 44 45 44 205 205 53 205 205

η.23 η.23 η.21 η.21

Ad Romanos 2:25-27 11:14 11:25-26 12:7-8 12-13

I Ad Timotheum 198 9 12 58 263

1:7 2:1 4:12 6:13

45 205, 212, 212 n.46 44 24

II Ad Timotheum I Ad Corinthios 1:20 1:21 1:27 2:14 3:9 7:19 11:20 sqq. 11:23-25 12 12-14 12:7 12:8-10

12:10 12:11 13:1 13:4 sqq. 14:14 14:20 15:50

196 251 n.15 53 45 173 n.36 198 39 110 63 66, 68, 69, 71 76 58 77 60, 63 69 74 68 50

II Ad Corinthios 5:16 5:17 11:13 11:26

8 136 45 45

Ad Galatas 2:4 2:20 4:22-26

45 8, 26 196

Ad Philippenses 1:29 3:19

43, 52 45

Ad Colossenses 2:18-19 4:16

45 1

II Ad Thessalonicenses 1:11

3:6

205 n.24 45

3:6 3:8 4:8

44, 45 45 136

Ad Hebraeos 1:3 1:8-9 2:13 3:1-6 3:1 3-4 3:7-4:11 3:7-11 3:8 3:9 3:10 3:12 3:17 4:3 4:4 4:6 4:7-8 4:8 4:9 4:11 5:7 5:11-6:12 9 9:1-10:18 10:25 10:30 10:32-34 10:38 12:4 13 13:7-16 13:7 13:8-19 13:8 13:9 13:10 13:12 13:13 13:17

13 237 237 236 236 234 234, 240, 235, 236 235, 235, 236, 237 238 244 243 239 140 199 243 8 240 241 240 240 237 242 237 242 241 241 240 241 241 240, 241 242 242 240,

236, 238, 238 n.28, 242, 243 237 236 236, 237 243

241

241

13:19 13:20-21 13:22

I Petras

241 241 234,241

2:5 5:5

Jacobus

45 53

Apocalypsis Johannis

1:17 4:6 5:16

45 53 205 η.21

10:9

128

2. INDEX OF CHRISTIAN AUTHORS Only citations and translations of citations have been listed in this index, not bare references. De baptismo contra Donatistas

AMBROSIUS

II, xvi, 21

Tituli

Merkle, 218

130

Epistulae

18,17

163 n.10

P S E U D O A M BROSI US

De lapsu virginis

7, 29

170

ANTIOCHUS MONACHUS

Homilia 106 de oratione (PG

89, 1756C9-10)

204 η. 14

APOPHTHEGMATA PATRUM:

Antonius 3 (PG 6 5 , 7 6 C ) Gelasius (PG 6 5 , 1 4 5 C ) Gerontius 1 (PG 65,

153AB)

Nisterus 2 (PG 65, 305D-308A) Poemen (F. Nau ROC 13, 1908, 271 sq.) Theodorus of Pherme (PG 65, 188A)

30 28 n.4 38 32 37 28 n.5

33

ν, 7, 17 X, 25, 69 xii, 27, 75 xiii, 29, 79 xiv, 30, 83 XV, 32, 87

IV, IV, IV, IV, IV, IV, IV,

XV, 32, 89 xvii, 34, 96 xix, 38, 104 XXV, 55, 142 XXV, 55, 143 xxvi, 57, 149 xxviii, 61, 157

IV, xxxi, 64, 166

251 252 248 264 n.59 262 254 257 n.36, 260 n.47 256 n.33 262 n.55 262 n.56 263 n.58 257 n.36 257 n.36, 265sq 252 257 n.36 258 n.38 263 n.58 263 264 257 n.36, 264 n.59 245 sq.

Confessiones

72

In Iohannem tractatus

XXIV, 2

AUGUSTINUS

122

BASILIUS CAESARIENSIS

249 n . l l

Epistulae

2,3

Contra Cresconium

1, 1 , 2

IV, IV, IV, IV, IV, IV,

32, 8

Vita Antonii

I, vi, 8

prooemium i, 1 I, i, 1,1 I, xiii, 12, 26 II, xxxvii, 55, 135 III, xvi, 24, 55 IV, ii, 3, 4 rv, iv, 6, 14

Enarrationes in Psalmos

ATHANASIUS

44, 2-4

71

De doctnna christiana

257 n.36

38

Homiliae In sanctos quadraginta martyres (PG 31, 509A) In martyrem Julittam (PG 31, 244A4-5)

EVAGRIUS PONTICUS

123 214

PSEUDO-CAESARIUS

Έρωταποκρίσεις 135

14 sq.

30 n. 14

Registrum epistolarum IX, 209 X I , 10

CASSIANUS

Collationes 9, 18 10, 2 10, 13 15, 7

2 0 3 n.8 35 sq. 31 74

CATENA TRIUM PATRUM IN ECCLESIASTEN

V , 25-27

217 n.73

CLEMENS ALEXANDRINUS

Paedagogus m , 59, 2 Stromateis VII, 39, 6 VII, 40, 3

88 203 n.6 203 n.6

CONCILIA OECUMENICA

ACO I, 1, 3, p.22, 8-10

190

CYRILLUS ALEXANDRINUS

Epistulae 1, 27 (Ad monachos Aegypti) 188 sq. 17, 2 188 Homiliae Paschales ('Festal Letters') I, 6, 104-107 194 11, 2, 1-4 195 CYRILLUS SCYTHOPOLITANUS

Vita Cyriaci Schwartz, p.230, 10 sqq. 31 DIDYMUS

Commentarii in Psalmos in Ps. 33:2 in Ps. 34:13

2 0 4 η. 12 2 0 4 η. 12 27

124 122, 124, 127, 129

GREGORIUS NYSSENUS

Homiliae De deitate filii et spiritus sancti (PG 46, 572C) 124 De oratione dominica I 203 n.9 De oratione dominica II 213 sq., 2 1 4 η. 57 De sancto Theodoro (PG 46, 737D) 122 sq. In inscriptiones Psalmorum 11,3 214n.57 GREGORIUS TURONENSIS

De gloria confessorum 34

173 n.31

HADRIANUS

Εισαγωγή εις τάς θείας γραφάς 92 8 HIERONYMUS

Adversus Rufinum 1, 9 Commentarii in Matthaeum 2, 13, 32 Epistulae 45, 11 58,6 107,4 125,11

1 sq. 181 n.72 34 n.30 134 34 n.31 34 n.31

HIPPOLYTUS

215 215

DOCTRINA PATRUM

D i e k a m p / Phanourgakis, 257,11.17-23 216 n.68

Fragmenta in Psalmos 16 Traditio apostolica 14(15)

213

214 73

HISTORIA MONACHORUM IN AEGYPTO

proleg. 13

EUSEBIUS CAESARIENSIS

Commentaria in Psalmos in Ps. 64:3

215 η.62

GREGORIUS MAGNUS

CALLINIGUS

Vita Hypatii proleg. 13

Capita gnostica nr. 32 Frankenberg De oratione 3 34 Practicus 77

32

IRENAEUS

N I LUS ANOYRANUS

Adversus haereses II, 32, 4-5 V , 6, 1

Epistulae 63 sq. 70 sq.

Homiliae In epistolam I ad Corinthios 29 (PG 61, 230) 69 36 (PG 61, 312) 62 In Genesim 33 in Gen. 11 (PG 53, 280, 43) 2 0 3 η. 10

(PG 79, 5 3 3 C 8 - 9 ) (PG 79, 561B8-10) IV, 61 ( P G 7 9 ,

577D)

204 n . l l 125

OLYMPIODORUS DIACONUS ALEXANDRINUS

Commentant in Ecclesiasten 540C3-4)

215 sq.

Commentant in evangelium Joannis 11, 2 1 0 ( S C 1 2 0 , 3 5 0 )

25 sq.

De oratione 37 η.44

211 n.37, n.39 212 n . 4 3

3,2 4, 1

6 2 sq. 61

PSEUDOJUSTINUS

(or Pseudo-Theodoretus) Quaestiones et responsiones ad orthodoxes II (PG 6, 1251C-1254A); Otto III, 2, 4 67

Homiliae In Jeremiam 4:3 In Numeros 6:3

JUVENCUS

Historia Lausiaca 7,5 12, 1-3 38,

166 n . 1 3 167 n . 1 3

10

45, 3 47, 3 68, 4

LIBER GRADUUM

75 sq.

61 sq. 60

PALLADIUS

32, 12

VII, 14

204 n . l l

IV, 25

JUSTINUS MARTYR

11,754 11,776-778

204 n . l l

ORIGENES

77 sq. 204 n.13

JONAS OF BOBBIO

Dialogus cum Tryphone 39, 2 87, 2-88, 1

204 n . l l

III, 3 0 7

5, 3-4 (PG 93,

JOHANNES CLIMACUS

Vita Columbani 9

105A7)

(PG 79, 2 4 4 B 1 2 - 1 4 )

JOHANNES CHRYSOSTOMUS

Scala parodist 26 (PG 88, 1013AB) 28 (PG 88, 1129A8-9)

I, 5 0 ( P G 7 9 , II, 9 6

116 (PG 34,

1220CD)

33 sq. 74 sq. 29 29 29 35 27 sq. 28

PASSIO MONTANI ET LUCII MAGARIUS MAGNES

Apoaiticus I n j o h . 6:53

16, 3 - 6

17 sq.

MARTYRIUM POLYCARPI

13, 2

22 sq.

Expositio orationis dominicae C C S G 23, pp. 38-40,11. 196-226 Quaestiones ad Thalasâum X X V , 81-82 X X V , schol. 54-55 L, 8 7 - 9 3 LVII, 10-14

PAULINUS NOLANUS

Carmina 21, 6-8 21, 45 21,

MAXIMUS CONFESSOR

17-18

22, 1-2 26, 1-429

207 sq. 2 1 0 n.34 2 1 0 n.34 2 1 0 sq., 218sqq. 210 n.34

23 n.12

27, 5 8 3 - 5 8 6 Epistulae 39, 2-3 39, 3

150 150 151 134 137-151 passim 151-160 127 n.28 183 sq. 180

PHILO ALEXANDRINUS

Quod deus sit immutabilis

87

204 η. 16

P1STIS SOPHIA

136

70

PRUDENTIUS

Historia Ecclesiastica

130 130

14 (53-56) 15 (57-60) Contra Symmachum II

163 163 164 167 168 167 168 167

n. 10

190 η. 14 190, 191 192

Adversus Marcionem

V, 8, 12 n.17

SACRAMENTARIUM VERONENSE

51 51 53 48 56 46 49 n.10, 53 52 51 48 51 46 52

64 sq.

THEODORETUS CYRRHENUS

Historia religiosa

2, 2 75

64

De anima

9, 3-4 n.17 n.13

Vita Anskarii

36 37 134 177 193 434 467 483 509 530 576 668 707

VII, 7 VII, 13 VII, 15 TERTULLIANUS

sq.

RIMBERTUS

39-40

56 51 sq. 53 53 42 sq, 50

SOCRATES CONSTANTINOPOLITANUS

Dittochaeon

963-964 1005-1006 1020-1063 1021-1022 1024 1037 1025-1028 1035-1036

890 1052 1111 1175 1245 1293

34

PSEUDO-THEODORETUS,

cf. Pseudo-Justinus THEOLEPTUS PHILADELPHIENSIS

De abscondita operatione in Christo et profectu in Vita monastica I, 17

2 0 4 η. 15

THEOPHYLACTUS ARCHIEPISCOPUS BULGARIAE

Commentarii in Matthaeum

6,9

217

VITA DANIELIS STYLITAE

3 (Delehaye, Les Saints Stylites, 3 sq.)

29

3. INDEX OF NON-CHRISTIAN AUTHORS Only citations and translations of citations have been listed in this index, not bare references. II, 310 259 n.42 AUCTOR AD HERENNIUM II, 357 128 257 η.36 Tusculanae disputationes I, 2 , 2 II, 13 176 CICERO

Brutus 16 De oratore

175 η.45

II, 115 II, 131

259 η.42 174 sq.

D i o CHRYSOSTOMUS

Oratio 12, 46

124

ETYMOLOGICUM GUDIANUM

Ευχή (De Stefani, 567)

218 η. 7 7

VIII, 3, 75 X, 3, 2

HORATIUS

Ars poetica

361 Epistulae

I, 14, 1; I, 14, 4-5 I, 1, 38-40

123

SENECA

.

Epistulae

,β

31,9 73,15-16

Sermones

II, 2, 1-4

167 η. 14

0VIDIUS 1 6 8 Η. 17

PLATO 2 0 4 η. 16

204 η. 16

PSEUDO-PIATO

6,6

175 n.45

IV, 402-405 VI, 731-732

171 n.26 56 n.19

Ge0rgica

Epistulae 175 175

n.44

175 n . 4 4

I, 181-186 II,458-459

Institutio 0rat0ria

174

171 n.26 167 n. 14

ZONARAS

Εύχή (Tittman c.913)

QUINTILIANUS

V, 11, 24

TACITUS

Aeneis

204 η. 16

PLINIUS

IV, 6 , 2 VII, 9, 1 VII, 9, 7

218 n.75

VERGIUUS

Definiti0nes

415b2

SUDA-LEXICON

Dialogus de oratonbus

Politikos

290d1-2

SERVIUS

Εύχά 3819 (Adler II, 480)

Leges

801a9

178 177

Commentanus in Vergilii Aeneida in Aen. IV, 403 171 n.26

Fasti

I, 689-690

174 175n.44

218 n.78

SUPPLEMENTS T O VIGILIAE CHRISTIANAE 1. T E R T U L L I A N U S . De idololatna. Critical Text, Translation and Commentary by J . H . WASZINK and J . C . M . VAN WINDEN. Pardy based on a Manuscript left behind by P.G. VAN DER NAT. 1987. ISBN 90 04 08105 4 2. S P R I N G E R , C.P.E. The Gospel as Epic in Late Antiquity. T h e Paschale Carmen of Sedulius. 1988. ISBN 90 04 08691 9 3. H O E K , A. VAN DEN. Clement of Alexandria and His Use of Philo in the Stromateis. An Early Christian Reshaping of a Jewish Model. 1988. ISBN 90 04 08756 7 4. NEYMEYR, U. Die christlichen Lehrer im zweiten Jahrhundert. Ihre Lehrtädgkeit, ihr Selbstverständnis und ihre Geschichte. 1989. ISBN 90 04 08773 7 5. H E L L E M O , G. Adventus Domini. Eschatological Thought in 4th-century Apses and Catecheses. 1989. ISBN 90 04 08836 9 6. R U F I N V O N AQUILEIA. De ieiunio I, II. Zwei Predigten über das Fasten nach Basileios von Kaisareia. Ausgabe mit Einleitung, Übersetzung und Anmerkungen von H . MARTI. 1 9 8 9 . ISBN 9 0 0 4 0 8 8 9 7 0 7. R O U W H O R S T , G.A.M. Les hymnes pascales d'Éphrem de Nisibe. Analyse théologique et recherche sur l'évolution de la fête pascale chrédenne à Nisibe et à Edesse et dans quelques Églises voisines au quatrième siècle. 2 vols: I. Étude; II. Textes. 1989. ISBN 90 04 08839 3 8. RADICE, R. and D.T. RUNIA. Philo ofAlexandria. An Annotated Bibliography 1937-1986. In Collaboration with R.A. BITTER, N.G. COHEN, M . MACH, A.P. RUNIA, D. SATRAN and D . R . SCHWARTZ. 1988. repr. 1992. ISBN 90 04 08986 1 9. G O R D O N , B. The Economic Problem in Biblical and Patristic Thought. 1989. ISBN 90 04 09048 7 10. P R O S P E R O F A Q U I T A I N E . De Providentia Da. Text, Translation and Com-mentary by M. MARCOVICH. 1989. ISBN 90 04 09090 8 11.JEFFORD, C.N. The Sayings of Jesus in the Teaching of the Twehe Apostles. 1989. ISBN 90 04 09127 0 12. D R O B N E R , H . R . and K L O C K , C H . Studien zu Gregor von Nyssa und der christ-lichen Spätantike. 1990. I S B N 90 04 09222 6 13. N O R R I S , F.W. Faith Gives Fullness to Reasoning. T h e Five Theological Orations of Gregory Nazianzen. Introduction and Commentary by F . W . NORRIS and Translation by LIONEL WICKHAM and FREDERICK W I L LIAMS. 1990. ISBN 90 04 09253 6 14. O O R T , J . VAN. Jerusalem and Babylon. A Study into Augustine's City of God and the Sources of his Doctrine of the Two Cities. 1991. ISBN 90 04 09323 0 15. LARD ET, P. L'Apologie de Jérôme contre Rufin. Un Commentaire. 1993. ISBN 90 04 09457 1 16. R I S C H , F.X. Pseudo-Basilius: Adversus Eunomium IV-V. Einleitung, Übersetzung und Kommentar. 1992. ISBN 90 04 09558 6

17. KLIJN, A.F.J. Jewish-Christian Gospel Tradition. 1992. ISBN 90 04 09453 9 18. ELANSKAYA, A.I. The Literary Coptic Manuscri pts in the A.S. Pushkin State Fine Arts Museum in Moscow. ISBN 90 04 09528 4 19. W I C K H A M , L.R. and BAMMEL, C.P. (eds.). Christian Faith and Greek Philosophy in Late Antiquity. Essays in Tribute to George Christopher Stead. 1993. ISBN 90 04 09605 1 20. A S T E R I U S V O N K A P P A D O K I E N . Die theologischen Fragmente. Einleitung, kritischer Text, Übersetzung und Kommentar von MARKUS V I N ZENT. 1993. ISBN 90 04 09841 0 21. H E N N I N G S , R. Der Briefwechsel zwischen Augustinus und Hieronymus und ihr Streit um den Kanon des Alten Testaments und die Auslegung von Gal. 2,11-14. 1994. ISBN 90 04 09840 2 22. B O E F T , J . D E N & H I L H O R S T , A. (eds.). Early Christian Poetry. A Collection of Essays. 1993. ISBN 90 04 09939 5 23. M c G U C K I N , J.A. St. Cyril of Alexandria: The Christological Controversy. Its History, Theology, and Texts. 1994. ISBN 90 04 09990 5 24. R E Y N O L D S , Ph.L. Marriage in the Western Church. T h e Christianization of Marriage during the Patristic and Early Medieval Periods. 1994. ISBN 90 04 10022 9 25. P E T E R S E N , W.L. Tatian's Diatessaron. Its Creation, Dissemination, Significance, and History in Scholarship. 1994. ISBN 90 04 09469 5 26. G R Ü N B E C K , Ε. Christologische Schriftargumentation und Bildersprache. Zum Konflikt zwischen Metapherninterpretation und dogmatischen Schriftbeweis-traditionen in der patristischen Auslegung des 44. (45.) Psalms. 1994. ISBN 90 04 10021 0 27. HAYKIN, M.A.G. The Spirit of God. T h e Exegesis of 1 and 2 Corinthians in the Pneumatomachian Controversy of the Fourth Century. 1994. ISBN 90 04 09947 6 28. BENJAMINS, H.S. Eingeordnete Freiheit. Freiheit und Vorsehung bei Origenes. 1994. ISBN 90 04 10117 9 29. S M U L D E R S s.j., P. (tr. & comm.). Hilary of Poitiers' Preface to his Opus historicum. 1995. ISBN 90 04 10191 8 30. KEES, R.J. Die Lehre von der Oikonomia Gottes in der Oratio catechetica Gregors von Nyssa. 1995. ISBN 90 04 10200 0 31. BRENT, A. Hippolytus and the Roman Church in the Third Century. Communities in Tension before the Emergence of a Monarch-Bishop. 1995. ISBN 90 04 10245 0 32. RUNIA, D.T. Philo and the Church Fathers. A Collection of Papers. 1995. ISBN 90 04 10355 4 33. D E C O N I C K , A.D. Seek to See Him. Ascent and Vision Mysticism in the Gospel of Thomas. 1996. ISBN 90 04 10401 1 34. C L E M E N S A L E X A N D R I N U S . Protrepticus. Edidit M. MARCOVICH. 1995. ISBN 90 04 10449 6 35. B Ö H M , T . Theoria - Unendlichkeit - Aufstieg. Philosophische Implikationen zu De vita Moysis von Gregor von Nyssa. 1996. ISBN 90 04 10560 3 36. V I N Z E N T , M. Pseudo-Athanasius, Contra Arianes IV. Eine Schrift gegen

Asterius von Kappadokien, Eusebius von Cäsarea, Markeil von Ankyra und Photin von Sirmium. 1996. ISBN 90 04 10686 3 37. KNIPP, P.D.E. 'Christus Medicus' in da frühchristlichen Sarkophagskulptur. Ikonographische Studien zur Sepulkralkunst des späten vierten Jahrhunderts. In Preparation. 38. LÖSSL, J . Intellectus gratiae. Die erkenntnistheoredsche und hermeneutische Dimension der Gnadenlehre Augustins von Hippo. 1997. ISBN 90 04 10849 1 3 9 . M A R K E L L V O N A N K Y R A , Die Fragmente. Der Brief an Julius von Rom. Herausgegeben, eingeleitet und übersetzt von MARKUS VINZENT. 1 9 9 7 . ISBN 90 04

10907

2

40. M E R K T , A. Maximus I. von Turin. Die Verkündigung eines Bischofs der frühen Reichskirche im zeitgeschichtlichen, gesellschafdichen und liturgischen Kontext. 1997. ISBN 90 04 10864 5 41. W I N D E N , J.C.M. VAN. Arche. A Collection of Patristic Studies by J.C.M. van Winden. Edited b y j . DEN BOEFT and D.T. RUNIA. 1997. ISBN 90 04 10834 3 42. STEWART-SYKES, A. The Lamb's High Feast. Melito, Pen Pascha and the Quartodeciman Paschal Liturgy at Sardis. 1998. ISBN 90 04 11236 7 43. KARAVITES, P. Evil, Freedom and the Road to Perfection in Clement of Alexandria. 1999. ISBN 90 04 11238 3 44. B O E F T , J . D E N and M.L. VAN POLL-VAN DE L I S D O N K (eds.). The Impact of Scripture in Early Christianity. 1999. ISBN 90 04 11143 3